tag:theconversation.com,2011:/africa/topics/scotland-higher-education-9066/articlesScotland higher education – The Conversation2014-09-16T11:35:43Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/316462014-09-16T11:35:43Z2014-09-16T11:35:43ZNew poll reveals No camp retain lead among Scotland’s students<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/58922/original/866kyxcg-1410535862.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=75%2C21%2C902%2C662&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Students are veering towards no. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/patrickdown/11409620885/sizes/l">Patrick_Down</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Here at the University of Edinburgh, freshers’ week has just seen a new cohort of students moving into the city. As older students jostled through freebie-stuffed stalls scrabbling for the newcomers’ attention, they might have noticed that amid the free pens and sweets, there were two new stalls in town. One said Yes, and the other No Thanks.</p>
<p>Polling by the youth market research agency <a href="http://www.youthsight.com/media-centre/research/student-vote-update-september-2014/">YouthSight</a> of 300 students in Scotland between September 1 and 4 found them to be far more likely to vote No on September 18, a repeat finding of similar polling in <a href="http://www.youthsight.com/media-centre/research/the-student-vote-2014/">April 2014</a>. While the student No vote in the YouthSight poll closely matches that of the general electorate at 46%, only 36% of students are in favour of independence. </p>
<p>While this is a relatively small sample – typically opinion polls will be closer to 1,000 respondents – quotas have been used to try to ensure the sample can be considered reflective of the UK’s full-time undergraduate population, according to gender, year of study, and university type. </p>
<p>With the wider <a href="http://blog.whatscotlandthinks.org/2014/09/poll-of-polls-5-september-updated/">polls so close</a>, it’s still all to play for. The targeting of university induction week activities shows that both sides see the student vote as a constituency where potential supporters have yet to be mobilised. </p>
<p>Research has shown that students are <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13676261.2013.830704#.VBNnY_ldVS0">more likely</a> than most young people to be politically engaged – despite their age, they have higher social class backgrounds and access to higher education. The YouthSight polling suggests as many as 88% of eligible Scottish student electors intend to vote; roughly in line with the 91% we currently see in the <a href="http://whatscotlandthinks.org/questions/on-a-scale-of-0-to-10-how-likely-is-it-that-you-would-vote-in-an-referendum-on#line">wider electorate</a>. So what chances do the rival teams on each stall have of attracting the student vote?</p>
<h2>No vote support fallen, Yes still behind</h2>
<p>Support for a No vote among students has fallen over the summer from 58% in April 2014, to 46% in September. But interestingly (and in contrast to what has been witnessed recently in national polls), support for Yes has remained relatively steady, with YouthSight’s April poll reporting 37% in favour of independence. This suggests a rise in students who are undecided – now at 18%. Yes remains behind but the gap appears to have narrowed to only 10 percentage points. </p>
<p>Possibly more worrying for the Yes side however is that only 26% of students, fewer than those currently intending to vote Yes, believe the result of the referendum will see Scotland becoming an independent country. A larger proportion – 38% – said that Scotland would remain part of the UK but be given greater autonomy. Another 12% said they expected there to be no change, and 8% foresaw Scotland stripped of some autonomous powers. It would appear that the odds are stacked against the Yes stall in this particular contest. </p>
<p>This may come to some as a surprise. While we have seen the very youngest electors in Scotland, (those aged 16 and 17-years-old) tending to favour a No vote, a far greater number of 18 to 24-year-olds have been found to be in favour of independence and <a href="http://www.natcen.ac.uk/media/176046/2012-who-supports-and-opposes-independence-and-why.pdf">Scottish Social Attitudes</a> has consistently found them to be some of the most likely to support a Yes vote. </p>
<h2>What’s driving union feeling?</h2>
<p>We cannot know for sure what is making students buck this youth trend to favour a No vote, even if this support has fallen. It may simply reflect the fact that there will be students in Scotland who are eligible to vote, but who have come to study from areas in the rest of the UK and EU where we might expect to see more support for the union. These non-Scottish students, if they are EU or qualifying Commonwealth nationals, can vote if they are on the <a href="http://scotreferendum.com/questions/who-can-vote-in-the-referendum/">electoral roll in Scotland</a>. </p>
<p>Students are also more likely than non-student young people to mix with people from across the globe in environments where internationalism is celebrated. Ideas built on concepts of nationalism may be less popular as a consequence, or at least have less resonance. </p>
