tag:theconversation.com,2011:/africa/topics/oxfam-scandal-49793/articlesOxfam scandal – The Conversation2020-03-06T12:15:06Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1330902020-03-06T12:15:06Z2020-03-06T12:15:06ZReporting #AidToo: how social media spaces empowered women in the 2018 charity scandals<p>A recent report from the UK’s <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/870390/The_Save_the_Children_Fund__Save_the_Children_UK__Inquiry_report.pdf">Charity Commission</a> into allegations of sexual harassment by senior staff at the charity Save the Children UK is <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/mar/05/save-the-children-let-down-staff-and-public-over-sexual-misconduct-claims">incredibly damaging</a>. The report concluded that the charity failed the women who reported abuse as well as its staff and the wider public.</p>
<p>Save the Children’s handling of such matters was so poor in some respects that it amounted to mismanagement, the report concluded. The issue the Charity Commission examined related to allegations of inappropriate behaviour and sexual harassment that came to light in 2018 about the charity’s former chief executive, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-43162223">Justin Forsyth</a>, and former director of policy, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2018/feb/18/brendan-cox-resigns-from-charities-amid-sexual-assault-claims">Brendan Cox</a>. </p>
<p>But the complaints against Forsyth went back as far as 2012, and 2015 for Cox. So why the delay in reporting on these and how did the matter finally come to widespread public attention?</p>
<p>Journalists such as Sean O’Neill, chief reporter of The Times, Simon Walters, political editor of the Mail on Sunday, and Manveen Rana of the BBC played a crucial role in bringing these problems to public attention. But also important was the way women working in the aid sector used social media to support each other and ensure justice was done.</p>
<p>Academics Chris Greer and Eugene McLaughlin call this process <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1362480616645648?casa_token=eYXTk4YmwToAAAAA%3A99bCrqphyCl4GGoxMC2h4T9vKsulkAqHdPSF_KpHCBT51hlrw1O2t3-2NgiHKRoPUw252curLZU">intermediatisation</a> – “the viral interaction within and between corporate and social media”. They describe scandal as a process with stages – latency, activation, reaction, amplification and accountability – to explain how a story can move from being an “open secret” to publication.</p>
<p>Having researched <a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781351173001/chapters/10.4324/9781351173001-35">the #AidToo scandals</a> that engulfed Save the Children UK and also Oxfam GB in February 2018, I believe it is clear that the scandal conforms to this model.</p>
<p>When the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/charity-inquiry-oxfam-gb">Oxfam scandal</a> concerning abuse of the charity’s beneficiaries in Haiti first came to light in 2011, it received no more than a handful of short news stories. Brendan Cox’s departure from Save the Children UK <a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3298572/New-charity-scandal-Save-Children-executive-quits-women-s-complaints-inappropriate-behaviour.html">merited a piece in the Mail on Sunday</a> but little follow-up from other nationals. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/318945/original/file-20200305-106579-dzpacu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/318945/original/file-20200305-106579-dzpacu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318945/original/file-20200305-106579-dzpacu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318945/original/file-20200305-106579-dzpacu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318945/original/file-20200305-106579-dzpacu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318945/original/file-20200305-106579-dzpacu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318945/original/file-20200305-106579-dzpacu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Under pressure: Oxfam has suffered reputational damage since allegations of sexual abuse made against its staff in Haiti came to light.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">D K Grove via Shutterstock</span></span>
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<p>But this did not mean that women were not using different media spaces to support each other. Women from aid agencies used WhatsApp groups to share information and support as well as closed Facebook groups. The <a href="https://www.facebook.com/groups/1594464844163690/">“Fifty Shades of Aid” Facebook group</a> launched in 2015 when its founder wrote an article for The Guardian’s <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/series/the-secret-aid-worker">Secret Aid Worker</a> series about “flaky aid boys and comedy dating stories” in the humanitarian world.</p>
<p>The group was originally full of lighthearted stories until one poster shared a story of being harassed and abused. In solidarity many started to share similar stories – 800 people joined the group in one week.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, the <a href="http://humanitarianwomensnetwork.org">Humanitarian Women’s Network</a> was set up by aid workers working on the Ebola response in Guinea in Dec 2015 when they realised they had all experienced some form of discrimination and abuse. They launched an influential survey to which more than <a href="http://humanitarianwomensnetwork.org/">1,000 responded</a>, as well as a closed <a href="https://www.facebook.com/groups/HumanitarianWomen/">Facebook group</a> for women. So, while the stories around harassment of aid workers were limited in the mainstream media, online spaces were keenly debating the issue.</p>
<h2>Hashtag heroism</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://twitter.com/Alyssa_Milano/status/919659438700670976?s=20">#MeToo</a> campaign was also a very important moment. When that hashtag started circulating in October 2017 as the revelations around <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/entertainment-arts-41594672">Harvey Weinstein</a> emerged, many of those I spoke to said it gave those in the aid world considering whether to tell their stories about abuse more courage to do so. The hashtag <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/AidToo?src=hashtag_click">#AidToo</a> emerged, and the humanitarian website Devex hosted a <a href="https://twitter.com/devex/status/938453028696412161?s=20">tweetchat</a> on Dec 6 2017 to discuss this issue. </p>
<p>But the big revelations came two months later. O’Neill’s award-winning investigation <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/top-oxfam-staff-paid-haiti-quake-survivors-for-sex-mhm6mpmgw">about abuse by Oxfam in Haiti</a> was published in The Times in February 2018 and was followed by stories about Save the Children UK from <a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-8071953/Save-Children-boss-blames-sex-probe-lost-16m.html">Walters</a> and <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-43287838">Rana</a>. These reports were undoubtedly hugely important in influencing the public debate. Donors <a href="https://www.alliancemagazine.org/blog/individual-donors-desert-oxfam-following-scandal/">started to desert the agencies</a>, senior staff resigned and the Charity Commission and UK parliament’s international development committee launched investigations.</p>
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<p>But, as the Charity Commission outlines in its report, Save the Children UK’s attitude to the media reports was “unduly defensive”. In fact the charity <a href="https://www.law.com/international-edition/2018/07/11/save-the-children-confirms-100000-harbottle-legal-fees-over-sexual-harassment-claims/?slreturn=20200205110553">spent more than £100,000 on lawyers</a> in order to try to shut down media reporting. But the result was that aid workers became more – not less – willing to speak, which meant the story would not go away.</p>
<h2>Finding a safe space</h2>
<p>In particular, the campaigners Alexia Pepper de Caires and Shaista Aziz led the formation of the intersectional feminist platform <a href="https://ngosafespace.org/">NGO Safe Space</a>, which gathered testimonies on sexual harassment, abuse and exploitation, and spoke out in many arenas about the issue. Meanwhile <a href="https://www.changingaid.org/">Changing Aid</a> set up an online open letter which was signed by more than 1,500 women aid workers calling for change and reform in the patriarchal structures of the aid world.</p>
<p>Others realised that social media was a potent way to get the message across; as one interviewee told me: </p>
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<p>Every time I say something on Twitter … the Charity Commission listen; if I write to them on email, they don’t do anything.</p>
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<p>So while mainstream media was clearly hugely influential in shining a light on abuse and harassment by Save the Children UK and Oxfam staff, it’s likely that the use of social media platforms, such as WhatsApp and closed Facebook groups, allowed women to connect with other women discussing their experiences, form new media spaces and strategise around how to liaise with mainstream media. </p>
