tag:theconversation.com,2011:/africa/topics/ngo-31428/articlesNGO – The Conversation2023-08-11T16:17:53Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2032872023-08-11T16:17:53Z2023-08-11T16:17:53ZHow ChatGPT might be able to help the world’s poorest and the organisations that work with them<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/536839/original/file-20230711-25-pmjhks.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=46%2C9%2C6147%2C3227&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">shutterstock</span> </figcaption></figure><p>ChatGPT has been touted as a tool that is going to revolutionise the workplace and home. AI systems like it have the potential to <a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w31161">enhance productivity</a> but <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-65102150">could also displace jobs</a>. The ChatGPT website received <a href="https://www.similarweb.com/website/chat.openai.com/#traffic">1.5 billion visits last month</a>.</p>
<p>Though no comprehensive statistics exist, these users are likely to be relatively educated, with access to smartphones or computers. So, can the AI chatbot also benefit people who don’t have all these advantages?</p>
<p>We are associated with <a href="https://www.friend-in-need.org/">Friend in Need India Trust (FIN)</a>, a non-governmental organisation (NGO) based in an isolated fishing village named Kameswaram in Tamil Nadu state. FIN wages a daily battle against <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10118087/">women’s lack of empowerment</a>, <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/11/diwali-air-pollution-delhi-health/">pollution</a> and a <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/2157930X.2019.1580934">lack of functioning sanitation</a>.</p>
<p>These problems and others act as key obstacles to local economic development. Recently a FIN colleague, Dr Raja Venkataramani, returned from the US keen to discuss ChatGPT. He wondered whether the AI chatbot could help to create awareness, motivation and community engagement towards our sustainability goals in Kameswaram.</p>
<p>For one experiment, we worked with local women who are FIN staff members but didn’t have a high level of education. The women staff at FIN are local villagers grappling with patriarchal attitudes at home, who find it difficult to construct engaging arguments to motivate local people – especially boys and men – to conserve water, use toilets and not litter in public places. </p>
<p>We introduced ChatGPT to them as a tool to aid them in their lives and work. After installing it on their phones, they found it very helpful. ChatGPT acted like a companion and remembered what had been discussed previously.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Fisherman in Kameswaran." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/537519/original/file-20230714-15992-mg2hol.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/537519/original/file-20230714-15992-mg2hol.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/537519/original/file-20230714-15992-mg2hol.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/537519/original/file-20230714-15992-mg2hol.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/537519/original/file-20230714-15992-mg2hol.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/537519/original/file-20230714-15992-mg2hol.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/537519/original/file-20230714-15992-mg2hol.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">FIN staff take their ocean littering campaign out into the local area.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shyama V Ramani</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
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<p>One staff member wanted to use it to debate politics with her husband in the run-up to the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2023_elections_in_India">state elections</a>. She asked ChatGPT what was good and bad about her preferred candidate and requested that it back this up with data. </p>
<p>She then repeated this for that politician’s opponent. She found the responses for both candidates were equally convincing. The staff member did not have the patience to check the veracity of the arguments and so ended up even more confused. This made her reluctant to use ChatGPT again.</p>
<p>Sam Altman, ChatGPT’s creator, along with other tech leaders in the US are <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2023/may/16/ceo-openai-chatgpt-ai-tech-regulations">calling for regulation</a> to contain the risks of AI hallucinations, which is when the technology generates false information that could trigger social tensions. We asked ChatGPT to produce a speech calling to quell a mob bent on carrying out honour killings. </p>
<p>Even today, India remains plagued by communal violence such as <a href="https://ohrh.law.ox.ac.uk/addressing-honour-killings-in-india-the-need-for-new-legislation/">honour killings</a> against, for example, couples who marry outside their caste or young women who seek employment outside the village. ChatGPT proved to be a very effective speech writer, producing compelling arguments against these acts.</p>
<p>However, those in favour of maintaining the status quo could also use the chatbot to justify their violent behaviour to the community. This might happen if they were seeking to retain their status within the village, countering any efforts to encourage community members to end the practices. We found that the AI system was just as adept at producing arguments in favour of honour killings.</p>
<p>In a different experiment, we aimed to see how the chatbot could help NGOs promote women’s empowerment – a central mission of FIN’s – in a way that could benefit the community. We asked ChatGPT to create a speech explaining the relevance of <a href="https://www.internationalwomensday.com/">International Women’s Day</a> to villagers. </p>
<p>The speech was very impressive, but it contained factual errors on sex ratios, the abortion of foetuses outside legal limits, and women’s participation in the workforce. When ChatGPT was asked to justify the errors, it replied: “I apologise for any confusion. I provided a hypothetical statistic to illustrate the point.”</p>
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<img alt="FIN staff members discussing a campaign for women's empowerment." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/536835/original/file-20230711-23-o3xztw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/536835/original/file-20230711-23-o3xztw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=277&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/536835/original/file-20230711-23-o3xztw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=277&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/536835/original/file-20230711-23-o3xztw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=277&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/536835/original/file-20230711-23-o3xztw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/536835/original/file-20230711-23-o3xztw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/536835/original/file-20230711-23-o3xztw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">FIN staff members discussing a campaign for women’s empowerment.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shyama V Ramani</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
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<h2>Pollution problem</h2>
<p>In another experiment, we wanted to address the problem of pollution from traditional festivals in India. These frequently involve firecrackers and parties, which increase the levels of air and water pollution. </p>
<p>Though street theatre has previously been used successfully <a href="https://parasitesandvectors.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s13071-022-05421-5;%20Pelto,%20P.%20J.,%20&%20Singh,%20R.%20(2010).%20Community%20street%20theatre%20as%20a%20tool%20for%20interventions%20on%20alcohol%20use%20and%20other%20behaviors%20related%20to%20HIV%20risks.%20AIDS%20and%20Behavior,%2014,%20147-157.">to motivate behavioural change</a>, neither FIN’s staff nor its mentors felt capable of writing a script. However, within three minutes of being fed the right prompt, ChatGPT came up with a skit involving young people. </p>
<p>It included both male and female characters, used local names and was mindful of local nuances. The FIN staff boosted the local character of the skit by inserting their own jokes into it. The short theatre piece argued that the impact on our oceans of <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-019-43023-x">microfibres from synthetic clothing</a> represents a significant environmental problem that can harm livelihoods. </p>
<h2>Asking the AI</h2>
<p>We asked ChatGPT for its opinion on our results. It asserted that ChatGPT can be a valuable tool for both economically disadvantaged people and NGOs because it provided valuable information, offered emotional support and made communication more effective. </p>
