tag:theconversation.com,2011:/africa/topics/south-america-2509/articlesSouth America – The Conversation2024-03-27T17:26:37Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2239692024-03-27T17:26:37Z2024-03-27T17:26:37Z‘Bukelism,’ El Salvador’s flawed approach to gang violence, is no silver bullet for Ecuador<p>Ecuador’s unexpected <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-67964229">gang-related security crisis</a> has resurrected the debate on <a href="https://advox.globalvoices.org/2023/05/19/unfreedom-monitor-report-el-salvador/">what’s known as Bukelism</a>, the supposedly miraculous anti-crime strategy named after El Salvador President Nayib Bukele. </p>
<p>Bukelism is credited with dramatically reducing El Salvador’s drug-related homicide rates <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/08/opinion/el-salvador-bukele-election.html">from 38 per 100,000 people in 2019 to 7.8 per 100,000 in 2022</a>.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/el-salvador-young-maverick-bukele-wins-presidential-election-but-countrys-future-remains-uncertain-111775">El Salvador: young maverick Bukele wins presidential election, but country's future remains uncertain</a>
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<p>This model has, however, come at the cost of an authoritarian drift in El Salvador and <a href="https://www.americasquarterly.org/article/from-bad-to-worse-nayib-bukeles-split-with-washington/">American sanctions for corruption</a>. </p>
<p>Nonetheless, on April 21, Ecuador will hold a <a href="https://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2024-02-14/ecuador-sets-april-21-for-referendum-on-tightening-security">landmark referendum</a> to change its constitution in order to emulate the Salvadorean model. </p>
<p>If Ecuadorans vote in favour of these unprecedented reforms on security, they will not only give permanent and extensive powers to the country’s armed forces — along with immunity measures and the dismantlement of democratic checks and balances — but they will also normalize Bukelism, even though recent studies question its effectiveness.</p>
<h2>Eroding democracy</h2>
<p>Ecuador is among <a href="https://www.americasquarterly.org/article/nayib-bukeles-growing-list-of-latin-american-admirers/">a growing number of countries in the region</a> that want to implement this seemingly successful new style of the war on drugs. They’re apparently willing to disregard the impact on <a href="https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/el-salvador">freedom of the press and democracy</a> to curb the narco-trafficking crisis. </p>
<p>In 2022, El Salvador declared states of emergency several times and incarcerated more than 73,000 people, giving it the <a href="https://www.theglobaleconomy.com/rankings/prisoners/">highest incarceration rate in the world</a>. </p>
<p>These strong-arm tactics against crime give the public a reassuring image of control, even though the massive arrests targeted <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/thousands-of-innocent-people-jailed-in-el-salvadors-gang-crackdown">thousands of innocent people</a> and 327 citizens were forcibly disappeared, according to <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/12/el-salvador-policies-practices-legislation-violate-human-rights/#:%7E:text=Among%20its%20recommendations%2C%20Amnesty%20International,process%20and%20nullify%20judicial%20guarantees">a recent Amnesty International report</a>. In addition, almost 200 died in state custody.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.omct.org/es/recursos/comunicados-de-prensa/comit%C3%A9-de-las-naciones-unidas-pide-a-el-salvador-prevenir-las-detenciones-arbitrarias-e-investigar-todos-los-actos-de-tortura">United Nations has called on El Salvador to stop torturing detainees</a>. <a href="https://www.americas.org/52204/">Attacks on female journalists by authorities and supporters of Bukele’s methods have also increased dramatically</a>, illustrating how Bukelism’s aggressive rhetoric has had a significant impact on journalists, especially women, in a country <a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/el-salvador-women-abortion-obstetric-problems-prison-fight/">where abortion has also been completely banned</a> since Bukele’s election.</p>
<p>Yet, even the country’s worst infringements on the rule of law, including hundreds of show trials and laws <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/apr/06/el-salvador-press-censorship-gang-law">threatening journalists with 10- to 15-year prison sentences for criticizing law enforcement</a>, are often regarded as evidence of <a href="https://insightcrime.org/investigations/how-bukele-government-overpowered-gangs-major-findings/">Bukelism’s effectiveness</a>.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/el-salvadors-facade-of-democracy-crumbles-as-president-purges-his-political-opponents-161781">El Salvador's façade of democracy crumbles as president purges his political opponents</a>
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<h2>Bukelism’s popularity</h2>
<p>According to experts like Laura Chinchilla, Costa Rica’s former minister of public security and justice, the popularity of Bukelism <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/01/02/el-salvador-elections-bukele-bitcoin-crime-gang-policy/">is rising</a> largely because it’s frequently described in the media as the only effective model to fight gangs. Chinchilla argues that the Salvadorean model <a href="https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/cpw79166j9go">is only a “mirage</a>” that ignores other efficient security strategies that don’t dismantle the rule of law, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1108/OXAN-DB201595">such as her country’s efforts a decade ago</a>. </p>
<p>This myth of Bukelism’s effectiveness creates a dilemma for other democratic countries plagued by drug-trafficking violence: should they opt for the successes of Bukelism despite human rights violations, or choose other strategies that uphold democratic norms?</p>
<p>But this is a false dilemma based on incorrect assumptions, because Bukelism is not as effective as it seems.</p>
<p>A <a href="https://icg-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/2022-10/096-el-salvadors-prison-fever.pdf">recent report</a> from the International Crisis Group, one of the world’s most trusted non-governmental organizations on security issues, shows that drug-related homicide rates had already fallen by 60 per cent before Bukele’s massive crackdown in 2022. The report also points out that democratic countries like Ecuador can’t duplicate Bukelism without trading off democracy. </p>
<p>In fact, by stifling political opposition, imposing presidential control over the judicial, executive and legislative branches and muzzling the media, El Salvador has slipped to the <a href="https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/country/el-salvador">bottom 25 per cent of countries worldwide in terms of democracy</a> since Bukele was first elected in 2019.</p>
<p>Freedom House’s well-known annual study of political rights and civil liberties worldwide rated El Salvador as “<a href="https://freedomhouse.org/countries/freedom-world/scores">partly free</a>” in 2023, along with countries such as Kuwait, Malaysia and Hong Kong.</p>
<h2>Bukelism’s questionable results</h2>
<p>Data from the <a href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/departamento-de-justicia-anuncia-operaci-n-contra-l-deres-clave-de-grupo-criminal-ms-13">U.S. task force Vulcan</a> also show homicide rates have been steadily declining in El Salvador since 2016 due to deals with drug-trafficking gangs. </p>
<p>Bukele’s 2022 crackdown “<a href="https://insightcrime.org/investigations/el-salvador-keeping-lid-on-prisons/">frenzy,” as the think tank Insight Crime calls it</a>, was therefore merely a reaction to the cartels’ decision to disregard the deals they had previously made with the government. </p>
<p>El Salvador’s small population and its unique geography are also key factors in Bukelism’s purported success that don’t always exist elsewhere. Ecuador, for example, has three times El Salvador’s population and a completely different landscape. What’s more, the country’s drug gangs <a href="https://www.vox.com/world-politics/2024/1/11/24034891/ecuador-drugs-cocaine-cartels-violence-murder-daniel-naboa-columbia-crime">can’t be compared to other Latin American drug cartels</a> in terms of financing, weapons and equipment. </p>
<p>The importance of these factors is evident in failed attempts to implement Bukelism elsewhere. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jan/04/honduras-gangs-crackdown-xiomara-castro">Recent data shows that neighbouring Honduras</a> has failed to achieve significant results adopting similar measures. After more than six months of duplicating El Salvador’s war on gangs, the country still has the <a href="https://insightcrime.org/news/honduras-makes-few-advances-against-crime-during-6-month-state-of-exception/">second-highest homicide rate in Latin America</a>. </p>
<p>At the opposite end, Colombia seems to be on track to achieve its new “<a href="https://www.cfr.org/blog/petros-total-peace-plan-turns-one-good-bad-and-ugly">total peace plan</a>” by negotiating with its <a href="https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/cm5rlrgvkyno">most iconic drug cartels, including the Clan del Golfo</a>, and providing education for impoverished young people.</p>
<h2>Corruption is part of Bukelism</h2>
<p>But perhaps Bukelism’s biggest flaw is its widespread corruption. Despite <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/us-sanctions-officials-close-el-salvadors-bukele-alleged-corruption-2022-12-09/">U.S sanctions in 2022</a>, the rampant corruption among state entities, the armed forces and the private sector is too often ignored by the media.</p>
<p>This contributes to the false image of Bukele’s efficiency. Given that new laws restricting the <a href="https://rsf.org/en/serious-decline-press-freedom-el-salvador-rsf-and-its-partners-call-national-authorities-safeguard">freedom of the press</a> were recently adopted, and checks and balances such as <a href="https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2023/country-chapters/el-salvador">judicial independence are under attack</a>, corruption is unlikely to receive the media attention it warrants in El Salvador.</p>
<p>This perfect storm of corruption, human rights violations, extended military powers, institutional impunity and <a href="https://ovcd.org/en/criminalisation/">criminalization of journalists</a> poses <a href="https://www.wola.org/analysis/states-of-exception-new-security-model-central-america/">serious risks</a> to the region.</p>
<p>Mexico embraced a model similar to Bukelism in the 2010s, and its war on drugs failed, transforming the country into <a href="https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/standing-firm/">one of the three worst in the world</a> in terms of the level of violence and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X17719258">human rights violations against environmental activists and journalists</a>.</p>
<p>Ecuador and other nations flirting with Bukelism must not make the same mistake.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/223969/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marie-Christine Doran receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada-SSHRCC. </span></em></p>Ecuador is soon holding a referendum to decide whether to follow El Salvador’s controversial strategy to end drug trafficking.Marie-Christine Doran, Full Professor of Compared Politics, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of OttawaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2265342024-03-27T13:26:41Z2024-03-27T13:26:41ZArgentina: Javier Milei’s government poses an urgent threat to human rights<p>“Milei, you scumbag, you are the dictatorship.” This was among the defiant shouts that rang out across downtown Buenos Aires on Sunday March 24 as some 400,000 Argentinians <a href="https://buenosairesherald.com/society/hundreds-of-thousands-march-to-call-for-memory-truth-and-justice">filled</a> the Plaza de Mayo, the iconic square that has borne witness to pivotal moments in Argentina’s history. </p>
<p>People flock to Buenos Aires – and other cities across Argentina – on this date each year for an annual march to commemorate the victims of the country’s last military dictatorship. Between 1976 and 1983, an estimated <a href="https://jacobin.com/2020/06/argentina-dictatorship-dirty-war-military">30,000 people</a> were killed, imprisoned, tortured or forcibly disappeared in a state-led campaign that still haunts the country.</p>
<p>But this year the march felt a little different. Activists showed their palpable outrage at President Javier Milei’s administration for seeking to downplay the brutal legacy of the dictatorship.</p>
<p>And on March 21, Milei’s defence minister, Luis Petri, <a href="https://www.lacapital.com.ar/luis-petri-se-fotografio-cecilia-pando-y-esposas-condenados-lesa-humanidad-n10124703.html">reportedly</a> met with the wives of military officers convicted of crimes against humanity. The meeting occurred amid <a href="https://www.ambito.com/politica/la-respuesta-javier-milei-la-liberacion-genocidas-es-una-gran-mentira-n5969541">rumours of pardons</a> for human rights abuses that had been committed under the dictatorship.</p>
<p>Many human rights have been rolled back too. Activists have faced threats, funding for the country’s <a href="https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSefEd0YAyug3sNSnZPse43F2TvM34QDhhCtD6ur2GgdHzxlgg/viewform?pli=1">commemorative sites</a> has been withdrawn and their staff laid off, and workers in the Secretariat of Human Rights have been <a href="https://buenosairesherald.com/politics/nineteen-human-rights-secretariat-workers-laid-off-without-prior-notice">sacked</a>. Human rights, which have been hard won over decades in Argentina, are in danger.</p>
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<img alt="A large crowd of people in a street holding banners and pictures aloft." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/584410/original/file-20240326-22-bd6xlm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/584410/original/file-20240326-22-bd6xlm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/584410/original/file-20240326-22-bd6xlm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/584410/original/file-20240326-22-bd6xlm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/584410/original/file-20240326-22-bd6xlm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/584410/original/file-20240326-22-bd6xlm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/584410/original/file-20240326-22-bd6xlm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">People gather in cities across Argentina on March 24, the anniversary of a coup that installed a brutal military dictatorship in Argentina.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/buenos-aires-argentina-march-24-2017-611220890">AstridSinai/Shutterstock</a></span>
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<h2>Political violence</h2>
<p>Milei is a self-professed anarcho-capitalist. His policies are at best, nebulous, and at worst, dangerously chaotic. Since he was elected in November 2023, Milei has made <a href="https://theconversation.com/argentinas-anti-government-protests-offer-a-lesson-for-the-international-struggle-against-the-rise-of-the-far-right-222570">clear plans</a> for sweeping liberal economic reforms, cuts to funding for public services, and has opposed equal marriage and legal abortion.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/argentinas-anti-government-protests-offer-a-lesson-for-the-international-struggle-against-the-rise-of-the-far-right-222570">Argentina’s anti-government protests offer a lesson for the international struggle against the rise of the far right</a>
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<p>Milei’s human rights policy is <a href="https://medium.com/@observatorio/newsletter-03-2024-e78b73d578ce">worrying</a>. A number of active and retired military personnel have been appointed to various government positions, including chief of staff and to the Ministry of Defence. However, there would be worse to come in the run up to this year’s March 24 commemorations – an outright assault on human rights. </p>
<p>In early March, Sabrina Bölke, a member of <a href="https://hijos-capital.org.ar/">HIJOS</a> (Sons and Daughters for Identity and Justice against Oblivion and Silence), was <a href="https://buenosairesherald.com/human-rights/assaulted-argentine-rights-activist-speaks-out-i-thought-my-life-was-going-to-end">attacked</a> and sexually assaulted in her home. HIJOS is an Argentinian organisation founded in 1995 to represent the children of people who had been murdered, disappeared or imprisoned by the country’s military dictatorship</p>
<p>Before leaving, her attackers wrote “VVLC [viva la libertad, carajo] ñoqui” on one of the walls. This is <a href="https://buenosairesherald.com/politics/javier-milei-the-fringe-economist-pundit-turned-presidential-frontrunner">Milei’s catchphrase</a> and loosely translates as “Long live freedom, dammit”. Ñoqui (gnocchi) is a derogatory term for state workers, equivalent to “jobsworth” in English.</p>
<p>This is a lesson in what happens when radical “outsiders” like Milei (or Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Donald Trump in the US) come in from the shadows. They not only tolerate political violence, but actively encourage it. Lacking political experience, their leadership is founded on creating an “us v them” mentality which emboldens their supporters. </p>
<h2>Revising history</h2>
<p>The day of commemoration brought one more disturbing turn of events. The government released a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/mar/23/javier-milei-argentina-dictatorship-remembrance">video</a> straight out of the denialist playbook, presenting a false, alternative portrayal of the military dictatorship’s crimes.</p>
<p>The video advocates for a “complete memory” that shifts the focus to those killed by armed left-wing organisations in the 1960s and 1970s and calls for the end of the pursuit of justice for military perpetrators. It stars Juan Bautista Yofre, the ex-chief of the Secretariat of Intelligence, and María Fernanda, the daughter of Captain Humberto Viola, who was killed in 1974 by the revolutionary left. </p>
<p>The video resurrects the “two demons” trope. This is a theory that equates systematic state terrorism with the violence committed by the revolutionary left. It justifies the disappearances as the result of a conflict between two warring factions.</p>
<p>It’s a viewpoint that had, in recent years, lost much credibility. In 2006, the prologue to the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons’ truth commission <a href="http://www.desaparecidos.org/nuncamas/web/english/library/nevagain/nevagain_001.htm">report</a>, which was originally published in 1983 to detail the extent of forced disappearance across Argentina, was <a href="https://jacobin.com/2020/06/argentina-dictatorship-dirty-war-military">rewritten</a> specifically to remove allusions to this myth.</p>
<p>Such rejection of historical facts is not surprising. During his presidential campaign debates, Milei <a href="https://elpais.com/argentina/2023-11-16/el-negacionismo-de-la-dictadura-que-propone-milei-no-cala-en-los-cuarteles-argentinos.html">disputed</a> the number that had disappeared at the hands of the dictatorship.</p>
<p>His vice president, Victoria Villarruel, the niece of a member of the armed forces under judicial investigation, has gone even further. She has <a href="https://elpais.com/argentina/2023-11-15/la-candidata-de-milei-a-la-vicepresidencia-propone-desarmar-el-museo-de-la-memoria-de-la-esma.html">called</a> for an end to human rights trials and has pushed for the closure of the memory museum on the grounds of what was once the notorious former Navy Mechanics School that became a clandestine detention centre during the dictatorship.</p>
<h2>What happens next?</h2>
<p>Milei and Villarruel may struggle to block human rights trials completely, certainly not without a stand-off with the Argentine courts. The <a href="https://buenosairesherald.com/politics/traitors-milei-rails-against-deputies-who-rejected-omnibus-bill-articles">opposition</a> of congress to Milei’s “omnibus law” (the collective name for his package of liberal reforms) in February 2024 is a reminder that he will undoubtedly face legislative roadblocks. </p>
<p>The Argentine Court of Appeal, which is responsible for ruling on human rights cases, has also been clear that it will <a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/723302-la-camara-de-casacion-desbarato-un-intento-de-los-genocidas-">prevent perpetrators</a> of human rights abuses benefitting from house arrest. However, we will probably see a gradual undermining of judicial processes via the release of defendants and the replacement of judges, accompanied by an emboldening of those who deny state terrorism. </p>
<p>It is still early days in Milei’s tenure. But human rights activists and international observers should be concerned about the future of human rights in Argentina.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/226534/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Cara Levey has received funding from Irish Research Council </span></em></p>Hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets in Argentina to commemorate victims of the country’s military dictatorship amid renewed concerns for human rights.Cara Levey, Senior Lecturer in Latin American Studies, University College CorkLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2248802024-03-11T17:18:50Z2024-03-11T17:18:50ZVenezuelan migrants are boosting economic growth in South America, says research<p>Venezuela is engulfed in a political and economic crisis, which has forced over <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9870179/">6 million people</a> – some 20% of the population – to flee the country since 2015. The mass exodus began when Venezuela’s economy collapsed, giving rise to rampant inflation, political turmoil and pervasive violence. </p>
<p>Over 80% of those who have left Venezuela have set up a new life in <a href="https://www.iom.int/venezuelan-refugee-and-migrant-crisis">17 countries</a> across Latin America and the Caribbean. According to a <a href="https://www.acnur.org/sites/default/files/2024-02/spotlight-note-socioeconomic-integration_ibd-oecd-unhcr.pdf">recent report</a>, these displaced migrants are having a positive effect on the economies of their host countries. </p>
<p>Between 2017 and 2030, migrant workers will boost the economies of their host countries by 0.10%–0.25% on average each year. The report, which was published by several leading international financial institutions and the UN Agency for Refugees, focuses on Venezuelan migrants but also covers Cubans and Salvadorans, among others.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/venezuelas-soaring-murder-rate-has-plunged-the-nation-into-a-public-health-crisis-116771">Venezuela's soaring murder rate has plunged the nation into a public health crisis</a>
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<p>The economic impact of migrants in Latin America is significant. But their <a href="https://www.acnur.org/sites/default/files/2024-02/spotlight-note-socioeconomic-integration_ibd-oecd-unhcr.pdf">integration</a> into local job markets and society is poor. The economic benefits derived from migrants across Latin America could be even greater if they are given better access to jobs.</p>
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<span class="caption">Protesters closed a highway in Caracas, Venezuela, while demonstrating against the government of Nicolás Maduro in 2017.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/caracasvenezuela04262017-protesters-closed-highway-caracas-while-1093703018">Edgloris Marys/Shutterstock</a></span>
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<h2>Boosting economic growth</h2>
<p>Migration has clear <a href="https://www.imf.org/en/Blogs/Articles/2020/06/19/blog-weo-chapter4-migration-to-advanced-economies-can-raise-growth">economic benefits</a> for local economies. It leads to an <a href="https://www.frbsf.org/research-and-insights/publications/economic-letter/2023/02/role-of-immigration-in-us-labor-market-tightness/">expansion</a> of the workforce, thereby <a href="https://data.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/en/labor-market-forecast-2022/?_gl=1*1afuj9x*_ga*MTk0Nzk1NjQzNS4xNzA5NTUzNTg3*_ga_W0MSMD2GPV*MTcwOTU1MzU4Ni4xLjAuMTcwOTU1MzU4Ny4wLjAuMA.">alleviating labour shortages</a> and enhancing economic output.</p>
<p>Migrants bring a diverse range of skills and specialised knowledge to their host countries, which can improve the overall skill level of the local workforce. Their <a href="https://www.cato.org/cato-journal/fall-2021/effects-immigration-entrepreneurship-innovation">productive capabilities</a> bridge skill gaps in local labour markets and heighten overall productivity. </p>
<p>Most migrant workers will also pay <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/23056953">income tax</a>, which increases government revenues. In <a href="https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/7277e925bdaa64d6355c42c897721299-0050062023/original/WDR-Colombia-Case-Study-FORMATTED.pdf">Colombia</a>, for instance, the income tax contribution of Venezuelan migrants in 2019 was approximately US$38.7 million (£30.1 million), equivalent to 0.01% of Colombia’s GDP.</p>
<p>And when migrants gain employment, they will spend their wages in the host country and create new demand in various other sectors. Greater demand leads to <a href="https://www.mercatus.org/research/policy-briefs/benefits-immigration-addressing-key-myths">higher growth</a>, which in turn attracts more investment and increases employment opportunities both for local people and migrants.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/colombia-gives-nearly-1-million-venezuelan-migrants-legal-status-and-right-to-work-155448">Colombia gives nearly 1 million Venezuelan migrants legal status and right to work</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Underemployed</h2>
<p>However, xenophobia and discrimination prevent many migrants from finding jobs in Latin America and integrating into society. According to the report, roughly 30% of the migrants residing in Chile, Colombia and Peru experience discrimination because of their nationality. </p>
<p>Thus, many migrants are forced to take jobs within the <a href="https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/fandd/issues/2020/12/what-is-the-informal-economy-basics">informal sector</a>. Over <a href="https://www.undp.org/latin-america/publications/how-do-migrants-fare-latin-america-and-caribbean">50% of migrants</a> in Latin America work informally compared to 44.5% of locals. </p>
<p>Migrant workers also often earn lower wages than their local counterparts. In <a href="https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/099022024085522704/p17578013f69d804019f8516ffbb072fc34">Colombia</a>, the average monthly salary of locals with post-secondary school education is US$1,140. Venezuelan migrants with the same level of education earn just US$644 per month. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A man cleaning a car's windshield as it stops at a traffic light." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580924/original/file-20240311-20-jwh460.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580924/original/file-20240311-20-jwh460.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580924/original/file-20240311-20-jwh460.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580924/original/file-20240311-20-jwh460.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580924/original/file-20240311-20-jwh460.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580924/original/file-20240311-20-jwh460.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580924/original/file-20240311-20-jwh460.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A man cleaning a windshield at a traffic light in Lima, Peru.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/lima-peru-may-12-2020-poor-1729866145">Myriam B/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Despite this, immigrants still <a href="https://www.undp.org/latin-america/publications/how-do-migrants-fare-latin-america-and-caribbean">outperform</a> the native-born population in their labour force participation and employment rates. Yet many of the migrants who are in formal employment are overqualified for their roles. In <a href="https://www.acnur.org/sites/default/files/2024-02/spotlight-note-socioeconomic-integration_ibd-oecd-unhcr.pdf">Chile</a>, for instance, 34% of highly educated locals are overqualified for their jobs, compared to over 60% of migrants. </p>
<p>Migrants are often <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/org/science/article/abs/pii/S2049879923000360">mistakenly assumed</a> to be exclusively low-skilled workers. But the Venezuelan migrant crisis has seen many highly skilled people flee the country too. For example, <a href="https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/099022024085522704/p17578013f69d804019f8516ffbb072fc34">65% of the Venezuelans</a> living in Chile and 48% residing in Ecuador have post-secondary school education.</p>