<p>This meant that the scandals were not limited to the usual timescale that all mainstream media operate under but the pressure on aid agencies was kept up, and afforded women a voice that they felt they had been denied in previous times.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/133090/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Glenda Cooper worked for Save the Children UK from March 2010 to December 2010.</span></em></p>The scandals that engulfed Save the Children UK and Oxfam in 2018 took a combination of tenacious journalism and social media activism to break open.Glenda Cooper, Lecturer in Journalism, City, University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1008452018-08-08T12:48:29Z2018-08-08T12:48:29ZMany NGO workers on the ground don’t speak the local language – new research<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/231102/original/file-20180808-191019-clit82.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-vector/interpreter-vector-concept-flat-illustration-businessman-1150216268?src=_OwxDCx07zhN_PlkV1kcOg-1-29">Roi and Roi/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>After the Oxfam sexual exploitation <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/oxfam-scandal-49793">scandal</a> in Haiti <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jun/15/timeline-oxfam-sexual-exploitation-scandal-in-haiti">hit the headlines</a> earlier this year, 22 aid agencies published an <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-43167746">open letter</a> declaring that they would “take every step to right our wrongs and eradicate abuse in our industry”. They made a commitment to “listen and take action”. </p>
<p>There is nothing new about NGOs claiming that they “listen” to communities and act on their feedback. A cursory glance at NGO publicity materials reveals that they typically claim that they empower communities by listening and involving them in decisions about aid projects.</p>
<p>It is therefore reasonable to assume that aid workers share the same language as local communities (or at least that they use good interpreters). Otherwise, how could aid providers and aid recipients communicate with one another effectively? You might also assume that it is relatively easy to translate basic development terms into local languages. Development NGOs promote common goals, such as gender equality and human rights. Surely organisations must use common interpretations of these words when interacting with the people that they aim to help?</p>
<p>But <a href="https://www.reading.ac.uk/modern-languages-and-european-studies/Research/mles-listening-zones-of-ngos.aspx">our research</a> suggests that this is typically not the case. We conducted a three-year project to explore the role of languages in international development, in conjunction with UK-based NGO INTRAC. We interviewed dozens of NGOs, officials from the UK’s Department of International Development (DfID), and conducted field research in developing countries. Our data led us to arrive at three startling conclusions.</p>
<h2>Three language problems</h2>
<p>First, we found that languages generally have a low priority in development. DFID officials generally assume that NGOs have sufficient language capacity to communicate with aid recipients. But few NGOs have language policies and language needs tend to be underfunded, even though aid workers are keenly aware of the importance of languages in their work. Many NGOs rely on multilingual staff members on the ground to come up with ad hoc solutions. The problem is that staff are not always fluent in the languages and dialects of the communities that they work with, and so interpretations can be sub par. Communities can become confused about the objectives of aid projects, or even misunderstand them entirely. </p>
<p>Second, many development concepts that are essential to NGO work are not directly translatable into other languages. Examples include accountability, resilience and sustainability. Aid workers often have to invent their own interpretations of these concepts with minimal guidance from management. The interpretations can vary widely, which exacerbates the confusion of the communities about the purpose of aid projects.</p>
<p>Third, these language problems have negative effects on community participation, and the trust that communities have in NGOs. Certain groups, especially those speaking an indigenous language that does not have official status, end up being effectively excluded from participating in project design, and providing feedback on the performance of the NGO. This is an impediment to establishing relationships of mutual respect.</p>
<h2>Change needed</h2>
<p>This needs to change if the aid sector is serious about dealing with the issues raised by the Oxfam scandal. The International Development Committee’s <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmintdev/840/84003.htm">recent report</a> on sexual violence in aid called for the inclusion of the voices of victims and survivors in policy-making. Our research suggests that NGOs should ensure that safeguarding policies and procedures are extremely sensitive to the linguistic and cultural context of the areas where abuse may occur.</p>
<p>In fact, in all areas of their work, it is clear that NGOs need to include language as a key consideration when designing development projects. They should use local interpreters wherever possible, who will have a deep understanding of the culture. They need to make more effort to translate development jargon, and better support multilingual staff who undertake the informal work of language mediation outside of their agreed job descriptions. NGOs should also conduct regular assessments to determine whether communities and fieldworkers understand one another well.</p>
<p>It’s not just NGOs that are problematic. We found that DfID also has a blind spot about the importance of languages. For example, it only accepts funding proposals in English. This prevents thousands of excellent local organisations in developing countries that are unable to speak or write English, but are worthy of financial support, from applying for funding. If they cannot enlist the support of a fluent English speaker, they are unable to access money that might help them to make positive changes in their communities.</p>
<p>DfID <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/leaving-no-one-behind-our-promise/leaving-no-one-behind-our-promise">claims</a> that it is committed to “putting the last first”, and that “every person counts and will be counted”. But if development is to be truly inclusive, then it needs to cater for the languages spoken by the recipients of aid, who often tend to be the poorest and most marginalised in society. DfID should open up opportunities for non-English speaking organisations to apply for funds. This would promote a bottom-up approach to development that empowers the grassroots: a radical, much-needed change in the way that development is practised.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/100845/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Angela Crack receives funding from AHRC. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hilary Footitt receives funding from AHRC.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Wine Tesseur receives funding from AHRC.</span></em></p>The international aid sector’s use of languages needs to change if it is serious about dealing with the issues raised by recent scandals.Angela Crack, Senior Lecturer in International Relations, University of PortsmouthHilary Footitt, Research Professor in Modern Languages, University of ReadingWine Tesseur, Postdoctoral Research Assistant in Modern Languages, University of ReadingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/922002018-04-05T10:07:00Z2018-04-05T10:07:00ZHow an uproar over aid and sexual exploitation ignored women’s actual experiences<p>The recent “Oxfam sex scandal” – during which some aid workers were accused of paying for sex with young women in vulnerable conditions – <a href="http://www.theweek.co.uk/in-depth/91833/oxfam-scandal-what-is-the-future-for-uk-foreign-aid">has focused almost exclusively</a> on the aid workers and aid organisations involved. But the perspectives and motivations of the young women who were paid for sex with money or material goods have hardly been discussed at all, and the contexts in which they live have been misrepresented and misunderstood.</p>
<p>The problem of transactional sex in areas hit by disaster, war, or extreme poverty is not strictly specific to the aid industry. Aid workers are not the only men who offer money and material goods in exchange for sex to impoverished young people – other foreigners, and also local men, are involved.</p>
<p>The focus on aid workers and their organisations has led to the mistaken belief that this problem can be solved mainly, if not exclusively, by punishing the culprits and the organisations for which they work. This thinking rests on the conflation of transactional sex with rape and sexual harassment – an issue that dates back to the United Nations (UN) “zero tolerance” <a href="https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/standards-of-conduct">policy towards sexual exploitation and abuse</a>, adopted in 2003. </p>
<p>That policy started with noble intentions. But it has <a href="http://www.e-ir.info/2015/10/21/the-uns-shame-sexual-exploitation-and-abuse-in-un-peacekeeping/">achieved little</a> in the way of curbing sexual exploitation by aid workers and peacekeepers. <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/237460031_Making_sense_of_zero_tolerance_policies_in_peacekeeping_sexual_economies">Some have argued</a> that the failure to distinguish between consensual and non-consensual sex is one of the causes of this inability. The zero tolerance policy has been criticised also for framing the problem as a simple question of discipline and conduct detached from the UN’s broader human rights agenda.</p>
<h2>The women’s perspective</h2>
<p>There is a long debate among feminists on whether sex work is inherently exploitative or not. But even if we concede that it is, we need to recognise one fundamental distinction: unlike other forms of abuse, many of transactional sex’s “victims” accept and even seek out these exchanges themselves as a means of improving their often dire circumstances.</p>
<p>“Transactional sex” is a catch-all term for a <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/wps/2018/02/06/shades-of-grey-in-sexual-exploitation-and-abuse/">wide continuum</a> of different relationships. At one end are relationships between adults that, even if an exchange of money and material goods take place, appear mutually beneficial; at the other end are relationships that are unambiguously damaging and exploitative. </p>