<p>On a more practical level, there could also be concerns from students about university funding in an independent Scotland. It may be that the attitudes of lecturers are shaping students’ own views. A <a href="http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/news/majority-of-scottish-academics-set-to-vote-no-in-referendum/2015688.article">recent poll</a> for the Times Higher Education found a majority of academics in Scotland intend to vote No, viewing their decision as being better for universities.</p>
<p>Equally, if they are thinking about careers (in particular, graduate professions), growing perceptions of economic uncertainty may play more of a role in the minds of these young people, steering them towards a No vote.</p>
<h2>Not a lost cause</h2>
<p>Does this mean that for the Yes campaign students are a lost cause? Despite the polling figures, there still appear to be opportunities for politicians and campaigners to engage more students in the vote. Given their youth, many are yet to have developed voting habits, party preferences, and set ideas about how they wish to see a country run. </p>
<p>Students can still be in the process of forming political opinions and identities, and as such may offer greater potential for the campaigns to influence their voting decisions. While <a href="http://yougov.co.uk/news/2014/09/06/latest-scottish-referendum-poll-yes-lead/">YouGov polling</a> at the time of the YouthSight fieldwork had 6% of the wider electorate as still undecided, the new YouthSight poll finds the figure to be far higher for students at 18%, suggesting all is not lost for the Yes side. </p>
<p>Often living away from home for the first time, students may be particularly susceptible to influence in the absence of family to shape their voting decision. Moreover, the high levels of residential mobility for students in September may have impacted on registration, and not all those who have answered the polls will necessarily have the chance to vote. In short: there could be time yet for a shift in opinion.</p>
<p>Students only make up a small proportion of the Scottish electorate – the latest <a href="https://www.hesa.ac.uk/dox/pressOffice/sfr197/280607_student_sfr197_1213_table_1a.xlsx">figures</a> from the Higher Education Statistics Agency show there were about 167,840 UK students in Scotland in 2012-13, with another 18,640 EU students and 28,305 non-EU students. With <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2014/sep/11/referendum-registered-voters-scotland-four-million-97-per-cent">4.29m Scots registered to vote</a>, the students are unlikely to decide the outcome of the result. </p>
<p>But given their educational experiences, these young people are likely to be Scotland’s future opinion leaders, influencers, and decision-makers. Whatever the outcome of the referendum it will be these individuals who shape Scotland’s politics in years to come – regardless of which stall they find more appealing this week.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/31646/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Charlotte Snelling receives funding for her PhD from the UK Economic and Social Research Council.</span></em></p>Here at the University of Edinburgh, freshers’ week has just seen a new cohort of students moving into the city. As older students jostled through freebie-stuffed stalls scrabbling for the newcomers’ attention…Charlotte Snelling, PhD student, The University of EdinburghLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/302852014-08-11T14:39:59Z2014-08-11T14:39:59ZWestminster gets it wrong on Scottish independence and education once again<p>On August 5, the house of commons committee for business, innovation, and skills (BIS) published <a href="http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201415/cmselect/cmbis/504/50402.htm">a report</a> on the impacts of Scottish independence on higher education, business, and the postal service. But the committee’s somewhat unoriginal recommendations don’t really extend beyond a large-letter “No” addressed to the Scottish government. </p>
<p>For anyone imagining the BIS report is an impartial investigation, it is worth pointing out that the committee consists entirely of members of the Conservatives, Labour, and the Liberal Democrats. These parties are all firmly committed to the case against Scottish independence. So it comes as no surprise that their conclusions constitute fairly standard rejections of the agenda set out in the Scottish government’s <a href="http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0043/00439021.pdf">white paper on independence</a>.</p>
<p>In relation to higher education, the committee decided to focus on two issues only: the question of tuition fees for students from the rest of the UK, and the possibility of the maintenance of a single research area in the British Isles. We can assume these particular choices were made because, in the eyes of the politicians involved, they pose the greatest difficulty for those advocating independence. Other important issues – such as academic and student migration, and further aspects of research strategy – were ignored.</p>