<p>However, most Venezuelans have not officially <a href="https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/099022024085522704/p17578013f69d804019f8516ffbb072fc34">validated</a> their academic credentials in their host countries. In fact, only 10% of those residing in Chile have completed the certification process.</p>
<p>Many migrants are <a href="https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/099022024085522704/p17578013f69d804019f8516ffbb072fc34">unaware</a> of the process so lack sufficient documentation about their qualifications. And the complexity of the process also demands investment that many migrants may not have the resources to cover.</p>
<p>To further enhance productivity in Latin America, it is essential to <a href="https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/099022024085522704/p17578013f69d804019f8516ffbb072fc34">integrate migrant workers</a> into professions that allow them to use their skills.</p>
<h2>Access to services</h2>
<p>Several other factors hinder the integration of migrants into society across Latin America. The report indicates that migrant workers have significantly lower access to health insurance relative to the native-born population. In Colombia, for example, 96% of local workers have access to health insurance, compared to just 40% of migrants.</p>
<p>Similarly, there are often <a href="https://www.undp.org/latin-america/publications/how-do-migrants-fare-latin-america-and-caribbean">barriers</a> limiting access to education for migrants. Foreign-born residents and their family members have the right to access public primary and secondary education in the majority of South American countries. But school attendance rates are lower among displaced children than among native children, while the propensity for dropping out of school early appears to be significantly higher among migrant children.</p>
<p>Some people argue that immigration comes with costs, such as the perceived notion that migrants deprive locals of jobs. Nevertheless, the contribution of migrants to Latin American economies underscores the potential benefits. Improving their access to labour markets is thus a crucial tool for fostering long-term growth in Latin American economies.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/224880/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jose Caballero does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>More than 6 million people have fled Venezuela seeking better living conditions – now they are boosting economic growth in their host countries.Jose Caballero, Senior Economist, IMD World Competitiveness Center, International Institute for Management Development (IMD)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2231412024-02-20T13:17:39Z2024-02-20T13:17:39ZHow Lula’s big-tent pragmatism won over Brazil again – with a little help from a backlash to Bolsonaro<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576290/original/file-20240217-26-3ec1u6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C58%2C5473%2C2740&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Brazilian President Lula greets journalists, in Brasilia, one year after rioters stormed the presidential palace, Congress and Supreme Court buildings.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/APTOPIXBrazilRiotsOneYear/ba4ead6af3f84bd587b23503bf8dd425/photo?Query=lula&mediaType=photo&sortBy=arrivaldatetime:desc&dateRange=Anytime&totalCount=7372&currentItemNo=41">AP Photo/Eraldo Peres</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>A year is a long time in Brazilian politics.</p>
<p>When Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva <a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/01/01/1146518711/leftist-lula-brazil-sworn-in-president">assumed office in Brazil for a third time</a> in January 2023, many <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-11-02/lula-faces-challenges-in-brazil-after-win-over-bolsonaro?sref=Hjm5biAW">observers were pessimistic</a> about the returning president’s <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/oct/31/luiz-inacio-lula-da-silva-presidential-victory-brazil-sweet-govern">chances of governing successfully</a>. </p>
<p>The president, now 78 years old, had recently defeated <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/01/08/world/americas/jair-bolsonaro-brazil.html">Jair Bolsonaro</a>, the hard-right former president, by a narrow margin – <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/brazil-votes-heated-bolsonaro-vs-lula-presidential-runoff-2022-10-30/">50.9% to 49.1%</a>. But despite that victory, <a href="https://apnews.com/article/jair-bolsonaro-politics-brazil-government-florida-state-south-america-8d7e202b93b6cba7196c4baba32b6452">many Brazilian state governments</a>, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/right-wing-wins-brazils-congress-show-staying-power-bolsonarismo-2022-10-03/">as well as the country’s Congress</a>, remained dominated by followers of Bolsonaro.</p>
<p>Following his electoral loss in 2022, Bolsonaro <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/brazil-president-jair-bolsonaro-declines-to-concede-defeat">refused at first to acknowledge defeat</a>. He <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/brazils-bolsonaro-says-no-justification-attempted-terrorist-act-capital-2022-12-30/">declined to take part</a> in the traditional passing of the presidential sash during Lula’s Jan. 1, 2023, inauguration ceremony.</p>
<p>Then a week later, on Jan. 8, thousands of Bolsonaro supporters <a href="https://theconversation.com/democracy-under-attack-in-brazil-5-questions-about-the-storming-of-congress-and-the-role-of-the-military-197396">invaded and vandalized</a> Brazil’s presidential palace, Congress and Supreme Court buildings in Brasília, the capital, in an <a href="https://www.npr.org/2024/02/09/1230337023/a-former-president-in-brazil-is-accused-of-trying-to-overturn-his-election-defea">alleged attempt to trigger a state of siege and annul</a> Lula’s win.</p>
<p>The attempted insurrection failed but nonetheless left a lingering gloom about the state of politics in Brazil.</p>
<p><a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-bolsonaro-riots-anniversary-one-year-b49854a5bc0c3ee82aefca6b719c51b1">A year later</a>, the pessimism seems to have been unwarranted.</p>
<h2>Political unity</h2>
<p>In a recent <a href="https://www.atlasintel.org/polls/general-release-polls">Atlas Intel poll</a>, 52% of Brazilians said they <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-02-06/brazil-s-lula-starts-second-year-with-popularity-on-the-rise?sref=Hjm5biAW">approve of Lula’s performance</a>, while 58% responded that they see the government’s performance as “very good,” “good” or “OK.” In contrast, 39% described it as “bad” or “very bad.”</p>
<p>How has Lula’s administration managed, at least so far, to beat expectations?</p>
<p>As a <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=TY-ajWEAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">scholar of Brazilian politics</a>, I believe his popularity has a lot to do with what happened on Jan. 8, 2023. The attack in Brasilia has apparently <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-01-08/a-year-after-brazil-capital-riots-bolsonaro-s-right-wing-movement-seeks-rebrand?sref=Hjm5biAW">defused the right-wing threat</a> to Lula’s hold on power. With a police investigation in February 2024 <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/08/world/americas/brazil-police-raid-bolsonaro-attempted-coup-investigation.html">zeroing in on Bolsonaro and his inner circle</a>, the former president appears to be in no position to mount a challenge.</p>
<p>At the same time, Lula has kept his <a href="https://time.com/6226269/how-lula-won-brazil-election/">broad coalition</a> largely intact by working with pragmatic members of Congress who don’t belong to his leftist political party to build and maintain a legislative majority.</p>
<p>The Jan. 8 attack was followed by a <a href="https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/01/in-brazil-another-way-to-remember-an-attempted-coup/">show of political unity</a> in Brazil. Most politicians, including many who supported Bolsonaro’s reelection, condemned the assault on democracy. </p>
<p>Similarly, a <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/01/12/americas/brazil-riots-condemned-polling-intl/index.html">large majority</a> of Brazilians condemned the attack and approved of measures to investigate and prosecute those behind the attempted coup.</p>
<p>Here, too, Lula appears to have played his hand well. Rather than use the opportunity to purge Bolsonaro supporters from key positions in the government, he refrained from installing his own loyalists.</p>
<p>For example, when the governor of the Federal District, Ibaneis Rocha, was suspended over his handling of the unrest, his vice governor – a <a href="https://opopular.com.br/politica/conheca-celina-le-o-bolsonarista-goiana-que-assume-o-governo-do-df-no-lugar-de-ibaneis-rocha-1.2592425">Bolsonaro supporter – was allowed to replace him</a>.</p>
<h2>Bolsonaro’s convictions</h2>
<p>Meanwhile, the investigation and prosecution of Bolsonaro and his inner circle have <a href="https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2024/02/13/world/politics/bolsonaro-coup-probe-brazil-opposition/">weakened the political right</a>.</p>
<p>Bolsonaro was <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/06/30/americas/bolsonaro-court-abuse-of-power-ruling-intl-latam/index.html">convicted of abusing political power and misusing public media</a> in June 2023. That case dealt with a meeting before the 2022 elections in which he told foreign ambassadors that Brazil’s electronic voting system was subject to fraud and that the Supreme Court was prepared to favor Lula.</p>
<p>Due to that conviction, Bolsonaro, who is now 68 years old, cannot run for office for the next eight years.</p>
<p>In October 2023, Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court <a href="https://en.mercopress.com/2023/11/02/bolsonaro-and-braga-netto-guilty-of-politically-using-independence-day-celebrations">convicted Bolsonaro again</a>, this time for abusing political power during an independence day celebration.</p>
<p>As of February 2024, Brazil’s Federal Police are investigating the Bolsonaro administration’s <a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-ramagem-bolsonaro-police-spying-18d039c5e111e18341afe8ee2fb4428d">alleged use of an intelligence agency to spy on its political enemies</a> and the alleged attempt of <a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-police-bolsonaro-allies-search-coup-a060e6570a03f9b094ebdcfa2847736d">some Bolsonaro insiders to subvert</a> the results of the 2022 elections. </p>
<p>While such investigations could be perceived as political, Lula’s government has been somewhat insulated from such criticism because Brazil’s government can influence, but not control, its judiciary.</p>
<p>Moreover Lula has stressed the <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/12/22/brazils-incoming-president-lula-unveils-more-cabinet-picks">collaborative nature of his administration</a>, presenting it as a <a href="https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article8106">coalition government that is not ruled exclusively by his party</a>.</p>
<h2>Broad coalition</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://valorinternational.globo.com/politics/news/2022/10/30/with-small-governing-coalition-lula-will-have-to-negotiate-with-opposition.ghtml">center-left coalition of 10 parties</a> that backed Lula’s presidential bid has grown since he took office. Two cabinet positions even went to <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/brazil-lula-adds-bolsonaro-supporters-to-cabinet/a-66741324">politicians who had supported Bolsonaro in the past</a>.</p>
<p>Lula’s party, the Partido dos Trabalhadores, or Workers’ Party, holds only six of the 31 cabinet positions. And the president has had to exert his influence over his own party to keep dissenting voices within it at bay.</p>
<p>Lula’s willingness to work with Congress and his big tent approach to consensus-building starkly contrast with <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/03/25/bolsonaro-return-brazil/">Bolsonaro’s political polarization</a>.</p>
<p>On Feb. 1, 2023, <a href="https://apnews.com/article/politics-brazil-government-caribbean-democracy-02535a22bdeaf2b24e04bb1a20638597">Rodrigo Pacheco, the Senate’s president, and Arthur Lira</a>, who is president of Brazil’s lower house of Congress, were reelected. Lula chose to support their candidacies despite both men being allied with Bolsonaro in the 2022 election campaign.</p>
<p>Once the congressional term began, Lula was able to use his experience and personal relationships with lawmakers to build the majorities that now support his agenda.</p>
<p>Lula has <a href="https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2023/12/05/world-bank-to-support-new-phase-of-brazil-s-bolsa-familia-program">revived his signature Bolsa Familia program</a>, which provides 21 million families – more than a quarter of the population – with an average of R$670 reais (US$136) per month. Brazil has <a href="https://wageindicator.org/salary/minimum-wage/minimum-wages-news/2024/general-minimum-wage-revised-in-brazil-from-01-january-2024-january-08-2024">increased the minimum wage</a> in real terms and is <a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-economy-lula-tax-congress-522843f46c3b904ed33cf8940785fe46">streamlining and simplifying its tax system</a> in ways that will help individual taxpayers and businesses. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576291/original/file-20240217-20-hmntpk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A short man in a suit salutes while surrounded by other men in suits, clasping a tall one's hand." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576291/original/file-20240217-20-hmntpk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576291/original/file-20240217-20-hmntpk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576291/original/file-20240217-20-hmntpk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576291/original/file-20240217-20-hmntpk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576291/original/file-20240217-20-hmntpk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576291/original/file-20240217-20-hmntpk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576291/original/file-20240217-20-hmntpk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Lula waves while shaking hands with Senate President Rodrigo Pacheco in November 2022.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://apnews.com/article/politics-brazil-government-caribbean-democracy-02535a22bdeaf2b24e04bb1a20638597">AP Photo/Eraldo Peres</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Stability is a big plus</h2>
<p>What makes the popularity and repositioning of Lula as a unity leader all the more remarkable is that the left-wing politican was himself seen as a divisive figure not too long ago. But Bolsonaro’s presidency changed the tenor of Brazilian politics.</p>
<p>Most Brazilians today appear to want to overcome the divisions Bolsonaro promoted and favor stability and predictable policies over seeing their own side dominate the government.</p>
<p>Lula’s popularity has also benefited from <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-12-05/brazil-economy-grows-slightly-in-third-quarter-as-slowdown-looms?sref=Hjm5biAW">Brazil’s economy, which performed far better in 2023</a> than many economists had expected.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.barrons.com/news/brazil-inflation-ends-2023-in-target-range-286aa1aa">Inflation fell to 4.6%</a> at the end of 2023, less than half the <a href="https://tradingeconomics.com/brazil/core-inflation-rate">pace it was running a year earlier</a>. Gross domestic product <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG?locations=BR">grew 3% last year, about the same rate as in 2022</a>. And <a href="https://agenciadenoticias.ibge.gov.br/en/agencia-press-room/2185-news-agency/releases-en/39208-quarterly-continuous-pnad-unemployment-retreats-in-two-fus-in-q4-2023">unemployment fell to 7.4%</a>, the <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.UEM.TOTL.NE.ZS?locations=BR">lowest level since 2014</a>. </p>
<p>The strong economy has helped boost Lula’s popularity because he has been able to assure centrists that he’s governing responsibly.</p>
<p>In politics, as with investing, past performance does not guarantee future returns. But for now, Lula’s pragmatic coalition-building and his careful negotiations with Congress are paying off.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/223141/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anthony Pereira has received funding from the Inter-American Foundation and the Organization of American States.</span></em></p>The third-term president has used his experience and personal relationships with lawmakers to build the majorities that now support his agenda.Anthony Pereira, Director of the Kimberly Green Latin American and Caribbean Center, Florida International UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2235492024-02-19T03:46:27Z2024-02-19T03:46:27ZScientists shocked to discover new species of green anaconda, the world’s biggest snake<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576419/original/file-20240219-26-4pucih.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C5294%2C3532&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The green anaconda has long been considered one of the Amazon’s most <a href="https://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1916160_1916151_1916136,00.html">formidable and mysterious</a> animals. Our <a href="https://www.mdpi.com/1424-2818/16/2/127">new research</a> upends scientific understanding of this magnificent creature, revealing it is actually two genetically different species. The surprising finding opens a new chapter in conservation of this top jungle predator.</p>
<p>Green anacondas are the world’s heaviest snakes, and among the longest. Predominantly found in rivers and wetlands in South America, they are renowned for their lightning speed and ability to asphyxiate huge prey then swallow them whole.</p>
<p>My colleagues and I were shocked to discover significant genetic differences between the two anaconda species. Given the reptile is such a large vertebrate, it’s remarkable this difference has slipped under the radar until now. </p>
<p>Conservation strategies for green anacondas must now be reassessed, to help each unique species cope with threats such as climate change, habitat degradation and pollution. The findings also show the urgent need to better understand the diversity of Earth’s animal and plant species before it’s too late.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="snake on branches above water" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576390/original/file-20240219-30-pwv50z.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576390/original/file-20240219-30-pwv50z.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576390/original/file-20240219-30-pwv50z.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576390/original/file-20240219-30-pwv50z.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576390/original/file-20240219-30-pwv50z.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576390/original/file-20240219-30-pwv50z.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576390/original/file-20240219-30-pwv50z.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Scientists discovered a new snake species known as the northern green anaconda.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Bryan Fry</span></span>
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<h2>An impressive apex predator</h2>
<p>Historically, four anaconda species have been recognised, including green anacondas (also known as giant anacondas).</p>
<p>Green anacondas are true behemoths of the reptile world. The largest females can grow to more than <a href="https://www.britannica.com/animal/anaconda#ref708759">seven metres long</a> and weigh <a href="https://taronga.org.au/news/2018-07-11/green-anaconda-weighs">more than 250 kilograms</a>.</p>
<p>The snakes are well-adapted to a life lived mostly in water. Their nostrils and eyes are on top of their head, so they can see and breathe while the rest of their body is submerged. Anacondas are olive-coloured with large black spots, enabling them to blend in with their surroundings.</p>
<p>The snakes inhabit the lush, intricate waterways of South America’s Amazon and <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Orinoco-Basin">Orinoco</a> basins. They are known for their stealth, patience and surprising agility. The buoyancy of the water supports the animal’s substantial bulk and enables it to move easily and leap out to ambush prey as large as capybaras (giant rodents), caimans (reptiles from the alligator family) and deer. </p>
<p>Green anacondas are not venomous. Instead they take down prey using their large, flexible jaws then crush it with their strong bodies, before swallowing it.</p>
<p>As apex predators, green anacondas are vital to maintaining balance in their ecosystems. This role extends beyond their hunting. Their very presence alters the behaviour of a wide range of other species, influencing where and how they forage, breed and migrate.</p>
<p>Anacondas are highly sensitive to environmental change. Healthy anaconda populations indicate vibrant ecosystems, with ample food resources and clean water. Declining anaconda numbers may be harbingers of environmental distress. So knowing which anaconda species exist, and monitoring their numbers, is crucial.</p>
<p>To date, there has been little research into genetic differences between anaconda species. Our research aimed to close that knowledge gap.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/stop-killing-brown-snakes-they-could-be-a-farmers-best-friend-222142">Stop killing brown snakes – they could be a farmer's best friend</a>
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<img alt="snake in water eating deer" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576418/original/file-20240219-27-h8efx6.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576418/original/file-20240219-27-h8efx6.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=393&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576418/original/file-20240219-27-h8efx6.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=393&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576418/original/file-20240219-27-h8efx6.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=393&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576418/original/file-20240219-27-h8efx6.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=494&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576418/original/file-20240219-27-h8efx6.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=494&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576418/original/file-20240219-27-h8efx6.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=494&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Green anaconda have large, flexible jaws. Pictured: a green anaconda eating a deer.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">JESUS RIVAS</span></span>
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<h2>Untangling anaconda genes</h2>
<p>We studied representative samples from all anaconda species throughout their distribution, across nine countries.</p>
<p>Our project spanned almost 20 years. Crucial pieces of the puzzle came from samples we collected on a 2022 expedition to the Bameno region of Baihuaeri Waorani Territory in the Ecuadorian Amazon. We took this trip at the invitation of, and in collaboration with, Waorani leader Penti Baihua. Actor Will Smith also joined the expedition, as part of a series he is filming for National Geographic. </p>
<p>We surveyed anacondas from various locations throughout their ranges in South America. Conditions were difficult. We paddled up muddy rivers and slogged through swamps. The heat was relentless and swarms of insects were omnipresent. </p>
<p>We collected data such as habitat type and location, and rainfall patterns. We also collected tissue and/or blood from each specimen and analysed the samples back in the lab. This revealed the green anaconda, formerly believed to be a single species, is actually two genetically distinct species. </p>
<p>The first is the known species, <em>Eunectes murinus</em>, which lives in Perú, Bolivia, French Guiana and Brazil. We have given it the common name “southern green anaconda”. The second, newly identified species is <em>Eunectes akayima</em> or “northern green anaconda”, which is found in Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Trinidad, Guyana, Suriname and French Guiana.</p>
<p>We also identified the period in time where the green anaconda diverged into two species: almost 10 million years ago. </p>
<p>The two species of green anaconda look almost identical, and no obvious geographical barrier exists to separate them. But their level of genetic divergence – 5.5% – is staggering. By comparison, the genetic difference between humans and apes is <a href="https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/what-does-the-fact-that-w/#:%7E:text=Most%20studies%20indicate%20that%20when,size%20of%20the%20comparison%20unit.">about 2%</a>.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-forgotten-amazon-as-a-critical-summit-nears-politicians-must-get-serious-about-deforestation-in-bolivia-205263">The forgotten Amazon: as a critical summit nears, politicians must get serious about deforestation in Bolivia</a>
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<img alt="green anaconda underwater" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576399/original/file-20240219-18-42nfsl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576399/original/file-20240219-18-42nfsl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576399/original/file-20240219-18-42nfsl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576399/original/file-20240219-18-42nfsl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576399/original/file-20240219-18-42nfsl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576399/original/file-20240219-18-42nfsl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576399/original/file-20240219-18-42nfsl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">The two green anaconda species live much of their lives in water.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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<h2>Preserving the web of life</h2>
<p>Our research has peeled back a layer of the mystery surrounding green anacondas. This discovery has significant implications for the conservation of these species – particularly for the newly identified northern green anaconda. </p>
<p>Until now, the two species have been managed as a single entity. But each may have different ecological niches and ranges, and face different threats. </p>
<p>Tailored conservation strategies must be devised to safeguard the future of both species. This may include new legal protections and initiatives to protect habitat. It may also involve measures to mitigate the harm caused by climate change, deforestation and pollution — such as devastating effects of <a href="https://news.mongabay.com/2023/05/critics-question-causes-behind-major-oil-spill-in-ecuadorian-amazon/">oil spills</a> on aquatic habitats. </p>
<p>Our research is also a reminder of the complexities involved in biodiversity conservation. When species go unrecognised, they can slip through the cracks of conservation programs. By incorporating genetic taxonomy into conservation planning, we can better preserve Earth’s intricate web of life – both the species we know today, and those yet to be discovered.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/223549/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Professor Bryan G. Fry is a National Geographic Explorer and has previously received funding as part of this role.</span></em></p>Green anacondas are the world’s heaviest snakes, and among the longest. it’s remarkable this hidden species has slipped under the radar until now.Bryan G. Fry, Professor of Toxicology, School of the Environment, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2229592024-02-13T13:21:38Z2024-02-13T13:21:38ZIn the face of severe challenges, democracy is under stress – but still supported – across Latin America and the Caribbean<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575051/original/file-20240212-22-f6zizy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C179%2C5700%2C3615&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Protesters in El Salvador declare 'Yes to democracy. No to authoritarianism' during a demonstration on Jan. 14, 2024.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/women-walk-holding-up-a-sign-with-the-legend-yes-to-news-photo/1925903965?adppopup=true">PHOTOGRAFIA/Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Threats to economic and physical security have become persistent and pervasive across Latin America and the Caribbean – and that is affecting the way people view the state of democracy in the region.</p>