<p>The reporting on the Oxfam scandal often overlooked this distinction. Instead, the selfsame commentators who as a rule rail against the “white saviour” mentality <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/feb/20/oxfam-abuse-scandal-haiti-colonialism">reverted to exactly the same thinking</a> by portraying poor women in conflict and disaster-affected zones as helpless victims.</p>
<p>This is not to say that the worst-case scenarios aren’t real. During my own research in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire, I witnessed cases at the extreme abusive end of the continuum. Among them were incidents where girls aged 13 or 14 were pushed by the lack of opportunities and family support to sell sex for the equivalent of less than a dollar. Their clients were not just international personnel, but also local men. I was struck by how little support and attention the aid and peacebuilding community gives to the most vulnerable girls and women involved in selling sex, and just how far down the list of priorities they seem to sit.</p>
<p>And yet, not all these contexts are alike. Many testimonies from women involved in these types of relationships in post-conflict and post-disaster settings paint a more complex picture. According to one <a href="https://www.stabilityjournal.org/articles/10.5334/sta.gf/">survey</a> of Haitian women who reported having had sexual encounters with UN peacekeepers in exchange for gifts and money, many “experienced transactional sex to be highly beneficial”. According to the author of the report, these relationships “helped them meet daily life needs and enabled them to access resources and opportunities to improve the economic status of their household”. </p>
<p>Still, many also reported serious episodes of sexual and physical abuse. The report concludes that the individual benefits are offset by the fact that transactional sex “replicates and often magnifies the power imbalance present in male/female sexual relationships” in Haiti.</p>
<p>Others from Haiti described similar complexities. The Times ran an <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/charity-scandal-he-liked-lesbian-shows-says-teenage-lover-of-haiti-director-roland-van-hauwermeiren-oxfam-r9w5tv0l3">interview with Mikelange Gabou</a>, the only young Haitian woman who agreed to talk about her relationship with a disgraced Oxfam staff member. Gabou did not describe herself as a victim; instead, she drew a distinction between her own experience and that of “other women” whom the man has, <a href="http://www.itv.com/news/2018-02-16/woman-tells-itv-news-she-began-relationship-with-orgy-loving-oxfam-ex-haiti-chief-roland-van-hauwermeiren-at-17/">in her words</a>, “done wrong”. One might argue that Gabou’s case stands at the middle of the continuum, and the case of the “other women” at the more clearly abusive end.</p>
<p>To be sure, those responsible for sexual exploitation must be punished. But whereas punishing the perpetrators of rape and sexual harassment can put an end to their abusive actions, impoverished people can simply find other men to sell to. The illusion that by simply punishing “our men” we can “save” these women is just another example of how a discourse that aims to challenge ethnocentrism actually ends up reinforcing it.</p>
<h2>How aid can help</h2>
<p>The only true solution is to transform the structural conditions of poverty, inequality and gender discrimination that push people into transactional sex in the first place. This is far more than aid can ever achieve by itself – but cutting aid, as some sections of the British right proposed in the wake of the Oxfam scandal, surely would not help. Instead, the way aid is administered must be rethought from the recipients’ point of view.</p>
<p>In post-conflict settings, the type of scenario I am most familiar with, aid agencies tend to focus on two groups: those that could disrupt the peace process, and those who can help change things for the better. Teenagers who sell sex belong to neither category. They’re also often difficult to work with; they might have substance abuse or mental health problems, making them unpredictable or even violent. But these are reasons to engage with them more, not less.</p>
<p>Even small efforts can make a difference. In Côte d'Ivoire, <a href="https://www.agi.it/blog-italia/africa/storia_di_dona_bambina_prostituta_che_sogna_di_fare_la_sarta-2082325/post/2017-08-23/">a small programme run by two Italian NGOs</a> is providing education and training to teenagers formerly involved in sex work. Programmes like this don’t just offer material support; they help their beneficiaries restore their self-respect and envisage a different life.</p>
<p>The aid industry cannot tackle these problems simply by disciplining its own workers. The international staff responsible for misconduct deserve punishment, but they don’t deserve all the attention. Attention should be given to the people who need it the most: the young women, and in some cases men, who have to make extremely difficult choices in extremely difficult circumstances.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92200/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Giulia Piccolino has received research funding from the European Union Research Council, Compagnia di San Paolo and the Alexander Von Humboldt Foundation. She has been from September 2011 to June 2012 a United Nations Volunteer in charge of electoral assistance with the United Nations Operations in Côte d’Ivoire. She has no current affiliation with the United Nations or with any other relevant group. </span></em></p>It’s all too easy to miss the point about sex work in areas hit by conflict and disaster. How about listening to the people who experience it?Giulia Piccolino, Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, Loughborough UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/936252018-04-03T14:27:28Z2018-04-03T14:27:28ZHow to help the public trust NGOs again<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/212953/original/file-20180403-189795-1l5vl2f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/cumbria-uk-april-4th-2017-oxfam-618802448?src=e7PC-JDA9a_Bdu6mWk5NcA-1-18">chrisdorney / Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Allegations of misconduct and unethical behaviour by <a href="https://theconversation.com/oxfam-scandal-development-work-is-built-on-inequality-but-thats-no-reason-to-cut-foreign-aid-91701">Oxfam staff</a> during its response to a humanitarian crisis in Haiti in 2011 and other behaviour by some working in the humanitarian aid sector has raised serious concerns about public trust and accountability in charities and triggered a <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/charity-regulator-sets-out-scope-of-statutory-inquiry-into-oxfam">statutory inquiry</a> into Oxfam. </p>
<p>According to <a href="https://www.thirdsector.co.uk/oxfam-betrayed-trust-beneficiaries-volunteers-staff-public-says-minister/policy-and-politics/article/1457701">many commentators</a>, the Oxfam scandal will have a lasting impact on public perceptions of the organisation’s trustworthiness. <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/oxfam-in-haiti-it-was-like-a-caligula-orgy-with-prostitutes-in-oxfam-t-shirts-p32wlk0rp">Some segments of the media</a> have portrayed the humanitarian NGO sector as something of a “Wild West”, where predators can abuse freely with no check on their activities.</p>
<p>The gravity of the scandal means that something must be done to repair the lost trust. The most popular type of solution – one advocated in such times – involves some type of increased <a href="https://www.irinnews.org/opinion/2018/02/22/aid-agencies-can-t-police-themselves-it-s-time-change">oversight</a> and tighter <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2018/02/19/the-oxfam-scandal-shows-that-yes-nonprofits-can-behave-badly-so-why-arent-they-overseen-like-for-profits/?utm_term=.1c05c5eab1bd">regulation</a> of NGOs. But we must be careful in jumping to conclusions. Not only are there already a large number of oversight and regulatory mechanisms already in existence, but the addition of more will shift resources away from the work that the government and the public value NGOs for to meet new bureaucratic requirements. </p>
<p>This might be unnecessary if, as <a href="http://findresearcher.sdu.dk/portal/files/121739287/NGOs_Trust_and_the_Accountability_Agenda_BJPIR_pre_print.pdf">we suggest</a>, NGOs could alternatively regain trust by working to re-establish the social message that the public and government identify with NGOs in the first place.</p>
<h2>Existing NGO regulations</h2>
<p>Plentiful evidence does exist of the prevalence of sexual exploitation and abuse in the sector, stretching back to Save the Children’s <a href="https://www.savethechildren.org.uk/content/dam/global/reports/health-and-nutrition/sexual_violence_and_exploitation_1.pdf">report</a> on offences in West Africa in 2002. But it is important to correct the misconception that regulations do not exist at the international level. On the contrary, serious work has been devoted towards developing freely accessible guidelines and practical measures to counter sexual exploitation and abuse in humanitarian contexts. </p>
<p>These include the <a href="https://corehumanitarianstandard.org/news/never-has-it-been-more-important-to-apply-the-core-humanitarian-standard-by-judith-f-greenwood-executive-director-of-the-chs-alliance-1">Core Humanitarian Standard</a>, <a href="https://www.interaction.org/document/interaction-step-step-guide-addressing-sexual-exploitation-and-abuse">Interaction</a>, <a href="https://www.interaction.org/document/interaction-step-step-guide-addressing-sexual-exploitation-and-abuse">Sphere Companion Standards on Child Protection in Humanitarian Action</a>, and an <a href="https://interagencystandingcommittee.org/accountability-affected-populations-including-protection-sexual-exploitation-and-abuse">Inter-Agency Standing Committee</a> Task Team. Certification is available to organisations deemed to have appropriate safeguarding measures from <a href="https://www.keepingchildrensafe.org.uk/how-we-keep-children-safe/accountability/certification">Keeping Children Safe</a>, in addition to the background (DBS) check that UK employees working with vulnerable people undergo. </p>