<p>But the chatbot avoided discussing its obvious downsides, such as making arguments based on false, incomplete or imperfect information. Just as it can help us, it can also act as a capable speech writer for those who would seek to divide or raise tensions.</p>
<p>For the time being, ChatGPT seems like a handy tool for well-intentioned NGOs, but not so much for the ordinary individuals that they assist. Without users having the means to monitor the ethics and truthfulness of ChatGPT’s suggestions, AI systems could become dangerous enablers for disinformation and misinformation.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/203287/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>AI chatbots can be educational tools but still have many drawbacks.Shyama V. Ramani, Professorial Fellow, Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology (UNU-MERIT), United Nations UniversityMaximilian Bruder, PhD Research Fellow, Maastricht Economic and Social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology (UNU-MERIT), United Nations UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1945902022-11-24T13:51:03Z2022-11-24T13:51:03ZCommunity wildlife conservation isn’t always a win-win solution: the case of Kenya’s Samburu<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/496272/original/file-20221120-18-h0rj85.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A herder grazes cattle alongside wildlife in Samburu, Kenya.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Tony Karumba/AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Community-based wildlife conservation is often promoted as a <a href="https://www.conservation.org/places/africa">win-win solution</a>. The idea behind this approach is that the people who live close to wildlife can be involved in protecting it and have an interest in doing so. </p>
<p>This results in wildlife being protected (a win for global biodiversity) and local people benefiting from conservation through tourism revenues, jobs, or new infrastructure like schools, clinics and water supplies. </p>
<p>However, the reality of community-based wildlife conservation is sometimes less straightforward, as the experience of Kenya shows. </p>
<p>Kenya is home to spectacular wildlife, landscape and cultural resources that drive the safari tourism industry. This <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QO4eVRLy24Q">brings in</a> millions of visitors – and billions of US dollars – to the country annually. Yet, Kenya’s tourist attractions face significant threats. These include <a href="https://theconversation.com/saving-east-africas-wildlife-from-recurring-drought-183844">climate change</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-us-kenya-cooperation-on-wildlife-and-drug-trafficking-matters-184070">illegal wildlife trade</a>, loss of habitat due to <a href="https://theconversation.com/kenya-has-been-trying-to-regulate-the-charcoal-sector-why-its-not-working-154383">deforestation</a> and <a href="https://www.businessdailyafrica.com/bd/data-hub/the-economic-pains-human-wildlife-conflict-3662002">human-wildlife conflict</a>. To address some of these risks, community conservancies have been established across the country. </p>
<p>Community conservancies are wildlife-protected areas established on community owned or occupied land. They make up a significant part of the wildlife protection landscape in Kenya, with implications for thousands of people. </p>
<p>There are currently <a href="https://kwcakenya.com/conservancies/status-of-wildlife-conservancies-in-kenya/">76 such spaces</a>, covering tens of thousands of square kilometres. They date back to the 1980s, but have accelerated in number and extent over the last 20 years. </p>
<p>In northern Kenya, which is characterised by a wide expanse of grasslands, most conservancies are supported by the <a href="https://www.nrt-kenya.org/">Northern Rangelands Trust</a>. This is a national NGO funded by global donors and international conservation agencies. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/kenyan-wildlife-policies-must-extend-beyond-protected-areas-127821">Kenyan wildlife policies must extend beyond protected areas</a>
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<p>It’s difficult to establish how much funding is directed to community conservancies. However, in 2020, the Kenya Wildlife Conservancies Association, an umbrella body, reported that the country’s conservancies incur about <a href="https://kwcakenya.com/conservancies-receive-historic-support-from-government/">US$25 million</a> in annual operational costs. This is mostly funded through donors and, to a limited extent, the government. </p>
<p>Over 30 years of conducting anthropological fieldwork among Samburu communities in northern Kenya, I noticed that community conservation was gaining in popularity, yet there was little evidence about its operation or effects. I conducted a study to explore the issue in more detail. This research led to a <a href="https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781793650290/Conservation-and-Community-in-Kenya-Milking-the-Elephant">book</a>, which sets out the impact of conservancies on cooperation and conflict in communities. </p>
<p><a href="https://kws.go.ke/content/national-wildlife-census-2021-report">Wildlife numbers</a> in Kenya are declining, but more wild animals are found on conservancy land than in unprotected areas. While this is promising, my research found that conservancies increased human-wildlife conflict, with communities bearing the brunt of loss and injury caused by wildlife. Further, the economic benefits of community conservancies to members were minimal. </p>
<h2>The roots of community conservation</h2>
<p>Community-based conservation has its roots in the realisation that the <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Natural-Connections-Perspectives-Community-Based-Conservation/dp/1559633468">“fortress” model</a> of conservation – which is the creation of parks and reserves that exclude all human use – is untenable. Wild animals require vast landscapes to thrive. They cannot be contained within the boundaries of parks. </p>
<p>Equally, when local people are excluded from parks, they are denied access to the resources they need for survival. Treating people as less important than wildlife makes them less inclined to protect wildlife. This is particularly true in a place like northern Kenya, where livestock-herding societies like the Samburu have lived in close proximity to wildlife for centuries. </p>
<p>Understanding that successful conservation depends on local populations having a stake in its success has led to efforts in Kenya to engage communities directly in conservation activities. In this approach, the community sets aside <a href="https://www.nrt-kenya.org/community-conservation-overview">part of its land</a> for conservation activities in exchange for anticipated benefits that will flow from conservation. </p>
<p>In the Samburu case, communities have set aside about 10% to 25% of their land for wildlife, and in some cases for tourism infrastructure. These conservancies are run by paid staff overseen by boards made up of community members and supported by conservation NGOs. </p>
<p>Livestock grazing is prohibited or severely restricted on this land. </p>
<p>Community conservation creates boundaries, which are policed by wildlife scouts who are often armed. Although their stated role is wildlife protection, these scouts are in fact tasked with protecting pasture from outsiders and livestock from theft. </p>
<h2>Heightened tensions</h2>
<p><a href="https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781793650290/Conservation-and-Community-in-Kenya-Milking-the-Elephant">My research</a> involved spending a year in several Samburu conservancies. I observed how the conservancies operated and talked to members about how they felt about them. I conducted surveys to measure the costs and benefits incurred. </p>
<p>The study revealed a number of impacts of conservancies on local communities that mainly have to do with security and with funding.</p>
<p>I found that conservancies actually heightened tensions among Samburu communities. Creating zones of land use and restricting grazing makes it necessary to maintain boundaries and refuse access to non-members. This goes against Samburu norms of allowing livestock access to pasture, particularly during dry seasons and droughts. On the other hand, members of conservancies see the policing of grazing as a benefit.</p>
<p>Many times in the course of my research, I heard people refer to their Samburu neighbours outside conservancy boundaries as “outsiders” or “encroachers” who must be kept out. Conservancies resemble islands around which herders must navigate to find pasture. If and when they landed on these islands, conflicts often occurred.</p>
<p>Additionally, the amount of funding channelled to conservancies from donor organisations was relatively large compared to other sources of support. Conservancies that have tourism facilities also earn revenue from hotel contracts, bed-night charges and conservation fees. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/elephant-conservation-may-be-undermined-by-twitter-users-who-overlook-main-threats-191788">Elephant conservation may be undermined by Twitter users who overlook main threats</a>
