tag:theconversation.com,2011:/africa/topics/hong-kong-china-relations-33685/articlesHong Kong-China relations – The Conversation2021-07-07T20:08:15Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1640662021-07-07T20:08:15Z2021-07-07T20:08:15ZCultural sensitivity or censorship? Lecturers are finding it difficult to talk about China in class<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/410071/original/file-20210707-19-19jj247.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/red-pin-on-taiwan-world-map-1618470526">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Human Rights Watch <a href="https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/06/30/they-dont-understand-fear-we-have/how-chinas-long-reach-repression-undermines">released a report</a> last week on the Chinese government’s surveillance of Chinese mainland and Hong Kong students in Australian universities. The report found students and academics critical of China’s Communist Party are being harassed and intimidated by supporters of Beijing.</p>
<p>Interviews with 24 pro-democracy students from mainland China and Hong Kong, and 22 academics at Australian universities, showed these students and academics had been self-censoring “to avoid threats, harassment, and surveillance”. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/academic-freedom-is-paramount-for-universities-they-can-do-more-to-protect-it-from-chinas-interference-163647">Academic freedom is paramount for universities. They can do more to protect it from China's interference</a>
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<p>In our small closed-door discussion at the University of Sydney in June, arts and social sciences lecturers identified similar experiences.</p>
<p>Where ideological issues such as Hong Kong and Taiwan are concerned, lecturers told of how a vocal minority of international Chinese students are attempting to police teaching materials and class discussions. These students are pushing their classmates into self-imposed silence.</p>
<h2>Lecturers are being challenged</h2>
<p>Several lecturers reported they had been challenged by some students about teaching certain content and reading materials around China.</p>
<p>One lecturer talked of a discussion in an introductory liberal arts class. He had shown a breakdown of where the university’s students came from as part of a discussion about diversity. Later, the lecturer received an email from an international Chinese student. The student asserted Taiwan and Hong Kong were not individual state entities (as indicated on the demographic breakdown) but were part of China, and that the information needed to be corrected.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/410073/original/file-20210707-21-1rsnub9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A protestor in Sydney holding up sign saying " src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/410073/original/file-20210707-21-1rsnub9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/410073/original/file-20210707-21-1rsnub9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/410073/original/file-20210707-21-1rsnub9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/410073/original/file-20210707-21-1rsnub9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/410073/original/file-20210707-21-1rsnub9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/410073/original/file-20210707-21-1rsnub9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/410073/original/file-20210707-21-1rsnub9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Many people in Australia support China’s stance on Hong Kong and the controversy seeps through into university classrooms.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/sydney-nsw-australia-august-16-2019-1480137473">Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p>Another lecturer in a business studies course was challenged in class by an international student after mentioning the COVID-19 pandemic originated from the Chinese city of Wuhan.</p>
<p>On another occasion, an international Chinese student in a Chinese media class used his presentation to read out what sounded like a declaration that Western media were biased against China, instead of addressing the presentation topic. </p>
<h2>Lecturers and students are self-censoring</h2>
<p>Faced with such challenges, one lecturer said she felt compelled to exclude controversial topics as, if they were raised, the short time of the class wouldn’t be enough for a productive discussion. This contrasts with the mid-2000s when she started teaching, at which time she said she had felt free to raise any issue for discussion in class.</p>
<p>Another lecturer said: “I just don’t talk about Taiwan anymore”.</p>
<p>Often, it is not the lecturer but the students who avoid ideological issues. A lecturer who teaches languages reported international students were inclined to self-silence for fear of repercussions. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-the-australia-china-relationship-is-unravelling-faster-than-we-could-have-imagined-145836">Why the Australia-China relationship is unravelling faster than we could have imagined</a>
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<p>On the other hand, lecturers reported students from English-speaking countries, including Australia, who would otherwise describe China as authoritarian with little respect for freedom or human rights, were shying away from ideological issues out of concern for offending other students.</p>
<h2>Where does cultural sensitivity stop?</h2>
<p>Before COVID, international education was Australia’s <a href="https://www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Data-snapshot-2019-FINAL.pdf">third largest</a> export. Despite an overall drop in international university students in Australia due to COVID, the proportion of students from <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-03-05/china-australia-migration-students-visas-tourists/13212530">China actually increased</a> slightly in January 2021 — from 38% in January 2020 to 39% of the international cohort.</p>
<p>The implications of the ideological rivalry we heard about, as well as what has been described in the Human Rights Watch report, on university education are concerning.</p>
<p>Sydney university lecturer in international relations, Dr Minglu Chen, has written on <a href="https://theconversation.com/teaching-chinese-politics-in-australia-polarised-views-leave-academics-between-a-rock-and-a-hard-place-157886">how teaching Chinese politics is becoming more challenging</a>, and being squeezed between the opposing ideologies of students. She wrote:</p>
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<p>[…] if students come to class with pre-existing rigid mindsets and refuse to engage with different opinions and viewpoints, then education simply fails in its purpose.</p>
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<p>In a globalised world where cultures meet, educators are expected to be culturally sensitive and inclusive, but at what cost? Are we to exclude topics and perspectives in our teaching because they may offend the sensitivity of some of our students?</p>
<p>When does cultural sensitivity stop and self-censorship start?</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/teaching-chinese-politics-in-australia-polarised-views-leave-academics-between-a-rock-and-a-hard-place-157886">Teaching Chinese politics in Australia: polarised views leave academics between a rock and a hard place</a>
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<p>We need to uphold the values of academic freedom and inquiry that are central to a university education. Universities must be a safe space for ideologically charged issues to be discussed freely, logically and critically with an open mind based on facts not emotions. We can’t let them be uncomfortably passed over, vaguely alluded to or outright avoided.</p>
<p>Ideological difference is, of course, only one of the many layers of cultural difference that exist between students of varied backgrounds. Language, learning styles and preferences, interests and lifestyle are some others. But it is a strong layer that can keep people apart.</p>
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<span class="caption">Students can have some meaningful discussions and acknowledge faults on both sides.</span>
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<p>This being said, there are also, of course, positive experiences in the classroom.</p>
<h2>We can meet the challenge</h2>
<p>In the closed-room discussion, one lecturer talked of a postgraduate class on film theory, in which 70% of students are from mainland China. Many students said the class provided them with a space to articulate their personal and political views on gender, sexuality and, more broadly, identity, which they said are considered “antiestablishment” in China.</p>
<p>In another class on news reading, international Chinese students were assigned the task of role playing the American figure while others played the Chinese figure in a propaganda animation produced by the People’s Republic of China about the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. Students agreed both China and the United States had made mistakes, and that one’s wrongs did not make the other side right.</p>
<p>While Australia faces the challenge in teaching classes with a large share of international students from China, lecturers also have a unique opportunity to find innovative ways to meet the challenge.</p>
<p>Before anything else though, we need to go beyond anecdotal evidence to understand how students perceive ideological discourses, and how they position themselves in relation to the ideology of their political authorities. Research like this can then become the foundation for designing a non-discriminatory and critical learning environment. This will help to mitigate the influence of ideological discourses.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/164066/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>With ideological issues such as Hong Kong and Taiwan, lecturers told of how a vocal minority of international Chinese students are attempting to police teaching materials and class discussions.Joyce Y.M. Nip, Associate professor, University of SydneyAndrew Ross, Senior Lecturer, University of SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1560702021-03-02T11:50:02Z2021-03-02T11:50:02ZHong Kong: ‘patriotism test’ for public officials shows China’s increasing assertiveness<p>Tensions are running high in Hong Kong after the pro-Beijing government charged <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/hong-kong-charges-47-pro-democracy-activists-over-unofficial-election-process-6xdnl3j7g">47 democracy activists and politicians</a> with sedition under the controversial new national security law. </p>
<p>The group is accused of running what has been described as an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/mar/01/hong-kong-court-protests-democracy-activists-national-security-law">unofficial “primary” poll</a> in July last year in which more than 600,000 Honkongese voted to select candidates for a legislative election which was due to be held in September. The election was subsequently postponed by Carrie Lam, the territory’s pro-Beijing chief executive, who cited the coronavirus as the reason for delaying the vote.</p>
<p>The charges come just days after the Hong Kong government introduced <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/feb/23/hong-kong-plans-to-make-politicians-swear-oath-of-loyalty-to-beijing">new oath requirements</a> for public officials – swearing loyalty not to their constituents but Beijing and the Communist Party. The oaths are part of a plan outlined on February 23 by Xia Baolong, the director of the State Council’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, for major electoral reforms to ensure only “patriots” can stand for office. </p>