<p><a href="http://reporttheabuse.org/">Report the Abuse</a> (despite folding in August 2017 for lack of funding) also has extensive policy and practical recommendations for aid workers and organisations.</p>
<p>All of these regulations have been available for a long time, and they cover all issues. Given this, it doesn’t make good sense for NGOs to create more of them in an effort to regain the trust of the public. The reason why public trust has declined in NGOs is not necessarily because of “lack of regulations”. It goes deeper than that.</p>
<p>It is understandable that governments want to be seen to be doing something in an attempt to regain trust. But there is a need for caution about unveiling new initiatives without considering all options. Additional regulations and oversight are a costly means to regain trust that draw resources away from programme delivery. But, luckily, they are not the only means through which trust in NGOs can be rebuilt.</p>
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<h2>Rebuilding trust</h2>
<p>It may seem intuitive that if an NGO has more oversight mechanisms, more people will trust it. Such oversight, after all, provides more information about their operations, from which judgements about trustworthiness can be made. </p>
<p>Although this model, what we call a rational model of trust, is certainly part of the story, it is certainly far from the only reason NGOs are trusted, as we have <a href="http://findresearcher.sdu.dk/portal/files/121739287/NGOs_Trust_and_the_Accountability_Agenda_BJPIR_pre_print.pdf">recently shown</a>.</p>
<p>This is because NGOs also benefit from social trust, which is generated by feelings of common identity and working towards a common cause. Put simply, where social trust exists, the public will trust NGOs without having what might otherwise be thought of as “sufficient” information. Social links act as a trust-filler for the absent information.</p>
<p>So if members of the public have some type of identification with the NGO’s cause, they will tend to trust more readily – barring blatant evidence that they should not. This means that NGOs <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-oxfam-can-learn-from-charities-that-survived-scandals-92197">can weather brief storms of broken promises</a> so long as they re-establish with the public the core social message that generates this identification in the first place.</p>
<h2>The costs</h2>
<p>NGOs and the public alike should not overlook this advantage when rallying from these recent scandals. Research suggests that a primary reason why NGOs join self-regulation mechanisms is to send a signal to donors that they are <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11266-017-9866-9">credible recipients of funding</a>. But senior staff report concerns that bureaucratic accountability procedures can <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/jid.3010/full">turn into a tick-box exercise</a> that aims to provide a paper audit trail rather than transform relationships on the ground. What is more, they argue that an “<a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/jid.3010/full">industry of standard-setting</a>” has mushroomed in recent years. NGOs struggle to comply with reporting requirements from donors and voluntary self-regulation mechanisms, often leading to the duplication of work as the same information is recycled in different formats. </p>
<p>So NGOs shouldn’t fall into the trap of thinking that more regulations will fix the problem of regaining the trust of the public. This outcome is not necessarily good for anyone. The NGOs find themselves burdened by increasing bureaucracy and cannot devote as many resources to the programmes that the public supports them for. Regulation adds operational costs that might ultimately be inefficient to the delivery of services, or even completely unnecessary, if NGOs can regain trust through avoiding further scandal and reconnecting their central ethical message with the public at large.</p>
<p>Regulation based on rational trust has a place, but it is not the panacea for all ills. Organisations that have conventionally benefited from a <a href="https://www.bond.org.uk/jobs/safeguarding-advisor-uk-fin0374-20180216">privileged position of trust</a> in society should ensure that they reflect on all possible sources of trust when considering the right solution to regain their perception of trustworthiness.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/93625/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Regulation adds operational costs that are often inefficient to the delivery of services, or even completely unnecessary.Vincent Charles Keating, Associate Professor at the Center for War Studies, University of Southern DenmarkAngela Crack, Senior Lecturer in International Relations, University of PortsmouthErla Thrandardottir, Research Associate, Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute, University of ManchesterLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/924762018-02-28T09:28:29Z2018-02-28T09:28:29ZDonors shouldn’t punish NGOs that disclose misconduct – here’s how to help stamp out abuse<p>The NGO sexual exploitation and abuse <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/one-week-on-how-the-oxfam-sex-scandal-unfolded-rdq6qhzgh">scandal</a> has grown ever larger, engulfing many other organisations other than Oxfam, including allegations at the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/24/red-cross-21-staff-members-left-due-to-sexual-misconduct-in-past-three-years">International Red Cross</a>, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/14/french-aid-group-msf-medecins-sans-frontieres-abuse-cases-last-year">Médecins Sans Frontières</a>, <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/save-the-children-oxfam-charity-sex-scandal-justin-forsyth-a8220506.html">Save the Children</a> and <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-43179696">Plan International</a>. Reports have now emerged of women in Syria being <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-43206297">sexually exploited in exchange</a> for UN aid. </p>
<p><a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/oxfam-aid-worker-prostitution-scandal-penny-lawrence-chief-executive-quits-a8206911.html">Heads have rolled</a> at some of these organisations, and it’s likely that there will be more resignations and further recrimination. </p>
<p>Priti Patel, the former international development secretary, <a href="https://www.politicshome.com/news/uk/foreign-affairs/news/92750/priti-patel-dfid-officials-knew-about-sexual-abuse-allegations">claimed</a> she had raised similar issues with Department of International Development (DFID) officials who failed to support her. She warned that the Oxfam case was the “tip of the iceberg”. As a result, there have been <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/wealthy-charities-need-tougherwatchdogs-7ndqkws67">strident calls</a> for greater regulation of the NGO sector.</p>
<p>Sexual exploitation and abuse has long been a problem in humanitarian work – and detailed regulations already exist to address it. Guidelines produced by self-regulatory bodies – run by NGOs to regulate themselves – include the <a href="https://corehumanitarianstandard.org/news/never-has-it-been-more-important-to-apply-the-core-humanitarian-standard-by-judith-f-greenwood-executive-director-of-the-chs-alliance-1">Core Humanitarian Standard</a>, and <a href="http://www.pseataskforce.org/en/tools">tools and resources</a> of the Inter-Agency Standing Committee Task Force on Accountability and the Affected Populations and Prevention of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse.</p>
<p>But clearly, none of these initiatives seem to have effectively combated the prevalence of abuse in the sector. While these regulatory standards may well need revision, it’s far from clear that yet more regulations are the solution. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/oxfam-scandal-development-work-is-built-on-inequality-but-thats-no-reason-to-cut-foreign-aid-91701">Oxfam scandal: development work is built on inequality but that's no reason to cut foreign aid</a>
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<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/ngos-need-to-step-up-and-keep-children-safe-heres-what-they-can-do-91722">Blame has been laid</a> at the door of NGOs for failing to mount a sufficient response to abuse, and quite rightly so. However, the buck doesn’t stop there. It’s time for some self-reflection at DFID. Its ministers and civil servants, as well as other institutional donors, must consider their part in enabling an environment where sexual exploitation and abuse can flourish.</p>
<h2>When it doesn’t pay to speak out</h2>
<p>Transparency and <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14747731.2013.786253?journalCode=rglo20">accountability</a> is upheld as a virtue by donors – yet those NGOs that shine a light on misdemeanours are risking their reputations. </p>
<p>During my own <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/jid.3010/abstract">research</a>, I spoke to senior staff in leading NGOs, who told me they harbour concerns over the effectiveness of self-regulation within the sector. Some said self-regulation was partly hampered by fear of donor over-reaction to a “less than perfect” report. One told me: “Donors, whether they are private or government, have very little tolerance for being told that somebody has made a mistake. Another said: "We are terrified of fuelling bad publicity which will directly affect our income.” </p>