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<p>Members perceived that there was a lot of money circulating in conservancies, controlled by the boards and staff. They reported minimal economic benefits for themselves, mostly in the form of school fees for students and sometimes an annual dividend. This fuelled suspicions among members that the money was being misused by conservancy boards and staff. </p>
<p>Suspicions of misuse of funds have resulted in bitter conflicts within the community over leadership, demands for greater public accountability and legal action.</p>
<p>These unintended consequences of community-based conservation call for more effective models. Conservation that places less emphasis on who may or may not use a piece of land, and that improves accountability, could result in better outcomes for people and for wildlife.</p>
<h2>The way forward</h2>
<p>The intentions behind community-based conservation are laudable. It aims to correct past failures, which include isolating wildlife in parks and excluding people from important survival resources. Yet, this approach brings its own set of challenges. There is a risk that if members don’t receive the kinds of benefits they have been promised, their support for conservation could decline, undermining the approach. </p>
<p>Greater engagement of members, and more accountability regarding funding and its uses would enhance confidence and ownership among members.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/194590/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Carolyn K. Lesorogol receives funding from the United States National Science Foundation that funded the research discussed here. </span></em></p>Conservation that places less emphasis on who may or may not use a piece of land could result in better outcomes for people and wildlife.Carolyn K. Lesorogol, Professor, Washington University in St. LouisLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1008452018-08-08T12:48:29Z2018-08-08T12:48:29ZMany NGO workers on the ground don’t speak the local language – new research<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/231102/original/file-20180808-191019-clit82.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-vector/interpreter-vector-concept-flat-illustration-businessman-1150216268?src=_OwxDCx07zhN_PlkV1kcOg-1-29">Roi and Roi/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>After the Oxfam sexual exploitation <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/oxfam-scandal-49793">scandal</a> in Haiti <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jun/15/timeline-oxfam-sexual-exploitation-scandal-in-haiti">hit the headlines</a> earlier this year, 22 aid agencies published an <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-43167746">open letter</a> declaring that they would “take every step to right our wrongs and eradicate abuse in our industry”. They made a commitment to “listen and take action”. </p>
<p>There is nothing new about NGOs claiming that they “listen” to communities and act on their feedback. A cursory glance at NGO publicity materials reveals that they typically claim that they empower communities by listening and involving them in decisions about aid projects.</p>
<p>It is therefore reasonable to assume that aid workers share the same language as local communities (or at least that they use good interpreters). Otherwise, how could aid providers and aid recipients communicate with one another effectively? You might also assume that it is relatively easy to translate basic development terms into local languages. Development NGOs promote common goals, such as gender equality and human rights. Surely organisations must use common interpretations of these words when interacting with the people that they aim to help?</p>
<p>But <a href="https://www.reading.ac.uk/modern-languages-and-european-studies/Research/mles-listening-zones-of-ngos.aspx">our research</a> suggests that this is typically not the case. We conducted a three-year project to explore the role of languages in international development, in conjunction with UK-based NGO INTRAC. We interviewed dozens of NGOs, officials from the UK’s Department of International Development (DfID), and conducted field research in developing countries. Our data led us to arrive at three startling conclusions.</p>
<h2>Three language problems</h2>
<p>First, we found that languages generally have a low priority in development. DFID officials generally assume that NGOs have sufficient language capacity to communicate with aid recipients. But few NGOs have language policies and language needs tend to be underfunded, even though aid workers are keenly aware of the importance of languages in their work. Many NGOs rely on multilingual staff members on the ground to come up with ad hoc solutions. The problem is that staff are not always fluent in the languages and dialects of the communities that they work with, and so interpretations can be sub par. Communities can become confused about the objectives of aid projects, or even misunderstand them entirely. </p>
<p>Second, many development concepts that are essential to NGO work are not directly translatable into other languages. Examples include accountability, resilience and sustainability. Aid workers often have to invent their own interpretations of these concepts with minimal guidance from management. The interpretations can vary widely, which exacerbates the confusion of the communities about the purpose of aid projects.</p>
<p>Third, these language problems have negative effects on community participation, and the trust that communities have in NGOs. Certain groups, especially those speaking an indigenous language that does not have official status, end up being effectively excluded from participating in project design, and providing feedback on the performance of the NGO. This is an impediment to establishing relationships of mutual respect.</p>
<h2>Change needed</h2>
<p>This needs to change if the aid sector is serious about dealing with the issues raised by the Oxfam scandal. The International Development Committee’s <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmintdev/840/84003.htm">recent report</a> on sexual violence in aid called for the inclusion of the voices of victims and survivors in policy-making. Our research suggests that NGOs should ensure that safeguarding policies and procedures are extremely sensitive to the linguistic and cultural context of the areas where abuse may occur.</p>
<p>In fact, in all areas of their work, it is clear that NGOs need to include language as a key consideration when designing development projects. They should use local interpreters wherever possible, who will have a deep understanding of the culture. They need to make more effort to translate development jargon, and better support multilingual staff who undertake the informal work of language mediation outside of their agreed job descriptions. NGOs should also conduct regular assessments to determine whether communities and fieldworkers understand one another well.</p>
<p>It’s not just NGOs that are problematic. We found that DfID also has a blind spot about the importance of languages. For example, it only accepts funding proposals in English. This prevents thousands of excellent local organisations in developing countries that are unable to speak or write English, but are worthy of financial support, from applying for funding. If they cannot enlist the support of a fluent English speaker, they are unable to access money that might help them to make positive changes in their communities.</p>
<p>DfID <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/leaving-no-one-behind-our-promise/leaving-no-one-behind-our-promise">claims</a> that it is committed to “putting the last first”, and that “every person counts and will be counted”. But if development is to be truly inclusive, then it needs to cater for the languages spoken by the recipients of aid, who often tend to be the poorest and most marginalised in society. DfID should open up opportunities for non-English speaking organisations to apply for funds. This would promote a bottom-up approach to development that empowers the grassroots: a radical, much-needed change in the way that development is practised.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/100845/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Angela Crack receives funding from AHRC. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hilary Footitt receives funding from AHRC.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Wine Tesseur receives funding from AHRC.</span></em></p>The international aid sector’s use of languages needs to change if it is serious about dealing with the issues raised by recent scandals.Angela Crack, Senior Lecturer in International Relations, University of PortsmouthHilary Footitt, Research Professor in Modern Languages, University of ReadingWine Tesseur, Postdoctoral Research Assistant in Modern Languages, University of ReadingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/759732017-06-05T08:40:34Z2017-06-05T08:40:34ZWhy the money development charities spend in Britain is so vital to their work<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/168767/original/file-20170510-21620-1n59atc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">An Oxfam campaign launch in 2014. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/oxfam/15668220492/sizes/l">Oxfam International via flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>To the Daily Mail, Britain’s overseas aid budget is taxpayer money “splurged” on “handouts for terrorists and killers”. The newspaper is <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/foreignaid/index.html">actively campaigning</a> for Britain to reduce the amount it spends on development aid abroad, so more money can be spent on social care at home. </p>