<p>This is designed to ensure that pro-Beijing officials will hold all the offices in the city’s executive, legislature and judiciary branches as well as statutory bodies. The move echoes words from Chinese President Xi Jinping earlier in the month when he said: “Hong Kong must always be governed by patriots”.</p>
<p>Pro-democrats accused the Hong Kong government of narrowing the scope for political participation, while the pro-establishment camp believed that the newly proposed requirements would work hand in hand with the National Security Law (NSL) to further eliminate “anti-China” elements from the city by providing it with a “patriotic” test. The NSL, imposed by Beijing in June 2020, has been <a href="https://theconversation.com/china-is-becoming-increasingly-assertive-security-law-in-hong-kong-is-just-the-latest-example-142313">widely criticised</a> both by pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong itself and by the international community as effectively outlawing opposition movements.</p>
<h2>Changing China</h2>
<p>The evolution of China’s posture towards the former British colony has largely tracked China’s development as a major global power. When the “<a href="https://theconversation.com/hong-kong-why-the-one-country-two-systems-model-is-on-its-last-legs-118960">one country, two systems</a>” principle was agreed in the 1980s as part of the legally binding <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-8616/">handover agreement</a> between China and the UK, the city was given the assurance it could retain its own economic and administrative systems for 50 years with “a high degree of autonomy”. </p>
<p>At that stage, China was a rather marginal economic and geopolitical actor. But the rise of China to great power status, especially the country’s unprecedented economic growth, has inevitably caused a change in China’s perception of itself and others. </p>
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<p><em>You can hear more about the tough decisions facing people thinking of leaving Hong Kong in episode 4 of The Conversation Weekly podcast <a href="https://theconversation.com/leaving-hong-kong-after-chinas-clampdown-where-are-people-thinking-of-going-and-why-the-conversation-weekly-podcast-155927">Leaving Hong Kong after China’s clampdown: where are people thinking of going and why</a>. Listen and subscribe wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p>
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<p>Hong Kong is one of the key examples of that change of perception. After handover in 1997, Hong Kong became a <a href="https://uk.practicallaw.thomsonreuters.com/1-530-5745?transitionType=Default&contextData=(sc.Default)&firstPage=true">Special Administrative Region</a> (SAR) but is – on every level – part of China. The former British colony still fulfils its function as a conduit between China and the world, but even this has gradually become symbolic as China now has several other important financial hubs, <a href="https://www.scmp.com/economy/china-economy/article/3091526/shanghais-quest-be-global-financial-centre-gains-impetus-hong">principally Shanghai</a>. </p>
<p>China’s economy has <a href="https://www.everycrsreport.com/reports/RL33534.html#:%7E:text=From%202008%20to%202010%2C%20China's,to%206.8%25%20in%202017">grown rapidly over the past two decades</a>, while, on the other hand, the outside world – particularly the US and Europe – was pushed into recession by the 2008 financial crisis and had barely recovered when COVID-19 hit.</p>
<p>China’s changing global power has radically changed the context which the Hong Kong issue sits. Beijing has clearly found it difficult, if not possible, to maintain the same attitude towards the former UK territory as it had at handover in 1997, especially in the face of rising political instability in the city and the deterioration of US-China relations during the presidency of Donald Trump.</p>
<h2>Jurisdictional loopholes</h2>
<p>The new US president, Joe Biden, made human rights in Hong Kong and elsewhere a focus of his <a href="https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-beijing-hong-kong-asia-china-df5d5e94d0862df0987f59b166cc4705">first phone call</a> with Xi Jinping at the beginning of February. Biden pressed Xi on Hong Kong, Taiwan and China’s treatment of its Uighur Muslim minority. The Chinese state broadcaster CCTV said Xi had pushed back on these concerns on China’s internal affairs, saying: “The US should respect China’s core interests and act with caution.”</p>
<p>The deterioration of relations between Washington and Beijing has been evident for some time, for example in 2019 when the US Congress passed <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/3289">Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act</a>, which established that the US would review its stance on Hong Kong annually with regard to China’s upholding of the 1997 Handover Agreement. China responded by <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-50626796">cancelling the US navy’s Hong Kong visit</a> in 2019.</p>
<p>Another important indication of China’s more assertive stance towards Hong Kong is that, 23 years after handover, the <a href="https://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/202009/29/P2020092900336.htm">Central Military Dock</a> was officially placed under the control of the People’s Liberation Army Navy on September 29 2020. The dock was part of a Sino-UK agreement made in 1994 on the arrangements for the future use of military sites in the former British colony. </p>
<p>It is evident that Beijing’s failure to uncouple Hong Kong from its colonial past created “jurisdictional loopholes” – the establishment of the national security law and the new oath requirement shows Beijing taking legal and legislative action to fully “decolonise” Hong Kong. </p>
<p>Hong Kong can still enjoy a certain degree of autonomy under the “one country, two systems” principle while remaining a Special Administrative Zone of China. But Beijing is expected to make more “loyalty” demands like the recent oath requirements to ensure that the notion of “one country” is a prerequisite for viability of Hong Kong’s “two systems” – at least, until the agreement ceases to have legal force in 2047.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/156070/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>New laws demand that all public officials swear loyalty to China and the Communist Party.Boyang Su, PhD Researcher, Lau China Institute, King's College LondonSophie Wushuang Yi, PhD Researcher in the Lau China Institute, King's College LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1297402020-01-17T21:44:37Z2020-01-17T21:44:37Z‘Lennon Walls’ herald a sticky-note revolution in Hong Kong<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/309498/original/file-20200110-97165-l8lmj7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C1599%2C1168&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Hong Kong's first Lennon Wall appeared in 2014.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Lennon_Wall_stair_view_20141101.jpg">Wpcpey/Wikimedia Commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Months of anti-government protests in Hong Kong have physically reshaped the city. As a <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=XzywWaQAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=sra">scholar of urban landscapes</a>, I have been interested in how the citizens and activists made use of the urban environment during the movement, including walls of Post-it sticky notes and other creative displays. </p>
<p>These spaces, which locals call “Lennon Walls,” have sprung up on buildings, walkways, sky bridges, underpasses and storefronts and carry messages like “Hong Kongers love freedom,” “garbage government” and “We demand real universal suffrage.” </p>
<p>The <a href="http://lonelyplanet.com/czech-republic/prague/atdtractions/john-lennon-wall/a/poi-sig/401339/358835">original Lennon Wall</a> was in central Prague, west of the Vltava River and south of the iconic Charles Bridge. Since the 1960s, the wall had been a location for romantic poems and anti-government messages. After Beatles legend John Lennon’s murder in 1980, someone painted a portrait of Lennon and some of his song lyrics on the wall. In time, messages evoking Lennon’s common themes of peace, love and democracy covered the space. It became a location for <a href="https://www.smithsonianmag.com/travel/pragues-famous-john-lennon-wall-it-over-or-just-reborn-180953415/">community-generated protest art that endures</a> – yet is ever-changing – today.</p>
<p>In Hong Kong, the first Lennon Wall appeared during the 2014 Umbrella Movement protests – named for their participants’ use of umbrellas to shield themselves from police pepper spray. This wall of an outdoor staircase in the city’s Admiralty district, near the Central Government Complex, was covered by handwritten sticky notes supporting the protest. The colorful mosaic became one of the most memorable sights of the movement.</p>
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<span class="caption">In Hong Kong, pedestrian tunnels and other public walls have become Lennon Walls, spaces of protest and political engagement.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Jeff Hou</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
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<h2>Freeing expression</h2>
<p>In 2019, as anti-government protests spread throughout Hong Kong, <a href="https://newslab.pts.org.tw/news/73">more than 100 Lennon Walls</a>, covered in sticky notes and other creative displays, appeared around the city. Like the rivers of protesters flowing through Hong Kong’s urban canyons, these sticky notes have covered all sorts of surfaces, including storefronts and freeway pillars. </p>
<p>The Lennon Walls in Hong Kong have transformed nondescript walkways, sky bridges and tunnels into spaces of gathering and exchange where ordinary people would pause, read, write, and engage others in conversations. The simple and highly adaptable technique has allowed multitudes of citizens, visitors and tourists to participate in the movement and the political debate. </p>
<p>The messages on the walls are not exclusively in support of the protest movement – one note read “Hong Kong belongs to China,” a view decidedly opposed to many of the protesters. But the community has apparently developed a tacit agreement that people won’t take down or cover over messages they disagree with. The walls themselves have become an exercise in democracy.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.hongkongfp.com/2019/07/10/dozens-police-riot-gear-remove-flyers-officers-personal-info-tai-po-lennon-wall-message-board/">Hong Kong’s authorities have removed</a> some of these walls over objections from protesters. However, new notes, posters and other displays reappear in a matter of hours. It’s another way the movement is expressing its motto, “<a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/hong-kong-protest-latest-bruce-lee-riot-police-water-a9045311.html">Be water</a>,” signifying that the protesters’ actions should be adaptable, tactical, fast and spontaneous – the way water flows through cracks in a structure.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/309510/original/file-20200110-97165-x5pog9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/309510/original/file-20200110-97165-x5pog9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/309510/original/file-20200110-97165-x5pog9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309510/original/file-20200110-97165-x5pog9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309510/original/file-20200110-97165-x5pog9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309510/original/file-20200110-97165-x5pog9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=537&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309510/original/file-20200110-97165-x5pog9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=537&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309510/original/file-20200110-97165-x5pog9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=537&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Passersby transform a wall of a New York City subway tunnel with sticky notes carrying all sorts of messages.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Jeff Hou</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Around the world</h2>