<p>NGOs should certainly not be exonerated for any failures to be fully transparent, investigate and press any necessary charges against abusers, or ensure there are adequate measures to safeguard those at risk from abuse. But my research has led me to question whether donors – keen to be associated with “good news stories” – have created the impression that the only NGOs that they will fund are those that provide sanitised reports of success. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/208113/original/file-20180227-36677-1v3680w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/208113/original/file-20180227-36677-1v3680w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208113/original/file-20180227-36677-1v3680w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208113/original/file-20180227-36677-1v3680w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208113/original/file-20180227-36677-1v3680w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208113/original/file-20180227-36677-1v3680w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208113/original/file-20180227-36677-1v3680w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">UK aid delivered to help those affected by Hurricane Irma.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">DFID - UK Department for International Development</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
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<p>My sources also pointed out the dangers of a bureaucratic approach to accountability that can be associated with certification mechanisms, relied upon by donors. These can reduce accountability to a tick-box exercise, where practitioners are anxious to document impact and performance to meet reporting requirements. To appease the donor, NGOs may be tempted to adopt tokenistic policies such as complaints boxes, which can be portrayed in reports as evidence of good practice. </p>
<p>In the words of one Oxfam official: “It does risk turning into a paper trail auditing exercise and the actual principles of listening to the people that you’re seeking to serve can get a little bit lost.” Being truly accountable to communities entails a deep-rooted change in organisational culture. Challenging the mindsets and ingrained prejudices of some staff about what constitutes exploitation and abuse takes time, dialogue and introspection. Donors like measurable outputs. But the activities needed for bringing about cultural change are not easily quantifiable. Not everything that counts can be counted.</p>
<p>So more regulations won’t improve the situation. The issue is how donors respond if NGOs disclose wrongdoing. </p>
<h2>A badge of transparency</h2>
<p>My sources did not entirely dismiss all self-regulation initiatives, acknowledging some can be an important catalyst for positive change and help the sharing of learning. However, NGOs have been timid in talking to donors about the factors that inhibit the effectiveness of self-regulation within the sector. It’s likely that they will be even more wary of engaging in honest conversation given DFID’s reaction to the Oxfam scandal: the current minister Penny Morduant <a href="https://www.express.co.uk/news/politics/917651/oxfam-penny-mordaunt-funding-haiti-sex-scandal-charity">threatened</a> to pull all funding from the charity. </p>
<p>DFID and other donors shouldn’t stop pressurising NGOs to do better, but they also need to do more to promote the <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0020852313500599">way organisations learn</a> from when things go wrong. That includes adopting a positive and constructive attitude towards disclosures of wrongdoing. </p>
<p>It’s no secret that aid projects frequently fail and aid workers can commit appalling crimes. The first step towards stopping this is for NGOs to be transparent about transgression. And donors should understand that this is a hallmark of an accountable organisation. They should encourage NGOs to be candid about why failure occurs – which may include listening to explanations that reflect poorly on the donor’s preferred way of giving aid. </p>
<p>Some inconvenient truths may need to be shared, and some humility needed on both sides. NGOs that admit failure, that are genuinely contrite and that seek to provide redress to victims of abuse are abiding by accountability norms that donors claim to support. It would be perverse to punish them for doing so by removing their funding, or dragging their reputation into the mud.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92476/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Angela Crack does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>To stop sexual exploitation in the aid sector, more self-regulation by NGOs isn’t the answer.Angela Crack, Senior Lecturer in International Relations, University of PortsmouthLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/921972018-02-23T12:16:49Z2018-02-23T12:16:49ZWhat Oxfam can learn from charities that survived scandals<p>The <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/top-oxfam-staff-paid-haiti-quake-survivors-for-sex-mhm6mpmgw">Oxfam scandal</a> has brought to the fore the relationship between the public and charitable organisations. Accusations that Oxfam covered up claims that senior members of its staff in Haiti used prostitutes has brought the reputation of the organisation into question.</p>
<p>The unethical behaviour of its staff is a short-term issue for Oxfam to deal with, but its long-term impact could have a profound effect on the charity’s work. Oxfam is not the first high-profile charity to be caught up in a scandal. But past examples show that some fared better than others when it came to surviving the media and public backlash that followed.</p>
<p>Prominent Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) such as Oxfam have come to occupy an important position in the modern political landscape. This is due in part to the expertise that these organisations obtain on specific matters such as humanitarian aid, the environment and human rights. This expertise can be used by politicians to inform government policy and by journalists to set the media agenda around these issues.</p>
<p>Alongside this, throughout the 20th century, people have come to increasingly <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-expertise-9780199691876?cc=gb&lang=en&">trust the work of NGOs more than political figures</a>. This demonstrates a shift, with experts now occupying an important part of modern political life. The trust and respect for the work of NGOs is visible in the financial donations given by members of the public wishing to support the ideals of organisations such as Oxfam.</p>
<p>What happens when this trust is challenged by scandal? Are the consequences an end to these donations, as reports suggest that more than <a href="https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/more-7000-brits-stop-oxfam-12059318">7,000 people in Britain have done</a>, or are there more deep seated effects? Are the NGOs themselves ruined by the events, or are there mechanisms by which they can defend their work?</p>
<h2>Amnesty</h2>
<p>Amnesty International occupies a central position in how human rights are understood in the modern world. Its campaigns regularly attract significant media attention and it has been rightly heralded as making a genuine change to peoples’ lives <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk/1961/may/28/fromthearchive.theguardian">since its foundation in 1961</a>. Yet the history of the organisation is not without scandal. Amnesty’s founder Peter Benenson was unceremoniously removed from a senior post in the organisation in 1967 following allegations that the NGO <a href="https://academic.oup.com/tcbh/article-abstract/15/3/267/1702572?redirectedFrom=fulltext">had been infiltrated</a> by British intelligence agents and had distributed secret funds.</p>
<p>This was particularly damaging at the height of the Cold War, where accusations of secret government funding <a href="http://grantabooks.com/Who-Paid-The-Piper">brought other organisations to their knees</a>. Similar scandals occurred in the late 2000s when Amnesty was found to have paid substantial pay-offs to senior members of the organisation, <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1358537/Revealed-Amnesty-Internationals-800-000-pay-offs-bosses.html">drawing the ire of the press</a>. </p>
<p>Despite this, Amnesty continues to flourish. This is in part due to the philosophy that binds the organisation together – protecting victims of human rights violations. This powerful ethos, <a href="http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100173990">which has been likened to a secular religion</a>, has allowed Amnesty to deflect these controversial events and maintain its efforts unhindered.</p>
<h2>Greenpeace</h2>
<p>Similar controversies have affected environmental NGOs. Greenpeace has been involved in several scandals throughout its history. This is in part due to its tactic to attract media attention <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/McLuhan_s_Children_The_Greenpeace_Messag.html?id=TALZBQAAQBAJ&redir_esc=y">through its campaigning efforts</a>. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2014/jun/23/greenpeace-losses-financial-disarray">Scandals of financial mismanagement</a>, the short-haul aeroplane commutes of some of <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-greenpeace-executives-commute-is-a-flight-of-fantasy-28368">its leading figures</a> and the adoption of morally dubious policies to identify climate change sceptics <a href="https://theconversation.com/does-it-matter-that-greenpeace-journalists-lied-in-order-to-expose-academics-for-hire-52192">in the pay of energy companies</a> have all impacted its public image. Yet Greenpeace still maintains public support, again arguably due to the strong ideals binding the group together.</p>
<p>So what next for Oxfam? The increased size and scale of NGOs in the modern world means that scandals are increasingly inevitable. How these organisations respond to them will rely on drawing upon the philosophy that binds them together. Oxfam is not its CEO Mark Goldring, its international executive director Winnie Byanyima or Roland van Hauwermeiren – the former Oxfam official who is at the centre of the current controversies. It is a broader idea about making the world a better place. Perhaps it is this ideal that will come to protect Oxfam’s integrity. </p>