<p>What is more, the committee’s treatment of the two chosen issues is fairly superficial. The report contains minimal analysis, beyond the listing of some submissions made to the committee. It concludes that, if Scotland were both independent and a member of the European Union, it is doubtful it could continue to charge tuition fees to students from the rest of the UK. </p>
<p>Others have concluded similarly, as in <a href="http://www.docs.hss.ed.ac.uk/education/creid/Projects/34ii_f_ESRCF_WP5.pdf">recent research</a> from the University of Edinburgh. But <a href="http://www.universities-scotland.ac.uk/uploads/briefings/Note%20for%20Universities%20Scotland%288025053_v4%29%20DOC%288033180_3%29.pdf">legal advice</a> provided to Universities Scotland may offer a basis in EU law for the Scottish government to continue charging fees to students from the rest of the UK, post-independence. </p>
<h2>No single research area</h2>
<p>At present, the UK is home to a single research area. This means that England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland contribute public funds to one pot. Grants are then awarded by <a href="http://www.rcuk.ac.uk/">Research Councils UK</a> on a competitive basis. The report states that in the event of Scottish independence, a single research area would not be “practical” or “desirable”. Even if everyone agreed to a common research area, the report suggests that each jurisdiction would have to fund work by its own researchers, with no cross-border subsidies. </p>
<p>Some academics have already <a href="https://royalsociety.org/%7E/media/news/2014/open-letter-scotland-research-and-the-uk-academies.pdf">expressed concerns</a> about the implications of independence for research funding. But I would suspect that in the event of Scottish independence, some mutually acceptable arrangement can be reached that maintains much of the UK research community, while also allowing Scotland to develop its own national research strategy. </p>
<p>Of course, the effect of a vote for independence may not be as significant for universities as in other areas, because education is already a fully devolved matter under the Scotland Act 1998. There is a Scottish cabinet secretary for education and lifelong learning (currently Michael Russell), and a <a href="http://www.sfc.ac.uk/">Scottish Funding Council</a>, which distributes funding to universities and colleges and oversees national strategy.</p>
<h2>Commonalities can remain</h2>
<p>Even now there is no such thing as a UK higher education “system”. Wales and Northern Ireland also have their own frameworks, which differ from that of England. Perhaps the question that the committee should have assessed is whether, if Scotland votes for independence, some UK-wide structures could or should be maintained. </p>
<p>While there is significant divergence now between Scotland and the rest of the UK in higher education, there are also common traditions and links between universities across these islands. This is expressed most visibly in the existence of a UK-wide academic and student community, in shared quality assurance principles, and in the assessment of research quality. </p>
<p>But there are very significant differences in funding. And it may be that, in future, there will also be differences in the principles of governance, arising from the <a href="http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0038/00386780.pdf">review of Scottish higher education governance</a> that I chaired in 2011-12.</p>
<p>The parliamentary committee clearly decided to make a partisan contribution to the independence debate. It has missed an opportunity to make a thoughtful assessment of how a common concept of higher education could continue to be nurtured in a new constitutional settlement, whether that involved independence or greater devolution. </p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/30285/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ferdinand von Prondzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>On August 5, the house of commons committee for business, innovation, and skills (BIS) published a report on the impacts of Scottish independence on higher education, business, and the postal service…Ferdinand von Prondzynski, Principal and Vice-Chancellor, Robert Gordon UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/246852014-03-26T12:45:18Z2014-03-26T12:45:18ZScotland the brainy: why are there so many graduates in Edinburgh and Glasgow?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/44718/original/qznt879h-1395770977.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Smart: Edinburgh's Cowgate.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/88704699@N00/2342969973/in/photolist-4z3km2-4hQ4vk-HKqjd-8Bir8u-6D68y2-72kJvA-ft2ExP-8sx7ja-d3u5F5-7ztaLY-3vSkC8-rHqnQ-dFq4TY-95D32H-5MyMeG-63SprL">Lauren</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>A major factor shaping urban life is the quality of the workforce, particularly the presence of highly skilled and educated workers. Urban policymakers often argue that graduates are a driver of economic growth. Having a local university and making the city attractive to graduates are key instruments of urban renewal. </p>
<p>In this connection, here come some statistics that might surprise you. According to recent data from <a href="http://www.centreforcities.org/assets/files/2014/Cities_Outlook_2014.pdf">City Outlook</a>, the city with the largest number of higher education graduates after Oxford and Cambridge was Edinburgh. </p>