<p>As Hong Kong took inspiration from Prague, other cities have followed Hong Kong’s lead. </p>
<p>In November 2016, after Donald Trump’s surprise presidential win, New York City residents used sticky notes to transform a pedestrian tunnel beneath 14th Street into a space of therapy and mourning. Passersby would stop, read, take pictures, add to the collection and <a href="https://niemanstoryboard.org/stories/new-yorks-subway-therapist-and-his-collage-of-a-citys-hopes-and-fears/">come away with a sense of shared emotion</a>.</p>
<p>This spontaneous and collective form of public communication has brought new life to the historical idea of public space as a place for expression, dialogue and assembly, a concept dating back to the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/agora">Greek agora</a>. Recent examples included New York City’s <a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/surprise-police-raid-clears-out-zuccotti-park/">Zuccotti Park during the Occupy Wall Street protest</a>, and the <a href="https://elpais.com/tag/movimiento_15m/a/">Puerta del Sol square in Madrid</a> during the 15M Movement where tens of thousands of people gathered to protest against the government’s austerity policy.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/309511/original/file-20200110-97130-cyulx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/309511/original/file-20200110-97130-cyulx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/309511/original/file-20200110-97130-cyulx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309511/original/file-20200110-97130-cyulx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309511/original/file-20200110-97130-cyulx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309511/original/file-20200110-97130-cyulx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309511/original/file-20200110-97130-cyulx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/309511/original/file-20200110-97130-cyulx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A spontaneous Lennon Wall appeared on a decorative pillar in the the popular Ximenting district of Taipei, Taiwan.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Jeff Hou</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Around the world, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lennon_Wall_(Hong_Kong)#Influence_around_the_world">Lennon Walls</a> have sprung up to show solidarity with the Hong Kong protesters. In New York City, supporters set up <a href="https://www.thevillager.com/2019/08/lennon-walls-imagine-a-new-hong-kong/">temporary, portable Lennon Walls in public parks</a>; there were similar efforts in Seattle and San Francisco.</p>
<p>In Taipei, the capital of Taiwan, supporters created spontaneous Lennon Walls in the tourist-frequented Ximenting area, and inside a pedestrian underpass near National Taiwan University. In Tokyo, supporters at the busy Shibuya crossing intersection became <a href="https://www.thestandnews.com/politics/%E6%9D%B1%E4%BA%AC%E6%B8%8B%E8%B0%B7%E7%8F%BE-%E9%80%A3%E5%84%82%E7%89%86-%E7%B4%99%E7%89%8C-%E4%BA%BA%E8%BA%AB%E4%BB%A3%E7%89%86%E9%81%BF%E5%85%8D%E6%89%93%E6%93%BE%E6%97%A5%E6%9C%AC%E4%BA%BA/?fbclid=IwAR15mDL_cig5sUhLHbP7_1Yq2aVFfQG3oKu0peomOdgbZ097WmGkC3BXthQ">human Lennon Walls</a>, inviting passersby to post messages of support on protesters’ clothes.</p>
<p>By occupying public walls, or at least publicly accessible ones, these Lennon Walls show how ordinary people are reclaiming urban spaces and voices in a political process. Even if sticky notes can’t themselves fuel a revolution, they serve as reminders that people have the collective ability to reinvigorate democracy, wherever they are.</p>
<p>[ <em>Deep knowledge, daily.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=deepknowledge">Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter</a>. ]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/129740/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jeff Hou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>First seen in Prague in 1980, a form of public protest and free expression has spread throughout Hong Kong and around the world.Jeff Hou, Professor of Landscape Architecture, University of WashingtonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1260122019-10-31T18:54:28Z2019-10-31T18:54:28ZMosque clean-up shows Hong Kong is a city that stands up for everyone’s rights<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/299137/original/file-20191029-183098-36wtff.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">After the front of Kowloon Mosque was sprayed with blue dye by police water cannons, Hong Kong residents volunteered to clean it up.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Telegram</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Amid rising violence and vandalism in ongoing protests, the public’s role in cleaning up a mosque sprayed with blue dye last week by the police proves once again the distinctiveness of Hong Kong civil society. The public response to appeals to help with the clean-up show this is a society that voluntarily protects the Muslim community and cherishes the city’s multifaceted ethnic and religious traditions.</p>
<p>On the 20th weekend of protests, a police water cannon truck <a href="https://yp.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/114514/hong-kong-protests-kowloon-mosque-sprayed-blue-dye-police-water">firing blue dye at the front gates</a> had damaged the city’s largest mosque. Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor and Police Commissioner Stephen Lo Wai-chung went to the mosque and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong-protests-mosque/apology-accepted-hong-kongs-muslims-lament-water-cannon-staining-mosque-idUSKBN1X0116">apologised</a> in a sign of the sensitivity of the action. They described it as an accident.</p>
<p>But the police defended their use of the water cannon in the name of protecting the mosque from rioters’ vandalism. The blue dye makes it easier for police to identify and arrest protesters.</p>
<p>Immediately after the mosque was sprayed, social media appeals were made to protesters and residents to clean up the front of the blue-stained mosque. The Muslim community was comforted by the many Hong Kong people who volunteered to help. In doing so, they showed they cherish the mosque, defend the rights of Muslims and seek solidarity with the city’s ethnic minorities. </p>
<p>On social media, the Muslim Council in Hong Kong praised the city’s residents.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1185952076775317504"}"></div></p>
<h2>How did the mosque get caught up in protests?</h2>
<p>Since June 9, Hong Kong citizens from all walks for life have been marching in the streets in protest against a Bill of Extradition. Many people fear the Chinese government may use it as a tool to arrest and extradite dissidents from Hong Kong to mainland China for trial.</p>
<p>Though the Hong Kong government <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-50150853">formally withdrew the bill</a> last week, the protests are seemingly unstoppable. This is mainly due to protesters’ disappointment at the government’s <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3025750/five-key-demands-not-one-less-hong-kong-protesters-make">failure to respond to all of their “five demands”</a>:</p>
<ol>
<li>complete withdrawal of the Extradition Bill</li>
<li>retraction of the labelling of protesters as “rioters”</li>
<li>full amnesty for arrested demonstrators</li>
<li>an independent inquiry into alleged police brutality</li>
<li>universal suffrage for the Legislative Council and Chief Executive elections.</li>
</ol>
<p>The Hong Kong government had condemned escalating vandalism, and before the Kowloon protest it was speculated Kowloon Mosque could be targeted. A few days earlier pro-democracy activist leader Jimmy Sham Tsz-kit had been brutally <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3033328/government-condemns-attack-hong-kong-protest-leader-jimmy">attacked by a gang that some reports said were of South Asian descent</a>. </p>
<p>Police had banned a planned protest at Kowloon on Sunday, October 20. Thousands of protesters still turned out. As many had anticipated, it turned into another violent conflict between the police and protesters.</p>
<h2>Mosque is an iconic landmark</h2>
<p>What made this incident markedly different from other demonstrations in the past few months was that it involved Kowloon Mosque. It’s a treasured Islamic architectural icon that has long been hailed as a heritage landmark. The mosque has served the city’s largely South Asian Muslim community – about <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islam_in_Hong_Kong#targetText=According%20to%20the%202016%20census,in%20Hong%20Kong%20are%20Sunni.">4% of Hong Kong’s population</a> – since the colonial era. </p>
<p>The mosque, the first on Kowloon Peninsula, was <a href="http://www.islamictrusthk.org/mosques/kowloon-masjid/">built in 1896</a> for the “Mohammedans of Upper India”. They had arrived in Hong Kong in 1892 to serve in the Hong Kong Regiment of the British Army. The mosque was supported financially by Muslim soldiers in the early 20th century.</p>
<p>After the original mosque was closed due to damage during construction of Hong Kong’s Mass Transit Railway (MTR), a newly built mosque opened at its current site, Tsim Shau Tsui, in 1984. </p>
<p>Kowloon Mosque remains a vibrant place of worship. It is mostly frequented by Muslims who have their roots in the Indian subcontinent. Many of them live in the nearby <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-24015987">Chungking Mansions</a> area, home to many ethnic minorities. </p>
<p>The mosque is a vital cultural nexus for ethnic Muslims, a place where they assemble for religious and social life.</p>
<h2>City of conscience protects minorities</h2>
<p>The history and current role of the mosque explain why the police action risked provoking inter-ethnic tensions. It could stir mistrust between majority non-Muslims and the Muslim minority, potentially and most dangerously inciting Islamophobia. As one Muslim businessman sprayed in front of the mosque, Philip Khan, <a href="https://news.rthk.hk/rthk/en/component/k2/1487303-20191020.htm">said</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>It is not a personal thing, but they are doing it against my religion, and I am against it.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The increasing violence has stunned the international community. Nobody knows when the government’s measures to end the protests might be effective. </p>