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<p><em>This article was amended on February 23 to remove a reference to the Kids Company collapse, which could have been misinterpreted. We are happy to make this change and apologise for any confusion.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92197/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mark Hurst does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Oxfam is not the first charity to be drawn into a high profile scandal. If it is to survive it needs draw on its core ideals.Mark Hurst, Lecturer in the History of Human Rights, Lancaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/919632018-02-19T13:50:42Z2018-02-19T13:50:42ZLife on humanitarian compounds is removed from reality – this can fuel the misconduct of aid workers<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/206971/original/file-20180219-116351-1kdzbst.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The power imbalance in aid work is under the spotlight.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/home">from www.shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Sexual harassment, exploitation or abuse – some of which reportedly <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-43107985">occurred</a> at Oxfam in Haiti and has involved staff at other aid agencies elsewhere – is never excusable. But the backdrop in which these sorts of acts occur is key to understanding the misconduct of some aid workers. </p>
<p>My experiences at a refugee camp in Kenya – where I travelled in 2016 to research stress and burnout among aid workers – provides some helpful insights. The camp is regarded by aid agencies as a “non-family duty station”. These are areas deemed too unsafe or inhospitable for staff to bring their partners or families. Aid workers there were therefore living there on their own, despite – in the case of the Kenyans I met – some being married with children. </p>
<p>Those with families living elsewhere could only travel to see them during the rest and recuperation period of about a week which happens every couple of months and is common in most humanitarian operations. </p>
<p>Most aid workers spend the majority of their time in the secure and gated compounds that border the refugee camp, residing in small air-conditioned prefabs or shabby guesthouse rooms. During working hours, if they are not in the camp, they are in their office on the compound, usually located within metres of their sleeping quarters. An aid worker’s social life is usually largely confined to this compound. Interaction with the local or refugee population is restricted to working hours and there are rules and regulations that discourage any type of friendship or relationship beyond providing aid and assistance. </p>
<p>This type of arrangement has its benefits and disadvantages. There is a sense of collegiality and mutual support among aid agency staff – although I also found Kenyans and expatriates often socialised separately. Friendships between aid workers develop quickly and are intense, driven by shared, exhilarating and at times dangerous experiences that transcend their more ordinary life back home. While the realities of the refugee camp itself may be harsh and upsetting to witness, the humanitarian compound provides a safe haven to escape to at the end of the day. It is a site for both work and play. </p>
<h2>Cut off from normal life</h2>
<p>The policies and culture of aid agencies mean that close working relationships and immersion in the humanitarian mission often come at the expense of a normal private life. The ability to find, or maintain, a long-term relationship was a challenge acknowledged by several Kenyan and international aid workers I spoke to. One aid worker, from another African country, told me: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>When you come to a place like (this) you have been removed from your place, your normal life, where you had a life and probably where a relationship would have developed because that is where you know people, you have friends … I don’t deny that you could meet someone here. But in a way this never feels like home, for you to build something.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>These emergency situations, where humanitarian workers are brought together under unusual and immensely challenging conditions, at times create a culture where anything goes – and the norms and etiquette found back home no longer apply. Some of my informants referred to prostitutes being used by aid agency staff. And they also mentioned the affairs they witnessed among colleagues. </p>
<p>A female Kenyan aid worker described it to me: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Here, people do … it’s said in kiSwahili, ‘helping one another’. There’s nowhere we are going, but just for that comfort, for that companionship. But when you’re out of this place, at the airport, we don’t know one another.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>A Kenyan man told me that he’d seen many marriages break up due to colleagues having affairs. He believed that some aid workers see the compound lifestyle as an opportunity to “indulge” in “excesses”, including all-night partying and drinking, even when they are expected at work the next day. </p>
<h2>Power imbalance</h2>
<p>There is little opportunity for aid workers to engage with the local population in a way that goes beyond a client-provider relationship. As the reports of the Oxfam case and others show, this runs the risk of an existing power imbalance being manipulated to fulfil the whims and desires of the aid giver. In such a context, the victim or survivor has no voice or means to hold the person in power to account. </p>
<p>This working environment is a problem for two reasons. First, aid agency regulations against bringing a spouse or children to the field may well be justified, but currently there is a pervasive institutional culture that allows for casual intimacy elsewhere, without repercussions. Second, the structural separation that exists between aid workers and their beneficiaries entrenches a power imbalance that can be – and is on occasion – abused. </p>
<p>Aid agencies must ensure codes of conduct are fully implemented and monitored. And there must also be better leadership and management, both in the field and at headquarters, to ensure staff are fully vetted, trained and prepared pre-deployment, and that they receive the social and professional support they need. This may include peer-to-peer mentoring and the existence of confidential, possibly independent, systems where abuse or traumatic experiences can be reported. One idea would be to create a professional body to support and protect aid workers. </p>
<p>It is also crucial that both aid agency managers and staff foster a new working culture, with zero tolerance for impunity and where both aid workers and the people they serve are able to speak up and be heard on the abuses they witness or experience.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91963/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gemma Houldey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Most overseas aid workers remain largely cut off from the people they are in emergency settings to help.Gemma Houldey, PhD Researcher, Development Studies, University of SussexLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/917082018-02-16T10:42:38Z2018-02-16T10:42:38ZHow reliant are big development NGOs on UK aid money?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/206549/original/file-20180215-131010-1v2hkkh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">UK aid: a big spender. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/defenceimages/11586590775/sizes/l">Defence Images/flickr.com</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>It’s been painful to watch the steady stream of allegations against development charities, <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/oxfam-in-haiti-it-was-like-a-caligula-orgy-with-prostitutes-in-oxfam-t-shirts-p32wlk0rp">after reports</a> emerged that aid workers at Oxfam engaged in serious sexual misconduct in Haiti. It has shown the depths of human depravity, along with flaws in the international aid system and the work all organisations need to do to protect the <a href="https://theconversation.com/ngos-need-to-step-up-and-keep-children-safe-heres-what-they-can-do-91722">most vulnerable</a> from those who seek to exploit their power. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.itv.com/news/2018-02-14/penny-mordaunt-issues-fresh-funding-warning-to-oxfam-over-haiti-sex-scandal/">threat</a> by Penny Mordaunt, the newly appointed secretary of state for international development, to withdraw UK aid money from Oxfam certainly focused minds – and gave heart to those lobbying to reverse the UK’s historic commitment to give <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/mar/09/uk-passes-bill-law-aid-target-percentage-income">0.7% of national income</a> in foreign aid. Mordaunt’s influence over the UK development NGO sector is considerable. </p>
<p>In 2016, the Department for International Development (DfID) launched its <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/dfid-civil-society-partnership-review">Civil Society Partnership Review</a>, which set out new ways to support NGOs in the UK and in the developing world. Short on detail, it outlined four new funding streams and removed the mechanism for providing UK NGOs with “core” funding, known as Programme Partnership Agreements (PPAs). </p>
<p>Core funding would normally cover costs such as staff training and establishing organisational systems. UK development NGOs are just getting to grips with this new funding structure and its impacts have been felt sharply across the sector. One charity, Progressio, was unable to withstand the withdrawal of core funding and <a href="http://www.progressio.org.uk/what/progressio-closes-after-76-years">closed down</a> in March 2017. <a href="https://www.civilsociety.co.uk/news/redundancies-as-christian-aid-restructures.html">Christian Aid</a> froze all recruitment and made redundancies in the 2016-17 financial year.</p>