<p>Those are among the findings of the latest <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/about-americasbarometer.php">AmericasBarometer</a>, a study of the experiences and attitudes of people across the Western Hemisphere that we conduct every two years along with other members of Vanderbilt University’s <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/">LAPOP Lab</a>.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ab2023/AB2023-Pulse-of-Democracy-final-20231205.pdf">2023 round of AmericasBarometer</a>, which includes nationally representative surveys of 39,074 individuals across 24 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, reveals widespread pessimism and adversity, decreased satisfaction with the status quo, and yet also resilience in popular support for democracy.</p>
<h2>Elevated economic and physical insecurity</h2>
<p>Across the region, just shy of two-thirds of adults (64%) think the national economic situation in their country has worsened. Remarkably, 32% report that they have run out of food in the last three months, an indicator of food insecurity that tracks with <a href="https://www.paho.org/en/news/9-11-2023-new-report-432-million-people-suffer-hunger-latin-america-and-caribbean-and-region">estimates reported by the Pan-American Health Organization</a>.</p>
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<p>Two in five people feel unsafe in their neighborhoods, and nearly one-quarter – 22% – report having been the victim of a crime in the past 12 months. Homicide rates in the region <a href="https://www.americasquarterly.org/article/behind-a-rise-in-latin-americas-violent-crime-a-deadly-flow-of-illegal-guns/">have also been rising</a>.</p>
<p>In brief, despite variation among different countries, the average resident of the region has been facing elevated economic and physical security challenges for over a decade, our surveys have found.</p>
<p>The factors generating and sustaining this reality are complex.</p>
<p>In the mid-2010s, a global economic <a href="https://www.wto.org/english/news_e/pres15_e/pr752_e.htm">commodity boom ended</a>, and the region’s economic recovery has been thwarted by <a href="https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/latin-america-economic-growth/">structural issues</a>, including <a href="https://www.undp.org/latin-america/publications/trapped-inequality-and-economic-growth-latin-america-and-caribbean">low productivity and high income inequality</a>. Economic recovery has been further hampered by <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/the-corruption-scandal-started-in-brazil-now-its-wreaking-havoc-in-peru/2018/01/23/0f9bc4ca-fad2-11e7-9b5d-bbf0da31214d_story.html">major corruption scandals</a>, <a href="https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/REO/WH/Issues/2023/10/13/regional-economic-outlook-western-hemisphere-october-2023">crime and violence</a>, and <a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/effects-covid-19-latin-americas-economy">the COVID-19 pandemic</a>.</p>
<p>The implications of a sustained economic slump are stark. In nearly every Latin American and Caribbean country, <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ab2023/AB2023-Pulse-of-Democracy-final-20231205.pdf">food insecurity has increased in the past decade</a>.</p>
<p>The uptick in crime and insecurity is similarly driven by a range of factors, including <a href="https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/statistics/crime/GIVAS_Final_Report.pdf">economic crises</a> and the growth of <a href="https://www.americasquarterly.org/article/behind-a-rise-in-latin-americas-violent-crime-a-deadly-flow-of-illegal-guns/">well-armed transnational criminal syndicates</a>. In Ecuador, as one extreme example shows, a shocking <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ab2023/AB2023-Pulse-of-Democracy-final-20231205.pdf">36% of adults report having been the victim</a> of at least one crime in the past year, an 11-percentage-point increase from just two years ago.</p>
<h2>Disillusionment is a challenge to democracy</h2>
<p>These problems could spell trouble for democracy in the region.</p>
<p>Some <a href="https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/how-can-latin-america-halt-its-democratic-backsliding-and-how-can-the-us-help/">experts have predicted</a> that financial stress and food insecurity could contribute to political unrest in the region in the coming years. The threat of organized crime and gang violence may also <a href="https://www.cfr.org/blog/organized-crime-threat-latin-american-democracies">fuel a desire for authoritarian leadership</a>. </p>
<p>Globally, <a href="https://www.v-dem.net/documents/29/V-dem_democracyreport2023_lowres.pdf">democracy appears to be on the defensive</a>. Within the Latin America and the Caribbean, countries such as Brazil, El Salvador, Haiti and Nicaragua have registered <a href="https://www.v-dem.net/documents/29/V-dem_democracyreport2023_lowres.pdf">recent turns toward authoritarianism</a>.</p>
<p>Our results show that disillusionment with the democratic status quo is strikingly high in the region, <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ab2023/AB2023-Pulse-of-Democracy-final-20231205.pdf">with only 40% thinking democracy is working</a>. This low level of satisfaction has appeared in our surveys for the past 10 years.</p>
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<p>Although the root causes are debated, disillusionment with the status quo <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/13/opinion/international-world/democracy-latin-america.html">fuels support for populist leaders</a> with autocratic tendencies. El Salvador stands as an example of how disillusionment can undermine democracy. President Nayib Bukele was reelected on Feb. 4, 2024, with what appears to be over <a href="https://apnews.com/article/el-salvador-nayib-bukele-president-reelection-ef04e20d901908099f4f787b841aca89">80% of the vote</a> while overtly flaunting democratic norms.</p>
<p>During his first term, Bukele tackled high levels of gang violence with policies that <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/latin-america-erupts-millennial-authoritarianism-in-el-salvador/">undermined checks and balances and civil liberties</a>. He cheekily <a href="https://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/presidente-bukele-dice-que-es-el-dictador-mas-cool-del-mundo-619795">referred to himself on social media as a “dictator”</a>, while his running mate spoke of their <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/02/world/americas/el-salvador-bukele-election.html">program to eliminate democracy</a>.</p>
<p>There is no denying that Bukele’s strongman approach has delivered results: Our survey finds that 84% of Salvadorans feel secure in their neighborhood, <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/raw-data.php">compared with just 54% in 2018</a>, the year before Bukele was elected. Food insecurity remains a challenge, <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ab2023/AB2023-Pulse-of-Democracy-final-20231205.pdf">with 28%</a> reporting they have experienced running out of food; yet that statistic is slightly lower in 2023 than it was in 2012, in contrast to the upward trend in nearly all other countries.</p>
<h2>Democracy retains popular support</h2>
<p>Despite general gloom about how well democracy is performing, there is reason for optimism: Support for democratic governance has largely held steady over the last decade of our survey.</p>
<p>Across the region, on average, <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ab2023/AB2023-Pulse-of-Democracy-final-20231205.pdf">58% say that they believe democracy is the best form of government</a>. This is approximately the same percentage we have recorded since 2016. In all but three countries – Guatemala, Honduras and Suriname – majorities say they prefer democracy.</p>
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<p>Although the <a href="https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/how-can-latin-america-halt-its-democratic-backsliding-and-how-can-the-us-help/">possibility of democratic backsliding looms</a>, most countries in the region have yet to undergo significant overhauls to their political or economic systems. And as former U.S. ambassador to Peru, Colombia and Brazil <a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/inflection-point-challenges-facing-latin-america-and-us-policy-region">P. Michael McKinley noted</a> in a recent article, a slate of radical proposals by new leaders in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Mexico proved unpopular and were rejected by voters, courts and legislatures. In these cases, democratic institutions are doing their job.</p>
<p>Democratic governance also delivers something that strongman populist governments do not: widespread freedom of speech.</p>
<p>Our <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ab2021/2021_LAPOP_AmericasBarometer_2021_Pulse_of_Democracy.pdf">2021 AmericasBarometer regional report</a> highlighted <a href="https://theconversation.com/support-for-democracy-is-waning-across-the-americas-174992">the value the public places on freedom of speech</a>. Vast majorities say they would not trade away freedom of speech for material well-being.</p>
<p>In 2023, we see that in countries with strongman populist leaders, those who disapprove of the president report strikingly high levels of concern about freedom of speech. In El Salvador, <a href="https://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/ab2023/AB2023-Pulse-of-Democracy-final-20231205.pdf">89% of government critics say they have too little freedom</a> to express their political views without fear, up from 70% in 2016.</p>
<p>In the face of significant challenges, Latin America and the Caribbean is at a crossroads between the allure of strongman populist leadership and a commitment to democratic institutions and processes. For now, at least, an enduring belief in democracy may facilitate <a href="https://apnews.com/article/el-salvador-nayib-bukele-president-reelection-ef04e20d901908099f4f787b841aca89">efforts by leaders in</a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/06/us/politics/biden-democracy-threat.html">outside the region</a> to champion and strengthen democratic governance.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/222959/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Noam Lupu co-directs the AmericasBarometer, which has been supported by grants from USAID, the US National Science Foundation, and the Inter-American Development Bank. The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or any other funding agency.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Elizabeth J. Zechmeister co-directs the AmericasBarometer, which has been supported by grants from USAID, the US National Science Foundation, and the Inter-American Development Bank. The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or any other funding agency.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Luke Plutowski is a staff member at LAPOP Lab, the lab responsible for the AmericasBarometer, which has been supported by grants from USAID, the US National Science Foundation, and the Inter-American Development Bank. The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or any other funding agency.</span></em></p>A survey of people across 24 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean found widespread concern over the economy and crime.Noam Lupu, Associate Professor of Political Science and Associate Director of LAPOP Lab, Vanderbilt UniversityElizabeth J. Zechmeister, Cornelius Vanderbilt Professor of Political Science and Director of LAPOP, Vanderbilt UniversityLuke Plutowski, Senior Statistician and Research Lead, Vanderbilt UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2219382024-01-25T22:36:01Z2024-01-25T22:36:01ZIs Argentina’s new president, Javier Milei, a far-right leader? The answer is not simple<p>A shockwave has been rippling through Argentina <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/javier-milei-wins-argentina-presidential-elections-runoff/">since Javier Milei came to power in December</a>, prompting demonstrators to take to the streets in a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/jan/24/argentina-strike-protest-javier-milei">general strike</a> on Wednesday.</p>
<p>With an ideology described as <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/12/12/world/americas/argentina-javier-milei-cuts.html">“anarcho-capitalism,”</a> Milei promises major upheaval in a country with a long tradition of state control, <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/argentina-presidential-election-1.7033471">which is now in the throes of a deep economic crisis</a>. </p>
<p>While the radical nature of his proposals won over many Argentines, it also alienated many, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/argentine-powerful-union-calls-january-strike-action-2023-12-28/">leading to calls for the general strike</a>. </p>
<p>Analysts have tried to understand the ideological links between Milei and the various far-right movements that have emerged over the last 20 years, particularly in Europe and the United States. </p>
<p>As a doctoral student in political science at Laval University, my research focuses on authoritarianism, particularly in Argentina. In the following, I explore the relationship between Milei and the far-right movement. </p>
<h2>Be careful about drawing quick conclusions</h2>
<p>Milei <a href="https://theglobalamericans.org/2023/12/javier-milei-and-the-populist-wave-in-argentina/">can be described as a populist</a>. The description is apt, even natural, if we consider the many references he makes in his speeches to far-right figures such as <a href="https://twitter.com/JMilei/status/1727501082560205296">Donald Trump</a>, Brazil’s <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/20/trump-bolsonaro-javier-milei-argentina-far-right">Jair Bolsonaro</a> and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/santiago-abascal-who-is-spains-far-right-leader-what-does-he-stand-2023-07-17/">Spain’s Santiago Abascal</a>, president of the Vox formation, <a href="https://thediplomatinspain.com/en/2023/11/milei-invites-abascal-to-his-inauguration-as-argentine-president/">whom he invited to his inauguration</a>.</p>
<p>Milei’s calls to fight “the left,” <a href="https://brusselssignal.eu/2024/01/argentinas-milei-berates-western-neo-marxists-at-world-economic-forum/">his criticism of “cultural Marxism,”</a> and his openly anti-system approach all reinforce this identity.</p>
<p>However, this rather simplistic comparison ignores significant differences in Milei’s program, particularly where his economic and migration policies are concerned. Despite similarities, there are significant differences, particularly in the way each movement understands the role of the state and its relationship to society as a whole. </p>
<p>Specifically, I would like to draw attention to a central difference, namely the role of nationalism, and to the innovations Milei has introduced in the context of the global rise of the right.</p>
<h2>Nativist nationalism at the heart of the far right</h2>
<p>In an article summarizing the far-right political parties in Europe, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-042814-012441">Matt Golder</a>, professor of political science at Pennsylvania State University, analyzes the scientific literature on them. He finds three elements that are increasingly characteristic of this movement: “nationalism,” “populism,” and “radicalism.”</p>
<p>The nationalism expounded by far-right parties can be described as “nativism.” According to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511492037">Cas Mudde</a>, professor of political science at the University of Georgia, “nativism” is understood as “nationalism plus xenophobia.” It is based on the idea of the existence of an imaginary “native” population <a href="https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-042814-012441">built on cultural or ethnic features</a>, whose homogeneity must be protected from any element that is foreign and external to it. </p>
<p>With its conception of a homogeneous community, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511492037">nativism is then added to nationalism, which is articulated as the congruence between state and nation</a>. This contributes the element of xenophobia mentioned by Mudde. In so doing, extreme right-wing movements put forward a radicalized preference for anything that can be defined as belonging to the “national community.”</p>
<p>This version of nationalism is well known, and it is easy to find European and American examples of it: <a href="https://gnet-research.org/2023/01/27/mainstreaming-far-right-conspiracies-eric-zemmours-discourse-as-a-case-study/">Éric Zemmour’s calls against the “Great Replacement,”</a> <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/us-politics/the-snake-song-lyrics-trump-b2464914.html">Trump’s warnings about the danger of immigration</a>, or the Islamophobia of <a href="https://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/interview-with-frauke-petry-of-the-alternative-for-germany-a-1084493.html">the Alternative for Germany party</a>, are some examples. </p>
<p>This nativism on the part of far-right parties is becoming the foundation of their political projects, including their economic policies.</p>
<p>It is on this basis that the contemporary far right is putting forward clear protectionist projects. A large proportion of far-right movements share Euro-scepticism, nationalization and anti-globalization rhetoric. The root of their projects is a belief in a national community, defined either in ethnic or cultural terms, which must be protected from the influence of outside elements. </p>
<h2>Liberalizing the economy, Milei’s priority</h2>
<p>Although the list of promises of Milei’s party may come as a surprise due to their radical nature and breadth, the element of nativism is absent from his rhetoric.</p>
<p>Rather, the plans and platform of his party, La Libertad Avanza (LLA), represent a clear opposition to nativism, which is widespread in Argentina and represented by the Peronist movement. Accusations of his alleged anti-immigration ideology are also unfounded, at least so far.</p>
<p>Milei’s program mentions immigration only marginally. This is evident in LLA’s <a href="https://www.electoral.gob.ar/nuevo/paginas/pdf/plataformas/2023/PASO/JUJUY%2079%20PARTIDO%20RENOVADOR%20FEDERAL%20-PLATAFORMA%20LA%20LIBERTAD%20AVANZA.pdf">electoral platform</a>, where the subjects of “nation” and immigration are relatively absent. </p>
<p>Argentina has in fact received proportionally <a href="https://perspective.usherbrooke.ca/bilan/servlet/BMTendanceStatPays?langue=fr&codePays=ARG&codeTheme=1&codeStat=SM.POP.NETM">fewer immigrants than most European or North American countries in recent years</a>. The debate over immigration is more about the universality of the health and education services, thanks to which everyone, regardless of their migratory status, <a href="https://sherloc.unodc.org/cld/uploads/res/document/ley-de-migraciones-25871-english_html/Ley_de_Migraciones_25871_English.pdf">can benefit from the public health system (even tourists) and free education</a>. Milei is not exactly opposed to immigration (he has <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xfNnAKnHxGo">even expressed support for</a> certain types of state spending associated with it).</p>
<p>On the other hand, liberalization has been, and continues to be the pillar of Milei’s program, which is perfectly embodied in the proposal to eliminate the central bank and introduce free monetary competition. <a href="https://www.electoral.gob.ar/nuevo/paginas/pdf/plataformas/2023/PASO/CABA%20501%20LA%20LIBERTAD%20AVANZA%20ADHIERE%20PLATAFORMA%20ON.pdf">His program</a> also includes dollarization, optimizing and reducing the size of the state, opening up to international trade, reforming the labour code, mental health laws and regulations on medical services.</p>
<h2>Wait before judging Milei’s political project</h2>
<p>In other words, in spite of his populist style and the radical nature of his proposals, Milei’s approach makes it difficult to immediately identify him with the European and American far right without further qualification.</p>
<p>This does not necessarily mean that the Milei phenomenon should not be considered part of the extended family of the far right. As <a href="https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/c983y398v0do">Cristóbal Rovira, Professor at the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile states,</a> not all members of the far-right “family” embrace all its elements. However, it does force us to think twice before making quick and what could be simplistic associations. The fact that Milei has spoken in favour of Trump does not make him, by definition, “Trumpist.”</p>
<p>There are certainly individuals within his political party who are closer to the political projects of Trump or <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/santiago-abascal-who-is-spains-far-right-leader-what-does-he-stand-2023-07-17/">Santiago Abascal</a>. However, Milei’s personal positions largely define what we can expect from his government and the political project he is putting forward.</p>
<p>Although Milei, himself, affirms his ideological kinship with leaders often included in the large family of the contemporary far right, certain elements of his program and the core of his ideology show some distance from this movement. More broadly, in order to understand what is new about a political phenomenon and what this implies, it is important to put it into context.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221938/count.gif" alt="La Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Federico Chaves Correa ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>Some aspects of Argentine President Javier Milei’s programme resemble the far right, but others do not. Without excluding him from this movement, we should recognize there are differences.Federico Chaves Correa, Doctorant en science politique, Université LavalLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2209112024-01-12T20:28:23Z2024-01-12T20:28:23ZHow Ecuador went from being Latin America’s model of stability to a nation in crisis<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/568975/original/file-20240111-15-p90s4s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=36%2C85%2C8142%2C5371&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Ecuador looks set to entrust its anti-gang fight to the military.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/military-elements-guard-the-car-with-president-of-ecuador-news-photo/1915341584?adppopup=true">Franklin Jacome/Agencia Press South/Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p><a href="https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-08-13/once-ecuador-was-a-peaceful-country-now-it-is-one-of-the-regions-most-violent.html">Ecuador was until relatively recently</a> seen as <a href="https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Ecuador-on-Track-to-Become-the-Safest-Country-in-Latin-America-20150621-0009.html">one of the safest countries</a> in Latin America.</p>
<p>That reputation has surely now been destroyed.</p>
<p>On Jan. 9, 2024, images of hooded <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/jan/09/ecuador-gangs-wave-terror-state-of-emergency">gunmen storming a TV studio</a> were broadcast around the world. It was one of a number of violent incidents that took place that day, including <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/09/world/americas/ecuador-gang-prison-emergency.html">prison riots, widespread hostage-taking</a>, the <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/seven-police-kidnapped-in-ecuador-as-president-declares-security-emergency-101704828141894.html">kidnapping of several police officers</a> and a <a href="https://crisis24.garda.com/alerts/2024/01/ecuador-criminal-groups-launch-attacks-jan-9-following-declaration-of-state-of-emergency-and-curfew-update-3">series of car explosions</a>.</p>
<p>I have been <a href="https://pir.fiu.edu/people/faculty-a-z/eduardo-gamarra1/eduardo-gamarra.html">tracking how gang crime has affected states in Latin America</a> for 38 years. When I started, few would have projected that Ecuador would descend into the crisis it finds itself today. But the story of Ecuador reflects a wider story of how countries across Latin America have struggled with organized crime and transnational drug gangs and how they have responded.</p>
<p>Ecuador now looks set to follow the recent <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/09/19/bukele-salvador-gang-crackdown/">path of El Salvador under President Nayib Bukele’s leadership</a> in trying to crack the gang problem through the use of military and the suspension of democratic norms. In the aftermath of the Jan. 9 violence, Ecuadorean President Daniel Noboa named 22 gangs as terrorist organizations – a designation that makes them legitimate military targets. He has also <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-67930452">imposed a 60-day state of emergency</a>, during which Ecuadorians will be subject to curfews while armed forces try to restore order in the streets and the country’s gang-controlled prisons.</p>
<h2>Ecuador: Victim of geography</h2>
<p>To understand why Ecuador has become the epicenter of gang violence, you need to understand both the geography and history of Latin America’s drug trade.</p>
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<p>Ecuador, a nation of 18 million people, is situated between Colombia in the north and Peru in the east and south. Colombia and Peru are the <a href="https://www.barrons.com/news/colombia-sets-new-cocaine-production-record-un-832dac7c">two top producers of cocaine in the world</a>. Further, Ecuador has a near-1,400 mile (2,237-kilometer) coastline through which drugs from the continent can be <a href="https://insightcrime.org/investigations/ecuador-a-cocaine-superhighway-to-the-us-and-europe/">taken to markets in Europe and the United States</a>.</p>
<p>But it wasn’t until the <a href="https://www.commondreams.org/news/ecuador-war-on-drugs">U.S.-led “war on drugs</a>” put the squeeze on cartels in other countries that Ecuador became the preserve of narco gangs.</p>
<h2>Plan Colombia</h2>
<p>In the 1980s and 1990s, Colombia was the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.504">center of the international illegal drug trade</a>. This is hardly surprising, given that it was the <a href="https://www.unodc.org/pdf/andean/Andean_report_Part4.pdf">top producer of coca leaves</a>.</p>
<p>But beginning in 2000, a joint initiative between Colombian authorities and the U.S., known as <a href="https://www.americasquarterly.org/fulltextarticle/plan-colombia-a-retrospective/">Plan Colombia</a>, <a href="https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R43813">pumped billions</a> of dollars into an effort to clamp down on the Colombian cocaine trade.</p>
<p>While it may have been successful in <a href="https://www.usglc.org/media/2017/04/USGLC-Plan-Columbia.pdf">supressing drug cartels</a> in Colombia itself, it has had a balloon effect elsewhere in the region: Squeeze in one place, the bulge appears elsewhere.</p>
<p>In this case, it was Mexico’s cartels that “bulged” first. Over the past decade, there has been a <a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/mexicos-long-war-drugs-crime-and-cartels">massive growth in Mexican cartels</a>, led by the Sinaloa cartel and the Jalisco Nueva Generación, or Jalisco New Generation. In fact, a study last year found that Mexican cartels were in effect the country’s <a href="https://www.science.org/content/article/cutting-cartel-recruitment-could-be-only-way-reduce-mexico-s-violence">fifth-largest employer</a>.</p>
<p>These cartels came to dominate the illegal drug trade in Latin America, not just for cocaine, but also the trafficking of heroin and more lately fentanyl. Aligning themselves with <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/5/12/terrifying-days-of-terror-under-colombias-gulf-clan-cartel">Clan Del Golfo</a> – a Colombian paramilitary organization formed from the remnants of the gangs dismantled under joint Colombian-U.S. operations – the cartels helped traffic drugs through Ecuador and out of South America.</p>
<p>They were joined by European gangs, <a href="https://www.americasquarterly.org/article/ecuadors-crime-wave-and-its-albanian-connection/">notably from Albania</a>, who began to show up in Ecuador.</p>
<p>The impact locally of these outside gangs has been disastrous for Ecuador.</p>
<h2>Prior immunity</h2>
<p>European and Mexican organizations ran local operatives as enforcers and transporters. And these are the people who have become the backbone of Ecuador’s gang problem today.</p>
<p>Ecuadorian gangs such as <a href="https://insightcrime.org/news/rise-fall-choneros-ecuador-drug-trafficking-pioneers/">Los Choneros</a> developed as a de facto subsidiary of the Sinaloa and other cartels. The <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/americas/20240111-what-we-know-about-fito-ecuador-s-notorious-gang-leader-who-escaped-jail">escape from jail</a> of Los Choneros’ leader, Jose Adolfo Macias, on Jan. 7, 2024, set off the latest explosion of violence. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A man stands with his hands cuffed behind his back. Two men stand either side of him." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/568973/original/file-20240111-23-10j7t3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/568973/original/file-20240111-23-10j7t3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=415&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568973/original/file-20240111-23-10j7t3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=415&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568973/original/file-20240111-23-10j7t3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=415&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568973/original/file-20240111-23-10j7t3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568973/original/file-20240111-23-10j7t3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568973/original/file-20240111-23-10j7t3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Police officers arrest a gunman who burst into a studio of the state-owned TC television.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/police-officers-arrest-one-of-the-unidentified-gunmen-who-news-photo/1913161165?adppopup=true">STR/AFP via Getty Images</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>But Ecuador’s descent into violence and chaos has also been aided by the very fact that for so long it was immune from the worst of the gang violence of the region.</p>