<p>How things have changed. A little more than 20 years ago, the Daily Mail accused Oxfam GB of “insulting” Britain for setting up a programme working with poor people in the UK. The newspaper’s editorial on September 3 1994, met the news that Oxfam was considering setting up a UK poverty programme, with outrage. It read: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>To the ragged, starving, desperate peoples of Africa, Asia and South America, Oxfam’s new found ‘obligation’ must look like a sick joke. </p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/164951/original/image-20170411-26730-f4hjkh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/164951/original/image-20170411-26730-f4hjkh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/164951/original/image-20170411-26730-f4hjkh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/164951/original/image-20170411-26730-f4hjkh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/164951/original/image-20170411-26730-f4hjkh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=594&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/164951/original/image-20170411-26730-f4hjkh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=594&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/164951/original/image-20170411-26730-f4hjkh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=594&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Daily Mail from 1994.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>On the same day, a piece in The Times argued that Oxfam’s cash was needed in the “Third World, not Britain.” A day later, The Mail on Sunday was adamant that Oxfam’s “charity must not begin at home”. </p>
<p>But Oxfam went ahead with its plans. As my continuing research has highlighted, it <a href="http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what-we-do/about-us/history-of-oxfam">set up a programme</a> in 1996 working, for example, with struggling hill farmers in the Peak District and families coping with unemployment and low pay in London, Manchester, Cardiff, Thornaby and Glasgow </p>
<p>Oxfam GB is not the only charity working with poor communities in wealthy countries. Islamic Relief <a href="http://www.islamic-relief.org.uk/news/response-to-the-uk-floods/">provided</a> drinking water in Gloucester after the UK’s 2006 floods. In the US, Oxfam America <a href="https://www.oxfamamerica.org/livesontheline/">campaigns</a> to improve conditions for farm and poultry industry workers and is <a href="https://www.oxfamamerica.org/explore/stories/oxfam-continues-legal-fight-against-president-trumps-discriminatory-refugee-ban/">now</a> lobbying to overturn US President Donald Trump’s ban on Syrian refugees entering the US. In Denmark, Save the Children has worked since the 1940s on safeguarding vulnerable children in Denmark and Greenland.</p>
<p>These “domestic” programmes are of enormous potential value for supporters of international development charities. They offer new ways of seeing development, which do not divide the world into zones of “them” and “us” (often very distant from each other). They can also lead to more adult conversations between charities and their donors about the links between poverty and power. </p>
<h2>Home truths</h2>
<p>British development aid has very particular responsibilities to the poor in those countries once exploited as part of Empire or currently at the receiving end of unjust trading agreements. But this must not be replaced with a new type of colonial endeavour, with donors seeking to portray parts of the world as passive and grateful recipients of generous British largesse. Those who donate to development charities urgently need a more nuanced understanding of what development is.</p>
<p>Working in your own “backyard” can be a politically high-risk but worthwhile strategy for development charities. It lays bare the complex realities of how social change takes place. Work with poor communities in Britain can reveal the radically political nature of what a charity can do quite safely and quietly “over there”. For example, helping farmers adapt to climate change or addressing domestic violence in Uganda involve multi-layered interventions, working with local and national politicians to encourage behaviour change throughout society.</p>
<p>When international development charities try to talk about poverty and injustice in British society, they are often accused of meddling in politics as if development work and politics are entirely disconnected issues.</p>
<p>Take, for example, Oxfam’s current work in the UK in Tower Hamlets, one of London’s poorest boroughs. In its <a href="http://www.oxfam.org.uk/media-centre/press-releases/2016/04/londoners-think-current-levels-of-wealth-inequality-are-damaging-to-capitals-future">campaigning work</a> with the First Love Foundation, the charity asks the question: how can people be poor even when they work hard?</p>
<p>By questioning why hardworking people in Tower Hamlets still struggle to find secure accommodation and feed their families, Oxfam is forcing British citizens to consider that some people’s interests are excluded from national and local policies. If poverty is so commonly seen through the lens of benefits and the idea of the “deserving” and “undeserving” poor, citizens can become blind to these <a href="http://policy-practice.oxfam.org.uk/publications/quick-guide-to-power-analysis-313950">power imbalances</a>.</p>
<p>Without thinking through these possibilities, which are all deeply political, charity donors will never be able to grasp what “development” is – wherever it takes place. Neither will they be able to understand why it is important nor why the UK’s commitment to 0.7% GNI is the least the country can do.</p>
<p>The domestic programmes of large charities such as Islamic Relief and Oxfam GB offer new ways of seeing development and thinking about poverty. By working on poverty in the UK, they explode the myth that poverty is something that happens only “over there” and to other people. The reasons why people become and stay poor are present in British society too. Work to address these causes is inevitably political, in the same way that development work overseas is political in Uganda, Myanmar or Afghanistan.</p>
<p>If these charities do not start having adult conversations with their supporters about the deeply political nature of development, wherever it takes place, this domestic work will be of no use. Rather it will play into an agenda in which work “at home” is pitted against work “overseas”.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/75973/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Susannah Pickering-Saqqa does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Why NGOs and donors must have adult conversations about what development really means.Susannah Pickering-Saqqa, Senior Lecturer, International Development and NGO Management, University of East LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/772652017-05-31T12:48:21Z2017-05-31T12:48:21ZWhy charities should be allowed to campaign freely at election time<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171512/original/file-20170530-23667-1p51oct.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">There are rules about what charities can say and spend during election campaigns. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Everybody was caught off guard when Theresa May announced Britain would be heading to the polls on June 8. But charities were more surprised than most by the news – which had an immediate impact on their day-to-day campaigning operations. </p>
<p>Under special election-time rules, charities are legally restrained in their campaigning missions. The law <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/41/section/85">restricts</a> campaigning on policy platforms that are intended to procure the electoral success of a particular party or candidate. </p>
<p>For example, as the Conservative <a href="https://s3.eu-west-2.amazonaws.com/manifesto2017/Manifesto2017.pdf">manifesto</a> proposed giving MPs a free vote on the legalisation of fox hunting, animal welfare organisations will have to proceed very carefully before speaking out. Opposition to the change could easily be interpreted as favouring one party over another. </p>