<p>It’s difficult to say exactly how reliant the sector is on DfID funding. <a href="http://blog.gdi.manchester.ac.uk/in-conversation-dan-brockington-nicola-banks/">Recent research</a> has shown the complexity of the UK development NGO sector and exposed methodological difficulties in mapping its extent, funding and impact.</p>
<p>Tracking the finances of nearly 900 UK development NGOs, the research showed that the sector is thriving. Donations from members of the public account for a surprising 40% of the sector’s income and is growing. A comparison of a random sample of five household-name NGOs bears this out.</p>
<h2>Public vs private</h2>
<p>Although the proportions of income received from public donations vary across <a href="https://www.oxfam.org.uk/what-we-do/about-us/plans-reports-and-policies/annual-report-and-accounts">Oxfam GB</a>, <a href="https://www.savethechildren.org.uk/about-us/who-we-are/annual-report-2015--save-the-children-uk">Save the Children UK</a>, <a href="https://mail.google.com/_/scs/mail-static/_/js/k=gmail.main.en_GB.BOYR9gArTfM.O/m=pds,pdl,pdit,m_i,pdt,t/am=_p6AHZC2HwiATQw7iNIKhNn_eeTTgJMzaP__7wGAADUAuAb4m_sAOgwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACwUHwC/rt=h/d=1/rs=AHGWq9DHcdo39StVltv4mMZd1zl_4RgPig?fri=b0e22dd5a370b2f6cd63cd23e63b45c4">Islamic Relief Worldwide</a>, <a href="https://mail.google.com/_/scs/mail-static/_/js/k=gmail.main.en_GB.BOYR9gArTfM.O/m=pds,pdl,pdit,m_i,pdt,t/am=_p6AHZC2HwiATQw7iNIKhNn_eeTTgJMzaP__7wGAADUAuAb4m_sAOgwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACwUHwC/rt=h/d=1/rs=AHGWq9DHcdo39StVltv4mMZd1zl_4RgPig?fri=b0e22dd5a370b2f6cd63cd23e63b45c4">Plan International UK</a> and <a href="https://mail.google.com/_/scs/mail-static/_/js/k=gmail.main.en_GB.BOYR9gArTfM.O/m=pds,pdl,pdit,m_i,pdt,t/am=_p6AHZC2HwiATQw7iNIKhNn_eeTTgJMzaP__7wGAADUAuAb4m_sAOgwAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAACwUHwC/rt=h/d=1/rs=AHGWq9DHcdo39StVltv4mMZd1zl_4RgPig?fri=b0e22dd5a370b2f6cd63cd23e63b45c4">World Vision UK</a>, my analysis of their most recent financial reports showed that on average, these large NGOs received around 43% of their total income in this way. </p>
<p>These voluntary donation figures include both corporate giving and money donated by the UK public to the Disasters Emergency Committee appeals. Islamic Relief Worldwide received 78% of its funding via public donations – a significant proportion – partly due to donations from across Europe and the US and the <a href="https://www.thinknpc.org/publications/faith-matters/">levels of charitable giving in the UK’s Muslim communities.</a> </p>
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<p>DfID funding to development NGOs sits as part of wider institutional funding, usually from government or multilateral sources such as the EU, UN or World Bank. Across these five large NGOs, their current reliance on funding from institutions, ranged from 17% in the case of Islamic Relief Worldwide, to 58% for Save the Children UK. Total income from DfID included the tail end of PPA payments, as each of these five NGOs received core PPA funding until the end of 2016. </p>
<p>The charities also received different levels of DfID funding – from 1.4% of the total for Islamic Relief Worldwide to 39% for Save the Children UK. And Oxfam GB received only 8.4% of its total income in 2016-17 from DfID.</p>
<h2>Contracts bring private players</h2>
<p>As with the wider <a href="https://data.ncvo.org.uk/a/almanac17/income-from-government-2/#Definitions">UK voluntary sector</a>, government funding is increasingly awarded via contracts for services rather than grants. New players in the development industry, which are not household names, are also competing for these contracts and there were <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmintdev/920/920.pdf.">no development NGOs</a> among the top ten DfID contractors between 2010 and 2016. Instead, private companies such as Adam Smith International, Mott MacDonald and Mannion Daniels dominate, with total contracts in excess of £3 billion for this period. <a href="https://data.gov.uk/data/contracts-finder-archive/contract/386117/">Mannion Daniels</a>, for example, manages the whole of DFID’s Aid Direct Fund – and it also did the research and design for DfID’s Global Health Support programme in China. </p>
<p>But these contracts also represent services that DfID needs to provide if the UK is to meet its international obligations to the <a href="https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdgs">Sustainable Development Goals</a>, as well as its 0.7% aid target. Development NGOs are well placed to deliver them with track records of expertise and delivery going back decades – and DfID needs them to apply.</p>
<p>UK development NGOs have been contemplating a future without aid <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/713701062?src=recsys&">for nearly 20 years</a> and have considered many potential scenarios for their future. ACORD and Action Aid, for example, have already completely transformed their governance structures to devolve more power to the developing world. Elsewhere, a re-thinking of <a href="http://futureofaid.iaran.org">operational models</a> is underway. Some are building their legitimacy in the UK by running <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-the-money-development-charities-spend-in-britain-is-so-vital-to-their-work-75973">domestic programmes</a> with vulnerable communities. Oxfam has even started to consider how to respond to <a href="https://www.oxfamamerica.org/explore/research-publications/the-rise-of-populism-and-its-implications-for-development-ngos/">rising political populism</a>. </p>
<p>Most significant, however, is the <a href="https://www.bond.org.uk/data/files/reports/Fast_Forward_0515.pdf">acknowledgment</a> from some in the sector that NGOs must engage at a much deeper level with the public in the UK about the nature of development work. With such high proportions of NGO funding coming from public donations, this is where the sector’s vulnerability lies – and it’s here where they could face damage from scandals such as the one that has hit Oxfam.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91708/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Susannah Pickering-Saqqa does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>After a scandal involving Oxfam in Haiti, the UK government has threatened to withdraw aid money from the charity.Susannah Pickering-Saqqa, Senior Lecturer, International Development and NGO Management, University of East LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/917222018-02-13T12:09:51Z2018-02-13T12:09:51ZNGOs need to step up and keep children safe – here’s what they can do<p>The wave of reports about abuses perpetrated by aid sector workers in Haiti and elsewhere, including allegations of the <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/oxfam-aid-work-prostitutes-un-workers-child-sex-abuse-harassment-dfid-a8204526.html">abuse of children</a>, should sadly come as little surprise. International actors frequently fall into the gaps between national, regional and international law, and therefore need internal measures to ensure that they adhere to international standards. And of all the players in international interventions, NGOs perhaps need them the most.</p>
<p>Unlike militaries, intergovernmental organisations or even private sector actors, NGOs frequently have <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=S21VCAAAQBAJ&pg=PT47&lpg=PT47&dq=ngos+weak+internal+governance+structures&source=bl&ots=l-EFZz2vw0&sig=IT2Vynu3qAQiVYr-w70qyJHSOWQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjZrdbC6qLZAhXHL1AKHb3JDTwQ6AEIUjAE#v=onepage&q=ngos%20weak%20internal%20governance%20structures&f=false">weak or non-existent governance structures</a>. This extends to every part of their organisation, from recruitment all the way up to accountability mechanisms. And when locally employed staff abuse or exploit children in countries where the rule of law is weak or non-existent, there is little the organisations can to do to bring them to justice.</p>
<p>The solution is not to <a href="https://theconversation.com/oxfam-scandal-development-work-is-built-on-inequality-but-thats-no-reason-to-cut-foreign-aid-91701">strictly curtail</a> the aid sector’s international activities; the world would be significantly worse off without the work many of these organisations do. Instead, the sector’s practices and standards have to be brought into line so that fewer abuses occur. Above all, the people who work for NGOs need to understand what to do if they suspect or know that abuse has been perpetrated. And that can only be achieved with tough systemic reforms.</p>
<p>When it comes to a problem as highly charged as the abuse of vulnerable children, legal restrictions and safeguarding measures are frequently derided as plasters applied to bullet wounds, principally because they do not provide headlines to match the problems they’re designed to solve. But without them, guaranteed long-term improvements are close to impossible.</p>
<h2>Taking responsibility</h2>
<p>Every organisation has a responsibility to ensure that children are safeguarded from harm. They must make sure that their staff, operations, and programmes do no harm to children – that is, that they do not expose children to the risk of harm and abuse. That means they are obliged to report any safety concerns to the authorities in the communities where they’re working. </p>
<p>But besides abiding by local laws and measures, organisations working internationally also need to observe regional and global ones. While definitions of “child” and “child abuse” differ across nations and cultures, this is not the point. NGOs need to adhere to international standards, and to be clear that the word “children” encompasses anyone under 18, and that “abuse” encompasses all acts that harm children – intentionally or otherwise.</p>
<p>It is incumbent on NGOs to comprehensively map the laws and safeguarding practices that apply in the countries where they operate. There need to be consultations with staff across the organisation in order to give clear guidance on these issues and how to respond when concerns arise. Yes, child safeguarding measures must be sensitive to the local culture – but the question of who is a child and what constitutes abuse is clearly set out in <a href="https://www.tdh.ch/en/news/geneva-22-ngos-set-global-standards-child-protection-%E2%80%93-tdh-plays-key-role">global and regional standards and frameworks</a>, and it must be applied across the board.</p>