<p>For many years, Ecuador had <a href="https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2024/01/10/how-ecuador-became-latin-americas-deadliest-country">one of the lowest homicide rates</a> in Latin America – an indicator of low gang activity. As a result, it hadn’t developed a robust police and military response to gangs. Ecuador, in comparison to Colombia, El Salvador and other countries, was seen as a “soft touch” to organized crime bosses. </p>
<p>This became ever more the case in 2009 when former President Rafael Correa <a href="https://en.mercopress.com/2009/09/19/last-us-forces-abandon-manta-military-base-in-ecuador">closed down the U.S. air base in Manta</a>, from where American AWAC surveillance planes had been monitoring and trying to disrupt drug trafficking.</p>
<h2>Militarizing the response</h2>
<p>Explaining how Ecuador became the epicenter of drug gang violence is one thing. Trying to find a way out for the country now is another.</p>
<p>Across Latin America, countries have employed different models to counter organized crime, with varying degrees of success. Colombia, with extensive U.S. assistance, transformed its military and police and went to war with the cartels. The strategy somewhat successfully dismantled organized crime groups in the country, even if it failed to halt drug trafficking itself or lower the high levels of <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2021/06/08/us-war-drugs-helped-unleash-violence-colombia-today/">violence in Colombia</a>.</p>
<p>Mexican authorities have tried a different approach and have been reluctant to confront the country’s drug cartels head-on. Instead, Mexico has employed a more hands-off approach, allowing drug gangs to essentially govern their states – the state of Sinaloa is <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/articles/how-the-sinaloa-cartel-rules/">run largely by the cartel</a> that shares its name. </p>
<p>Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has touted this “<a href="https://www.cfr.org/blog/amlos-hugs-not-bullets-failing-mexico">hugs not bullets</a>” approach, but under it the power of the cartels <a href="https://cbsaustin.com/news/nation-world/mexican-cartels-grow-in-power-and-influence-with-calls-to-change-tactics-in-fighting-back-kidnapping-killings-murders-homicides-matamoros-border-crisis">has only grown</a>.</p>
<p>And then there is the Salvadoran model.</p>
<p>For many years, El Salvador suffered from organized crime, with the <a href="https://www.bloomberglinea.com/english/who-are-the-maras-the-gangs-that-el-salvador-and-honduras-are-waging-war-against/">Maras gang</a> behind much of the country’s violence. Then in 2019 the electorate voted in Nayib Bukele on a law-and-order platform. Since then, he has <a href="https://insightcrime.org/news/gamechangers-2022-el-salvador-gang-crackdown-steep-human-rights-cost/">militarized the country</a>, adopted draconian security measures and <a href="https://apnews.com/article/el-salvador-prison-gangs-bukele-42315f24691e0a3136d005ab7c0bee6a">jailed some 72,000 alleged gang members</a>, often without due process.</p>
<p>As a result, El Salvador is now perceived as <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/09/25/el-salvador-crime-human-rights-prisons/">one of the safest places</a> in Latin America. This has been achieved at the expense of human rights, critics say. But, nonetheless, Bukele’s methods have enormous popular appeal.</p>
<h2>Path of El Salvador</h2>
<p>With an unprecedented wave of violence in Ecuador, it looks like President Noboa is looking to take his country down the same path as El Salvador. He has ordered the Ecuadorian military to “<a href="https://www.france24.com/en/americas/20240109-gunmen-burst-into-ecuador-tv-studio-threaten-journalists-live-on-air">neutralize” the criminal gangs</a> that operate in the country.</p>
<p>Whether the approach will work is another matter; Ecuador is in a weaker position than El Salvador.</p>
<p>Whereas many of the gangs were imported into El Salvador – many members of Maras had been deported from the U.S. – in Ecuador, they are homegrown and have become more sophisticated. Further, Noboa – despite taking office in December – has only 15 months of his presidency left before a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/20/world/americas/ecuador-election-assassination-explainer.html">general election takes place in May 2025</a>. </p>
<p>Yet, the adoption of Bukele’s methods might be seen as an election winner.</p>
<p>Like in El Salvador, the majority of Ecuador’s citizens appear ready for an iron fist approach to counter the gangs – even at the expense of some civil liberties. If you speak to the average Ecuadorian, many would no doubt tell you that talk of human rights violations is bogus at a time when they live under the fear of being murdered simply by leaving their homes.</p>
<p>As one man <a href="https://apnews.com/article/ecuador-violence-prisons-television-studio-gangs-72a3df45debae4459663c462304bcf91">told The Associated Press</a> in the aftermath of Jan. 9’s violence, the government needs to employ “a firmer hand, to have no mercy, no tolerance or (respect for) the human rights of criminals.”</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220911/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Eduardo Gamarra has received funding from foundations, US government agencies, multilateral organizations and private donors. </span></em></p>Widespread violence tied to Ecuadorian drug gangs has left the country looking at a draconian response.Eduardo Gamarra, Professor of Politics and International Relations, Florida International UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2135212024-01-12T13:29:20Z2024-01-12T13:29:20ZParaguay’s Ciudad del Este: Efforts to force a busy informal commercial hub to follow global trade rules have only made life harder for those eking out a living<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/549817/original/file-20230922-25-cd7gvu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=110%2C482%2C4476%2C2966&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Vendors at work on a bustling Ciudad del Este street packed with stalls.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Jennifer L. Tucker</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Paraguay’s Ciudad del Este is a busy <a href="https://financialtransparency.org/the-tri-border-area-a-profile-of-the-largest-illicit-economy-in-the-western-hemisphere/">South American contraband hub</a> where scrappy Paraguayan vendors and Brazilian traders mix with businessmen from places as far away as Lebanon and South Korea. This hive of activity <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-bank-heist-in-paraguays-wild-wild-west-reveals-the-dark-underbelly-of-free-trade-77125">moves billions of dollars’ worth of consumer goods</a> – everything from smartphones to whiskey. </p>
<p>The city was built as a commercial hub around low taxes and tariffs, benefiting both well-to-do traders and poor workers. In its bustling main market – eight square blocks packed with street vendors, brick-and-mortar businesses and cavernous shopping galleries – thousands of Paraguayans eke out a living selling fake Gucci handbags, fishing poles and even contact lenses.</p>
<p>As a <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=4TDh378AAAAJ&hl=en&oi=sra">scholar of urban planning</a>, I wanted to learn how this remote city of 300,000 people near <a href="https://iguazufalls.com/news/where-is-iguazu-falls-cities-and-airports/">South America’s spectacular Iguazu Falls</a> blossomed into a key node along a global trade route. </p>
<p>I also wanted to understand the role that thousands of informal Brazilian traders and Paraguayan street vendors have played in trading systems shaped by powerful countries and corporations.</p>
<p>While informal markets are common, poor workers in Ciudad del Este helped build an entire city oriented around global trade. As I <a href="https://ugapress.org/book/9780820364483/outlaw-capital/">explain in my new book</a>, “Outlaw Capital: Everyday Illegalities and the Making of Uneven Development,” policies aiming to legalize trade in Ciudad del Este have hurt these vendors and traders while protecting the illegal commercial activities conducted by more powerful people. </p>
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<h2>Informal work</h2>
<p>Globally, more than <a href="https://www.ilo.org/global/publications/books/WCMS_626831/lang--en/index.htm">2 billion people</a> work informally, or about 2 in every 5 <a href="https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/population-young-working-elderly">people who are of working age</a>.</p>
<p>Informal work includes a wide range of jobs and gigs without state recognition or benefits, like health care or retirement payments.</p>
<p>In Paraguay, an estimated <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/1039971/informal-employment-share-paraguay/">70% of all workers are informal</a>.</p>
<p>Yet because law is biased toward formal economies, informal workers often must break rules for their livelihoods. </p>
<h2>Stroessner’s creation</h2>
<p>Traders, small and large, profit through arbitrage. That is, they take advantage of price differences.</p>
<p>To create arbitrage opportunities in Ciudad del Este, the Paraguayan government has long kept its taxes and tariffs low. This strategy, <a href="http://www.slideshare.net/gatoramiro/economas-ilegales-en-la-triple-frontera-paraguay-argentina-y-brasil-fernando-rabossi">recommended by the International Monetary Fund in 1956</a>, has promoted the legal reexportation of merchandise, where goods imported into Paraguay are speedily exported to neighbors.</p>
<p>Alfredo Stroessner, a brutal dictator who <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307/3338752">ruled Paraguay from 1954 to 1989</a>, inaugurated <a href="https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1987/07/11/467987.html?pageNumber=4">Paraguay’s tradition of state-sanctioned smuggling</a>. He even called it the “<a href="https://www.csmonitor.com/1988/1215/osmug.html">price of peace</a>” because he gained allies by allocating contraband routes to potential rivals.</p>
<p>In the decades since <a href="https://insidestory.org.au/triple-trouble/">Stroessner founded Ciudad del Este in 1957</a>, a regional alliance of traders and local politicians gained control of its contraband networks. As I explain in my book, they continue to have powerful backers in the national government. </p>
<p>The volume of this trade is astounding, at times <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-bank-heist-in-paraguays-wild-wild-west-reveals-the-dark-underbelly-of-free-trade-77125">exceeding the country’s gross domestic product</a>. At its peak in 2011, the value of imported goods legally reexported from Paraguay to its neighbors reached <a href="https://www.cadep.org.py/uploads/2014/12/Informe-Especial-de-Comercio-Exterior-2014-full-color.pdf">US$5 billion</a>. The estimated value of contraband that year was twice as high: <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/dd80bec8-2be5-11df-8033-00144feabdc0">$10 billion</a>.</p>
<p>Alongside contraband and legal commerce, there are also <a href="https://insidestory.org.au/triple-trouble/">allegations of human trafficking</a>, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-45610738">weapons trafficking</a> and <a href="https://ideas.repec.org/a/taf/fglcxx/v8y2007i1p26-39.html">other criminal activity</a> tied to Ciudad del Este. </p>
<h2>‘Globalization from below’</h2>
<p>Tens of thousands of Paraguayan vendors and small-scale Brazilian traders do business in Ciudad del Este. While many are poor, I found that some had gained a foothold in the middle class.</p>
<p>Gustavo Lins Ribeiro, a Brazilian anthropologist, argues that the city exemplifies “<a href="https://doi.org/10.4000/etnografica.3074">globalization from below</a>” because poor workers can profit from global trade, not just international corporations. I heard one local leader call street vendors the “the lungs of Paraguay” because they draw in money from the global economy and circulate it to poor communities across the country.</p>
<p>By the 1990s and 2000s, thousands of independent Brazilian traders, called “<a href="https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.135">sacoleiros</a>” – a Portuguese word meaning “people hauling big bags” – crossed the Friendship Bridge into Paraguay every day. They resold fake leather jackets, linens, watches, CDs and other merchandise they bought in Ciudad del Este in street markets across Brazil.</p>
<p>To gather these goods, sacoleiros traveled from all over Brazil to trade in Ciudad del Este, sometimes journeying for days on buses.</p>
<h2>Eyeing ‘notorious markets’</h2>
<p>In the 2000s, powerful countries promoted trade liberalization and trade rule enforcement through the <a href="https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/tif_e/fact1_e.htm">newly established World Trade Organization</a>.</p>
<p>The U.S. government and Brazilian trade groups worried that the flow of counterfeit goods and contraband from Paraguay curbed corporate profits and harmed the U.S. economy. Since 2011, the State Department has expressed these concerns in annual reports on what it calls “<a href="https://ustr.gov/sites/default/files/2023-01/2022%20Notorious%20Markets%20List%20(final).pdf">notorious markets</a>.” </p>
<p>The people engaged in this bustling border commerce and their advocates counter that free trade advocates write trade rules to suit their own interests. </p>
<p>Under pressure from the U.S., Brazil sought to curtail smuggling, but failed to distinguish between sacoleiros struggling to make a living and <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Counterfeit-Itineraries-in-the-Global-South-The-human-consequences-of-piracy/Pinheiro-Machado/p/book/9780367594725">big-time contraband and drug runners</a>. Instead, Brazil treated them all as dangerous criminals.</p>
<p>Brazilian officials cracked down on sacoleiros, enforcing laws that they had previously ignored, increasing border surveillance and <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9493.2012.00463.x">confiscating sacoleiros’ merchandise in raids</a>, and casting them into debt.</p>
<p>This <a href="https://www.abc.com.py/edicion-impresa/economia/investigacion-de-los-puertos-ilegales-de-ciudad-del-este-esta-paralizada-552686.html">pushed informal traders onto riskier routes</a>, like the networks of clandestine ports along the Parana River and Lake Itaipu, which they need to navigate with small wooden skiffs. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/558493/original/file-20231108-15-ede25p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="People lug large amounts of stuff in huge, colorful bags." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/558493/original/file-20231108-15-ede25p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/558493/original/file-20231108-15-ede25p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558493/original/file-20231108-15-ede25p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558493/original/file-20231108-15-ede25p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558493/original/file-20231108-15-ede25p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558493/original/file-20231108-15-ede25p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558493/original/file-20231108-15-ede25p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Brazilians carrying goods bought in Ciudad del Este approach the Friendship Bridge, which links the Paraguayan city with Foz do Iguacu, Brazil, in 2010.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/brazilians-carry-goods-they-bought-in-ciudad-del-este-as-news-photo/106896478?adppopup=true">Norberto Duarte/AFP via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Formalizing sacoleiros</h2>
<p>As Brazil criminalized sacoleiros, these informal workers fought for policies that would protect their livelihoods.</p>
<p>A Brazil-Paraguay plan called the Unified Trade Regime – <a href="https://www.ultimahora.com/brasil-reglamenta-la-ley-los-sacolerios-n236685">Régimen de Tributo Unificado</a> in Spanish – sought to integrate the sacoleiros into the formal economy and transform them into “micro-entrepreneurs.” </p>
<p>In the new system, registered sacoleiros pay lower taxes on specific consumer goods purchased from registered shops and tracked through an electronic system. The system was designed to differentiate between two flows of goods sold to foreigners: merchandise purchased by bargain-hunting tourists for their own use, and items sacoleiros buy in bulk in Paraguay to sell across the border in Brazil.</p>
<p>Before this system took effect, all visitors could buy merchandise duty-free up to an official limit that fluctuated between $150 and $500.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WL0805/S00430/cablegate-calling-all-smugglers-brazilian-sacoleiros-bill.htm?from-mobile=bottom-link-01">Despite U.S. attempts to sink the plan</a>, it went into effect in 2012; afterward, only registered businesses could participate in the Unified Trade Regime.</p>
<p>Informal street vendors could not meet these requirements, and were excluded.</p>
<p>Another glitch: Negotiators ignored research recommending a total tax rate of no more than 22%, so as to make smuggling not worth the costs and risks, I learned from a Paraguayan official. Instead, they set the total tax rate at 25%.</p>
<p>Few businesses registered, and the <a href="https://www.abc.com.py/edicion-impresa/suplementos/tres-fronteras/en-tres-anos-de-vigencia-del-rtu-el-resultado-es-escaso-1399351.html">plan faltered</a>.</p>
<p>While the U.S. opposed formalizing sacoleiros, the <a href="https://www.abc.com.py/edicion-impresa/economia/buscan-mayor-formalizacion-empresarial-935481.html">U.S. Agency of International Development funded the research</a> behind a similar plan to formalize trade in the electronic goods sold by more affluent businesses. I found this plan reduced their tax burden to just over 5%.</p>
<p>Differential treatment for informal workers and wealthy traders reflects an imbalance in their negotiating power. I also argue it reflects <a href="https://www.cell.com/one-earth/fulltext/S2590-3322(20)30421-8">common biases against informal workers</a> and their economic realities.</p>
<h2>Protecting some illegal transactions</h2>
<p>Yet state officials protected some illegal arrangements, like ex-President Horacio Cartes’ <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-paraguay-dumps-billions-of-illicit-cigarettes-on-the-global-market-107679">contraband cigarette trade</a>. Despite multiple international complaints, <a href="https://www.moopio.com/informes-ratifican-impunidad-en-la-franja-de-itaipu-durante-era-cartes.html">political pacts protected the clandestine networks</a> transporting his cigarettes to regional markets. </p>
<p>Informal economies can provide livelihood for the millions excluded from formal work, <a href="https://theconversation.com/street-vendors-make-cities-livelier-safer-and-fairer-heres-why-they-belong-on-the-post-covid-19-urban-scene-141675">enliven cities and provide important urban services</a>. I believe efforts to force everyone to follow the rules must be matched by a commitment to protect the livelihoods of poor workers.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/213521/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jennifer L. Tucker received funding from the Fulbright Program, the Social Science Research Council, the Berkeley Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies and the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of New Mexico</span></em></p>A smuggling crackdown has threatened the livelihoods of the people who are just scraping by in this South American arbitrage economy.Jennifer L. Tucker, Associate Professor of Community & Regional Planning, University of New MexicoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2197902024-01-11T21:37:33Z2024-01-11T21:37:33ZHalf a century later, the military junta still haunts Chile<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/half-a-century-later-the-military-junta-still-haunts-chile" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Chileans recently voted to reject a proposed new constitution which critics said was <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/12/16/why-chiles-draft-constitution-reads-like-us-conservative-wish-list/">even more authoritarian and conservative</a> than the 1980 dictatorship-era constitution it sought to replace. </p>
<p>Most notably, the rejected changes sought to strengthen property rights and uphold free-market principles. Roughly 56 per cent of voters rejected the new constitution while around 44 per cent were in favour. Debates about the constitution highlight the political challenges that have plagued Chile since the violent days of the military junta. </p>
<p>Hosted in Santiago, <a href="https://www.panamsports.org/en/news-sport/the-santiago-2023-pan-american-games-left-the-name-of-chile-at-the-highest-level/">the 2023 Pan and Parapan American Games</a>, were seen as an opportunity to signal a new Chile. For Toronto-born Olympian <a href="https://olympic.ca/team-canada/melissa-humana-paredes/">Melissa Humaña-Paredes</a>, daughter of Chilean political refugees, entering the Estadio Nacional (National Stadium) as a <a href="https://olympic.ca/2023/10/20/humana-paredes-wilkerson-to-be-team-canadas-opening-ceremony-flag-bearers-at-santiago-2023/">flag-bearer</a> for the Canadian team, conjured up simultaneous feelings of pride, and the images of the atrocities from 50 years ago. </p>
<p>Under the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet which ruled Chile from 1970 to 1990, many sport stadiums, especially the Estadio Nacional, were used as open-air prisons, where many Chileans were tortured and killed.</p>
<h2>Athlete activism in 1970s Chile</h2>
<p>On Sept. 11, 1973, <a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/09/10/1193755188/chile-coup-50-years-pinochet-kissinger-human-rights-allende">a coup backed by the United States overthrew the democratically-elected government of Chilean President Salvador Allende</a>. Allende was the first Marxist president in Latin America and leader of the Unidad Popular (Popular Unity) coalition. He earned a <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/20130911-1973-chile-1973-coup-defining-moment-france-left-communist-socialist-party">“mythical status”</a> among leftist political groups globally as a renowned socialist elected in the midst of the Cold War.</p>
<p>The defeat of Chilean democracy had devastating effects on the Chilean people. The violence of Pinochet’s reign was documented by the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture. In 2011, the Commission presented a <a href="https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/resources/collections/truth_commissions/Chile90-Report/Chile90-Report.pdf">final report</a> recognizing a total of <a href="https://www.elmostrador.cl/noticias/pais/2023/09/12/exvicepresidenta-de-comision-valech-acusa-a-diputado-bobadilla-udi-de-ofender-a-las-victimas/">40,018 victims, 3,065 of them dead or missing</a>.</p>
<p>Melissa’s father, sport sociologist and professor, Hernán Humaña, a co-author of this article, recounts his own experiences as a Chilean national volleyball player during that time in his book <em>Playing Under the Gun: An Athlete’s Tale of Survival in 1970s Chile.</em></p>
<blockquote>
<p>Standing in line on the [volleyball] court, looking at the flag, and singing the anthem had turned into a painful routine for me. I felt the pain viscerally — not just in my heart. Observing spectators in the stands, also struggling during the anthem, made for an interesting study of people’s political alliances. Those supporting the military sang their lungs out, whereas those opposed either didn’t sing at all or selected only one part of the anthem, the one about “granting asylum to those persecuted.” What irony! Standing there singing, in full view of everyone, I was always aware that any departure from the norm could be dangerous for me, as the military and their supporters were humourless and would punish and persecute for such unpatriotic conduct.</p>
</blockquote>
<p><a href="https://www.londres38.cl/1937/w3-article-97937.html">Sergio Tormen Méndez</a> and <a href="https://www.londres38.cl/1937/w3-article-97894.html">Luis Guajardo Zamorano</a> were two athletes, less fortunate in the military junta, forcibly disappeared 10-months after the coup d'etat.</p>
<p>Méndez and Zamorano were two elite cyclists and friends committed to fighting the military dictatorship. On the morning of July 20, 1974, DINA, the feared secret police, kidnapped the two men along with national cycling coach, Andres Moraga, and 14-year-old Peter, Méndez’s younger brother. In subsequent days, Moraga and Peter were released with a message: Sergio and Luis are in big trouble. Numerous survivors recount seeing the two in various torture centres, yet, the details of their disappearance remains a dark secret, and their bodies have yet to be found.</p>
<p>The tireless efforts of many groups, principally the Association of Relatives of the Detained-Disappeared (<em>Agrupación de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos</em>), have attempted to break pacts of silence amongst those responsible for human rights violations, and authorities, especially members of the armed forces, have consistently impeded efforts to pursue justice. </p>
<p>Efforts are further complicated by a <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2015/09/chile-amnesty-law-keeps-pinochet-s-legacy-alive/">1978 amnesty law</a> that pardoned perpetrators and accomplices of all offenses committed between Sept. 11, 1973 and March 10, 1978.</p>
<p>Since the return to democracy in 1990, only 307 previously missing victims have been identified, and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/30/chile-announces-much-anticipated-plan-to-search-for-pinochet-victims">Chilean courts have since processed 584 kidnapping cases, 169 murders, and 85 illegal burials under the dictatorship</a>.</p>
<p>Finally, in August 2023, president Gabriel Boric’s government <a href="https://elpais.com/chile/2023-08-30/chile-buscara-a-mas-de-mil-desparecidos-de-la-dictadura-la-mayor-apuesta-de-boric-a-50-anos-del-golpe-militar.html">initiated a plan</a> to determine the circumstances of forced disappearances and offer reparations and assurances to the families of victims.</p>
<h2>Mythical miracles</h2>
<p>The history of brutal violence <a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/democraciaabierta/myths-about-pinochets-chile-persist-brazil-today/">counters the sanitized myths</a> about a Chilean miracle popularized by people like economist Milton Friedman, who called it Latin America’s “<a href="https://www.druglibrary.org/special/friedman/socialist.htm">best economic success story</a>.”</p>
<p>In 2019, the attempted framing of the “miracle of Chile” could no longer be maintained. Two years after Chile was announced as host of the 2023 Pan/Parapan American Games, civic unrest erupted after the government announced an increase in transit fares. <a href="https://ciudadaniai.org/en/chile.html">Mass demonstrations were led by students</a> who jumped turnstiles and held open gates for people to avoid fares.</p>
<p>With some of the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-50123494">highest levels of inequality</a> among 30 of the wealthiest nations in the world, and <a href="https://corruption-tracker.org/case/chiles-milicogate-scandal#:%7E:text=Summary%20of%20Corruption%20Allegations&text=Three%20Chilean%20Armed%20Forces%20(CAF,were%20indicted%20or%20tax%20fraud">public officials marred by corruption scandals</a>, Chileans were reacting to 30 years of free-market neoliberal failure. </p>
<p>More than a million people, from the poorest to those from upper middle-class neighbourhoods, took to the streets. Militarized police and armed forces brutally repressed demonstrations, as protesters chanted <a href="https://jacobin.com/2019/10/chile-protests-pinera-repression">“It’s not about 30 pesos, it’s about 30 years.”</a></p>
<p>In a matter of weeks, at least <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/dec/13/chile-un-prosecution-police-army-protests">26 people were killed, 113 people were tortured, and 24 cases of sexual violence were committed</a> by the police and army.</p>
<p>In response to protests, the political establishment agreed to <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/how-chile-is-rewriting-its-pinochet-era-constitution-2021-05-14/">redraft the 1980 constitution</a>, ratified amid the bloodshed of Pinochet, and Boric <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-59694056">was elected in December 2021</a> with a progressive agenda. </p>