<p>Yet, despite the turmoil of recent months, the civic quality of the ordinary people of Hong Kong shines through. Their actions in protecting the mosque and respecting the long-standing ethnic Islamic tradition distinguish their home as a city of conscience and a <a href="https://brill.com/view/journals/rrcs/3/1/article-p119_6.xml?language=en">unique frontier for protecting the Muslim minority</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/126012/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ho Wai Yip does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>When police sprayed Kowloon Mosque with blue dye during protests, the people of Hong Kong rallied again to help clean it up.Ho Wai Yip, Associate Professor, Department of Social Sciences, The Education University of Hong KongLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1254802019-10-23T21:41:14Z2019-10-23T21:41:14ZLeBron James and the NBA’s missed opportunity to protest Hong Kong injustice<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/297957/original/file-20191021-56242-15n6gcg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C119%2C5000%2C3076&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Demonstrators hold up photos of LeBron James grimacing during a rally in Hong Kong in October 2019. Protesters threw basketballs at a photo of James.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The ongoing protests in Hong Kong have captured the world’s attention. The protests began in June in response to a bill that would have allowed for the extradition of criminal suspects to mainland China, with a legal system characterized by arbitrary detention, unfair trial and torture.</p>
<p>Although Hong Kong chief executive Carrie Lam agreed to withdraw the bill, protests have continued and expanded. <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-49317695">Protesters are now demanding</a>, among other things, the implementation of complete universal suffrage.</p>
<p>While many around the world have expressed support for the protests in Hong Kong, one (quickly deleted) pro-democracy tweet in particular, from Houston Rockets General Manager Daryl Morey, has led to an unlikely international incident <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/nba-china-feud-timeline-daryl-morey-tweet-hong-kong-protests-2019-10">involving the government of China and the National Basketball Association (NBA)</a>. The incident has even managed to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2019/oct/15/hong-kong-protestors-burn-lebron-james-jerseys-nba">tarnish the reputation of basketball’s biggest star, LeBron James, in Hong Kong</a>.</p>
<p>Most importantly, it’s also raised important questions on a systemic and personal level for many. On the big-picture level, it brings into question the appropriate balance between companies’ unending quest for profit and the need to uphold fundamental human rights. At the same time, it forces us to think about what an individual’s responsibility should be when given an opportunity to stand up against injustice.</p>
<h2>The economic threat to the NBA</h2>
<p>In the aftermath of an NBA general manager writing his tweet, the economic punishment from China on the NBA and the Rockets was swift. Yao Ming, president of the Chinese Basketball Association and a former Houston Rocket player, Tencent, China’s largest social media company and a media partner with ESPN, and Li Ning, a shoe company that has a business relationship with the NBA, have all announced plans <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/12/sports/basketball/nba-china-hong-kong.html">to suspend</a> their relationships with the Rockets and the NBA.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/297959/original/file-20191021-56220-1nelfmg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/297959/original/file-20191021-56220-1nelfmg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/297959/original/file-20191021-56220-1nelfmg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297959/original/file-20191021-56220-1nelfmg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297959/original/file-20191021-56220-1nelfmg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297959/original/file-20191021-56220-1nelfmg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297959/original/file-20191021-56220-1nelfmg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297959/original/file-20191021-56220-1nelfmg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Yao Ming watches as China and Venezeula compete in Beijing in September 2019.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>These attacks went straight to the NBA’s bottom line. The NBA relies heavily on these partnerships with China to grow its global business. It’s estimated that it earns <a href="https://qz.com/1723780/nba-has-to-choose-between-china-and-its-values/">US$4 billion annually</a> from television deals, merchandise sales and sponsorships. </p>
<p>Without China, it’s highly unlikely that the NBA could have increased its salary caps (and thus players’ salaries) to a projected US$116 million per team for the 2020-21 season. </p>
<p>The confrontation with China complicates things. League sources say franchises are planning to deal with a situation in which salary caps could drop between <a href="https://www.thescore.com/nba/news/1851784">10 and 15 per cent.</a> While China has backed down somewhat, <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/china-nba-intimidation-diplomacy-by-minxin-pei-2019-10">allowing a previously planned exhibition game in Shanghai</a> to proceed, the NBA’s experience stands as a cautionary tale for other businesses wanting to enter the Chinese market.</p>
<h2>An athlete’s responsibility?</h2>
<p>As unexpected as the whole China-NBA showdown has been, NBA superstar LeBron James’ comments were also surprising. Long seen as a passionate crusader for African-American civil rights, James appeared to dismiss Hong Kong protesters’ ongoing fight for basic civil rights.</p>
<p>James told a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2019/oct/16/lebron-james-china-hong-kong-comments-nba">group of reporters</a> that Daryl Morey “wasn’t educated on the situation at hand” and that “so many people could have been harmed not only financially, but physically, emotionally, spiritually.”</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/9zAewNzZNmY?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Today Show, NBC.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>On the one hand, it may be easy for media commentators <a href="https://www.orlandosentinel.com/opinion/columnists/os-op-lebron-james-china-hong-kong-politician-hypocrite-20191017-siw3tl4ix5a5bbccgepwqxgpqu-story.html">to accuse James of hypocrisy</a>. After all, James holds a lifetime deal with Nike valued at roughly <a href="https://www.foxbusiness.com/sports/lebron-james-china-business-nike-nba">$US1 billion,</a> and Nike has a strong market presence in China. And his media production company, SpringHill Entertainment, is producing <em>Space Jam 2</em> which is expected to make big money in China.</p>
<p>But we also agree that being dismissive of protesters who are putting their lives on the line for democracy is disappointing given James’ civil-rights track record. In the apparent face of deep, personal financial interests, he didn’t stand up for a cause half a world away, and that’s a letdown.</p>
<p>It is, however, easy to criticize someone we’ll likely never meet. It’s more useful to consider a fundamental question: What’s the responsibility of internationally famous athletes, or any other well-known figure, to deal with global injustices? </p>
<h2>Ali refused to fight in Vietnam</h2>
<p>James may have fallen short, but we don’t lack for role models. Certainly, the great sporting human-rights activists have led by example. A lot of athletes understood that doing the right thing sometimes meant doing the hard, unprofitable thing.</p>
<p>Muhammad Ali was <a href="https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/muhammad-ali-refuses-army-induction">stripped of his boxing titles and banned from boxing at the height of his career</a> because he refused to fight in Vietnam. <a href="https://www.insightnews.com/sports/legendary-olympic-athletes-tommie-smith-and-john-carlos-earn-induction/article_14c6cce6-f47d-11e9-acaf-c788882dc235.html">African-American sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos</a> suffered the consequences from an unforgiving society for their Black Power salute at the 1968 Olympics in support of the civil rights movement.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/297960/original/file-20191021-56203-5r539l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/297960/original/file-20191021-56203-5r539l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=557&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297960/original/file-20191021-56203-5r539l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=557&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297960/original/file-20191021-56203-5r539l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=557&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297960/original/file-20191021-56203-5r539l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=700&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297960/original/file-20191021-56203-5r539l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=700&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/297960/original/file-20191021-56203-5r539l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=700&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">In this October 1968 photo, Australian silver medalist Peter Norman, left, stands on the podium as Americans Tommie Smith, centre, and John Carlos raise their gloved fists in a human rights protest.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We also have examples of athletes who stood up against injustice, and paid the price, even when the fight had nothing to do with them. In doing so, they heeded the words of Martin Luther King Jr.: <a href="https://www.africa.upenn.edu/Articles_Gen/Letter_Birmingham.html">“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”</a> </p>
<p><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2018/04/28/asia/peter-norman-australia-honor-intl/index.html">Peter Norman</a>, the white Australian who stood on the podium with Carlos and Smith wearing an Olympic Project for Human Rights pin in solidarity, was blacklisted from Australian sport and suffered significantly for his part in the protest. Australia’s parliament only apologized for the country’s treatment of him in 2012, <a href="https://theconversation.com/i-will-stand-with-you-finally-an-apology-to-peter-norman-10107">six years after his death</a>.</p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/history-shows-sidney-crosby-could-have-stood-up-to-racial-injustice-85065">History shows Sidney Crosby could have stood up to racial injustice</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
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<p>There’s a reason why we remember these names. It’s because protest is difficult. It sometimes demands sacrifices. But protest, or the lack of it, also reveals one’s priorities and values. In failing to stand up for the Hong Kong protesters, James and the NBA told us something about theirs.</p>