<p>When you look at the proportion of the population who are higher education graduates, inner London is way out in front with 60%. Even outer London is on 45%, way above the 34% national average. It is not as high as Edinburgh, though, where more than half the population falls into the category. </p>
<p>Two other Scottish cities – Glasgow and Aberdeen – also make the top ten. This is way ahead of <a href="http://www.nomisweb.co.uk">big North English conurbations</a> such as Newcastle (35%), Manchester (31%) and especially Liverpool (23%). </p>
<p>This over-simplifies reality, of course. The figures refer to people holding any third-level qualification, meaning that alongside degrees it counted Higher National Certificates and higher-level National Vocational Qualifications. </p>
<p>Scotland’s distinctive education system means it has a <a href="http://www.cpc.ac.uk/publications/cpc_working_papers/pdf/2014_WP45_Higher_Education_in_Scotlands_Colleges_Lowe_et_al.pdf">much larger proportion</a> of people holding Higher National Certificates and diplomas, one reason why its cities do so well.</p>
<h2>The public sector effect</h2>
<p>All the same, Scotland’s figures are strong. The first and probably most important reason is the occupational structure of Scotland’s main cities. </p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/44716/original/bqc973kz-1395770719.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/44716/original/bqc973kz-1395770719.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/44716/original/bqc973kz-1395770719.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44716/original/bqc973kz-1395770719.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44716/original/bqc973kz-1395770719.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44716/original/bqc973kz-1395770719.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44716/original/bqc973kz-1395770719.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44716/original/bqc973kz-1395770719.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">There be grey matter in them glens …</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/87463936@N00/599732911/in/photolist-UZMGB-fMcRo-An8mu-84WGJB-aSx1iT-b79u2-8ssE4y-iyz7ZS-GQdyh-bkJjRb-8xLXHy-pscpU-3zWdNT-6NyQDe-2XGBwq-6fyDT6-6s6p8b-f9AR1-6J5Wi2-6J5WvM-Pp6gh-6J5TWT-6Ja1g9-CWwJu-CWwJy-8mRynN-6W6Yx3-2XW8VG-bhbTX-cJjGch-drGkA-869VA6-adrhAL-7RSCQb-56mzFv-6Ja1xA-4ZB4TA-dGoki1-6bHpaw-4yqzeq-7yXQKD-aAs79A-6x1CSV-6CSSKG-iyZPRT-bdE6yZ-2dBEHk-kgVS6B-6Kt82Q-6Kt86j-6KoVEe">Stephen Mackenzie</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Two sectors – the public sector and banking/finance – <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/dcp171776_337841.pdf">employ 62%</a> of Britain’s working graduates. Edinburgh is Britain’s second financial services centre after London. And Scotland’s urban economies – especially Glasgow – <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/publications/re-reference-tables.html?edition=tcm%3A77-335611">generally depend more</a> on public sector employment than elsewhere.</p>
<p>Second, cities attract graduates because universities are based there. Oxford and Cambridge are obvious examples, but Edinburgh has four universities, which between them account for one in five of Scotland’s undergraduates.</p>
<p>The University of Edinburgh in particular is highly regarded internationally, regularly performing well in <a href="http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/world-university-rankings/2013-14/world-ranking">global quality rankings</a>. It has little difficulty recruiting well qualified students nationally and internationally. </p>
<h2>Attractive lifestyles</h2>
<p>Lifestyle might also help explain the tendency of Scotland’s cities to attract the well educated. Recent graduates seem attracted by such factors as:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Relatively easy access to housing; Glasgow rates well here as a city losing population.</p></li>
<li><p>A variety of shops catering to a wide range of tastes, rather than just the standard high street stores; Edinburgh is well known for quirky small independent stores, many owing their origins to graduates.</p></li>
<li><p>A wide range of leisure activities; while London is out ahead of everywhere in the UK, the Scottish cities also offer easy access to outdoor pastimes, which families are more likely to want.</p></li>
<li><p>Good schools; London scores relatively well despite its reputation, but not as well as Edinburgh, partly thanks to the city’s concentration of private schools.</p></li>
<li><p>The possibility of commuting to work from attractive suburbs; again, the Scottish cities rank highly on this score.</p></li>
<li><p>Security and low crime rates, where once more <a href="http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0042/00427834.pdf">Edinburgh scores relatively well</a> (though Glasgow does not).</p></li>
<li><p>Opportunities for life-long learning, since graduates like to continue improving their qualifications. </p></li>
</ul>