<p>His minority government has <a href="https://apnews.com/article/chile-constitution-kast-boric-2c0c228d4608a55faf75ad6a318865a0">struggled to implement significant changes</a>. The first attempt to pass a progressive constitution — which included a host of rights and guarantees — was rejected in 2022.</p>
<p>Roughly 80 per cent of <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/1294731/distribution-wealth-by-percentile-chile/">Chile’s wealth</a> remains concentrated within the top 10 per cent, and almost 50 per cent of the total national wealth belongs to the top one per cent.</p>
<p>The entrance of the Estadio Nacional reads “<a href="https://apnews.com/article/national-stadium-santiago-pan-american-games-788a048385aa169950ffd0b5915d3edd">A people without memory is a people without future</a>” and serves as a stark reminder that memories, especially those bearing the weight of state repression in stadiums celebrated now, remain living.</p>
<p>The Pan and Parapan American Games and constitutional debates, while ostensibly thought to represent a new Chile, temporarily obscured histories, still repeating.</p>
<p><em>This article was also co-authored by Chilean filmmaker Hernán Morris, and Melissa Humaña-Paredes, a 2020 Tokyo Olympian.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/219790/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Despite hosting the 2023 Pan American Games and electing a president with a progressive agenda, Chile continues to grapple with entrenched economic inequality.Hernan Humana, Associate Lecturer, School of Kinesiology and Health Science, York University, CanadaAmanda De Lisio, Assistant Professor, School of Kinesiology and Health Science, York University, CanadaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2201502024-01-10T18:54:04Z2024-01-10T18:54:04Z‘Legal animism’: when a river or even nature itself goes to court<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566558/original/file-20231004-26-deen3k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=130%2C32%2C5324%2C3582&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Aerial view of a waterfall in the valley of Vilcabamba, Ecuador, where an historic lawsuit was won by a river in 2011.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/fr/image-photo/ecuador-waterfall-aerial-view-mountain-waterall-2150891681">Curioso.Photography/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>On 30 March 2011, a truly <a href="https://ejatlas.org/conflict/first-successful-case-of-rights-of-nature-ruling-vilcabamba-river-ecuador/">unprecedented event</a> took place at a provincial court in Loja, Equator, located some 270 miles from the capital of Quito. The Vilcabamba River, a plaintiff in a <a href="https://mariomelo.files.wordpress.com/2011/04/proteccion-derechosnatura-loja-11.pdf">trial there</a>, convinced the tribunal that its own rights were being undermined by a road development project. The project was then halted due because it would have jeopardised the river’s flow.</p>
<p>I was fortunate to be able to both attend this trial and examine what has been termed “legal animism” in two pioneering countries in the field, Ecuador and Bolivia.</p>
<p>Today, nations from <a href="https://notreaffaireatous.org/amendement-du-parlement-ougandais-du-national-environment-act-2019/">Uganda</a> to <a href="https://www.earthlaws.org.au/aelc/rights-of-nature/new-zealand/">New Zealand</a> are following suit by opening up their criminal justice systems to this type of jurisprudence that enables a natural entity, be it an ecosystem or indeed nature itself, to become a legal person and thus have rights. These innovations are raising hopes among some environmental activists, but they also remind us of the law’s malleability. From animals being called to stand trial in the <a href="https://www.wired.com/2014/09/fantastically-wrong-europes-insane-history-putting-animals-trial-executing/">Middle Ages</a> to the Indian lawyer who <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-35489971">sued a god</a>, we have sculpted our laws in creative ways throughout the eras. Indeed, no one finds it odd nowadays that a business is considered a legal person.</p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/505718/original/file-20230122-28471-kntkja.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/505718/original/file-20230122-28471-kntkja.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/505718/original/file-20230122-28471-kntkja.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505718/original/file-20230122-28471-kntkja.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505718/original/file-20230122-28471-kntkja.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505718/original/file-20230122-28471-kntkja.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505718/original/file-20230122-28471-kntkja.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505718/original/file-20230122-28471-kntkja.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/499989/original/file-20221209-29206-wsoxgj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/499989/original/file-20221209-29206-wsoxgj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499989/original/file-20221209-29206-wsoxgj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499989/original/file-20221209-29206-wsoxgj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499989/original/file-20221209-29206-wsoxgj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=542&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499989/original/file-20221209-29206-wsoxgj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=542&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499989/original/file-20221209-29206-wsoxgj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=542&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Illustration of a sow and her piglets on trial for the murder of a child. The trial is believed to have taken place in 1457.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proc%C3%A8s_d%27animaux#/media/Fichier:Trial_of_a_sow_and_pigs_at_Lavegny.png">Wikimedia</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>When two worldviews collide</h2>
<p>By delving into the origin and development of the innovations in Ecuador and Bolivia, we can also observe how legal animism plays out in all its various guises, possibilities and limits. This is what I intend to do in this article.</p>
<p>South America may have blazed the trail, but the expression “legal animism” actually appeared for the first time in the writings of French legal researcher <a href="https://journals.openedition.org/insituarss/1338">Marie-Angèle Hermitte</a>. Right off the bat, this compound term connotes a meeting of two worlds and two philosophical traditions. In one corner, we have the animist worldview, which some Western schools of thought have portrayed as their antithesis; in the other, a system that forms the bedrock of European modernity.</p>
<p>In Ecuador and in Bolivia, we can find a common undercurrent of influences or frictions that pervades these two colliding worldviews. All at once, influences from North American environmental lawyers meld with the use of the divine Earth Mother figure present in Andean cosmogony.</p>
<h2>Constituent Assembly: the moment when the natural world became redefined</h2>
<p>Another commonality between these two nations is the rather specific context of the constituent assembly. In 2006 and 2007, respectively, Bolivia and Ecuador essentially wiped the slate clean by introducing assemblies tasked with drafting new constitutions. In doing so, they each witnessed a watershed moment of redefining their entire national identity.</p>
<p>Supported or even long awaited by Native communities in both countries, these changes led to a rising prominence of the figure of Pachamama, the embodiment of Mother Earth in Andean myth. Also evoking a meeting of two worlds, this name is a portmanteau of <em>pacha</em>, the Quechua and Aymara word for “world”, and <em>mama</em>, the Spanish word for “mother”. Out of these circumstances soon came a wave of aspirations to endow nature with a legal status.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Mother Earth, or Pachamama, is a mythical figure found throughout Latin America. Shown here in Andean cosmology according to Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua (1613)." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/552055/original/file-20231004-24-8ro2p2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/552055/original/file-20231004-24-8ro2p2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=657&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552055/original/file-20231004-24-8ro2p2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=657&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552055/original/file-20231004-24-8ro2p2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=657&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552055/original/file-20231004-24-8ro2p2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=826&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552055/original/file-20231004-24-8ro2p2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=826&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552055/original/file-20231004-24-8ro2p2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=826&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Mother Earth, or Pachamama, is a mythical figure present across Latin America. This depiction of her is taken from Andean cosmology, drawn by Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua (1613) based on an image from the Qorikancha (</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pachamama#/media/Fichier:Santa_Cruz_Pachacuti_Yamqui_Pachamama.jpg">Domaine public</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In Ecuador, legal animism was brought into the constituent assembly by intellectuals aligned with new theories of the law. They’re influenced by the concepts of US legal expert Christopher Stone, who proposed, as early as <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/should-trees-have-standing-9780199736072">1972</a>, that trees should have rights. To ground these ideas within the constitutional context, the advocates relied on reinterpretations of the country’s Indigenous knowledge. In fact, 80% of Ecuadorians are mixed-race European and Native, but <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2014/11/13/religion-in-latin-america/">virtually the entire population</a> identifies as Christian. It was out of these disparate influences that Article 71 of the Constitution was born. It stipulates:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Nature, or Pachamama where life is reproduced and occurs, has the right to integral respect for its existence and for the maintenance and regeneration of its life cycles, structure, functions and evolutionary processes. All persons, communities, peoples and nations can call upon public authorities to enforce the rights of nature.”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Article 72 evokes the right for an ecosystem to be restored, while Article 73 cites the requirement to enforce the precautionary principle for activities that might lead to the extinction of species, the destruction of ecosystems and the permanent alteration of natural cycles.</p>
<h2>The figure of Pachamama</h2>
<p>In Bolivia, constituents found themselves debating Pachamama’s specific attributes. On one side were residents from the highlands, who honour this deity each day; on the other were people from the lowlands and the south of the country, who had an altogether much more nebulous notion.</p>
<p>Pachamama’s scope of enforcement was also the subject of fierce discussion. If Mother Earth is omnipresent, must all living things be included in her definition? What are her limits? I had the chance to attend a debate that sought to ascertain whether, if Pachamama were considered a legal person, it would be possible – or indeed desirable – to sue a mosquito for biting a human.</p>
<p>These discussions culminated in a conceptualisation of Pachamama as an open-ended, collective entity; a Mother Earth across all planes of existence who should therefore be protected as such. This was to avoid the endless back-and-forth of determining what could or could not be included in her definition. Thus regarded as the mother of all things, her definition extends to every entity in the world. In the new constitution of 22 January 2010, no fewer than 10 articles mention Mother Earth based on these terms:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Mother Earth is a dynamic living system comprising an indivisible community of all living systems and living organisms, interrelated, interdependent and complementary, which share a common destiny. Mother Earth is considered sacred, from the worldviews of nations and indigenous peoples.” (Article 3)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Articles 5 and 6 set out the legal framework of Mother Earth as a “collective public interest”, affirming that all Bolivians can exercise the rights of Mother Earth, provided that they also respect individual and collective rights.</p>
<p>Article 7 then goes on to list the seven rights of Mother Earth, which are the right to life, to the diversity of life, to water, to clean air, to equilibrium, to restoration and to pollution-free living.</p>
<hr>
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<hr>
<h2>The permutations and limits of nature’s newfound rights</h2>
<p>With this new relationship to nature being enshrined in the two constitutions, what real-world consequences and applications have followed on from the legal tools that they have inspired? Again, Bolivia and Ecuador differ somewhat.</p>
<p>The Ecuadorian constituents’ desire to offer practical legal tools quickly gave way to legal actions, the first of which was the case of the Vilcabamba River. This trial was spurred by environmental activists who back in 2011 were already well versed in the law’s new potential, but we have since seen <a href="https://www.derechosdelanaturaleza.org.ec/casos-ecuador/">other proceedings led by a diverse cross-section of Ecuadorian society</a>.</p>
<p>The tools proposed by the new constitution soon outstripped the limits expected of them by ecological struggles across the world. In this respect, it was presumed that it would be tricky to isolate responsibility for cases concerning the environment. For instance, how could a project, organisation or person be held accountable for environmental damages if those damages were suffered beyond the borders of the offending country? The Ecuadorian justice system has managed to extricate itself from these issues by invoking the precautionary principle and <a href="https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/mlj/2014-v60-n1-mlj01619/1027721ar/">universal jurisdiction</a>.</p>
<p>In November 2010, citizens from Ecuador, as well as India, Colombia and Nigeria, pressed charges against British Petroleum before the Constitutional Court of Ecuador. After the company caused a colossal oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, the plaintiffs demanded that it release information on the ecological disaster and its impact, and that it repair the damages caused. These citizens were not direct victims of the oil spill and were therefore not suing on behalf of their own rights, but of those of the ocean. Although the complaint was heard, the judges ultimately decided to dodge the issue, citing another constitutional framework that imposed a notion and scope of territoriality on legal cases.</p>
<p>By comparison, the Bolivian constituent assembly has done little in the way of offering simple recourse to the law for defending the rights of nature. Nevertheless, the drafting of the new constitution centred on the figure of Pachamama has not been a futile exercise.</p>
<p>In particular, there has been some disillusionment regarding the gap between the ambitious ideals built upon the rights of Mother Earth and the reality of ongoing projects to exploit natural resources. This has put the government in a difficult position. It declares Mother Earth as sacred on the one hand, but on the other, it has also been entrusted with managing business as usual – or even developing it further – across all economic sectors.</p>
<p>This disparity has a fuelled a certain anger, with the figure of Pachamama being used as a cornerstone of several struggles. Among them is the movement to stop the construction of a road leading to the region of TIPNIS, a natural reserve of the Bolivian Amazon. Against the “developmentalist” arguments of the Bolivian government, farmers’ organisations, Natives and civic committees alike have cited the rights of Mother Earth as guaranteed in the nation’s constitution.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Manifestants contre le projet de route de TIPNIS arrivant à La Paz, en octobre 2011" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/552048/original/file-20231004-17-83ds1u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/552048/original/file-20231004-17-83ds1u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552048/original/file-20231004-17-83ds1u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552048/original/file-20231004-17-83ds1u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552048/original/file-20231004-17-83ds1u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552048/original/file-20231004-17-83ds1u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552048/original/file-20231004-17-83ds1u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Demonstrators protesting against plans to build a road from TIPNIS to La Paz in October 2011.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/mywayaround/6262323419/">Szymon Kochański/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Backed by <a href="https://www.sciencespo.fr/opalc/node/712/index.html">citizen support</a>, particularly during two marches toward the capital, this movement saw an <a href="https://www.courrierinternational.com/breve/2011/09/27/evo-morales-recule-sur-le-projet-de-route-du-tipnis">initial victory</a> when a law was passed to establish the national park as an “intangible zone” and when plans to build the motorway were scrapped in October 2011. However, this was <a href="https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/bolivie-le-projet-controverse-dune-route-au-milieu-de-lamazonie-refait-surface">reversed in 2017</a>. President <a href="https://theconversation.com/fr/topics/evo-morales-78519">Evo Morales</a>, for his part, lost considerable support from Native populations throughout this case.</p>
<h2>Backtracking and side-tracking in all directions</h2>
<p>What can we learn? Such legal innovations may well have sparked a number of legal and political actions, but the law cannot do everything. It remains, above all, subject to the whims of political situations, as malleable for environmental struggles as it is for the demands of extractivism.</p>
<p>It can be common for backtracking to occur. In Australia in 2019, the Aṉangu Aboriginal population decided to ban <a href="https://ici.radio-canada.ca/espaces-autochtones/2002324/autochtones-lieux-touristiques-land-back">tours of Uluru</a> despite the substantial financial boon that these visits represented. This was because mass tourism to this sacred site was exacerbating erosion and groundwater pollution.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Panorama du Mont Uluru" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/552057/original/file-20231004-15-6nov55.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/552057/original/file-20231004-15-6nov55.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=415&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552057/original/file-20231004-15-6nov55.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=415&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552057/original/file-20231004-15-6nov55.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=415&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552057/original/file-20231004-15-6nov55.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=522&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552057/original/file-20231004-15-6nov55.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=522&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552057/original/file-20231004-15-6nov55.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=522&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Uluru, a mountain where tourist access has been prohibited.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/fr/photos/1GFUOji-yck">Photoholgic/Unsplash</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In recent years, Ecuador and Bolivia have stayed true to their reputation as breeding grounds of legal innovation. For instance, the Bolivian Mother Earth Authority, headed by Benecio Quispe, considered potentially expanding the law to include rights for objects.</p>
<p>Confronted with the global problem of waste management, the Mother Earth Authority opened up discussions with chiefs of Native communities and trade union leaders on the subject of <a href="https://arbre-bleu-editions.com/heritage-et-anthropocene.html">legal rights for manufactured objects and goods</a>. These included the right to a maximum lifespan, care, repair, non-abandonment and so forth. While this avenue ultimately led to nothing, it once more demonstrated the ability of legal tools to help redefine our relationship with ecosystems and the modern world.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>This article is part of a project between The Conversation France and AFP Audio, supported financially by the European Journalism Centre, as part of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation “Solutions Journalism Accelerator” initiative. AFP and The Conversation France have maintained their editorial independence at every stage of the project.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220150/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Diego Landivar ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>Some countries have managed to elevate nature and ecosystems to the status of legal entities. Do these innovations really help to protect the environment?Diego Landivar, Enseignant Chercheur en Economie, Directeur d'Origens Media Lab, ESC Clermont Business SchoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2194652023-12-14T13:28:25Z2023-12-14T13:28:25ZRelease of Alberto Fujimori in Peru rekindles fears of backsliding on human rights<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/565595/original/file-20231213-17-yn1fim.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1%2C0%2C939%2C693&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A frail but free Alberto Fujimori.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/former-perus-president-alberto-fujimori-sits-between-his-news-photo/1829282546?adppopup=true">Renato Pajuelo/AFP via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The release from prison of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/07/alberto-fujimori-peru-former-president-released-jail">former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori</a> on Dec. 6, 2023, has sparked concern over Peru’s <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/12/06/peru-fujimoris-release-violates-international-law">commitment to human rights</a>.</p>
<p>The move came a <a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/12/05/1217503340/peru-court-release-alberto-fujimori">a day after</a> the Constitutional Tribunal of Peru ruled that the 85-year-old, who was serving a <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2009/04/peru-conviction-fujimori-e28093-milestone-fight-justice-20090407/">25-year sentence for crimes against humanity</a>, be freed on <a href="https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/c6pe9pdp8k8o">humanitarian and health grounds</a>.</p>
<p>Images of the frail-looking Fujimori being driven away from his jail in Lima were <a href="https://www.barrons.com/news/supporters-of-peru-ex-president-fujimori-celebrate-after-court-ordered-his-release-f9efff6f">celebrated by his supporters</a>. But others expressed concern. The United Nations’ human rights office <a href="https://twitter.com/UNHumanRights/status/1732380570989080627">described the release</a> as a “concerning setback for accountability.” </p>
<p>As <a href="https://www.ubalt.edu/cpa/faculty/alphabetical-directory/nusta-carranza-ko.cfm">a scholar writing</a> a book about the violation of human rights in Peru under Fujimori, I understand the concerns. The release of the deeply divisive former president suggests the rehabilitation of “Fujimorism” at a time when Peru’s current right-wing government is being <a href="https://www.fidh.org/en/region/americas/peru/peru-growing-authoritarianism-erosion-of-rights">accused of authoritarianism and human rights violations</a>. The pardoning of Fujimori also reflects the growing divide between Peru and the decades-old <a href="https://www.oas.org/en/IACHR/jsForm/?File=/en/iachr/mandate/what.asp">inter-American system</a> to promote and protect human rights in the region. In addition, Fujimori’s presence out of prison is an affront to the victims and survivors of his regime’s human rights abuses.</p>
<h2>Resurgence of Fujimorism</h2>
<p>The early release of Fujimori, who ruled Peru from 1990 to 2000, comes despite his <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-peru-fujimori/perus-fujimori-gets-25-years-prison-for-massacres-idUSTRE5363RH20090408/">crimes being well documented</a>. In 2009 he was sentenced to 25 years behind bars for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-peru-fujimori/perus-fujimori-gets-25-years-prison-for-massacres-idUSTRE5363RH20090408/">ordering a death squad to carry out the extrajudicial killings</a> of civilians. He also presided over the <a href="https://theconversation.com/forcibly-sterilized-during-fujimori-dictatorship-thousands-of-peruvian-women-demand-justice-155086">coercive sterilizations of thousands of Indigenous women</a> under the guise of a family planning program.</p>
<p><a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-33-4939-1">Research shows</a> that when former leaders held responsible for human rights violations continue to wield power in politics, it is harder for subsequent governments of a country to adequately respect or uphold human rights.</p>
<p>This is why Fujimori’s release poses a problem. Although the former dictator may be too old and frail to directly influence Peruvian politics, the country is experiencing a resurgence of Fujimorism.</p>
<p>Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of Alberto Fujimori, has been a strong contender in presidential elections since 2016 and heads the right-wing Fuerza Popular party. In 2021, she lost the presidential vote to left-wing candidate Pedro Castillo by just <a href="https://elcomercio.pe/politica/pedro-castillo-vencio-a-keiko-fujimori-con-una-diferencia-de-votos-mayor-que-ppk-en-la-anterior-eleccion-de-2016-elecciones-2021-segunda-vuelta-peru-libre-jne-nndc-noticia/">0.252% – or 44,263 votes</a>. Fuerza Popular currently holds 22 of the 130 seats in Congress – the largest number held by a single political party.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, former personnel from Alberto Fujimori’s government continue to wield considerable power. Alejandro Aguinaga, a former minister of health during Fujimori’s tenure, was elected to Congress in 2021 and is the current president of the Congressional Committee on Foreign Relations. Aguinaga is among those <a href="https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-09-28/victims-of-forced-sterilization-in-peru-take-their-case-to-the-inter-american-court-of-human-rights.html">accused over the forced sterilization</a> of thousands of Indigenous women. Earlier this year, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights took up <a href="https://www.oas.org/en/iachr/jsForm/?File=/en/iachr/media_center/preleases/2023/186.asp">the case of Celia Edith Ramos Durand</a>, who died after a nonconsensual sterilization as part of a campaign overseen by Aguinaga’s health ministry. It marked the first forced sterilization case to come before the regional body.</p>
<h2>Fighting regional oversight</h2>
<p>The Inter-American Court of Human Rights was set up in 1979, as an autonomous legal body of the Organization of American States. Along with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, its purpose is to monitor, interpret and apply the American Convention on Human Rights and other inter-American human rights treaties, which includes issuing judgments on cases and advisory opinions.</p>
<p>Aguinaga is among those who have questioned the power of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, noting that Peru needs to “<a href="https://elcomercio.pe/politica/congreso/alejandro-aguinaga-vamos-a-pedir-como-poder-del-estado-que-no-sigamos-en-la-corte-idh-fuerza-popular-cidh-victor-polay-campos-ultimas-noticia/">start the paperwork to disaffiliate ourselves</a>” from the court. </p>
<p>Indeed, the wider context of Fujimori’s release is a long-running dispute between Peru’s Fujimorists and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The court ruled in 2001 and 2006 that the Peruvian state was responsible for grave human rights violations, leading to the 2009 conviction of Fujimori. </p>