<p>[ <em>Deep knowledge, daily.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/ca/newsletters?utm_source=TCCA&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=deepknowledge">Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter</a>. ]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/125480/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Protest, or the lack of it, can reveal one’s priorities and values. In failing to stand up to China, LeBron James and the NBA told us something about theirs.Blayne Haggart, Associate Professor of Political Science, Brock UniversityVinu Selvaratnam, Master of Arts Candidate, Recreation and Leisure Studies, University of WaterlooLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1220982019-08-22T12:36:46Z2019-08-22T12:36:46ZHow Hong Kong’s protests are affecting its economy<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/288956/original/file-20190821-170946-19sfzp0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Hong Kong protests have drawn massive and diverse crowds.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.apimages.com/metadata/Index/APTOPIX-Hong-Kong-Protests/386eced88e0c4290924b3fc9888abc6b/44/0">AP Photo/Kin Cheung</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>After nearly <a href="https://www.npr.org/2019/08/18/752208633/protests-in-hong-kong-continue-remain-peaceful-throughout-the-weekend">three months of unrest</a>, the demonstrations in Hong Kong <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong-protests/hong-kong-readies-for-further-protests-after-huge-peaceful-rally-idUSKCN1V900Z">show no signs of slowing down</a>. </p>
<p>What began as opposition to a controversial extradition bill <a href="https://www.apnews.com/6c450fc41d4143f9b932ed1ecf99951d">has morphed</a> into a broader movement to defend Hong Kong’s wider social and political freedoms. Although the government has withdrawn its proposed legislation, the deep anger and cynicism continues.</p>
<p>As a <a href="https://thunderbird.asu.edu/allen-j-morrison">business professor</a> who has worked, taught and traveled in Hong Kong extensively over my career, I have watched the demonstrations unfold with great interest. I was personally caught up in the 1989 <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/topics/tiananmen-square-5781">Tiananmen Square protests</a> and have tracked their fallout over the past 30 years. </p>
<p>Today’s protests in Hong Kong will have lasting consequences. While most of them are difficult to anticipate, some of the economic impacts are already being felt and add up to long-term challenges to the city’s prosperity. </p>
<h2>Broad and deep</h2>
<p>What is exceptional about the Hong Kong protests is their breadth and depth. </p>
<p>The demonstrators in Hong Kong include both young and old, with a large mix of families. A <a href="https://sg.news.yahoo.com/young-educated-middle-class-first-143722947.html">survey of the crowds by three scholars</a> showed that while about 60% were under 30, almost one-fifth were 45 or older. Journalists <a href="https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2019-08-03/hong-kong-protests">have reported</a> that many shopkeepers, motorists and others have supported the protesters with <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/17/hong-kong-three-rallies-mark-11th-weekend-of-protests">handouts of water</a> and <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3022498/hong-kong-protesters-raise-us197-million-international-ad">even offers of financial assistance</a>. </p>
<p>On August 18, protest organizers <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/peaceful-protesters-crowd-hong-kong-park-where-summer-of-dissent-began-11566114415">estimated</a> that 1.7 million people turned out in the pouring rain to demonstrate. This would represent <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/hong-kong-protests-1-7-million-protesters-march-victoria-park-latest-updates-today-2019-08-18/">almost one-quarter of Hong Kong’s population</a>. </p>
<p>There have been occasional flareups of violence, such as when <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3016839/protesters-storm-and-vandalise-legislative-council-anarchy">demonstrators vandalized the Legislative Council</a> or <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2019/08/18/asia/hong-kong-protests-weekend-intl-hnk/index.html">disrupted airport operations</a>. But what surprises me, particularly given the huge numbers of protesters and the ongoing nature of the conflict, is how peaceful they’ve been. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/288952/original/file-20190821-170927-it1eae.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/288952/original/file-20190821-170927-it1eae.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288952/original/file-20190821-170927-it1eae.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288952/original/file-20190821-170927-it1eae.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288952/original/file-20190821-170927-it1eae.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288952/original/file-20190821-170927-it1eae.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288952/original/file-20190821-170927-it1eae.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Many Hong Kong business owners have shown their support for the protests, such as the Wah Yee Tang bakery, which made mooncakes with phrases, in Chinese, like ‘No withdrawal, no dispersal.’</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.apimages.com/metadata/Index/Hong-Kong-Mooncakes-Messages/2908db47034f4204917ce2ddf8cfbde5/15/0">AP Photo/Kin Cheung</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Short-term impact</h2>
<p>While the protests grind on, the short-term economic consequences for the people of Hong Kong are beginning to mount. </p>
<p>A <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/hong-kong-economy/article/3017580/political-unrest-hitting-hong-kong-where-it-hurts">drop in consumer spending</a> on non-essential goods is one of the most visible signs of its impact. Summer retail sales from July to August <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong-retail-protests/hong-kong-retailers-forecast-sharp-drop-in-sales-as-protests-rock-city-idUSKCN1UB0O8">are expected to be down</a> by more than 10% from a year earlier. </p>
<p>The protests that shut down Hong Kong International Airport for about two days have also taken a toll. Aviation experts estimate that Hong Kong <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/hong-kong-economy/article/3022659/aviation-industry-expected-suffer-losses-more-us76">suffered a US$76 million hit</a> from flight cancellations. </p>
<p>Since the airport <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/hong-kong-flights-cancelled-protestors-economic-impact-harm-2019-8">contributes around 5%</a> to Hong Kong’s GDP, any disruptions are bound to reduce the special administrative region’s economic growth for the year – which has <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/hong-kong-economy/article/2167044/prepare-worst-us-china-trade-war-hong-kong-commerce">already suffered</a> due to the ongoing U.S.-China trade war. </p>
<p>More broadly, there’s <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-08-14/hong-kong-hotels-in-crisis-as-protests-deter-mainland-visitors">other evidence the turmoil</a> is keeping away tourists and business travelers, thanks in part to travel advisories from <a href="https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Hong-Kong-protests/Hong-Kong-business-warns-of-risks-to-economy-as-protests-continue">at least 22 countries</a>. And visitors from mainland China – <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/318822/hong-kong-visitor-arrivals-by-origin/">typically responsible</a> for over three-quarters of all arrivals to Hong Kong – <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-08-14/hong-kong-hotels-in-crisis-as-protests-deter-mainland-visitors">have slowed to a trickle</a>. </p>
<h2>Longer-term costs</h2>
<p>The long-term costs of the protests – and China’s reaction to them – are much harder to quantify. </p>
<p>One of them involves Hong Kong’s status as a hub for international companies seeking to do business in China or the region. In 2018, the Hong Kong government <a href="https://www.censtatd.gov.hk/hkstat/sub/sp360.jsp?tableID=133&ID=0&productType=8">found</a> that 1,530 multinational companies had established regional headquarters in the city. Of these, 290 were American. </p>
<p>Companies have historically chosen to set up shop in Kong Kong both because of its desirable location and its <a href="http://en.people.cn/english/200101/10/eng20010110_60072.html">perception as a haven</a> where the rule of law is strong, <a href="https://multimedia.scmp.com/infographics/news/world/article/3023351/rule-of-law/?src=social">particularly compared with China</a>.</p>
<p>That’s been changing as more international businesses <a href="https://cbk.bschool.cuhk.edu.hk/inaugural-cbk-round-table-discussion-establishing-an-asian-regional-headquarters-hong-kong-shanghai-or-singapore/">opt to move their headquarters</a> to the mainland as its economic power has grown. If China seeks to resolve the protests by taking more control over Hong Kong – which would likely erode its attractive legal environment – multinational companies would have one less reason to keep the city as their regional foothold. </p>
<p>What had been a trickle of companies leaving Hong Kong may well turn into a flood – and with it an exodus of high-paying jobs. </p>
<p>Another long-term concern is how the Hong Kong demonstrations will affect China’s relations with the rest of the world. U.S. President Donald Trump <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/washington-offers-conflicting-messages-on-hong-kong-unrest-amid-u-s-china-trade-talks-11565802045">warned China</a> it must deal with the protests “humanely” if it wants to seal an agreement to end the trade war. And other world leaders may change the way they deal with China – and Hong Kong – if Beijing takes a heavy-handed approach. </p>
<h2>The shape of a protest</h2>
<p>Protest movements take many shapes and forms.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/topics/occupy-wall-street-25862">Occupy Wall Street</a> movement in lower Manhattan lasted only two months but became a broader anti-establishment movement. Its economic impact, however, was <a href="https://www.newsweek.com/has-occupy-wall-street-changed-america-seven-years-birth-political-movement-1126364">negligible</a>. </p>
<p>France’s recent <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/topics/yellow-vests-63620">yellow vest movement</a>, initially <a href="https://www.npr.org/2018/12/03/672862353/who-are-frances-yellow-vest-protesters-and-what-do-they-want">intended</a> to combat rising fuel taxes, has morphed into a broader protest against French President Emmanuel Macron. At its peak, it included about <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-france-protests/frances-yellow-vests-protest-in-dwindling-numbers-some-clashes-idUSKCN1SH0FO">300,000 protesters</a>. While protests continue after nearly 40 weeks, they have largely run out of steam. One estimate put the economic costs of the demonstration at about <a href="https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-france-economy-gdp/french-yellow-vests-protests-cost-02-percentage-points-of-growth-le-maire-idUKKCN1QH17P">€5 billion</a>, the equivalent of about $5.5 billion. </p>
<p>The protests in Hong Kong are much larger than those in both France and New York, yet it’s too early to tell what shape they will ultimately take or what their economic impact will be, not only locally but far beyond its borders.</p>
<p>No matter the outcome, Hong Kong is at risk of a long-term outflow of capital and loss of talent, two key ingredients to its economic success. </p>
<p>[ <em>Like what you’ve read? Want more?</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=likethis">Sign up for The Conversation’s daily newsletter</a>. ]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/122098/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Allen Morrison does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>While the political and long-term consequences of the protests are still impossible to know, Hong Kong is already experiencing some short-term economic impacts.Allen Morrison, Professor of Global Management, Thunderbird School of Global Management, Arizona State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1220312019-08-22T07:04:54Z2019-08-22T07:04:54ZTrust Me, I’m An Expert: Why the Hong Kong protesters feel they have nothing to lose<p>Last weekend, hundreds of thousands of people again took to the streets in Hong Kong to protest against the government – the <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3023331/three-nights-tear-gas-free-protests-hong-kongs-anti">11th straight weekend</a> of demonstrations that began in June over a proposed extradition bill.</p>