<p>If charities do want to campaign on policy platforms associated with political parties there are particular election-time <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/4/section/28/enacted">rules</a> about how much money they can spend. If they intend to spend more than £20,000 during a campaign, they must register. For such campaigns in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, the threshold is £10,000. Total expenditure is then <a href="http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0010/165961/intro-campaigning-charities-npc.pdf">capped</a> at £319,800 or £9,750 in any given constituency.</p>
<h2>Snap election causes headache</h2>
<p>The ordinary period that this covers before a general election is <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/41/schedule/9/enacted">365</a> days – a very long time. But because we are in a snap election, this period is treated retrospectively, which has placed an extra and surprising burden upon campaigning charities. This means charities must now unexpectedly account for all of their expenditure over the past year which might reasonably be regarded as intended to procure electoral success.</p>
<p>As the current rules were introduced in <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/4/contents/enacted/data.htm">2014</a>, and this is the first snap election since then, this is the first time this retrospective rule has been used. In light of this, the Electoral Commission has <a href="https://blogs.ncvo.org.uk/2017/05/26/charities-and-the-lobbying-act-the-electoral-commissions-view/">promised</a> to take a “pragmatic and proportionate response” to the issue. </p>
<p>Still, the demand from the Electoral Commission to register expenditure over £20,000 retrospectively will have come as a surprise to charities. And refusal to comply with the rules carries very serious sanctions. In April, <a href="http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/i-am-a/journalist/electoral-commission-media-centre/news-releases-donations/greenpeace-and-friends-of-the-earth-fined-for-breaking-campaigning-rules?">Greenpeace</a> was fined £30,000 by the Electoral Commission for refusing to register during the 2015 election campaign – even though the commission estimated the charity had spent over £100,000. </p>
<p>Taking a <a href="http://www.greenpeace.org.uk/blog/oceans/fish-%E2%80%98must-have%E2%80%99-prop-election-campaign-20150430">coastal boat tour</a>, Greenpeace activists had visited communities around the UK, deliberating targeting political candidates and attempting to get them to sign up and support sustainable fishing.</p>
<h2>Ban on direct party-political support</h2>
<p>Charities are also subject to a long-standing year-round ban on direct party political support. They cannot put up banners telling people how to vote, nor can they knock on doors and promote a particular party. This stems from the <a href="http://thephilanthropist.ca/1983/07/mcgovern-v-attorney-general/">case</a> of McGovern v Attorney General in the 1980s, which declared the campaigning activities of Amnesty International to be outside the scope of acceptable legal charitable activity. </p>
<p>In the case, the judge also ruled unequivocally that charities are also subject to a ban on party-political support. The ban applies at all times, but its effect is inevitably felt most keenly ahead of an election. It also extends to all places of worship which are classed as charities under the law.</p>
<p>It’s up to the Charity Commission, rather than the Electoral Commission to enforce these ordinary rules against direct party political support. Its regulatory approach was put to the test during the 2015 election when the dome of the Shacklewell Lane Mosque, a charity, was found unlawfully daubed with the name of a candidate running against then-UKIP leader Nigel Farage. The commission responded in a carefully measured way, without sanctions. They ensured the trustees were <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/610331/Campaigning_and_political_issues_arising_in_the_runup_to_the_2015_General_Election_new.pdf">aware</a> of the law and paid a site visit to ensure the charity was properly run. </p>
<p>Clearly, not all charities will intend to spend over £20,000 and it is important to note that the Charity Commission actually encourages organisations to <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/610137/CC9.pdf">speak out</a> so long as they stay within the rules. But as my colleague Debra Morris at the University of Liverpool has noted, the overall impact of this complex regulatory landscape might still be to <a href="http://www.vssn.org.uk/paper/too-political-charities-and-the-legal-boundaries-of-campaigning/">deter</a> charities from their campaigning mission.</p>
<h2>Is this justified?</h2>
<p>In my view, there are two possible justifications for regulating election-time campaigning. The first is based around concerns about keeping charities above the political <a href="http://calnonprofits.org/publications/article-archive/521-let-s-keep-nonprofits-and-churches-above-the-political-fray">fray</a>. If charities are seen to take sides on weighty political issues, some members of the public will inevitably find it distasteful, which might damage the “charity brand”.</p>
<p>But while this concern might justify the ban on party-political support, wider-ranging restrictions on policy campaigning throw the baby out with the bathwater. Charity is <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2878008">inherently</a> linked with policy. It is impossible to think of a <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2011/25/section/3">charitable purpose</a> that does not have at least a policy tinge and restrictions on policy campaigning misunderstand that part of their nature.</p>
<p>A second possible justification for limiting election-time campaigning flows from the relationship between charity and the regulatory state. The government now delivers a great many <a href="https://www.gov.uk/guidance/public-service-delivery-rules-for-charities">welfare services</a> through charities. Just as civil servants are subject to purdah at election time, it might be said that charities should also maintain a hushed neutrality. </p>
<p>But not all social welfare organisations – such as the <a href="https://rnli.org/about-us/our-strategy/our-philosophy">RNLI</a> – receive government funds. And even in the case of those organisations which do receive taxpayers’ money, I hope that the relationship between the sector and the state amounts to something more than government purchasing a second civil service on the <a href="https://data.ncvo.org.uk/a/almanac16/income-from-government/">cheap</a>. Government authorities should be prepared to fund independent, opposing voices.</p>
<h2>Moves for change</h2>
<p>There are some tepid signs that reforms might be coming. In a 2016 review, Lord Hodgson of Astley Abbotts <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/508568/2904969_Cm_9205_Complete_Text_V0.5.pdf">recommended</a> that only campaign activities deliberately intended to impact upon the ballot box should be controlled at election time. A <a href="https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld201617/ldselect/ldchar/133/133.pdf">report</a> published by the House of Lords in March 2017 also adopted this view.</p>
<p>Such cautious steps do not grasp the nettle. A bolder path would be to accept that all charity is straightforwardly and unambiguously political. Charities are mostly run by people motivated to change the world. They have political campaigning missions and it will benefit everyone if they can speak out freely.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/77265/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Picton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Charities are limited in how much they can spend on campaigning. Is this justified?John Picton, Lecturer in Charity Law, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/725372017-02-28T21:55:39Z2017-02-28T21:55:39ZPolish citizens turn their back on NGOs and embrace community activism<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/158604/original/image-20170227-26322-1ocv2xj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=9%2C45%2C2038%2C1134&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Urban and social art at the first edition of 'Neighbours' festival in Katowice, in 2014. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.facebook.com/pobudkakoszutka/photos/a.481569721926163.1073741827.481554075261061/730986090317857/?type=3&theater">Sebastian Pypłacz/Pobudka Koszutka</a>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Poland amazed the world last year when mass protests against tightening restrictions on <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-hungary-and-poland-have-silenced-women-and-stifled-human-rights-66743">abortion rights</a> mushroomed across the country, forcing the government to change its position. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-hungary-and-poland-have-silenced-women-and-stifled-human-rights-66743">Black Protest</a> that spread <a href="http://www.se.pl/wiadomosci/polska/czarny-poniedzialek-ogolnopolski-strajk-kobiet-gdzie-i-o-ktorej-protesty-harmonogram_897377.html">within</a> and <a href="http://warszawawpigulce.pl/zobaczcie-mape-czarnego-strajku-co-i-gdzie-bedzie-sie-dzialo-interaktywna-mapa/">outside</a> the country demonstrated the vitality of grassroots activism in Poland. It also reflected social and political changes in the country and the way Polish civil society has evolved.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/158872/original/image-20170301-5538-1kqaom5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/158872/original/image-20170301-5538-1kqaom5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158872/original/image-20170301-5538-1kqaom5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158872/original/image-20170301-5538-1kqaom5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158872/original/image-20170301-5538-1kqaom5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158872/original/image-20170301-5538-1kqaom5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158872/original/image-20170301-5538-1kqaom5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Black Protest in Poland, Warsaw, October 2016.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/70/Czarny_protest_pozna%C5%84.jpg">Michalkraw/Wikimedia</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In spite of repeated claims that <a href="http://www.ssc.wisc.edu/%7Ewright/Social%20Economy%20PDFs/GLOBAL%20CIVIL%20SOCIETY%20--%20Chapter1.pdf">post-socialist civil societies</a> are weak and still immature, this episode and many other recent domestic developments show otherwise. As a <a href="https://books.google.se/books?id=7nS1CwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=urban+grassroots+movements&hl=sv&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwif7qnkze7RAhVoDJoKHeYfAIwQ6AEIHTAA#v=onepage&q=urban%2520grassroots%2520movements&f=false">recent study</a> demonstrated, urban movements are thriving in Poland. </p>
<h2>The NGO backlash</h2>
<p>During the Black Protest, organisations such as Gals to Gals (<a href="http://dziewuchydziewuchom.pl/"><em>Dziewuchy Dziewuchom</em></a>) and Save the Women (<a href="http://www.ratujmykobiety.pl/"><em>Ratujmy Kobiety</em></a> which are informal initiatives, took to the streets together with citizens, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and political parties, demonstrating activism has changed in Poland in recent years.</p>
<p>Unlike other women-centred public events, the Black Protest was joined not just by pro-choice activist but also by women with a conservative worldview. The protesters were only unanimous about the need not to further restrict the current abortion law; they did not necessarily agree that it should be liberalised.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/158579/original/image-20170227-26309-1xltxro.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/158579/original/image-20170227-26309-1xltxro.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158579/original/image-20170227-26309-1xltxro.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158579/original/image-20170227-26309-1xltxro.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158579/original/image-20170227-26309-1xltxro.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158579/original/image-20170227-26309-1xltxro.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/158579/original/image-20170227-26309-1xltxro.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A ‘Save the Women’ protest in Warsaw, October 2016.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Czarny_protest_inicjatywy_Ratujmy_Kobiety_2016_10_01_w_Warszawie_00.jpg">Konto na chwilę/Wikimedia</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Since the 1990s, the NGO sector has been considered the <a href="http://rcin.org.pl/Content/41658/WA004_59541_T6644_Domanski-Elementy-sp_oh.pdf">most developed pillar</a> of civil society in Poland. Yet Polish NGOs have recently come under <a href="http://www.polityka.pl/tygodnikpolityka/kraj/1683226,1,organizacje-pozarzadowe-w-kryzysie.read">pressure</a>. </p>
<p>Division between NGOs has sprung up over access to funds and the <a href="http://opinie.ngo.pl/wiadomosc/1928659.html">perceived privilege of liberal NGOs</a> over conservative ones. In an increasingly <a href="http://polpan.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/POLPAN_Relationship_class_structure_social_stratification.pdf">stratified society</a>, this came as no surprise.</p>
<p>Many have been critical of what they considered to be an excessive “<a href="https://books.google.se/books?id=0h0GDAAAQBAJ&pg=PT47&lpg=PT47&dq=NGOization+of+polish+civil+society&source=bl&ots=orKQlsL9bj&sig=0jhBtpRjaBMvzWRrqw62gjZaDT0&hl=sv&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiWoZf4zO7RAhUHb5oKHQNPBy8Q6AEIIzAA#v=onepage&q=NGOization%2520of%2520polish%2520civil%2520society&f=false">NGOisation</a>” of Polish civil society. This turn against institutions should also be understood as a reaction to the <a href="https://www.academia.edu/1481083/How_Individualists_Make_Solidarity_Work">individualism</a>, of the NGO-sector; social activists admit they are involved in NGOs to achieve self-actualisation or enhance their skills. </p>
<p>The “<a href="http://www.aspekt.sk/sites/default/files/Obalka_knihy.pdf#page=32">NGO-isation of resistance</a>” and NGO activism in general have justifiably been criticised for neutering the citizenry’s own potential for grassroots engagement by channelling it into project-based, grant-reliant activities. </p>
<p>And NGOs themselves have started to voice their concern that they might have become <a href="http://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-center/civicus-blog/2353-an-open-letter-to-our-fellow-activists-across-the-globe-building-from-below-and-beyond-borders">part of the problems</a>, including counteracting social inequalities, they were originally aiming to tackle. </p>
<p>Social activists now challenge the idea that you need to join NGOs in order to engage in public life, and researchers too are increasingly aware of the need to change their <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Beyond-NGO-ization-The-Development-of-Social-Movements-in-Central-and/Saxonberg-Jacobsson/p/book/9781409442226">NGO-centred focus</a> when studying civil society in the region.</p>
<h2>Acting together for the community</h2>
<p>As a reaction to the individualism characterising NGO activism and the political divide in the public sphere, we are seeing an emergence of informal movements, motivated by the wish to restore <a href="http://repozytorium.ceon.pl/bitstream/handle/123456789/8285/Krajobraz%2520spo%25C5%2582eczno%25C5%259Bciowy%2520-%2520Polska%25202014.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y">community feeling</a> in Polish cities and towns. </p>
<p>Social activism in Poland used to be the domain of the <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/657623?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">intelligentsia</a> and its long-standing <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwisvLz-lKvSAhVN52MKHYzXDggQFggaMAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fjournals.lub.lu.se%2Findex.php%2Fsl%2Farticle%2FviewFile%2F10103%2F8518&usg=AFQjCNGNaIXImucJA9xfiGb2wsT3AeFQeg&sig2=XF7gmQDOorinAeRkn9kr8g&bvm=bv.148073327,d.cGc">positivist</a> mission to serve the nation, especially during times of lack of state sovereignty. </p>
<p>However, the intelligentsia reinforced what sociologist Joanna Kurczewska has called the “<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/41274825?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">elitist model of local civil society</a>” in Poland. Unlike NGO activists, individuals involved in community building or civic engagement declare they do not aspire to lead or enlighten the nation. </p>
<p>Instead, they identify with, and work on behalf of, <a href="http://repozytorium.ceon.pl/bitstream/handle/123456789/8285/Krajobraz%2520spo%25C5%2582eczno%25C5%259Bciowy%2520-%2520Polska%25202014.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y">their local communities</a>, or claim to be citizens of the world. They are inspired by humanitarian values and understand civic engagement as activism. </p>
<p>We carried out research into non-institutionalised initiatives in Poland between 2014 and 2015. One activist we <a href="https://www.civitas.edu.pl/collegium/uczelnia/nauka-i-badania/projekty-badawcze-i-ekspertyzy-w-realizacji/nieodkryty-wymiar-iii-sektora-badania-niezinstytucjonalizowanych-przejawow-spolecznikowstwa">interviewed</a> told us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Under various ideological slogans, we realise common social goals. Political orientation is not a criterion to exclude anyone from our community. We share a common goal, even if we explain those goals by our leftist views, while they justify it via their rightist views, but we do exactly the same things.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Acting together to make <a href="http://bibliofil.com.pl/aktywnosc-obywatelska-na-poziomie-lokalnym-formy-i-uwarunkowania-l-k-gilejko-b-blaszczyk-red-pultusk-2011-lokalizm-regionalizm-globalizm-t-vi-socjologia.html">improvements at the local level</a> seems to be the driving motivation of informal organising. </p>