<p>Since then, Peru has sought to push back against the court. Fujimori was pardoned on <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-16097439">humanitarian grounds in 2017 by then-President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski</a>, resulting in the <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/es/latest/news/2018/06/peru-corte-interamericana-resuelve-que-tribunales-peruanos-deben-revisar-el-indulto-concedido-a-fujimori/">intervention of the court</a>. In agreement with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Supreme Court of Peru <a href="https://www.corteidh.or.cr/docs/medidas/barrioscantuta_02.pdf">nullified the pardon</a>, and Fujimori was ordered back to prison to serve his remaining sentence.</p>
<p>Tensions between Peru and the inter-American system have grown under the government of Dina Boluarte. Since taking office in December 2022, Boluarte and her government have been <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/12/peru-investigations-against-president-security-forces/">accused of human rights abuses</a>, including violations of the right to peaceful protest, excessive use of force by security forces and the extrajudicial execution of protesters.</p>
<p>Boluarte’s minister of foreign affairs, Javier González-Olaechea, has <a href="https://www.oas.org/en/iachr/jsForm/?File=/en/iachr/media_center/preleases/2023/083.asp">openly questioned a report</a> from the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights about alleged human rights violations against peaceful protesters by the Boluarte government. </p>
<p>Some <a href="https://www.ideeleradio.pe/lo-ultimo/carlos-monge-sobre-el-viaje-de-dina-boluarte-a-que-van-los-congresistas-a-la-cumbre-apec/">political analysts in Peru</a> saw the appointment of González-Olaechea in November 2023 as a move toward Peru’s withdrawal from the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.</p>
<p>Such a move would be welcomed by some in Peru’s Congress, members of which have put forward three bills on the withdrawal of the state from the Inter-American system. <a href="https://wb2server.congreso.gob.pe/spley-portal-service/archivo/MTA1MDg4/pdf/PL0521620230601">The latest such bill</a> urges withdrawal to protect Peru from being “<a href="https://ojo-publico.com/politica/extremos-del-congreso-buscan-retirar-al-peru-convencion-ddhh">jurisdictionally pushed around by a foreign organization</a>.”</p>
<h2>Political interests over rights</h2>
<p>This is not the first time that Peru has threatened to withdraw from the Inter-American system. Toward the end of the internal armed conflict period of 1980 to 2000, the Fujimori administration similarly voiced a desire to withdraw. However, a political scandal involving Fujimori’s intelligence chief in 2000 and accusations of fraud led to the end of his presidency, halting discussions about withdrawing from the Inter-American system.</p>
<p>Nonetheless, the release of Fujimori represents a further deterioration of Peru and Inter-American system relations. And without the oversight and jurisprudence of the Inter-American system, the well-being of Peruvian citizens will be jeopardized by a government seemingly willing to prioritize political interests over the rights of its citizens.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/219465/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ñusta Carranza Ko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The former Peruvian strongman appeared frail as he left prison. But his influence on politics remains strong.Ñusta Carranza Ko, Assistant Professor, School of Public and International Affairs, University of BaltimoreLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2193522023-12-08T15:25:50Z2023-12-08T15:25:50ZWhy Venezuela is threatening to annex Guyana’s oil-rich province of Essequibo<p>The US air force has taken the unusual step of holding joint drills <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/guyana-venezuela-conflict-essequibo-oil-us-military-flight-drills/">with Guyana</a> as the United Nations scheduled an <a href="https://apnews.com/article/venezuela-guyana-un-dispute-oil-essequibo-fc2437e2c566ee0c9f2b340404d4724f">emergency meeting of the security council</a> to discuss Venezuela’s threat to annex more than two-thirds of the oil-rich South American country.</p>
<p>Guyanese president, Irfaan Ali, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/06/venezuela-annex-guyana-maduro#">appealed to Washington and to the UN</a> after the Venezuelan president, Nicolás Maduro, announced that he had taken steps to formalise the incorporation of Essequibo – an oil-rich 160,000sq km region of neighbouring Guyana – as part of Venezuela.</p>
<p>Maduro is a populist nationalist and a dictator, whose country is wracked by poverty. This has contributed to the exodus of <a href="https://www.worldvision.org/disaster-relief-news-stories/venezuela-crisis-facts#:%7E:text=As%20of%20August%202023%2C%20more,crisis%20has%20affected%20numerous%20lives.">more than seven million citizens</a>. Mindful of the fact that presidential elections are due in Venezuela in 2024, Maduro has turned to an issue that he hopes will lead to a rapid turn-around in his popularity. </p>
<p>Venezuela’s territorial dispute with neighbouring Guyana is a <a href="https://dpi.gov.gy/update-timeline-of-guyana-venezuela-border-controversy/">longstanding one</a>. It is arguably made worse by the news that there might be oil and gas potential in Essequibo – not just on land but also <a href="https://www.spglobal.com/commodityinsights/en/market-insights/latest-news/oil/120123-infographic-guyana-oil-output-drilling-fangtooth-production">under the seabed</a>. </p>
<p>In 2015, Maduro <a href="https://www.stabroeknews.com/2015/06/07/news/guyana/venezuela-makes-new-claim-to-guyanas-territorial-waters-potential-oil-block/">issued a decree</a> reiterating Venezuela’s claim and repudiated any plans to exploit resources in Guyana’s territorial sea and exclusive economic zone. Most recently, he has been seen on national television holding a revised map of Venezuela, depicting a country that now includes about 70% of Guyana.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Map of Venezuela, Guyana and Suriname showing disputed territory." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564326/original/file-20231207-29-bsbuje.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564326/original/file-20231207-29-bsbuje.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=602&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564326/original/file-20231207-29-bsbuje.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=602&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564326/original/file-20231207-29-bsbuje.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=602&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564326/original/file-20231207-29-bsbuje.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=756&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564326/original/file-20231207-29-bsbuje.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=756&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564326/original/file-20231207-29-bsbuje.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=756&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Map of Venezuela and Guyana with the disputed territory shaded.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Guayana Esequiba</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In 2022, Guyana began an oil licensing round, and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/booming-guyana-sets-offshore-oil-auction-under-revamped-fiscal-terms-2022-11-04/">auctioned off</a> 14 exploration blocks. It is thought that the region has the potential to produce at least 12-15 billion oil-equivalent barrels overall – and possibly even as high as 25 billion oil-equivalent barrels. </p>
<p>The oil licensing <a href="https://oilnow.gy/glr2022/">reference map</a> itself is interesting because it displays the entire licensed area and highlights that the initial 14 blocks lie towards the east of the country and closer to the undisputed international maritime boundary with Suriname.</p>
<p>At least <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/guyana-receives-bids-eight-oil-gas-blocks-including-exxon-total-2023-09-13/#">eight blocks received bids</a>, which have not been disclosed, involving a suite of oil and gas companies including Qatar Energy and the Brazilian operator, Petrobras. The larger offshore licence area runs right up to the current international boundary with Venezuela. </p>
<p>Major western companies such as Exxon-Mobil and Total Energies are interested in this potential. All of which suggest that third-party companies (and their sponsoring national governments) recognise Guyanese sovereignty and the international boundary with Venezuela as legitimate.</p>
<h2>Longstanding dispute</h2>
<p>Venezuela claims that a great deal of what is modern day onshore and offshore Guyana is Venezuelan. In 1899, an international arbitration ruling in Paris settled the border between Venezuela and what was then British Guiana – with an independent Guyana <a href="https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/1966-05-04/debates/ec997344-9295-4d30-8ce8-e552a55eeced/GuyanaIndependenceBill">emerging in 1966</a>. </p>
<p>Successive Venezuelan governments and dictatorial regimes have disputed the positioning of the international boundary. They have argued that the territory, in and around the Essequibo River, is not Guyanese. </p>
<p>Maduro does not want to relitigate the 1899 Paris decision – he simply wants to ignore it. But the International Court of Justice (ICJ) <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/world-court-orders-venezuela-refrain-action-border-dispute-with-guyana-2023-12-01/">already warned Caracas</a> not to take any action about the recognised international boundary. They did not, however, comment on the proposal by Maduro to hold an internal referendum on the matter. </p>
<p>The referendum in question was held in Venezuela on December 3. Citizens were asked a series of questions about whether a new province should be established called Guyana Esequiba. According to presidential supporters, 10 million citizens cast their vote with the vast majority <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/venezuela-claims-95-percent-support-for-oil-region-grab-3w5k3ns0r">in favour</a> of such a proposal. International observers remain deeply sceptical of both <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/04/maduro-venezuela-guyana-essequibo-referendum-vote-turnout">voter engagement</a> and the strength of feeling expressed for such a proposal. </p>
<p>Either way, Maduro has pushed on with his plan to annex the territory. Venezuelan companies have <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/06/venezuela-guyana-takeover-mines-oil-gas-exploit">been encouraged</a> to prepare to enter Guyanese territory. The Venezuelan parliament was tasked with establishing a new licencing framework to authorise such extractive intrusions. </p>
<p>Guyanese operators would be given three months to abandon any operational sites in the claimed area of the country. Around <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/04/maduro-venezuela-guyana-essequibo-referendum-vote-turnout">120,000 Guyanese citizens live</a> in the 61,000 sq mile territory that Venezuela wants to incorporate.</p>
<h2>‘Direct threat’</h2>
<p>The Guyanese president issued a <a href="https://www.upstreamonline.com/politics/guyana-puts-armed-forces-on-alert-as-venezuelan-president-raises-temperature-of-land-dispute/2-1-1566938?zephr_sso_ott=WaGjq6">televised statement</a> that warned about a “direct threat” to Guyana’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. He condemned the “desperate actions” of the Venezuelan president. He asked that Guyana’s small defence force was placed on high alert. Venezuela’s armed forces dwarf Guyana’s.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, Brazil is mobilising its forces to ensure that there is no conflict spillover as the country borders both affected parties. Guyana will need international assistance if the situation turns ugly. Regional bodies such as the Organization of American States (OAS) <a href="https://usoas.usmission.gov/oas-resolution-condemns-the-fraudulent-elections-in-venezuela/">have condemned</a> Venezuela’s actions. </p>
<p>What is disconcerting is that Venezuela’s closest <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/venezuelas-maduro-expected-visit-russia-putins-oil-point-man-says-2023-10-16/">geopolitical ally</a> is Putin’s Russia. </p>
<p>The relationship with Moscow strengthened under the late Hugo Chavez’s tenure and expanded to include multiple agreements in the oil, agricultural and technological sectors. Venezuela did not condemn the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. </p>
<p>Maduro will have watched events unfold in Crimea and eastern Ukraine and perhaps picked up some lessons from Putin about how bully a near-neighbour, launch false-flag operations – and then choose your moment to strike.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/219352/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Klaus Dodds does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A longstanding territorial dispute could flare into open confrontation in South America.Klaus Dodds, Professor of Geopolitics, Royal Holloway University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2137172023-11-13T13:29:12Z2023-11-13T13:29:12ZMexico will soon elect its first female president – but that landmark masks an uneven march toward women’s rights<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/558364/original/file-20231108-15-sy1yyd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=38%2C38%2C8588%2C5703&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Claudia Sheinbaum, the favorite to become Mexico's first female president.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/MexicoElections/72c870d1426245e9b5acff64d1d0eef5/photo?Query=Sheinbaum&mediaType=photo&sortBy=creationdatetime:desc&dateRange=Anytime&totalCount=211&currentItemNo=3">AP Photo/Marco Ugarte</a></span></figcaption></figure><p><a href="https://theconversation.com/mexico-elegira-pronto-a-su-primera-presidenta-pero-este-hito-oculta-una-marcha-desigual-hacia-los-derechos-de-la-mujer-217642"><em>Leer en español.</em></a> </p>
<p>Mexico will <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/09/07/americas/mexico-female-candidates-presidential-election-intl/index.html">elect its first female president</a> in 2024, barring any surprises between now and the June vote. </p>
<p>The looming landmark moment was all but guaranteed in September after the country’s leading parties each nominated a woman as its candidate – the ruling Morena party <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexicos-ruling-party-name-presidential-candidate-with-sheinbaum-favorite-2023-09-06/#:%7E:text=%22Today%20the%20Mexican%20people%20decided,purple%20color%20of%20her%20party.">named former Mexico City Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum</a> as its nominee days after the main opposition coalition, Broad Front for Mexico, <a href="https://apnews.com/article/mexico-politics-elections-2024-xochitl-galvez-nominee-8df70cef1f5e9ee242d495570578d5ed">announced Xóchitl Gálvez</a>, a senator for the center-right National Action Party, as its own.</p>
<p>But as <a href="https://www.uta.edu/academics/faculty/profile?username=vidalxm">scholars who study politics</a> <a href="https://cchambersju-research.uta.edu/">and gender in Mexico</a>, we know that optics are one thing, actual power another. Seventy years after <a href="https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-45.1.164">women won the right to vote</a> in Mexico, is the country moving any closer to making changes that would give women real equality?</p>
<h2>Uneven fight for gender equality</h2>
<p>Women now <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/09/07/mexico-women-gender-parity/">represent half of Congress</a>, after electoral reforms nearly a decade ago mandated gender parity in nominations to Mexico’s legislatures. And two women, Ana Lilia Rivera and Marcela Guerra Castillo, occupy the top posts in both chambers of Congress. Meanwhile, Norma Lucía Piña is the <a href="https://www.voanews.com/a/mexico-s-supreme-court-elects-first-female-chief-justice-/6901488.html">first woman to serve as chief justice</a> of Mexico’s Supreme Court. </p>
<p>But electing women to high office doesn’t necessarily shift power in meaningful ways. It’s what experts on women in politics call “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1978">descriptive representation</a>” – when political leaders resemble a group of voters but fail to set policies designed to protect them. In contrast, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231154864">substantive representation</a>” occurs when officials enact laws that truly benefit the groups that they claim to represent.</p>
<p>Scholars who study the difference between the two, including <a href="https://polsci.umass.edu/people/sonia-e-alvarez">Sonia Alvarez</a>, <a href="https://polisci.unm.edu/people/faculty/profile/mala-htun.html">Mala Htun</a> and <a href="https://www.oxy.edu/academics/faculty/jennifer-piscopo">Jennifer Piscopo</a>, have found that wins in public spheres, such as the right to vote or hold office, have rarely led to progress for women in private spaces – such as the right to reproductive freedom or protections against domestic violence.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A woman holds a green flare during a street protest." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/558365/original/file-20231108-25-j6vxc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/558365/original/file-20231108-25-j6vxc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558365/original/file-20231108-25-j6vxc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558365/original/file-20231108-25-j6vxc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558365/original/file-20231108-25-j6vxc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558365/original/file-20231108-25-j6vxc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/558365/original/file-20231108-25-j6vxc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Members of feminist organizations demonstrate in favor of the decriminalization of abortion in Mexico City on Sept. 28, 2023.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/members-of-feminist-organizations-demonstrate-in-favour-of-news-photo/1696063220?adppopup=true">Photo by Silvana Flores/AFP via Getty Images)</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In other words, Mexico may have surpassed many countries – including the U.S. – in promoting women to political leadership positions, but it still hasn’t shed its <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-36324570">stigma of machismo</a> and its <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/articles/mexico-takes-another-step-toward-its-authoritarian-past/">history of authoritarianism</a>.</p>
<p>In the 1990s, a <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/politics-and-gender/article/abs/regionalizing-womens-human-rights-in-latin-america/8469F364E098DD1D8CF3088CC58BC86B">resurgent feminist movement</a> throughout Latin America led to major breakthroughs in women’s rights. By the end of the decade, many countries had passed legislation against gender-based violence and reforms requiring gender quotas in party nomination lists. In the past 17 years, seven women have been elected president across Central and South America. </p>
<p>Yet the fight for gender equality has advanced unevenly. Mexico is a country still rattled by <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/stories/2023/07/were-here-tell-it-mexican-women-break-silence-over-femicides">high rates of femicide</a>. Government data shows that, on average, <a href="https://apnews.com/article/mexico-caribbean-gender-6594c9b2c9ea39a52dc3204e16be704c"> 10 women and girls are killed every day</a> by partners or family members.</p>
<h2>Government accused of harassment</h2>
<p>During his term, the current president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, and his party, Morena, have been accused of downplaying the extent of the femicide crisis, with at least one critic claiming he’s “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/world/americas/violence-women-mexico-president.html">the first president to outright deny</a>” the violence. </p>
<p>Rather, López Obrador has used his daily “mañanera” news conference to issue <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/7/14/mexico-president-continues-attacks-on-opposition-despite-order">verbal assaults against women</a> in office, including 2024 nominee Gálvez. In July 2023, the independent <a href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/mexicos-national-electoral-institute-explainer">National Electoral Institute</a> found López Obrador guilty of targeting Gálvez in derogatory statements related to her gender. </p>
<p>López Obrador has also denounced Supreme Court chief justice Piña in what Mexico’s National Association of Judges <a href="https://www.facebook.com/jufed.org/photos/a.119395656264809/742860923918276/?type=3">has described as hate speech</a> and the federal judiciary condemned as “<a href="https://twitter.com/SCJN/status/1637968261143986176?s=20">gender-based violence</a>” and hatred against her. His statements at <a href="https://apnews.com/article/mexico-lopez-obrador-politics-rally-elections-5160cbaf5ccd453f7333d651e41b79dd">a rally in March</a> incited his followers to burn <a href="https://cdn.jwplayer.com/previews/JNtltrZs">Piña in effigy</a>, prompting critics to suggest that such attacks don’t simply reflect López Obrador’s distaste for checks and balances, but <a href="https://www.nycbar.org/member-and-career-services/committees/reports-listing/reports/detail/second-statement-condemning-the-mexican-presidents-attacks-on-judicial-independence#_ftn14">aim to undermine women</a> in positions of power.</p>
<h2>Mexico’s patronage politics</h2>
<p>Observers view <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexicos-sheinbaum-favorite-win-presidential-nomination-poll-shows-2023-09-05/">current 2024 front-runner</a> Sheinbaum as López Obrador’s handpicked successor: He has publicly endorsed her, and she has vowed to continue his “fourth transformation,” a campaign promise to end government corruption and reduce poverty that’s had <a href="https://elpais.com/mexico/2022-02-22/la-fiscalia-abre-una-investigacion-por-el-caso-del-hijo-de-lopez-obrador-y-un-contratista-de-pemex.html">mixed results</a>. </p>
<p>Sheinbaum’s record as mayor of Mexico City has been equally mixed. She has publicly described herself as a <a href="https://www.capital21.cdmx.gob.mx/noticias/?p=3084">feminist</a> and has <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexican-mayor-doubles-down-accusation-alleged-femicide-cover-up-2023-01-17/">criticized</a> state prosecutors for covering up the killing of Ariadna Lopez, a 27-year-old woman. At the same time, Sheinbaum <a href="https://mexiconewsdaily.com/news/mayor-apologizes-to-protesters/">attempted to criminalize participants</a> of a mass protest against the thousands of women who’ve disappeared in recent years, claiming that these demonstrations were violent.</p>
<p>Political scientists have shown that even when the faces of politics change, the operatives behind the scenes can stay the same – especially in Mexico, where political parties are <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/voting-for-autocracy/F6671D230EC7C458A30035ADB20F9289">mired in patronage politics</a> – when party leaders reward loyalty by deciding who gets to run for office and who gets to keep their jobs when the government is handed over to a new administration.</p>
<p>If Sheinbaum is elected, she’ll likely still be beholden to the Morena coalition and will rely to a large degree on López Obrador to help push through her policies. </p>
<h2>A feminist future?</h2>
<p>Both Sheinbaum and Gálvez have <a href="https://gatopardo.com/noticias-actuales/claudia-sheinbaum/">championed women</a> and shared their <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/08/20/mexico-presidential-elections-galvez-interview/">experiences as women</a> on the campaign trail. But, so far, neither has signaled that her legislative agendas would advance the interests of women through policies, such as expanding access to health care or fighting for family leave and equal pay in the workplace. </p>
<p>As criticism of López Obrador has overshadowed Sheinbaum’s campaign, we believe she faces a greater challenge in convincing voters of her commitment to women’s rights. </p>
<p>While Gálvez’s path to the presidency is narrow, her ability to advocate for a pro-women agenda seems more plausible. She has publicly supported <a href="https://www.newindianexpress.com/world/2023/jul/08/although-she-is-now-aligned-with-the-conservative-opposition-galvezs-record-is-one-of-a-liberal-an-2592712.html">LGBTQ+ rights in Mexico</a> even as a member of the conservative National Action Party, suggesting she’s capable of speaking and acting independently of party leadership when it matters. </p>
<p>Aside from front-line politics, women’s rights in Mexico have moved forward when leaders have committed to substantive change.</p>
<p>Notably, Mexico’s Supreme Court under Pinã has declared all federal and state laws <a href="https://elpais.com/mexico/2023-01-05/el-empuje-de-la-nueva-presidenta-norma-pina-a-la-agenda-feminista-de-criticar-la-violencia-obstetrica-a-defender-el-aborto.html">prohibiting abortion unconstitutional</a>. When Piña took office, she <a href="https://elpais.com/mexico/2023-01-05/el-empuje-de-la-nueva-presidenta-norma-pina-a-la-agenda-feminista-de-criticar-la-violencia-obstetrica-a-defender-el-aborto.html?event=go&event_log=go&prod=REGCRARTMEX&o=cerrmex">promised to take on women’s rights</a> in her agenda. So far, she’s delivered.</p>
<p>If either presidential candidate hopes to have similar success, they’ll need to follow Pinã’s lead by centering their platforms around the issues that most affect women in their day-to-day lives, beginning with rising femicide rates. Women may be gaining political power in Mexico, but the question now is whether they’ll use it to fight for the women they represent.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/213717/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Women represent half of Mexico’s Congress and hold key positions in politics and the judiciary. But the country is still dogged by high rates of femicide.Xavier Medina Vidal, Associate Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center for Mexican American Studies, University of Texas at ArlingtonChristopher Chambers-Ju, Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Texas at ArlingtonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2124852023-11-09T16:40:01Z2023-11-09T16:40:01Z‘Bluewashing’: how ecotourism can be used against indigenous communities<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/549588/original/file-20230921-25-y63803.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C28%2C3840%2C2517&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The idea of vacation spots that are a "paradise on earth" can sometimes overlook uncomfortable truths. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.pexels.com/photo/infinity-pool-near-beach-3155666/">Pexels</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>When the notion of “ecotourism” was introduced in the late 1970s, it was intended to be ecologically responsible, promote conservation, benefit local populations and help travellers foster a <a href="https://law.unc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Picchio.pdf">“reconnection with biocultural diversity”</a>. It’s now more of a marketing term, used to give mass adventure-tourism packages a more “responsible” sheen. Visitors might get a nature walk, but interactions with local residents are limited to souvenir sellers at best, and international consortiums arrange everything and <a href="https://ecobnb.com/blog/2019/10/giants-global-tourism/">keep the profits for themselves</a>.</p>
<p>While it’s no surprise that the original concept of ecotourism has been obscured by less virtuous projects, they become more problematic when they block local communities from ancestral lands or even involve their forced relocation. A recent case on the eviction of <a href="https://theconversation.com/victims-of-the-green-energy-boom-the-indonesians-facing-eviction-over-a-china-backed-plan-to-turn-their-island-into-a-solar-panel-ecocity-214755">16 villages on Rempang Island, Indonesia</a> to build a solar panel factory and “eco-city” illustrates this. While the need to increase renewable energy production is urgent, it’s harder to justify when it comes at the expense of local residents’ lives and territorial sovereignty.</p>
<p>To explore such questions, in June 2023 a group of researchers at Grenoble Ecole de Management (GEM) <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uux4Ca5Mueo">organised a dialogue</a> with members of the Mbyá Guaraní community from Maricá, Brazil. Our motivation was to explore the relationship between business schools and the behaviour of multinational corporations toward indigenous peoples and their land rights. That questionable dealings can advance under the cover of “sustainable” or “responsible” social development – a practice referred to as <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/timothyjmcclimon/2022/10/03/bluewashing-joins-greenwashing-as-the-new-corporate-whitewashing/">“bluewashing”</a> – demonstrates how many firms have become adept at implying that their work is virtuous, whatever the reality.</p>