<p>Finally, regional or national attachments might influence graduates’ decisions on where to live. Recent changes in student funding since devolution in 1998 might reinforce such loyalties, since Scottish (and Welsh) students now face a financial penalty if they wish to study outside their own country. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/44726/original/vpvcwjdx-1395772990.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/44726/original/vpvcwjdx-1395772990.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44726/original/vpvcwjdx-1395772990.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44726/original/vpvcwjdx-1395772990.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44726/original/vpvcwjdx-1395772990.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44726/original/vpvcwjdx-1395772990.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/44726/original/vpvcwjdx-1395772990.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Fettes of Edinburgh, Tony Blair’s alma mater.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/86250934@N03/8105500985/in/photolist-dmfP3Z-8AYuvC-6QRsCc-9gCCic-6QVx59-6QVwDG-6QVwR5-6QVvCA-6QRtEZ-6QRsgF-6QVvhf-6QVvP3-6QVvsW-6QRrq6-6QRreP-6QRsrM-6QRu8P-6QVxP1-2BSVRy-5rthrH-8HAeUb-azEs8V-azEsbR-bs52t9-bsgm9f-5SMF3v-dCm3DU-kKMjz-4EViJr-4EViwn-4EVjiD-4EZzno-4EZzw9-4EZrsQ-4EZuvL-4EZrg1-4EVgF2-4EZpWo-azH7QQ-azEs7v-azH9kW-74LrpH-7AtoKs-7AtoE1-7ApCTk-gkAj4D-7Yjzmh-7Yjz6N-4JPGEx-4JPH7B-4JPHEz">Keltek Trust</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>There is little evidence to support this hypothesis, though a <a href="http://extra.shu.ac.uk/ppp-online/stay-leave-or-return-patterns-of-welsh-graduate-mobility/">recent study</a> of graduate mobility in Wales suggested that while the country was a net exporter of graduates, it managed to hold on to a much higher proportion than most English regions. It would be interesting to know whether current debates in Scotland about independence are leading students to stay on after migration.</p>
<p>Are there lessons for others from Scotland’s relative success? For the most part, it seems that the conditions for attracting academically well qualified young people are relatively clear. </p>
<p>On the supply side, you need strong universities with a global reputation as well as a more local system promoting lifelong learning. On the demand side, cities that are a centre for graduate recruiters will, unsurprisingly, also become centres for graduate citizens. </p>
<p>It also helps if the region includes services and amenities that appeal to the tastes of cosmopolitan knowledgeable affluent and highly mobile adults without alienating the rest of the population so that resentment spills over into open hostility.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/24685/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Field does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A major factor shaping urban life is the quality of the workforce, particularly the presence of highly skilled and educated workers. Urban policymakers often argue that graduates are a driver of economic…John Field, Professor Emeritus, Lifelong Learning, University of StirlingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/233802014-02-19T11:37:38Z2014-02-19T11:37:38ZAs Glasgow’s absentee rector, Snowden will have to manage student expectations<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/41951/original/z8m7ykxy-1392805122.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Is there room for a professor of whistleblowing?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/ekvidi/9239288517/sizes/l/">ekvidi</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Students at the University of Glasgow have just elected their 127th rector, <a href="http://www.heraldscotland.com/news/home-news/whistleblower-edward-snowden-elected-rector-of-glasgow-university.1392744068">Edward Snowden</a>, the American whistleblower. </p>
<p>It seems fairly unlikely that Snowden will participate in the university’s governance or in the task of representing students. Then again, his election has brought global attention well beyond what his very respectable predecessor, former Liberal Democrat leader Charles Kennedy, was ever able to secure. He is the first American to fill this position, but he will almost certainly not be expecting a message of congratulations from the US government.</p>
<p>Glasgow University’s students have form. On previous occasions they <a href="http://www.universitystory.gla.ac.uk/officer/?id=6">have elected other people</a> who were unable to travel to Glasgow, including South African activists Winnie Mandela and Albert Lutuli, and Israeli whistleblower Mordechai Vanunu. </p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/41952/original/5hpbvpwg-1392805310.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/41952/original/5hpbvpwg-1392805310.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=723&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41952/original/5hpbvpwg-1392805310.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=723&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41952/original/5hpbvpwg-1392805310.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=723&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41952/original/5hpbvpwg-1392805310.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=908&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41952/original/5hpbvpwg-1392805310.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=908&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41952/original/5hpbvpwg-1392805310.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=908&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">In Illustrious company.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/54/Edward_Snowden.jpg">Laura Poitras / Praxis Films via Wikimedia Commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>But the Glasgow rectorship is not just a haven for international dissidents. It is worth pointing out that students have more generally elected pillars of the establishment such as Quintin Hogg (later Lord Hailsham), BBC Director General Lord Reith, and the afore-mentioned Charles Kennedy.</p>