<p>This means that organisations must fully vet all staff during recruitment, and make safeguarding central to those processes. Staff must be made aware of the international laws and standards to which they are expected to adhere, and the repercussions for not doing so. There must be clear lines of reporting when staff suspect abuse or when allegations are made, including to local authorities where at all possible. </p>
<p>These might sound like small steps, but this systematic approach <a href="https://www.keepingchildrensafe.org.uk/sites/default/files/kcs_liberia.pdf">has worked</a> in tens of thousands of organisations around the world. When NGO staff know how to recruit safely, all the way through to what is expected of them if they suspect abuse, there are fewer opportunities for abusers to perpetrate crimes. No organisation can ever guarantee it is free from abuse or abusers, but any organisation must do everything it can to minimise risks and maximise accountability.</p>
<p>The aid sector in general suffers from a culture of opacity and silence, as opposed to transparency and openness. As it tries to change that, there’s plenty to learn from intergovernmental organisations and other international actors who’ve tried to clean up their act, and from organisations such as <a href="https://www.keepingchildrensafe.org.uk">Keeping Children Safe</a>, who provide safeguarding training. Rather than shouting on the sidelines about what they’ve seen happening elsewhere, everyone in the sector needs to play their part in implementing solutions that actually make a difference.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91722/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Rosa Freedman has received funding from the British Academy and the Arts and Humanities Research Council. She is working with Keeping Children Safe on the project, Safeguarding Children in Peacekeeping Operations.</span></em></p>Shocking allegations of abuse by Oxfam aid workers in Haiti are testament to how badly the aid sector needs deep, systemic reform.Rosa Freedman, Professor of Law, Conflict and Global Development, University of ReadingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/917012018-02-12T17:58:52Z2018-02-12T17:58:52ZOxfam scandal: development work is built on inequality but that’s no reason to cut foreign aid<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/206018/original/file-20180212-58322-1d55s4y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Oxfam: under pressure. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/oxfameastafrica/6058871675/sizes/l">Oxfam East Africa/flickr.com</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/11/oxfam-staff-raise-concerns-over-charity-vetting-processes-haiti-abuse">Revelations</a> that Oxfam workers paid for prostitutes in Haiti as the organisation was supporting survivors of the earthquake in 2011, have reopened a longstanding debate about foreign aid in the UK.</p>
<p>Penny Mordaunt, the international development secretary, suggested government funding to Oxfam could be cut if it could not show “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/11/oxfam-show-moral-leadership-lose-government-funds-prostitutes-haiti">moral leadership</a>”. The scandal raises challenging questions about the conduct of aid workers, yet public outrage reveals a deeper problem in how British society thinks about the development industry.</p>
<p>Reports of <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2017-06-09/un-peacekeepers-sexual-assault-problem">sexual assault by peacekeepers</a> in conflict zones have been rife for years, but have only <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/10/rights-groups-failing-prosecute-peacekeepers-accused-rape-car-171024174502894.html">recently</a> been taken seriously by the UN. The problem <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/oxfam-aid-work-prostitutes-un-workers-child-sex-abuse-harassment-dfid-a8204526.html">is systemic</a>, and anybody who has worked in development or as part of an emergency response is unlikely to be surprised that some NGO workers were found to be paying for sex. </p>
<p>But by singling out Oxfam as lacking in “moral leadership”, the government eschews the more uncomfortable question of how to address reports of this nature across the industry, and beyond. </p>
<p>The accusations emerged amid a growing <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/morning-mix/wp/2017/10/16/me-too-alyssa-milano-urged-assault-victims-to-tweet-in-solidarity-the-response-was-massive/?utm_term=.206928a4ff3c">movement</a> that recognises the pervasive nature of sexual violence across the world and challenges mysognynistic organisational cultures. Unlike other sectors where allegations of misconduct have led to calls for reform, the response here has been to suggest <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/oxfam-sexual-exploitation-charity-aid-funding-government-penny-mordaunt-international-development-a8204896.html">funding cuts</a> to the industry as a whole. </p>
<p>Government representatives and media pundits who argue that the UK cannot afford to send money abroad, or that it cannot ensure taxpayer money is used effectively, see this scandal as a confirmation of their reservations. </p>
<p>The truth is that the way development is currently understood in the West has made it impossible to talk about the industry’s inequality problem – both when it comes to aid workers’ conduct and in terms of justifying overseas aid. </p>
<h2>Mirage of morality</h2>
<p>With its fundraising appeals and glossy project reports, the development industry was built entirely around an image of morality. Campaigns appeal to our instincts to do what is right in the face of ills such as poverty, war and famine. These images are powerful and necessary to mobilise support for the important work that organisations like Oxfam do abroad. </p>
<p>However, they hide from view the ways in which these projects operate in situations of sustained disparity, such as the way the presence of Western aid workers in countries such as Sierra Leone or South Sudan reflects broader global inequalities. Because giving aid is portrayed as unassailably the moral thing to do, it becomes impossible to talk about how it reproduces racial and gender inequalities, for example through staggering <a href="https://theconversation.com/mind-the-gap-in-local-and-international-aid-workers-salaries-47273">pay gaps</a> between local and international staff. </p>
<p>The sex work economies that appear around the deployment of rich Western humanitarian workers are an extreme example of the power that those workers yield against beneficiaries living in conditions of poverty. To defend the value of foreign aid from constant attack, the industry has placed itself on a moral pedestal, so that when individual aid workers fall off, the value of the entire project is put in question. </p>
<p>But while inequality is inherent in the development project, this should not to provide fodder to those who would have it scrapped. Quite the contrary: it is an appeal to be more realistic about what development is and why foreign aid matters. Both supporters and detractors of foreign aid steer clear of placing it in its historical context, emerging in the shadow of Western imperialism. </p>
<h2>Righting historical wrongs</h2>
<p>The problems faced by developing countries are rarely seen as products of colonial experiences and the distorting effects that imperial ventures had on colonised societies and economies, despite plenty of <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2017/08/18/book-review-the-divide-a-brief-guide-to-global-inequality-and-its-solutions-by-jason-hickel/">evidence</a> to that effect. Not only that, Western powers’ current wealth is <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2015/nov/27/enough-of-aid-lets-talk-reparations">linked to</a> the profits made in the colonies. </p>
<p>Talking about development as disinterested charity or the goodwill of Western governments misrepresents the historical responsibility of aid-giving countries such as the UK or France towards former colonies. </p>
<p>Aid should be seen as a form of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2013/nov/13/slavery-reparations-development-aid">reparation</a> for past wrongs. This would help reframe the conversation about its value – alongside broader arguments about global citizenship. It would also help to question the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-years-of-imf-prescriptions-have-hurt-west-african-health-systems-72806">ways</a> in which developing countries continue to be kept poor by international economic policies and how much of British development aid in fact makes its way <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-daily-mails-petition-gets-international-aid-wrong-23145">back</a> into the British economy.</p>
<p>The Oxfam scandal is not surprising to those in the industry, but it is disturbing. Staff will be disciplined, and Oxfam will have to consider its practice, but the scandal also offers the opportunity to start talking more frankly about the role of foreign aid in an unjust world. </p>
<p>We must dig deeper than individual aid workers’ misconduct to tackle underlying questions of inequality and power – a first step towards making the industry more just, rather than questioning its value.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91701/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Luisa Enria receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council</span></em></p>Power imbalances and inequality lie at the heart of the international development industry. But the Oxfam scandal shows that organisations mustn’t succumb to it.Luisa Enria, Lecturer in International Development, University of BathLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.