<p>Informal activists’ focus on pragmatic, local issues could be seen as a short-term strategy that will bring about piecemeal change. But active citizens have proved to be concomitantly engaged in more than one type of grassroots organising. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.civitas.edu.pl/collegium/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Krajobraz-spo%25C5%2582eczno%25C5%259Bciowy-Polska-2014.pdf">Their initiatives</a> are diverse and include working to revitalise neighbourhoods and organising workshops for underprivileged children. Others practice hobbies related to their residential areas, like urban gardening, city biking, urban bee-hiving, running cashless exchanges, or non-commercial cafes. </p>
<p>There are also collectives that provide free assistance to homeless people or young people, feminist groups striving to change public opinion and groups striving to find alternatives to capitalism via food cooperatives or the <a href="https://postwzrost.wordpress.com/">de-growth</a> initiative. <a href="http://poland.pl/arts/lifestyle/history-reenacted/">History reenactors</a> and art collectives also represent examples of informal organising. </p>
<p>Activities like these are the playground of democracy. They often lead to the identification of common goals and strengthen community bonds.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/157719/original/image-20170221-18627-1d17omh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/157719/original/image-20170221-18627-1d17omh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/157719/original/image-20170221-18627-1d17omh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/157719/original/image-20170221-18627-1d17omh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/157719/original/image-20170221-18627-1d17omh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/157719/original/image-20170221-18627-1d17omh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/157719/original/image-20170221-18627-1d17omh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A 2016 historical reenactment of ‘cursed soldiers’ taking over the State Security prison in 1945.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.nowiny.pl/">Wojtek Żołneczko</a>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>It should be noted that these seemingly innocuous activities are not always devoid of an ideological stance. On the contrary, behind their pragmatic aims there is a strong conviction that citizens can have an impact on reality. This social change focuses on building common goals and a sense of community.</p>
<p>All forms of activism are <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/IJSSP-11-2015-0120">represented in Polish civil society</a>, and the variety and richness among them is inspiring.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/72537/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dominika Polanska receives funding from the Foundation for Baltic
and East European Studies (grant no. 2185/311/2014). </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Galia Chimiak and Dominika Polanska took part in a project “The undiscovered dimension of the Third sector: a study of un-institutionalized civic activism” funded by the then Polish Ministry of Labor and Social Policy and implemented by the Center for Local Activities Association in partnership with Collegium Civitas in Warsaw in 2014-2015.</span></em></p>As Poland faces more and more social divisions, citizen movements develop through informal activities to reinforce a sense of community and belonging.Dominika Polanska, Associate Professor of Sociology, Uppsala UniversityGalia Chimiak, Assistant professor of sociology of self-organisation and development studies, Polish Academy of SciencesLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/683292016-11-07T06:17:44Z2016-11-07T06:17:44ZCommunity organisations lack the funding and data to measure their impact<p>Community organisations are struggling to measure the impact they are having due to a lack of funds and data availability, <a href="http://www.csi.edu.au/media/uploads/Social_Impact_Series_6.pdf">new research has found</a>. It shows three quarters of community sector charities are trying to measure their outcomes and have increased this effort in the last five years. </p>
<p>However many are held back. Out of our survey participants of 190 community sector organisations, 90% cited a lack of funding and resources as the most significant barrier to measuring outcomes. Second to this was the lack of an established methodology and tools to assist them in measuring.</p>
<p>These community organisations saw the most important driver for measuring impact was not to meet the requirements of funders (important though that is), but to improve their services; to achieve their mission more effectively.</p>
<p><a href="http://australiancharities.acnc.gov.au/visualisations/explore-all-charities/">At last count</a>, there were nearly 10,000 registered housing & development, health, and social services charities in Australia. These organisations had a combined income of A$46 billion and employed half a million people. They are in the front line of the delivery of social services. </p>
<p>The pressure is on for these organisations to show their impact as the government takes a <a href="https://www.dss.gov.au/review-of-australias-welfare-system/australian-priority-investment-approach-to-welfare">priority investment approach</a> to welfare. This is where government spending decisions on social programs are taken on the basis of the long-term economic and social impact of those programs (or more narrowly, the long-term budgetary impact of those programs).</p>
<p>When community organisations are funded to measure their outcomes, significant progress is made. There is a <a href="http://resultsaccountability.com/about/what-is-results-based-accountability/">well accepted framework</a> these organisations can use to break down what they do into individual service units with outcomes to be measured. This also involves data collection and assessment. In our study, 32% of community organisations had implemented this framework. </p>
<p>One example of a community sector measuring its outcomes is The Smith Family and its <a href="https://www.thesmithfamily.com.au/what-we-do/how-we-help/learning-for-life">Learning for Life program</a>. This program supports disadvantaged families by covering education-related expenses that aren’t covered by schools, as well as promoting long-term participation in education to Year 12 and subsequent engagement in education, training and employment.</p>
<p>As a result of establishing a data collection system and a research and evaluation framework around that, The Smith Family was able to demonstrate the effectiveness of the program. It improved school attendance, Year 12 completion and subsequent engagement in education, training and employment. This also increases their chance of securing funding and philanthropic support.</p>
<p>However beyond this specific framework, organisations need to use existing population-level administrative data better to understand the impact of social programs. Our survey shows this is not being done and yet there is enormous potential in this data and its analysis.</p>
<p>For example <a href="http://www.csi.edu.au/media/uploads/AHURI_Final_Report_No265_What-are-the-health-social-and-economic-benefi..._2edQIWr.pdf">our recently released study of programs</a> delivered under the Council of Australian Government’s <a href="http://www.coag.gov.au/housing_and_homelessness">National Partnership Agreement on Homelessness (NPAH)</a> showed the program’s impact by linking the health records of program participants with their public housing records. From this we were able to examine the journeys of program participants before and after entering public housing.</p>
<p>The study revealed that those formerly homeless people accessing public housing through the NPAH programs, for the most part, sustained their housing. And as they did so, we found reductions in the use of emergency departments, in nights in hospital and in psychiatric care. This means the program would meet the aims of the government’s priority investment model, as cost savings were made to the public purse. </p>
<p>A challenge facing public policy is to ensure that where administrative data exists, records can be linked and in “real time”. This is so that policy makers are aware of the impact of the program, as it is occurring. A second challenge is to enable community organisations to access such data, or at least provide relevant organisation-level results, so that the impact of their own efforts can be better assessed. </p>
<p>The use of linked administrative data helps to support the task of impact assessment. But it does not remove the need for community organisations to measure their outcomes themselves. There is a large array of program outcomes that are not covered in population-level administrative data and can only be obtained at the organisational level. </p>