<p>But after more than two months of increasingly violent clashes between demonstrators and the police, this protest was peaceful. No tear gas was fired.</p>
<p>China expert Graeme Smith, one of the hosts of <a href="https://omny.fm/shows/the-little-red-podcast/playlists/podcast">The Little Red Podcast</a>, devoted <a href="https://omny.fm/shows/the-little-red-podcast/desperate-hong-kong-the-movement-behind-the-mask">this week’s episode to the Hong Kong protest movement</a>, with his co-host, Louisa Lim, on the ground in Hong Kong talking to people about their perseverance in the face of a potentially severe military crackdown from Beijing.</p>
<p>In this episode of Trust Me, Smith discusses where the protests go from here, whether there’s any chance for dialogue between the two sides, and the impact of the increasingly nationalist vitriol aimed at protesters on social media – and on the streets of Hong Kong. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/beijing-is-moving-to-stamp-out-the-hong-kong-protests-but-it-may-have-already-lost-the-city-for-good-121815">Beijing is moving to stamp out the Hong Kong protests – but it may have already lost the city for good</a>
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<p>Smith believes the protests aren’t going to stop until Chief Executive Carrie Lam definitively withdraws the contentious extradition bill and launches an inquiry into police violence against the protesters.</p>
<p>And this is unlikely so long as Lam – and her backers in Beijing – continue to stand firm in their positions and refuse to negotiate.</p>
<p>So, no one knows how this might end, Smith says. </p>
<blockquote>
<p>A lot of the protesters, especially those in their 20s, feel they basically have nothing to lose and they’re going to dig in for the long haul.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>New to podcasts?</h2>
<p>Podcasts are often best enjoyed using a podcast app. All iPhones come with the Apple Podcasts app already installed, or you may want to listen and subscribe on another app such as Pocket Casts (click <a href="https://pca.st/VTv7">here</a> to listen to Trust Me, I’m An Expert on Pocket Casts).</p>
<p>You can also hear us on Stitcher, Spotify or any of the apps below. Just pick a service from one of those listed below and click on the icon to find Trust Me, I’m An Expert.</p>
<p><a href="https://itunes.apple.com/au/podcast/trust-me-im-an-expert/id1290047736?mt=2&ign-mpt=uo%3D8"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233721/original/file-20180827-75984-1gfuvlr.png" alt="Listen on Apple Podcasts" width="268" height="68"></a> <a href="https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly90aGVjb252ZXJzYXRpb24uY29tL2F1L3BvZGNhc3RzL3RydXN0LW1lLXBvZGNhc3QucnNz"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233720/original/file-20180827-75978-3mdxcf.png" alt="" width="268" height="68"></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/the-conversation/trust-me-im-an-expert"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233716/original/file-20180827-75981-pdp50i.png" alt="Stitcher" width="300" height="88"></a> <a href="https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/Trust-Me-Im-An-Expert-p1035757/"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233723/original/file-20180827-75984-f0y2gb.png" alt="Listen on TuneIn" width="318" height="125"></a></p>
<p><a href="https://radiopublic.com/trust-me-im-an-expert-Wa3E5A"><img class="alignnone size-medium wp-image-152" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233717/original/file-20180827-75990-86y5tg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=268&fit=clip" alt="Listen on RadioPublic" width="268" height="87"></a> <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/7myc7drbLJVaRitAMXLB7V"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/237984/original/file-20180925-149976-1ks72uy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=268&fit=clip" width="268" height="82"></a> </p>
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<p><strong>Credits:</strong></p>
<p>Recording and editing by Graeme Smith, Justin Bergman and Sunanda Creagh.</p>
<p><strong>Additional audio</strong></p>
<p><em>Kindergarten by Unkle Ho, from <a href="https://www.elefanttraks.com/">Elefant Traks.</a></em></p>
<p><em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ifIw3wTeolE">CNN</a> report</em></p>
<p><em>BBC <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oyKXCa9KI0Q">report</a></em></p>
<p><em><a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/au/podcast/the-little-red-podcast/id1136685378">The Little Red Podcast</a></em></p>
<h2>Images</h2>
<p>AAP/EPA/VIVEK PRAKASH</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/122031/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam has indicated she's open to dialogue. But unless she meets the demonstrators' demands, the protest movement isn't going to end anytime soon.Sunanda Creagh, Senior EditorJustin Bergman, International Affairs EditorLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/831772017-08-30T09:58:13Z2017-08-30T09:58:13ZFive things to watch out for at the Chinese Communist Party congress<p>The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will soon embark on its own “Game of Thrones” as delegates gather for its 19th National Congress in Beijing. A variety of posts will be filled for the next five years – including the vitally important General Secretary of the CCP (President of the People’s Republic of China or PRC), as well as members of the Standing Committee (roughly akin to the UK Cabinet). These individuals will find themselves leading a massive organisation, which has more than 80m members, and running what is arguably the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-30483762">world’s largest economy</a>. They will wield considerable powers but the incumbent leader is unlikely to relinquish his grip on power. So what should we look out for?</p>
<h2>1. Xi Jinping’s ambition</h2>
<p>Since becoming the party’s General Secretary in 2012 (and therefore President of the PRC), <a href="https://www.forbes.com/profile/xi-jinping/">Xi Jinping</a> has consolidated his position. At the heart of this has been the anti-corruption drive. To Xi’s supporters, this represents the General Secretary’s earnest desire to rid the party of impure elements that undermine the party’s legitimacy. </p>
<p>In contrast, <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Chinese-Politics-Era-Jinping-Retrogression/dp/0765642093/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1503304663&sr=8-2&keywords=chinese+politics+in+the+era+of+xi+jinping">critics say</a> that this drive is a front to remove opponents and to consolidate his power. Whatever the truth, it is virtually certain (barring illness) that Xi will be returned as General Secretary for another five years. </p>
<p>In addition, Xi will surely retain his chairmanship of the Central Military Commission – thereby exercising significant influence over the armed forces. But there are rumours that Xi intends to extend his influence <a href="https://qz.com/1030850/all-the-signs-that-chinas-xi-jinping-is-planning-on-a-third-term/">beyond five years</a>. If so, this represents a significant departure from the gradual institutionalisation of Chinese politics. </p>
<p>Since the 1990s, CCP General Secretaries have generally served only two terms (Zhang Zemin was elected in 1992 and 1997 – although he had become General Secretary slightly earlier in 1989 as part of the Tiananmen re-shuffle – and Hu Jintao was elected in 2002 and 2007). If Xi tries to prolong his influence, this may indicate a return to the more personalised politics of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. </p>
<h2>2. The age double standard</h2>
<p>Even if Xi “Da Da” (“Father/Uncle Xi”) emerges with enhanced prestige following the 19th congress, a complete return to the Maoist personality cult depicted in propaganda posters of the 1960s and 1970s seems unlikely. The Chinese Communist Party is not monolithic and is comprised of different factions, such as the Shanghai gang, the Communist Youth League and the Princelings. To make matters more complicated, there is also <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/d/Books/New-Emperors-Power-Princelings-China-Kerry-Brown/1780769105/ref=sr_1_28?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1502808664&sr=1-28&keywords=kerry+brown">overlap between these groups</a>. Nevertheless, the National Congress – and hence the election of CCP officers – will indicate which groups are ascendant or in retreat.</p>
<p>Who serves on the Standing Committee also matters. It is widely expected that because most of the current Standing Committee are aged in their late 60s, there will be a high turnover of its membership this autumn. <a href="https://www.economist.com/news/china/21713913-reading-runes-will-be-even-more-difficult-usual-xi-jinping-busy-arranging-huge">Recent convention suggests</a> that if candidates are over 68, they will be retired. </p>
<p>This age restriction does not apply to Xi or Chinese “prime minister” Li Keqiang as both are in their early 60s (and both serve on the Standing Committee). But there are suggestions that Xi’s anti-corruption manager, <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/d82964ba-6d42-11e7-bfeb-33fe0c5b7eaa">Wang Qishan</a>, may stay on – even though he is 68. If Wang continues on the Standing Committee, this would <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/02/world/asia/xi-jinping-china-retirement-rules.html">symbolise Xi’s power</a>. </p>
<h2>3. The power of former leaders</h2>
<p>Another telling development will be the ability of former presidents to anoint future presidents. China’s “paramount leader” during the 1980s, <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/1997/02/20/world/deng-xiaoping-a-political-wizard-who-put-china-on-the-capitalist-road.html?mcubz=3">Deng Xiaoping</a>, helped ensure that Hu Jinto succeeded Jiang Zemin in 2002. For his part, Jiang <a href="http://nationalpost.com/news/xi-jinping-assumes-leadership-of-china-in-once-in-a-decade-political-transition">was instrumental</a> in Xi’s rise to power after Hu in 2012. Given this precedent, one might expect Hu to secure the promotion of one of his protégés to the Standing Committee later this year in the hope that this candidate will succeed Xi in 2022. It remains to be seen if Hu has sufficient clout. </p>
<h2>4. The challenges ahead</h2>
<p>On a recent visit to China, I was struck by the pace of change, including high speed trains and the purchasing of goods by mobile phones (not cash). Yet for all these technological developments, there are still significant challenges for China: rural poverty, environmental degradation and the economic turbulence generated by the “<a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-34344926">new normal</a>” –China is now transitioning from export-led economic growth to consumer-driven growth. </p>
<p>The Xi-Li administration has sought to tackle these problems as part of the “Chinese Dream” – or national “rejuvenation” – which aspires to attain a “<a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Governance-China-Xi-Jinping/dp/1602204098/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1502885483&sr=8-2&keywords=xi+jinping">moderately prosperous society</a>”. We will see this autumn how far the party judges the Chinese Dream to have been realised.</p>