<h2>Maraey: a “sustainable” hotel complex in a biological reserve</h2>
<p>In Maricá, residents of the Mbyá Guaraní village of <em>Ka’Aguy Hovy Porã</em> (known in Portuguese as <a href="https://www.instagram.com/mataverdebonitaoficial/">Aldeia Mata Verde Bonita</a>) are now facing the possibility of being pushed aside for a massive resort branded as <a href="https://www.maraey.com/en/home-3/">“Maraey”</a>. The name is taken from a sacred Guaraní concept signifying “land without evil”, and according to community representatives, it was chosen by the developers without securing authorisation from the Guaraní themselves.</p>
<p>The project is being led by the Spanish firm Cetya, commercialised locally as IDB do Brasil. It has support from two industry heavyweights – US-based <a href="https://news.marriott.com/news/2023/01/17/maraey-signs-agreement-with-marriott-international-to-build-three-distinct-hotels-in-marica-on-rio-de-janeiros-sun-coast">Marriott Hotels</a> and Germany’s <a href="https://siila.com/news/siemens-maraey-closed-deal-smart-destination-rio/389/lang/en">Siemens</a> – as well as the Swiss hospitality school <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/posts/maraeyrj_andre-mack-ehl-activity-7064669504617742336-75j2/">EHL in Lausanne</a>.</p>
<p>While billed as “development with an environmental conscience”, the project would include three luxury hotels with a total of 1,100 rooms. The tagline on the project’s website is “paradise living”. The site being targeted is a narrow strip of coastal wetlands in a <a href="https://antigo.mma.gov.br/areas-protegidas.html">biological reserve</a>, established in 1984, 41 kilometres south of Rio de Janeiro.</p>
<p>As part of the dialogue organised by GEM, we interviewed Tupã Nunes, leader of the Mbyá Guaraní community, coordinator of the <a href="https://www.yvyrupa.org.br/">Comissão Guarani Yvyrupa</a> (CGY), and president of the <a href="https://www.instagram.com/instituto_nhandereko/">Instituto Nhandereko</a>. Also interviewed was Delphine Fabbri-Lawson, co-founder of the institute. Both described the difficulties that the community faces to preserve its land and traditions.</p>
<h2>Divide and conquer?</h2>
<p>While IDB do Brasil asserts that it has the required legal permits to move ahead, in such areas <a href="https://www.equaltimes.org/in-brazil-a-nature-reserve-near">building rights remain ambiguous and relatively permissive</a>. It should be noted that corruption has been a frequent problem in the past and legal battles often pit municipalities, state governments against national courts, and even divide indigenous families.</p>
<p>When asked to provide specific information on the company’s interactions with the community, Maraey’s CEO, <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/emilio-izquierdo/">Emilio Izquierdo</a>, shared that an agreement was signed in December 2021 between the company and the indigenous community’s <em>cacique</em> or main representative, Chief Jurema. Izquierdo insures that as part of the agreement, the municipality agreed that it would “look for a public area that would guarantee the permanent establishment of the village”. Maraey representatives stated that such an area was purchased in December 2022, but declined to provide additional information on the transaction.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/G2oFazqPCOA?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Emilio Izquierdo reacting to critics in July 2023, proposing that Maraey is an appropriate solution for the protected natural reserve.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Tupã Nunes stipulated that he had “no knowledge” of the 2022 agreement signed with the chief Jurema, who does not appear to have shared any news of it with her community. According to the Guarani tradition of governance, doing so is a crucial obligation of the <em>cacique</em>, and ambiguous dealings of this sort have fostered deep fractures within the community itself. Members discovered the extent of the local government’s involvement and the advanced state of the project only when the bulldozers arrived to clear the land.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/AFJhmxfLuGQ?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Tupã Nunes declaring, in April 2023, the illegality of the construction equipment present on what he asserts are his community’s lands.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>It should be noted that the International Labor Organization’s <a href="https://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f">C169 agreement on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples</a>, signed by both Spain and Brazil, requires at least a dialogue with indigenous communities prior to launching projects that would affect them.</p>
<p>The discovery of a number of irregularities as well as confrontations between the <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7Q-RawXPgtU">community and the construction workers</a> in April 2023 led local courts to <a href="https://maricainfo.com/2023/05/26/stj-0rdena-par4lisacao-das-obras-do-resort-na-restinga-de-marica.html">suspend the project</a>. A 26 May 2023 Superior Court of Justice document <a href="https://processo.stj.jus.br/processo/dj/documento/?&sequencial=189597232&num_registro=20210">listed a number of determining factors</a>, including “incessant pressures” on the
lagoon’s system and water table and the “illegality of the environmental licensing process”. Maraey representatives have asserted that all licenses were obtained after a “rigorous process” with the State Environmental Institute (INEA).</p>
<h2>Virtue signalling through collective messaging</h2>
<p>IDB do Brazil maintains that the 54-hectare project will be <a href="https://www.jornaldogolfe.com.br/em-destaque/marica-no-rio-de-janeiro-tera-um-novo-campo-de-golfe-sustentavel-e-inclusivo/">“sustainable and inclusive”</a>, and the promised facilities would include a hospital and schools. However, there will also be mall and an 18-hole golf course, and 150,000 to 300,000 tourists are <a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/CyMVk6oPcnR/">projected to visit annually</a>. Given that the project is also <a href="https://diariodoporto.com.br/maraey-comeca-obras-de-complexo-turistico-em-marica/">forecasted to generate 1 billion reales</a> in tax revenue (197 million US dollars), there is a lot more than environmental and social concerns at stake.</p>
<p>Bolstered by the work of <a href="https://inpresspni.com.br/">PR and marketing firm</a>, Maraey has mobilised a rallying message and woven its story to garner collective support. Using the hashtags such as #JuntosPorMaraey, #VivaMaraey and #TogetherForMaraey, the project has promoted, with increasing intensity, what is presented as local support and commitment to sustainability. Maraey’s promoters even proclaim that the project, despite its size and density, will help <a href="https://www.maraey.com/en/maraey-the-project/">preserve fauna and flora</a>.</p>
<p>The Maraey website and communications are silent on the Guarani communities now living in the reserve, despite a crescendo of protests and declarations against the legality of their operations.</p>
<p>Coverage in Spain’s <a href="https://elpais.com/internacional/2023-04-28/el-ladrillo-de-un-resort-espanol-cerca-una-de-las-ultimas-aldeas-indigenas-de-rio-de-janeiro.html"><em>El País</em></a>, on <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lxeWJfioyMU">France 24</a> and other <a href="https://www.equaltimes.org/in-brazil-a-nature-reserve-near">international sources</a> has laid bare the tensions behind the Maraey project. Local political opposition <a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/CzFw-lGOwqI/">recently asserted</a> that “this company has been trying to occupy Maricá’s reserve for almost 20 years. The resistance of civil society and environmentalists to denounce this massacre of fauna and flora is what allowed its partial preservation.” Summed up in <a href="https://www.equaltimes.org/in-brazil-a-nature-reserve-near">words of one local resident</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“They say it will create jobs. But fishermen don’t want jobs in the hospitality industry. Can you imagine a fisherman on a golf course? Golf is for millionaires, for people with money. Fishermen want a healthy, clean lagoon. It’s our livelihood.”</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Native lands are not just a habitat</h2>
<p>The significance of the Amazon rainforest and Atlantic coastal forest for indigenous peoples such as the Guarani Mbyá goes far beyond a simple habitat. They derive their culture, language and social order from the natural structure of the forest, as explained by anthropologist <a href="https://www.mcgill.ca/anthropology/people/eduardokohn">Eduardo Kohn</a> in his book <a href="https://www.academia.edu/43472285/How_forests_think_Toward_an_anthropology_beyond_the_human_Eduardo_Kohn"><em>How Forests Think</em></a>.</p>
<p>The International Financial Reporting Standards Foundation has recently called for <a href="https://www.ifrs.org/news-and-events/news/2023/04/issb-prepares-to-consult-on-future-priorities-and-international-applicability-of-sasb-standards">greater scrutiny on non-climate-related reporting</a>, in particular societal and social issues. For multinationals, however, the temptation will always be there to find ways to minimise risks and <a href="https://www.allens.com.au/insights-news/insights/2023/07/bluewashing-risks-and-challenges/">continue business as usual</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/psj.12085">Research has shown</a> that lax reporting and the lack of enforcement mechanisms have led firms to shirk social sustainability and human rights requirements and favour bluewashing strategies. This regulatory environment has enabled MNCs to increasingly follow what <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14623520601056240">historian Patrick Wolfe called a “logic of elimination”</a> that erases natives from the land.</p>
<p>However, there is reason to think that attitudes can shift over time. A <a href="https://www.voanews.com/a/americas_victory-brazil-tribe-hotel-group-cancels-plans-luxury-resort/6179721.html">2019 victory in Bahía</a> of the <em>Tupinamba de Olivença</em> tribe over the Portuguese hotel giant Vila Gale created a legal precedent demonstrating that if local authorities license projects without involving federal agencies, it can backfire. <a href="https://www.voanews.com/a/americas_victory-brazil-tribe-hotel-group-cancels-plans-luxury-resort/6179721.html">For Juliana Batista</a>, human rights lawyer for the Brazilian NGO <em>Instituto Socio-Ambiental</em> involved in the case, it is a matter of understanding the nature of indigenous land rights which, for her “take precedence over any other rights.”</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/212485/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Mielly est membre de Grenoble Ecole de Management.</span></em></p>As detailed in a June 2023 event in Grenoble, France, business schools hold partial responsibility for the longstanding behaviour of multinational corporations (MNCs) in indigenous territories.Michelle Mielly, Professor in People, Organizations, Society, Grenoble École de Management (GEM)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2155202023-10-30T19:03:52Z2023-10-30T19:03:52ZDarien Gap: As migrants take deadly risks for better lives, Canada and the U.S. must do much more<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/darien-gap-as-migrants-take-deadly-risks-for-better-lives-canada-and-the-us-must-do-much-more" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Canadian Immigration Minister Marc Miller recently announced that as many as 15,000 displaced people with extended family connections in Canada — most of them from Colombia, Haiti and Venezuela and located in Central or South America or the Caribbean — <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/news/2023/10/statement-from-minister-miller-on-canadas-commitment-to-support-migrants-in-the-americas.html">are now eligible to apply to immigrate to Canada</a> on a humanitarian basis. </p>
<p>By announcing this measure, Canada affirmed its commitment to <a href="https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/04/27/fact-sheet-us-government-announces-sweeping-new-actions-manage-regional-migration">a joint initiative, known as Safe Mobility</a>, launched by the United States in April 2023 to stem the irregular crossings of hundreds of thousands of people into the U.S. by offering alternatives.</p>
<p>These 15,000 people represent a small number of as many as <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/americas-migration-crisis-panama-texas-1.6982215">400,000 displaced people</a> expected to cross the Darien Gap, a 100-kilometre stretch of treacherous jungle shared by Colombia and Panama, in 2023 in search of safety, security and protection.</p>
<p>Forced to migrate by political instability, repression and other hardships, people from Venezuela, Cuba, Ecuador and Haiti represent most of the displaced people who have crossed the Darien Gap in the last few years. </p>
<p>As many migrants told us when <a href="http://doi.org/10.1002/psp.2441">we interviewed </a> them in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cag.12701">Tijuana</a> in northern Mexico and Tapachula in the south of Mexico between 2018 and 2022, crossing the continent is not for the faint of heart. </p>
<p>They may experience harassment, extortion or detention by migration authorities, violence perpetrated by criminals and abuse by deceitful unscrupulous smugglers. The number of lives lost in the Darien Gap, including children and adolescents, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(23)01635-5">is increasing</a>. </p>
<h2>Cracking down in Costa Rica</h2>
<p>In the past, at least for Venezuelans, it was not necessary to cross the jungle. They were able to travel to Costa Rica, for instance, by air. As many as 12,533 Venezuelans <a href="https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/costa-rican-migration-immigrant-integration-policy">applied for refugee status</a> in Costa Rica between 2015 and August 2021. </p>
<p>But to curtail this flow, the Costa Rican government introduced a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wss.2023.100151">visa requirement</a> in 2022 for Venezuelans, forcing people who wished to travel to the country to undertake the dangerous journey through the Darien Gap.</p>
<p>But the problems for Venezuelan asylum-seekers don’t end there. As the migrants and NGO representatives in our study told us, the current wait time for the first eligibility interview with Costa Rican immigration officials is 10 years. The Costa Rican refugee unit is <a href="https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/costa-rican-migration-immigrant-integration-policy">severely under-resourced and heavily reliant on international assistance</a>. </p>
<p>Further curtailing refugee rights, Costa Rica introduced <a href="https://www.pgrweb.go.cr/scij/Busqueda/Normativa/Normas/nrm_texto_completo.aspx?param1=NRTC&param2=1&nValor1=1&nValor2=98356&nValor3=133735&strTipM=TC&lResultado=2&nValor4=1&strSelect=sel">reforms in late 2022</a> that prevent asylum-seekers who have travelled through third countries from making refugee claims.</p>
<h2>Nicaraguan refugees</h2>
<p>Ironically, the vast majority of the refugee applications Costa Rica receives today are not from people who cross the Darien Gap. The <a href="https://gjia.georgetown.edu/2023/03/17/nicaragua-on-the-brink-protests-elections-and-mass-atrocity/">political violence and repression in Nicaragua since 2018</a> have propelled many to flee to Costa Rica. </p>
<p>As of June 2022, <a href="https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/record-emigration-nicaragua-crisis#:%7E:text=The%20erosion%20of%20democracy%20and,of%20the%20Cold%20War%20era.">Costa Rica hosted</a> 205,000 asylum seekers — 89 per cent of them from Nicaragua. </p>
<p>To deter new arrivals from Nicaragua from presenting refugee claims or obtaining the status, the Costa Rican reforms announced on December 2022 changed certain rules and regulations. These measures were criticized by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and NGO representatives we interviewed in Costa Rica in 2023. In fact, the <a href="https://delfino.cr/2023/02/sala-iv-condena-al-estado-por-decreto-de-chaves-que-limita-libertad-de-transito-de-refugiados">Costa Rican Supreme Court</a> found some provisions of these reforms unconstitutional.</p>
<h2>The scene in Mexico</h2>
<p>Unlike Costa Rica, Mexico, <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/">under pressure from the U.S.</a>, encourages migrants in transit toward the U.S. border to seek asylum in Mexico. </p>
<p>By the end of 2022, the <a href="https://www.gob.mx/cms/uploads/attachment/file/792337/Cierre_Diciembre-2022__31-Dic.__1.pdf">number of refugee claimants</a> in Mexico from other Central American countries, Haiti, Venezuela and Cuba had reached 120,000. </p>
<p>However, they were forced to remain in the southern state of Chiapas while their claims were reviewed, and the migrants we interviewed reported harassment by official authorities and destitution.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.wola.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/FINAL-Struggling-to-Survive-Asylum-Seekers-in-Tapachula.pdf">Other studies</a> support their claims. Furthermore, most migrants we interviewed in Mexico told us they had no intention of staying in Mexico even if recognized as refugees because they did not consider the country safe.</p>
<h2>U.S., Canada, must step up</h2>
<p>In April 2023, the U.S. State Department and the Department of Homeland Security announced new measures to deport all migrants and asylum-seekers who crossed the southern U.S. border by irregular means. The U.S. also introduced the <a href="https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/04/27/fact-sheet-us-government-announces-sweeping-new-actions-manage-regional-migration">Safe Mobility initiative</a> to process applications for admissions submitted in offices set up in Colombia, Ecuador, Costa Rica and Guatemala.</p>
<p>The U.S. promised to admit up to <a href="https://www.uscis.gov/CHNV">30,000 people</a> a month from <a href="https://movilidadsegura.org/en/">Venezuela, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Cuba and Haiti</a>. Not only is this protection status temporary — a two-year <a href="https://helpspanish.cbp.gov/s/article/Article-1639?language=en_US#:%7E:text=Humanitarian%20Parole%20is%20granted%20to,reason%20or%20significant%20public%20benefit.">humanitarian parole</a> rather than permanent residency — but it’s conditional upon a “supporter” present in the U.S. </p>
<p>Canada’s <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/news/2023/10/statement-from-minister-miller-on-canadas-commitment-to-support-migrants-in-the-americas.html">recent announcement</a> fails to make it clear whether admitting 15,000 displaced people is a one-off measure or whether Canada is setting an annual target.</p>
<p>Regardless, it doesn’t come anywhere close to meeting the needs of the displaced people in the Americas. Canada should consider expanding its refugee resettlement program to assist more asylum-seekers in desperate conditions in this region, not only those with family ties in Canada.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/215520/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tanya Basok receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Guillermo Candiz receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. </span></em></p>Migrants who cross the treacherous Darien Gap between Panama and Colombia often experience violence and abuse, extortion or detention by migration authorities.Tanya Basok, Professor, Sociology, University of WindsorGuillermo Candiz, Assistant Professor, Human Plurality, Université de l'Ontario françaisLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2123082023-10-17T15:29:28Z2023-10-17T15:29:28ZHow animal traits have shaped the journey of species across the globe<p>The devastating <a href="https://www.ngdc.noaa.gov/hazel/view/hazards/tsunami/event-more-info/5413">tsunami</a> that hit Japan in March 2011 set off a series of events which have long fascinated scientists like me. It was so powerful that it caused 5 million tonnes of debris to <a href="https://marinedebris.noaa.gov/japan-tsunami-marine-debris/monitoring-tsunami-debris-north-american-shorelines">wash</a> into the Pacific – 1.5 million tonnes remained afloat and started drifting with the currents. </p>
<p>One year later, and half a world away, debris began washing ashore on the west coast of North America. More than 280 Japanese coastal species such as mussels, barnacles and even some species of fish, had <a href="https://www.science.org/doi/full/10.1126/science.aao1498?casa_token=YwHfCNElf14AAAAA:zJj4eY3uUm2_m4ZH5YzIO6ecvSWdVa_53yZk0ycnxm1Ga3bPLTl5Z6hCbUhvsmA4d0KSPHFPKz84nQ">hitched a ride</a> on the debris and made an incredible journey across the ocean. These species were still alive and had the potential to establish new populations. </p>
<p>How animals cross major barriers, such as oceans and mountain ranges, to shape Earth’s biodiversity is an intriguing topic. And a new <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41559-023-02150-5">study</a> by my collaborators and I has shed light on this process, revealing how animal characteristics such as body size and life history can influence their spread across the globe.</p>
<p>We know that such dispersal events occur in terrestrial species as well. For instance, at least 15 green iguanas <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/26886">journeyed</a> more than 200km (124 miles) from Guadeloupe to Anguilla in the Caribbean in 1995. They arrived on a mat of logs and trees (likely uprooted through a hurricane), some of which were more than 9 metres (20 feet) long. </p>
<h2>The role of animal characteristics in dispersal</h2>
<p>When animals move across major barriers it can have a big impact on both the new and old locations. For example, an invasive species can arrive in a new area and compete with native species for resources. However, those consequences can be even greater over longer periods of time.</p>
<p>The movement of monkeys from Africa to South America around 35 million years ago led to the evolution of more than 90 species of <a href="https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102116-041510?casa_token=CZtEoQ5Z9bMAAAAA%3AX9JrgVyGxxegDXgVTUPNHZboMldBec1egagn5S4pLwx4yudreF4L6Q6zG4jUeB9tMxJEIy4q67iX&journalCode=anthro">New World monkeys</a>, including tamarins, capuchins and spider monkeys. And a few chameleons rafting on vegetation from Africa to Madagascar is why we find half of all living <a href="https://royalsocietypublishing.org/doi/10.1098/rspb.2013.0184">chameleon</a> species there today.</p>
<p>These events were long thought to be determined by chance – the coincidence of some chameleons sitting on the right tree at the right time. However, <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/24529638.pdf?casa_token=NyxiUsFXod0AAAAA:9aBvrCPO0om98AjWOfs482QWf5eQxRUwKt95p4S3trPy1CQ2CM4K0AJeMBtsNKwKST8ILswcwdjQBRq8ZpdR5-3KL3gOn9uYZHOjzDdPyTm4R3Dom1o">some scientists</a> have suggested there might be more to it. They hypothesised there could be more general patterns in the animals that reach their destination successfully, related to certain characteristics.</p>
<p>Could body size affect how far a species can travel? Animals with more fat reserves may be able to travel longer distances. Or could it be how a species reproduces and survives? For example, animals that lay many eggs or mature early may be more likely to establish a new population in a new place.</p>
<p>But despite a vigorous theoretical debate, the options to test these hypotheses were limited because such dispersal events are rare. Also, the right statistical tools were not available until recently.</p>
<p>Thanks to the recent development of new <a href="https://academic.oup.com/sysbio/article/69/1/61/5490843">biogeographical models</a> and the great availability of data, we can now try to answer questions about how tetrapod species (amphibians, reptiles, birds and mammals) have moved around the globe over the past 300 million years and whether successful species share any common characteristics.</p>
<p>These models allow us to estimate the movements of species’ ancestors while also considering their characteristics. We used these models to study 7,009 species belonging to 56 groups of tetrapods.</p>
<h2>What we found</h2>
<p>For 91% of the animal groups we studied, models that included species characteristics were better supported than models that didn’t. This means that body size and life history are closely linked to how successful a species is at moving to and establishing itself in a new location.</p>
<p>Animals with large bodies and fast life histories (breeding early and often, like water voles) generally dispersed more successfully, as expected. However, there were some exceptions to this rule. In some groups, smaller animals or animals with average traits had higher dispersal rates.</p>
<p>For example, small hummingbirds dispersed better than larger ones, and poison dart frogs with intermediate life histories dispersed better than those with very fast or very slow life histories.</p>
<p>We investigated this variation further and found that the relationship between body size and movement depended on the average size and life history of the group. Our results show that the links between characteristics and dispersal success depend on both body size and life history, and that these cannot be considered separately. </p>
<p>Groups in which small size was an advantage were often already made up of small species (making the dispersal-prone species even smaller), and these species also had fast life histories. We found this to be true for the rodent families <a href="https://www.britannica.com/animal/Muridae"><em>Muridae</em></a> and <a href="https://nhpbs.org/wild/cricetidae.asp"><em>Cricetidae</em></a>. </p>
<p>But groups in which dispersers had intermediate body sizes generally had slow life histories (meaning they had low reproductive output but long lifespans). This means the combination of small body size and slow life history is very unlikely to be an advantage for dispersal across major barriers such as oceans.</p>
<h2>It’s not just chance</h2>
<p>It is amazing to think that rare dispersal events, which can lead to the rise of many new species, are not completely random. Instead, the intrinsic characteristics of species can shape the histories of entire groups of animals, even though chance still may play an important role.</p>
<p>At the same time, two of the most important <a href="https://zenodo.org/record/3553579">environmental challenges</a> of our time are related to movement across major barriers: biological invasions and species’ responses to climate change. On a planet facing rapid changes, understanding how animals move across barriers is therefore crucial.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/212308/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>While working on this study, Sarah-Sophie Weil was affiliated with Université Grenoble Alpes (France) and Swansea University (Wales, UK) who supported her through Initiative d’excellence (IDEX) International Strategic Partnership and Swansea University Strategic Partner Research (SUSPR) scholarships.</span></em></p>New research looks at how different species have managed to cross geographic barriers throughout history and whether their individual traits played a crucial role in these journeys.Sarah-Sophie Weil, PhD candidate, Swansea UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2141932023-10-06T12:30:23Z2023-10-06T12:30:23ZHealth on the ballot as Argentina poised to elect ‘anarcho-capitalist’ bent on slashing social protections<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/551487/original/file-20231002-25-wdcz31.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C20%2C3384%2C2228&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The hand that wields the chain saw looks set to carry the crown.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/presidential-candidate-javier-milei-of-la-libertad-avanza-news-photo/1701087602?adppopup=true">Tomas Cuesta/Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The front-runner heading into <a href="https://www.as-coa.org/articles/poll-tracker-argentinas-2023-presidential-election">Argentina’s presidential vote on Oct. 22</a> is prone to wielding a chain saw – both physically and metaphorically.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2023/09/07/meet-javier-milei-the-frontrunner-to-be-argentinas-next-president">Javier Milei</a>, a right-wing libertarian whose brash demagoguery has <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/08/16/javier-milei-donald-trump-argentina/">drawn comparisons to Donald Trump</a> and <a href="https://worldcrunch.com/world-affairs/javier-milei-bolsonaro">Brazil’s former President Jair Bolsonaro</a>, likes to <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/10/01/americas/chainsaw-candidate-argentina-javier-milei-hnk-intl/index.html">brandish the power tool at campaign events</a> as a symbol of what he intends to do if elected: cut back on government.</p>