<p><a href="http://www.csi.edu.au/media/uploads/Social_Impact_Series_6.pdf">In our study</a>, we identified five key areas that need to be addressed in order for organisations to measure their outcomes, these were: </p>
<ol>
<li>Funders requiring more outcomes reporting, with additional financial support</li>
<li>Open data from government, particularly in relation to linked administrative data, common infrastructure for data collection and a core set of common outcomes items.</li>
<li>The need for standardised language in outcomes reporting so that all stakeholders can understand them</li>
<li>Professional development within community service organisations and guidance on how to use standard tools.</li>
</ol>
<p>If community organisations and government can address these areas, the social impact of organisations will be clearer.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/68329/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paul Flatau received funding from the Bankwest Foundation and from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI) in relation to research cited in the article. Co-authors on the Bankwest Foundation study relating to community sector outcomes measurement were Ami Seivwright, Sarah Adams and Claire Stokes. Co-authors on the AHURI study on the impact of NPAH programs were Lisa Wood, Kaylene Zaretzky, Sarah Foster, Shannen Vallesi, and Darja Miscenko.</span></em></p>Community organisations are trying to measure their impact but lack the funding and data availability to do it properly, new research finds.Paul Flatau, Director, Centre for Social Impact, UWA Business School, The University of Western AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/657592016-09-23T10:12:41Z2016-09-23T10:12:41ZWhy cruise liners could be a crucial part of the response to national disasters<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138512/original/image-20160920-12448-1blxcwj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Canapes not required. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.shutterstock.com/pic-106416110/stock-photo-luxury-cruise-ship-sailing-at-sunset.html?src=pWXOKp5E33RvvZ5f9g2qXQ-2-93">EpicStockMedia</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In January and February 2014, two major earthquakes <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/feb/03/greek-island-kefalonia-earthquake">hit the</a> Greek island of Kefalonia. No one was killed and only one person injured, thanks to strict construction rules in an area of regular seismic activity, yet the earthquakes were a human disaster nonetheless: they damaged the homes of about 5,000 of the 36,000 island inhabitants, leaving them all homeless. </p>
<p>Large scale homelessness and damaged infrastructure are common after earthquakes like these. After this Kefalonian disaster, however, something unique happened: luxury cruise ships provided victims with temporary accommodation and other necessities in the days and weeks that followed. </p>
<p>This has the potential to be tremendously important to how we handle disasters in future. It could provide a blueprint that has major implications both for victims and economic recovery. </p>
<p>To avoid the worst when crises like earthquakes strike, governments and NGOs continuously prepare disaster relief plans. There include three internationally recognised phases. There’s a preparation phase, which is about logistics: sourcing everything from emergency services to food to tents. These resources are then deployed during phase two, immediate response, ahead of a third phase for reconstruction. </p>
<p>In Kefalonia, the island’s authorities did not have the resources to handle these phases in-house. Amid heavy rain and cold weather in the hours after the first earthquake struck, they requested assistance from NGOs like the Red Cross and Lions Clubs and, unusually, the private sector – in this case Greek shipowners. These organisations all began collaborating instantly. </p>
<p>Some victims received standard-issue army tents and camped in a local sports stadium for a night, which is the sort of thing that traditionally happens in these situations. But temperatures were very cold and there was no heating, so they were taken along with everyone else to two cruise ships. These had been provided by the shipowners either free or at minimum cost within 24 hours of the first earthquake. </p>
<h2>Making a difference</h2>
<p>Victims and other local people that participated in <a href="https://pureapps2.hw.ac.uk/portal/en/publications/getting-the-right-thing-done-in-kefallonia--ethics-cruise-industry-and-disaster-management(9b5ec4cb-d07d-4a79-b949-c7ceff26762c)/export.html">our research</a> into how the disaster was handled said that using these vessels brought only positive outcomes. The crew’s training in handling demanding customers during regular cruises was extremely useful, since many victims were severely traumatised. </p>
<p>The ships gave these people high-quality accommodation, catering and sanitary facilities, which enabled them to think about how to restructure their lives in a safe and relaxed environment. Our respondents all agreed it was a much better solution than camping. Many victims remained onboard for two months. </p>
<p>The other benefit of moving the victims offshore was that it cleared the vicinity of the earthquake. This made it easier for the local government to focus on quickly repairing damaged infrastructure such as roads, water supply systems and ports. It enabled it to skip much of the first two phases in dealing with a natural disaster and move straight to reconstruction. </p>
<p>It is worth pointing out that the shipowners did not get involved for any potential future economic benefit. They sought no publicity and were ready to break ongoing contracts if necessary to assist the victims. Like the crew and everyone else involved in the humanitarian response, they were motivated purely out of a sense of doing the right thing. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138623/original/image-20160921-21701-11l4rh2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138623/original/image-20160921-21701-11l4rh2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138623/original/image-20160921-21701-11l4rh2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=366&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138623/original/image-20160921-21701-11l4rh2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=366&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138623/original/image-20160921-21701-11l4rh2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=366&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138623/original/image-20160921-21701-11l4rh2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138623/original/image-20160921-21701-11l4rh2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138623/original/image-20160921-21701-11l4rh2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Ferries to the rescue.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a7/Superfast.JPG">Wikimedia</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Shipping them in</h2>
<p>According to the <a href="http://www.unep.org/urban_environment/issues/coastal_zones.asp">UN Environment Programme</a>, half of the world’s population lives within 60km of the sea, and three-quarters of all large cities are located on the coast. What happened in Kefalonia should therefore be seen as a template for disaster relief for a large proportion of the world’s population. </p>
<p>Cruise ships can provide an immediate high-quality response that is not affected by weather conditions. While they would have been less helpful after the recent earthquake in <a href="http://www.wtvq.com/2016/08/28/the-latest-italy-lowers-quake-death-toll-back-to-290/">Accumoli</a> in Italy, which was further inland, Kefalonia demonstrates how such ships can free up resources for restoration. </p>
<p>Neither is there any need to ask shipowners for favours in the event of disaster. Country governments in high-risk zones ought to be assessing to what extent their shipping sector might be able to help, and open negotiations in advance. Countries without shipping industries ought to be looking at reaching agreements with shipowners from other countries, while NGOs should consider their potential to help with such arrangements, too. </p>
<p>In Greece two years ago, necessity was the mother of an extremely innovative invention. Not only could it benefit other countries after natural disasters, there is no reason why it couldn’t be used to handle other situations of human distress such as refugee crises as well.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/65759/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stavros Karamperidis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Tents and food parcels are one thing, ready-built accommodation is another.Stavros Karamperidis, Assistant Professor in Shipping and International Logistics, Heriot-Watt UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.