<h2>5. Foreign policy and North Korea</h2>
<p>We may also gain insight into China’s foreign policy for the next five years. Recently, China’s neighbours have been unnerved by territorial disputes in the South China Sea and by the <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2017/06/28/asia/china-navy-new-destroyer/index.html">steady advance</a> of the PRC’s military. Again, the shuffling of personnel and speeches at the National Congress may indicate where the PRC sees itself going. Will it become a regional or global power? Will China be an economic, military or diplomatic player? </p>
<p>A potential test case is the current standoff between the US and North Korea. Nobody knows how this situation will develop – in late August, North Korea <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2017/08/28/politics/north-korea-launch-unidentified-projectile/index.html">fired a missile over Japan</a>. But given the close proximity of the Korean peninsula to China, one can bet that Beijing will be monitoring the situation closely. One thing is for sure, China’s leaders will have a full in-tray when they go back to work.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/83177/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Simon Hill does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The future direction of the Chinese Communist Party will be decided at this year’s National Congress. The leader may not change but there are key roles up for grabs.Simon Hill, Visiting Lecturer / Research Associate, University of ChesterLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/813692017-07-25T01:16:13Z2017-07-25T01:16:13ZHong Kong’s democratic struggle and the rise of Chinese authoritarianism<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/179543/original/file-20170724-11177-1tuktps.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Four pro-democracy Hong Kong lawmakers of the Legislative Council have been ousted.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Kin Cheun</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>In July, a Hong Kong court <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jul/14/hong-kong-pro-democracy-legislators-disqualified-parliament">purged four pro-democracy politicians</a> from its Legislative Council. </p>
<p>This move comes after two other <a href="http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/law-crime/article/2090736/disqualified-pro-independence-hong-kong-lawmakers-yau-wai">Hong Kong lawmakers</a> were expelled from the Legislative Council earlier this year and at the same time as the recent death of Chinese political activist and Nobel Peace Prize winner <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/07/21/the-death-of-liu-xiaobo-marks-dark-times-for-dissent-in-china/?utm_term=.544acf1c0b10">Liu Xiaobo</a>. Add to this the growing unpopularity of Hong Kong’s new leader, Carrie Lam. </p>
<p>A new wave of <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/01/world/asia/hong-kong-china-xi-jinping.html">pro-democratic protests</a> has begun in what was once seen as a model metropolitan city. </p>
<p>In a classic David and Goliath scenario, pro-democracy advocates in Hong Kong are struggling to stand up to the Chinese mainland’s increasing control over the territory. Unfortunately for Hong Kong’s democratic movement, it looks like Goliath may have the upper hand.</p>
<p>My dissertation research on the 2014 Umbrella Movement shows that despite recent attempts to gain more political momentum, many recent pro-democracy calls to action have struggled in the face of Chinese power and Hong Kong’s pro-Beijing dominated Legislature. In fact, more radical “localist” movements that favor complete separation from China are becoming more common.</p>
<h2>The rise of localism</h2>
<p>The <a href="http://www.latimes.com/world/asia/la-fg-china-localism-20160428-story.html">localist movement</a>, made up of different and diverse groups, gained popularity in the wake of the <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03068374.2014.994957?src=recsys">2014 Umbrella Movement</a> in which 100,000 people took to the streets for 79 days to demand universal suffrage. Following the Umbrella Movement, I interviewed the people of Hong Kong on their views on the territory’s political future. A year after the movement, these individuals felt optimistic about the territory’s democratic future. Two years later, people began to lose faith in Hong Kong’s political system.</p>
<p>Many of the people I interviewed on my trips in 2015 and 2016 believed the Umbrella Movement remained peaceful because neither the Chinese government nor the people of Hong Kong wanted a repeat of <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950736">June 4, 1989 in Tiananmen Square</a>, when the student movement that had lasted for months ended with the deaths of hundreds at the hands of Chinese forces clearing the city square. </p>
<p>And at first, localists seemed willing to work within the political system, so long as their elected officials were able to enact policies under “one country, two systems.” But in 2016, violent skirmishes between Hong Kong police and localist activists took place in what was dubbed the “<a href="http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1911341/mong-kok-riot-how-hong-kongs-first-night-year-monkey-descended-mayhem">Fishball Riots</a>.” Although violence has not been the primary goal of recent protests, activists have expressed willingness to use more forceful action if Beijing continues to increase its control.</p>
<p>I believe this new wave of protests may potentially lead to more violence. As opposed the Umbrella Movement’s call for universal suffrage, localist groups will likely unite under the rallying cry for independence from the unseen influence of Beijing.</p>
<h2>One party politics</h2>
<p>With the expulsion of the six lawmakers this year, the pro-democracy faction of Hong Kong’s Legislative Council no longer has veto power against pro-Beijing politicians. Some of the ousted politicians have announced that they will run for <a href="https://www.hongkongfp.com/2017/07/24/ousted-lawmaker-edward-yiu-says-may-consider-running-direct-elections-regain-seat/">office again</a>, but it is unlikely that pro-democratic politicians will ever outnumber their pro-Beijing counterparts. Increasingly, Hong Kong’s government seems to be an extension of Beijing’s one-party rule: a political system in which only the Chinese Communist Party makes decisions.</p>
<p>It’s no surprise that China is so eager to reassert its control over the territory. Hong Kong was once considered China’s <a href="http://www.sunypress.edu/p-5665-lost-in-transition.aspx">“Gateway to the World”</a> and “Asia’s World City.” Yet Hong Kong was also one of the few places that kept the memory of democratic ideas alive in the region. That democratic tradition may be nearing its end. </p>
<p>Hong Kong’s democratic traditions, remnants of British colonialism, are being challenged. Under Chinese sovereignty, Hong Kong’s political system is being pushed in the opposite direction favoring more <a href="https://www.hongkongfp.com/2017/07/24/hong-kong-democrats-must-get-smart-defending-citys-core-values-creeping-authoritarianism/">authoritarian policies</a>. </p>
<p>The yearly <a href="https://www.hongkongfp.com/2017/06/06/donations-tiananmen-vigil-organiser-drop-hk340000-reduced-attendance/">June Fourth candlelight vigils</a>, established to commemorate the 1989 Tiananmen massacre, were once well-attended events. In recent years, interest has dwindled. Younger generations have become more interested in their own causes. A growing number of factions seems to plague Hong Kong’s democratic movement.</p>
<p>Hong Kong’s relative autonomy following its 1997 transition out of British rule seemed to signal that the mainland could also experience democratic reform. As both economies flourished, more political freedom seemed possible. </p>
<p>Unfortunately, China’s authoritarian system has continued to exert control, thwarting democratic reform in both territories. If the global community does not pay attention, the prospect of a democratic China will continue to slip away. The more attention that is placed on Hong Kong’s current political crisis, the harder it will be for China to overtake the territory’s weakening democratic movement. Hong Kong’s pro-democracy camp cannot stand up to China alone.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/81369/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kelly Chernin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Hong Kong’s autonomy and democratic political system are under threat, and pro-democracy advocates are once again ready to act.Kelly Chernin, Lecturer in International Communications, University of FloridaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/692602016-11-29T07:31:23Z2016-11-29T07:31:23ZCan the fruits of democracy survive in Hong Kong?<p><em>This article is part of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/democracy-futures">Democracy Futures</a> series, a <a href="http://sydneydemocracynetwork.org/democracy-futures/">joint global initiative</a> with the <a href="http://sydneydemocracynetwork.org/">Sydney Democracy Network</a>. The project aims to stimulate fresh thinking about the many challenges facing democracies in the 21st century.</em></p>
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<p>On the eve of Hong Kong’s <a href="http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/education-community/article/1983718/everything-you-need-know-about-hong-kongs-return">return</a> to Chinese sovereignty, <a href="http://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/why-is-rem-koolhaas-the-worlds-most-controversial-architect-18254921/">Rem Koolhaas</a>, architectural arbiter of 1990s neoliberal decadence, dubbed Hong Kong a quintessential “<a href="https://placesjournal.org/article/the-irrational-exuberance-of-rem-koolhaas/">generic city</a>” celebrated for its political blankness. </p>
<p>Today, this vision is being undone by the furious political winds that have blasted the city since the fall of 2014, when simmering economic and political tensions erupted during the <a href="http://theconversation.com/hong-kong-a-second-tiananmen-31944">Occupy Central</a> uprising.</p>
<p>Movement co-founder <a href="http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-06-20/hong-kongs-most-dangerous-man-wants-people-to-vote">Benny Tai</a> was right: with a finger firmly placed on Hong Kong’s political pulse, he predicted at the time that Beijing’s actions would stir up a new “<a href="http://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/hong-kong-election-crisis">era of resistance</a>” within the territory.</p>
<p>Constitutional doubts are mounting. Since the handover of the former British colony to China almost 20 years ago, Hong Kong’s status within China’s sovereignty nexus was supposed to have been assured under the “one country, two systems” framework laid out by Deng Xiaoping in Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the <a href="http://www.basiclaw.gov.hk/en/basiclawtext/">Basic Law</a>. Deng’s vision granted Beijing sovereignty over the territory while allowing the city to retain a high degree of autonomy.</p>
<p>China’s sovereignty over Hong Kong is now moot. In recent months, the flimsy foundations of its autonomy have been exposed by a series of dramas. </p>