<p>So what is this all about? Is the role of rector so unimportant that anyone, no matter how absent from duties they are likely to be, is a good choice? Maybe the importance of the role lies somewhere else. Glasgow University graduate and prominent broadcast journalist <a href="https://twitter.com/afneil">Andrew Neil tweeted</a>: “Whistleblower Edward Snowden has been elected as rector of Glasgow University following a student vote. My alma mater.” He then added: “Sometimes you need a working rector. Sometimes you need to make a statement.”</p>
<h2>What’s in the job description?</h2>
<p>What exactly is the role of a rector in the Scottish university stem? Although in both Glasgow and Aberdeen there had been rectors prior to this, the office was given a formal legal status by the Universities (Scotland) Act 1858, which described the rector as “the ordinary president of the university”. </p>
<p>In 1889, further legislation provided for their election by students, or in the case of the University of Edinburgh, by staff and students. The legislation applied (and still applies) to all universities in existence at the time: St Andrews, Aberdeen, Glasgow and Edinburgh. Subsequently the position of rector was also established in the University of Dundee. Other Scottish universities do not have a rector. Except in the case of Dundee, the rector is entitled to chair governing body meetings, but generally does not do so.</p>
<p>The original intention behind establishing the office of rector was to secure some level of student and lay, or non-academic, participation in the running of universities. Today that original purpose may seem less urgent. Students have since been given direct representation on university governing bodies, and lay members are now usually in the majority on these bodies. </p>
<p>Perhaps partly because of that, students started to elect what could be described as vanity candidates. They were chosen because of their celebrity status, or as political figures who were in no position to play any active role. To avoid this trend, a <a href="http://www.src.gla.ac.uk/files/the_university_rector__050508_final.pdf">Rector’s Charter</a> was drawn up in 2007, which commits rectors to performing their function for a specified number of days every month, to be available to students and to attend the vast majority of governing body meetings.</p>
<h2>Fit for purpose</h2>
<p>In the light of Snowden’s election, how should we evaluate the office? Does it still serve a purpose? When I chaired the <a href="http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0038/00386780.pdf">review of higher education governance in Scotland</a> in 2011, we asked all the universities to provide us with views on the role and its usefulness. Those universities that had rectors, including Glasgow, suggested that the role should continue. All those that didn’t have one indicated they didn’t want one. And so the system has remained as it was.</p>
<p>To those who sometimes bemoan the apparent disengagement by students from the global political concerns of the day, a high profile and energetically conducted campaign to recognise a controversial political figure may seem like a refreshing return to the days of student campaigns for something other than cheaper catering. On the other hand, to those who want to see an effective mechanism for representing student interests, a rector who is confined to some unidentified place in Russia may not seem best placed to deliver the goods.</p>
<p>In the end the rector will be, or not be, whatever students want. Those universities that have rectors will probably continue to find that each term of office has the capacity to be very different.</p>
<p>Snowden will not be holding the management of the University of Glasgow to account. To some, his association with the university will be an embarrassment. But every generation of students must have a right to make a statement in some way they regard as appropriate. Whether the rest of us really approve is, I suspect, not the most important consideration.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/23380/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ferdinand von Prondzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Students at the University of Glasgow have just elected their 127th rector, Edward Snowden, the American whistleblower. It seems fairly unlikely that Snowden will participate in the university’s governance…Ferdinand von Prondzynski, Principal and Vice-Chancellor, Robert Gordon UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.