<p>The heavy-handed attempts by Beijing to <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/higher-education/beijing-appointing-puppets-interfering-in-hk-uni-freedoms/news-story/33dccf739c36f45b241381cd81849d0e">erode academic freedom</a> at Hong Kong’s most prestigious universities is an example. So, too, is the rapid <a href="https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/01/30/hong-kong-press-freedoms-decline-in-2015-report/">deterioration</a> of press freedom in a once-boisterous media scene. The case of booksellers who were “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jun/17/china-behaving-like-gangster-state-with-bookseller-kidnap-say-hong-kong-politicians">disappeared</a>” earlier this year equally raised the spectre of extra-territorial kidnapping by Beijing’s security apparatus, accompanied by whispers of its covert operations on Hong Kong’s soil.</p>
<p>Political instability is spreading. Beijing, in an extraordinary move, recently <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/16/world/asia/china-hong-kong-sixtus-leung-yau-wai-ching-oath.html?ref=asia">barred</a> two pro-independence lawmakers from taking their seats in Hong Kong’s Legislative Council, a display of political might that further undermines the foundations of the territory’s independent judiciary.</p>
<h2>A business class that’s on Beijing’s side</h2>
<p>Two people particularly well versed in Hong Kong’s political affairs are <a href="http://sydney.edu.au/sydney_ideas/lectures/2016/hong_kong_anson_chan_martin_lee_forum.shtml">Anson Chan</a>, the first woman to be appointed to the role of Chief Secretary in the territory, and <a href="http://sydney.edu.au/sydney_ideas/lectures/2016/hong_kong_anson_chan_martin_lee_forum.shtml">Martin Lee</a>, regarded as the father of Hong Kong’s democracy movement. </p>
<p>Key public figures in Hong Kong, Chan and Lee <a href="https://hongkong2020.com/2016/10/07/convenor-of-hong-kong-2020-mrs-anson-chan-to-visit-australia-and-new-zealand/">recently toured Australia and New Zealand</a>, where they urged the region to stand by the territory in its fight for democracy. </p>
<p>During their short time in Sydney, they agreed to a sit-down with me at a popular Chinatown restaurant.</p>
<p>Over bowls of soup and pots of jasmine tea, Chan and Lee explained their political visions and voiced their anxieties about the present state of the territory, and its decaying relationship with the Chinese mainland. </p>
<p>Chan and Lee told me that the delicate balance within the “one country, two systems” is now tilting in Beijing’s favour. The swing is partly due, Chan said, to Hong Kong’s “disappointing” economic “levelling down” since 1997, certainly compared to China’s skyrocketing growth into the financial stratosphere. Hong Kong is slowly but surely being absorbed into China’s economic orbit.</p>
<p>When I pressed them about the political implications of this growing dependency, Lee noted the disquieting rise of a business class in Hong Kong that is “100 per cent” on Beijing’s side. It confirms the spectacular success over the past 30 years of Beijing’s strategy of encouraging Hong Kong’s business class to invest in mainland enterprises, so that in due course they became “financially and economically dependent on China”.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/147289/original/image-20161124-19682-1yx8hc2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/147289/original/image-20161124-19682-1yx8hc2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147289/original/image-20161124-19682-1yx8hc2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147289/original/image-20161124-19682-1yx8hc2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147289/original/image-20161124-19682-1yx8hc2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147289/original/image-20161124-19682-1yx8hc2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147289/original/image-20161124-19682-1yx8hc2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Anson Chan and Martin Lee believe the ‘one country, two systems’ framework is now tilting in Beijing’s favour.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lindy Baker/SDN 2016</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>“Money talks loudest,” he continued, lamenting that Hong Kong is being tucked snugly in Beijing’s pocket. Lee pointed out that Beijing’s economic calculations are not limited just to Hong Kong. He noted how the hands of China, in its bid for global influence fuelled by a relentless appetite for “money, money, money”, are “spreading to all five continents”. Lee told me that he nevertheless questions the sustainability of the “China model”, especially when it is measured in power terms. </p>
<p>As our conversation unfolded, it struck me that Lee’s vision of democracy as the twin of capitalism bears more than a passing resemblance to the teleology of Francis Fukuyama’s “<a href="https://www.amazon.com/End-History-Last-Man/dp/0743284550">end of history</a>”. Why is the model of capitalist democracy necessarily a cure for the world’s ills, and why will it in the end reign supreme? </p>
<p>Doesn’t Beijing’s political path defy this logic, I asked? Lee remained adamant. </p>
<p>“If you want capitalism,” he said, “you need the rest, including freedom of speech, the whole thing that comes in the package.”</p>
<p>China’s economic and political power model may well prove more resilient and powerful than Lee and Chan think. </p>
<p>Shortly after we met in Sydney, proof of Beijing’s far-reaching economic muscle came during Chan and Lee’s <a href="https://hongkong2020.com/2016/10/07/convenor-of-hong-kong-2020-mrs-anson-chan-to-visit-australia-and-new-zealand/">visit</a> to neighbouring New Zealand, when their meeting with Deputy Prime Minister Bill English was abruptly cancelled, purportedly due to the “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/oct/21/new-zealand-abandons-meeting-hong-kong-democracy-figures">diplomatically sensitive</a>” nature of their visit.</p>
<h2>Political volatility</h2>
<p>During our remaining time together, Chan emphasised that she places her bets on Deng Xiaoping’s blueprint as the best path forward for Hong Kong politically. She said that if Beijing will “get back to one country, two systems [and] allow us to have one man, one vote”, then the formula will demonstrate to China that “the system works”, so safeguarding Hong Kong from future encroachments. </p>
<p>Stress tests of that position are now happening fast. Political schisms in Hong Kong are growing. In recent weeks, even in the normally staid parliament, striking <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/13/world/asia/hong-kong-legislative-council.html?_r=0">scenes</a> have emerged of fiery pro-independence legislators hurling derogatory slurs and staging feisty protests in the direction of the mainland. The rise of a more contentious strand of politics in the territory highlights the precarious political reality of Hong Kong in light of Beijing’s recent predatory air. </p>
<p>The grim truth is that the territory’s Legislative Council is now teetering on the edge of paralysis, and facing a political <a href="http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-10-26/hong-kong-tensions-rise-as-leung-battles-anti-beijing-lawmakers">showdown</a> among its factions. Nothing less than the Legislative Council’s institutional authority hangs in the balance. </p>
<p>Not only that, but Hong Kong’s current Chief Executive, <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2016/11/20/world/europe/20reuters-china-hongkong.html">CY Leung</a>, is widely scorned as a Beijing stooge. His meek acquiescence to his sovereign overlords is similarly corroding the authority of the territory’s highest office.</p>
<p>The shadowy presence of Beijing’s Liaison Office looms ever larger over Hong Kong’s independent affairs. </p>
<p>Beijing’s patience with local calls for Hong Kong’s independence also appears to be growing thin. Recently, the Chinese government’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office voiced their open support for the legal punishment of “<a href="http://www.wsj.com/articles/an-era-in-hong-kong-is-ending-thanks-to-chinas-tight-embrace-1474647072">Hong Kong independence activities</a>”. </p>
<p>Heightened speculation that further institutional deterioration within the territory might risk action by Beijing recently became a reality with the case of the two young lawmakers who were barred from Hong Kong’s Legislative Council, despite <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/09/world/asia/hong-kong-lawyers-protest.html">demonstrations</a> in the streets to support them.</p>
<h2>The fruits of democracy</h2>
<p>Considering the enormous pressure generated by these present-day trends, I asked Chan and Lee if any bright spots remain in Hong Kong’s rapidly shrinking autonomous sphere. </p>
<p>Chan replied that the territory remains an indispensable conduit to global markets. Its gateway role necessitates the free flow of digital information across borders. This factor, she explained, was, and remains, the key to Hong Kong’s past and future success as both a domestic and international platform for global capital. </p>
<p>“Precisely because no Chinese city” can offer Beijing what Hong Kong can, she told me, Beijing has to tread lightly in any future crackdowns. Chan’s thinking echoes public statements made by Zhang Dejiang, National People’s Congress chairman, who in recent months has <a href="http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2016-05/18/c_135368369.htm">spoken</a> soothingly of Hong Kong’s unique business advantages and the way they remain unduplicated by other Chinese cities.</p>
<p>It may be that Chan is right. Perhaps Hong Kong will retain its strategic advantages: the rule of law, unrestricted flows of information and connectivity with the rest of the world that remains second to none. Yet Hong Kong’s fierce rival Shanghai currently jockeys to <a href="http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1753387/too-ambitious-shanghai-aims-be-both-top-financial-hub-and-chinas-silicon">supplant the territory</a> as China’s pre-eminent financial centre. </p>
<p>And Hong Kong’s formerly raucous digital media landscape is being brought to heel by the snapping up of assets by mainland tycoons. Its once-vaunted press freedom has swiftly tumbled down the ranking list of Freedom House in recent annual <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/hong-kong">reports</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.technologyreview.com/s/602493/mark-zuckerbergs-long-march-to-china/">Facebook</a> and Google are meanwhile rumoured to be positioning themselves to enter the lucrative Chinese market. Things seem hopeless. But are they? </p>
<p>Multinationals may well find censored flows of information on the Chinese mainland unproblematic to their business models, but Chan’s and Lee’s defiance is striking. </p>
<p>As we prepared to say goodbye, the pair made clear their dogged defence of the promises laid out in the Basic Law. Lee had the last word. The territory remains a rare terrain in China, he said. It currently enjoys no free and fair elections. The rule of law is under attack. So is its vibrant civil society. </p>
<p>Yet Hong Kong still has something the mainland doesn’t. It has “the fruits of democracy without the tree of democracy”. That’s why, in spite of everything, Hong Kong citizens and representatives would press on against a regime where the tree of democracy remains “non-existent”.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/69260/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephenie Andal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>In recent months, the flimsy foundations of Hong Kong’s autonomy have been exposed by a series of dramas.Stephenie Andal, PhD Candidate in Government & International Relations, Sydney Democracy Network, University of SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.