<p>Milei has promised to take his chain saw to the ministries of <a href="https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2023/08/30/milei-ministerios-eliminar-por-que-de-que-se-encargan-orix-arg/">education, environment and women’s rights</a>, to name but a few, and to <a href="https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-08-18/far-right-candidate-javier-milei-launches-attack-on-argentinas-scientific-community.html">ax funding for scientific research</a>. The country’s central bank would also <a href="https://www.economist.com/by-invitation/2023/09/29/javier-milei-argues-that-argentinas-central-bank-should-not-exist">cease to exist</a>, if Milei fulfills his <a href="https://www.americasquarterly.org/article/mileis-path-to-dollarization-riddled-with-doubts/">pledge to “dollarize</a>” Argentina’s economy – that is, to scrap the country’s peso and replace it with the U.S. currency.</p>
<p>Milei promises a radical change to Argentina’s current trajectory. And his <a href="https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/world/far-right-candidate-javier-milei-launches-attack-on-argentinas-scientific-community/ar-AA1frQ9N">attacks on science and education</a> form part of a troubling <a href="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/is-anti-intellectualism-ever-good-for-democracy/">anti-intellectual, right-wing populism</a> that threatens liberal democracies worldwide.</p>
<p>However, as an <a href="https://www.macalester.edu/geography/facultystaff/ericcarter/">expert on the history of public health in Argentina</a>, I believe Milei could face stiff resistance if he tries to undo a long-standing consensus on the need for the government to provide universal health care and other social services.</p>
<h2>A shock to the political system</h2>
<p>A <a href="https://www.weforum.org/people/javier-gerardo-milei">former economics professor</a>, Milei is a relative political newcomer, having served just one term in the national congress. As with other right-wing populists, he casts himself as a political outsider.</p>
<p>When it comes to public spending, Milei <a href="https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-08-14/javier-milei-the-ultra-right-libertarian-and-anarcho-capitalist-who-represents-angry-argentina.html">styles himself as an “anarcho-capitalist</a>.” His plans include eliminating both the Ministry of Health and <a href="https://www.conicet.gov.ar/?lan=en">Conicet</a>, the agency that funds most academic research in Argentina, and folding them into a new <a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/582281-como-se-hace-el-ajuste-que-propone-milei">Ministry of Human Capital</a>, with a fraction of their current budget and personnel. </p>
<p>Milei’s rhetoric taps into a <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/1367447/public-opinion-president-alberto-fernandez-argetina/">deep well of discontent</a> among Argentinians with the current government led by Alberto Fernandez, a member of the <a href="https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100318435">Peronist party</a>, which has held power for most of the past three decades. </p>
<p>Since assuming power in 2019, Fernandez has presided over <a href="https://www.reuters.com/markets/argentine-shoppers-face-daily-race-deals-inflation-soars-above-100-2023-09-13/">runaway inflation</a>, <a href="https://apnews.com/article/argentina-poverty-inflation-massa-milei-d515d077f61147b203149d9e2a6a164c#">rising poverty</a> and <a href="https://apnews.com/article/caribbean-buenos-aires-argentina-3aa151384f591b367865dd8faa418007">accusations of official corruption</a>.</p>
<p>The government’s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic saw an <a href="https://www.scielo.br/j/hcsm/a/YpyrzqkvHZBVBhVTYzjxsHc/?lang=en">initial boost in public support for Fernandez</a>. But by the middle of 2021, frustration with the government was starting to boil over – due in part to <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/2/20/argentina-health-chief-asked-to-resign-after-vip-vaccine-access#:%7E:text=The%20government%20has%20been%20rocked,getting%20vaccinations%20before%20their%20turn.">accusations of preferential priority</a> for COVID-19 vaccinations for Peronist officials and their friends and families. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, for Milei, the pandemic proved to be a <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/08/23/milei-argentina-presidential-election-politics-economy-villarruel/">catalyst for his rise to political fame</a>. Fanning the flames of public discontent, he appeared frequently on television and in social media to call out a “political caste” for imposing what he deemed unnecessary and economically damaging pandemic restrictions. His popularity <a href="https://elpais.com/argentina/2023-08-20/jovenes-hartos-de-los-politicos-y-sin-futuro-la-tierra-fertil-en-la-que-enraizo-milei.html">has since skyrocketed among young people in Argentina</a>, attuned to “anti-progressive” messaging online and exhausted by economic crisis and political corruption. Milei <a href="https://www.iprofesional.com/politica/389621-quienes-son-los-votantes-de-javier-milei">polls much better among men</a>, in part because many women are alarmed by <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/thousands-women-march-latin-america-abortion-rights-rcna118147">his intention to reverse the country’s 2021 legalization of abortion</a>.</p>
<h2>Health as a social right</h2>
<p>Evidently, Milei has tapped into a <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/8/15/argentina-primary-results-reflect-frustrations-desire-for-change-experts">thirst for sweeping political change</a>. </p>
<p>But there is reason to believe that his proposals to reduce the government’s role in the health sector would run into strong headwinds, given the longer-term pattern in Argentina and across the Latin America region.</p>
<p>Today, there is a <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/914586/general-opinion-healthcare-system-argentina/#statisticContainer">broad public acceptance</a> of a strong role for government in guaranteeing and protecting the right to health care, along with other “social rights” like education and gender equality.</p>
<p>As I explain in my new book, “<a href="https://uncpress.org/book/9781469674452/in-pursuit-of-health-equity/">In Pursuit of Health Equity</a>,” a hemispheric “social medicine” movement has, over the past century, played a key role in the construction of welfare state institutions in many Latin American countries. Led by progressive doctors, left-wing academics and health activists, social medicine – which sees health as being intrinsically tied to socio-economic factors – has sought to build robust health systems as part of a <a href="https://social.desa.un.org/sites/default/files/migrated/22/2021/04/Argentina_SP-Governance.pdf">strong social safety net</a>. Social medicine advocates see health as a right rather than a commodity.</p>
<p>In Argentina, <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/6/20/a-divided-legacy-marks-50-years-since-perons-return-to-argentina">Juan Domingo Perón</a>, the founder of the populist Peronist movement that Milei now hopes to dislodge from power, understood social medicine. To make Argentina’s population healthier and more productive, in the 1940s Perón expanded the government’s role in health care while advancing policies to <a href="http://www.columbia.edu/%7Elnp3/mydocs/state_and_revolution/Juan_Peron.htm">improve labor conditions, nutrition and housing</a></p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A crowd of people stand around a large figure with 'PERON' written at the top." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/552379/original/file-20231005-27-on4kok.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/552379/original/file-20231005-27-on4kok.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=478&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552379/original/file-20231005-27-on4kok.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=478&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552379/original/file-20231005-27-on4kok.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=478&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552379/original/file-20231005-27-on4kok.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=601&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552379/original/file-20231005-27-on4kok.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=601&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/552379/original/file-20231005-27-on4kok.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=601&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A huge 1948 rally in support of Juan Peron.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/buenos-aires-argentina-shown-is-the-tremendous-throng-news-photo/514876518?adppopup=true">Bettmann/Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Later, politically active academics took on prominent roles in health planning in the leftist governments of Brazil, Argentina and Bolivia in the late 1990s and early 2000s, <a href="https://uncpress.org/book/9781469674452/in-pursuit-of-health-equity/">opposing market-based reforms and the incursion</a> of a U.S. health care model that critics say puts profit over people.</p>
<h2>Healthy approval ratings</h2>
<p>Milei’s popularity suggests another swing in the pendulum of Latin American politics, which has tended to oscillate between state-centered and free-market-oriented models.</p>
<p>Clearly, a large contingent of Argentine voters agree with his basic contention that the current government has provoked an <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/08/15/argentina-imf-debt-massa-fernandez/">economic crisis</a> with <a href="https://brownpoliticalreview.org/2023/03/peso-problem-argentinas-economic-crisis/">overly generous spending</a>.</p>
<p>Yet his more extreme proposals are likely to meet resistance. </p>
<p>As Argentinian scholar <a href="https://scholar.google.es/citations?user=6lMifj8AAAAJ&hl=es">Maria Laura Cordero</a> and I found in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2022.102870">our survey during the pandemic</a>, Argentinians have mostly positive feelings toward public health institutions and the people who work in them, coupled with intense disdain for the political class. Around 67% of those we surveyed approved of the performance of the health sector, compared with 22% approval of political leadership during the pandemic.</p>
<p>Dismantling the public health sector in favor of market mechanisms like a <a href="https://infonews.com/javier-milei-la-libertad-avanza-elecciones-presidenciales-sistema-de-salud-educacion-recorte.html">voucher system to pay for health care</a> or <a href="https://enys.conicet.gov.ar/la-salud-publica-en-guardia/">putting public hospitals in competition with one another</a>, as Milei has suggested, may prove to be unpopular. </p>
<p>There is broad consensus about a fundamental right to health care in Argentina, <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9973504/">as elsewhere in Latin America</a>. And the public, by and large, understands that government intervention is necessary to make health care accessible to the poor and to respond to public health emergencies like the recent pandemic.</p>
<p>Health workers, deeply invested in the precepts of social medicine, are sure to resist Milei’s attempts at health reform. In response to Milei’s plans, the president of the Argentine Public Health Association stated that “<a href="https://enys.conicet.gov.ar/la-salud-publica-en-guardia/">solidarity and the building of the common good are present in the DNA</a>” of health personnel in Argentina. The public is also likely to worry at the prospect of increased fees and the lack of coverage for basic health care needs.</p>
<h2>Research under attack</h2>
<p>Milei hasn’t won anything yet, nor is there a clear rightward tilt in Latin American politics – in the past two years, leftist presidential candidates have prevailed in countries as varied as Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Guatemala. But even if he fails to push through his radical agenda, the rhetoric of his campaign could serve to undermine confidence in Argentina’s health and science institutions.</p>
<p>Milei capitalizes on the politics of resentment, <a href="https://www.revistahcsm.coc.fiocruz.br/english/la-ciencia-en-argentina-y-sus-demonios">vilifying “unproductive” researchers who receive support from Conicet</a>, especially social science and humanities scholars.</p>
<p>Such attacks on government support for scientific research, health care and education are consistent with a global right-wing ideology, typified by the likes of Viktor Orban of Hungary or <a href="https://floridapolitics.com/archives/618813-gov-ron-desantis-vetoes-14-5-million-in-health-care-spending/">Ron DeSantis</a>, a Republican presidential candidate in the U.S.</p>
<p>Within the bottom-line mentality of neoliberalism – a political ideology that preaches free-market reforms over state involvement – such research is seldom viewed as profitable, nor does it tend to offer the possibility of new therapies or technologies produced by “hard” sciences and modern biomedicine. </p>
<p>But as the history of Latin American social medicine shows, social scientists can counter that, with time, their approach has helped build more just, free and healthy societies. And that legacy is now at stake as Argentinians head toward the polls.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214193/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Eric D. Carter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Argentinians will vote in a new president on Oct. 22, 2023. But the front-runner’s plans to slash health funding might find resistance.Eric D. Carter, Professor of Geography and Global Health, Macalester CollegeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2124142023-09-20T22:59:46Z2023-09-20T22:59:46ZA month after Ecuador’s historic vote to end oil extraction in Yasuní National Park, its lessons are as vital as ever to Canadians<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/a-month-after-ecuadors-historic-vote-to-end-oil-extraction-in-yasuni-national-park-its-lessons-are-as-vital-as-ever-to-canadians" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>One month ago, on Aug. 20, Ecuador voted to end all oil extraction in Yasuní National Park, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/aug/21/ecuador-votes-to-halt-oil-drilling-in-amazonian-biodiversity-hotspot">marking a historic decision in the global effort to halt fossil fuel extraction in ecologically important regions</a>. As climate emergencies rise globally, Ecuador has set a global precedent by protecting one of <a href="https://en.unesco.org/biosphere/lac/yasuni">the most ecologically diverse areas on the planet, a UNESCO designated biosphere reserve</a>. </p>
<p>The move is set to end any current and future extractive projects in the region — protecting over <a href="https://en.unesco.org/biosphere/lac/yasuni">204 different mammals, 610 types of birds and just under 20,000 human inhabitants with 200-300 Indigenous peoples living in voluntary isolation</a>. </p>
<p>This referendum is a testament to the change possible through citizen political involvement. It should signal the world over the possibility for action against extractive corporate interests as well as the policies that support these interests. </p>
<h2>Voting for our future</h2>
<p>As we reach <a href="https://www.unep.org/climate-emergency">a critical ecological tipping point</a> across the globe, our steps to protect the planet’s remaining ecosystem can no longer wait. The Amazon rainforest remains the world’s largest forest reserve. It <a href="https://media.nature.com/original/magazine-assets/d41586-020-00508-4/d41586-020-00508-4.pdf">filters billions of tonnes of carbon dioxide</a> for the entire planet. A critical ecosystem service that provides us with the clean air that we breathe and helps stabilize our shared atmosphere on this planet. </p>
<p>The vote is set to remove any current oil projects over the next year and puts a <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/8/21/historic-ecuador-voters-reject-oil-drilling-in-amazon-protected-area">ban on any future oil extraction in the region indefinitely.</a> The referendum keeps an estimated US$133 billion worth of oil from the park in the ground. </p>
<p>The country’s nationwide referendum was the result of a petition from Indigenous groups and environmental activists within the wider advocacy of <a href="https://www.yasunidos.org">the Yasunidos Collective, a collection of activists advocating for the end to fossil fuel extraction in the Yasuní</a>. </p>
<p>This comes at a pivotal moment as scientists have warned that if the world’s largest rainforest continues to shrink then it will change <a href="https://media.nature.com/original/magazine-assets/d41586-020-00508-4/d41586-020-00508-4.pdf">from lush rainforest into a savanna</a>. Not only will this habitat be lost for millions of people, plants and animals but it will also signal the end of the Earth’s largest filtration system. The missing <a href="https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/carbon-sources-and-sinks/">carbon sink</a> and <a href="https://media.nature.com/original/magazine-assets/d41586-020-00508-4/d41586-020-00508-4.pdf">increased carbon dioxide in our atmosphere will have detrimental effects</a> that would lead to potentially even greater unknown climatic events. </p>
<h2>Lessons for Canada</h2>
<p>In Canada, the people of Ontario face an opportunity for direct democracy to protect one of our country’s largest environmental assets. The Greenbelt is more than just a green space, it is <a href="https://theconversation.com/global-biodiversity-why-the-proposed-changes-to-ontarios-greenbelt-matter-211719">a bastion of ecological services providing unseen benefits to Canadians far beyond the Toronto area</a>. </p>
<p>It is also continually under threat as the Ford government seeks to finalize an <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/ontario-auditor-general-greenbelt-report-1.6930390">$8 billion deal for developers to build housing on 3,000 hectares</a>. This despite allegations of misconduct so serious that even <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9938653/doug-ford-housing-ministers-resignation-cabinet-shuffle/">the government has had no choice but to review some of the deals</a>.</p>
<p>The Ontario Greenbelt is one of the most biologically rich and diverse areas in all of Canada and an area that provides protection to many both in and near its ecosystem. It does this through <a href="https://www.greenbelt.ca/learn">absorbing carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, draining water during extreme weather events and trapping heat caused by urbanization</a>. These services protect us from climate change and, in the process, also help to prevent the worst impacts of our current global warming.</p>
<p>The story of Yasuní is an inspiration against the face of climate catastrophe. The United Nations says <a href="https://www.unep.org/facts-about-climate-emergency">the planet has reached a climate emergency</a>, noting that the climate science is undeniable and the result of human activities. </p>
<p>In Canada we have witnessed — and had to breathe in — the effects of a huge jump in the number, and severity, of wildfires. The <a href="https://cwfis.cfs.nrcan.gc.ca/report/graphs">total number of fires in 2023 exceeded Canada’s 10-year average, with an almost seven-fold jump in the total burned surface area in 2023 compared to Canada’s 10-year average</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-canada-can-leave-83-per-cent-of-its-oil-in-the-ground-and-build-strong-new-economies-169217">How Canada can leave 83 per cent of its oil in the ground and build strong new economies</a>
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<p>Against this backdrop it could be easy to forget that in Canada, we are lucky to house one-quarter of the entire world’s <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/environment-climate-change/services/nature-legacy/about.html">wetlands, temperate rainforests and boreal forests; 20 per cent of its fresh water; the longest coastline in the world; and precious habitats for birds, fish and mammals</a>. This represents an ecological safeguard that, if nurtured and protected, will help provide a safe haven from increasing climate disaster. </p>
<p>That is, should we choose to begin to make the right decisions about long-term ecological wealth versus shortsighted economic prosperity. </p>
<h2>Building on this example</h2>
<p>The protection of the Yasuní reserve and the power of its people in Ecuador against a national government’s extractive agenda is a signal to citizens here in Canada. We do not have to be complacent with the status quo, or divided by party politics to find unity on important issues that face our reliance on this shared planet. </p>
<p>Direct democracy from the grassroots level can permeate to the top to mitigate climate change. The overall majority can decide whether to move forward with environmental projects that may have irreversible effects. It signifies the importance of Indigenous leaders in countering the fossil fuel industry amid environmental crisis and the power of people to change governmental policies. It is important to show how persistent resistance can make an impact.</p>
<p>To protect the planet for future generations to come, government agendas need to shift and be pushed by direct civil action. This means that protection of ecologically important areas should be seen as a key policy objective of national self-preservation. This is further reinforced by ever-growing <a href="https://www.unep.org/resources/factsheet/nature-climate-action">calls from Indigenous leaders, academics and environmental activists demanding the conservation and restoration of natural spaces</a>. </p>
<p>It is time for Canadian citizens to step up and recognize that we can make a difference in our <a href="https://iasc-commons.org/about-commons/">shared commons</a>. The importance of the precedent set in Ecuador cannot be understated. It shows that collective action can work and that we do not need to only wait for governments to do the right thing.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/212414/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Martina Jakubchik-Paloheimo works with Global Indigenous Development Trust, a Canadian Indigenous social enterprise and registered charity founded in 2014. As well as Inisha Nunka, an Indigenous led not-for profit founded by the Shuar peoples in Ecuador. She has previously received funding from The International Development Research Fund Canada under Grant 109418-021.</span></em></p>The decision of the people of Ecuador to halt oil extraction in the Yasuní is a trend-setting precedent of global importance and a victory that Canadians should build upon.Martina Jakubchik-Paloheimo, Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Geography and Planning, Queen's University, OntarioLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2114582023-08-16T07:29:49Z2023-08-16T07:29:49ZEcuador: how this ‘island of peace’ in Latin America has become a hotbed of violence run by criminal gangs and drug cartels<p>After <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-66457472">the assassination</a> of Ecuadorean presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio in Quito on August 9, former president Rafael Correa posted a message on his social media feed: “<a href="https://twitter.com/MashiRafael/status/1689463483732033536">Ecuador has become a failed state</a>.” It was a stark message as the country prepares to go to the polls on Sunday August 20.</p>
<p>Villavicencio’s shooting followed the murder on July 23 of <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-66289355">Agustín Intriago</a>, the mayor of the port city of Manta, and <a href="https://gazettengr.com/candidate-assassinated-ahead-of-national-assembly-election-in-ecuador/">that of Rider Sánchez</a>, who was running for a seat in the national assembly when he was shot dead on July 17 while campaigning in the northern coastal province of Esmeraldas. </p>
<p>Sunday’s parliamentary and presidential election are being held as a result of outgoing president Guillermo Lasso dissolving parliament in May. Lasso <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/ecuador-president-dissolves-legislature-bringing-elections-forward-2023-05-17/">faced impeachment by opposition parties</a> over allegations of connections to corrupt government contracts, something he and his supporters <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/16/impeachment-hearing-begins-in-ecuador-against-president-lasso">vehemently deny</a>. Villavicencio campaigned on a pro-security and anti-corruption platform and, while not considered a frontrunner, his assassination deeply shocked the nation.</p>
<h2>Island of peace?</h2>
<p>Sitting between Colombia to the north and Peru to the south, two of the world’s largest producers of cocaine, Ecuador was until recently known as an “island of peace” in this war-torn region. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542798/original/file-20230815-19-70up5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Locator map of Ecuador showing Colombia and Peru." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542798/original/file-20230815-19-70up5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542798/original/file-20230815-19-70up5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542798/original/file-20230815-19-70up5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542798/original/file-20230815-19-70up5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542798/original/file-20230815-19-70up5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542798/original/file-20230815-19-70up5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542798/original/file-20230815-19-70up5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Ecuador sits between Colombia and Peru, two of the world’s biggest producers of cocaine.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/world-map-south-american-continent-peru-2333922879">Libin Jose/Shutterstock</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>This had a great deal to do with the success of Correa’s policy while president from 2007-2017 of <a href="https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2019/3/26/18281325/ecuador-legalize-gangs">effectively legalising gangs</a> as “cultural associations” or urban youth groups. This allowed them to apply for government funding and grants in return for a pledge to end violence. </p>
<p>Correa’s policy saw the country’s <a href="https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/ecuador-crime-lasso-corruption-politics-protests-violence/?loggedin=1">homicide rate fall sharply</a>. In the past five years, however, the murder rate has begun to increase sharply again, making Ecuador one of the region’s <a href="https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/ECU/ecuador/murder-homicide-rate">most violent countries</a>.</p>
<p>Villaviciencio had already made plenty of enemies when he took up politics, having exposed multiple cases of corruption during his time as a journalist. In January, while still a member of the national assembly before its dissolution, Villavicencio <a href="https://apnews.com/article/725a9f1ba7bb9f5f9796b1e2fe121946">denounced 21 mayoral candidates</a> for alleged links to drug trafficking. He also revealed he’d received death threats from <em>Los Choneros</em>, one of Ecuador’s most powerful “mega-gangs”, involved in illegal activities ranging from <a href="https://insightcrime.org/ecuador-organized-crime-news/ecuador-profile/">narco-trafficking to contract killings and extortion</a>.</p>
<p>Villavicencio’s killer was shot by security forces in the immediate aftermath of the attack, and six further suspects have been detained. They are <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-66489199#">all of Colombian origin</a> and reportedly members of criminal groups. After decades of armed conflict, Colombia has a reputation for producing and exporting <a href="https://theintercept.com/2021/07/26/colombian-mercenaries-haiti-jovenel-moise-assassination/">contract killers</a>. Both <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-57762246">Haiti’s former president, Jovenel Moïse</a>, and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jun/18/four-jailed-in-colombia-for-honeymoon-of-prosecutor">Paraguayan anti-corruption prosecutor Marcelo Pecci</a> were assassinated by Colombian mercenaries. </p>
<h2>Culture of violence</h2>
<p>As recently as 2018, Ecuador had <a href="https://insightcrime.org/news/analysis/insight-crime-2018-homicide-roundup/?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=7466034b-64f2-44a1-ace5-13c89cd0dac0">one of the lowest annual homicide rates in Latin America</a>, at 5.7 people per 100,000. This compared favourably with neighbouring <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/984798/homicide-rate-colombia/#:%7E:text=In%202022%2C%20there%20were%20approximately,of%2026.8%20a%20year%20earlier.">Colombia at 25</a> people per 100,000, <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/867725/homicide-rate-brazil/#:%7E:text=Brazil%3A%20homicide%20rate%202012%2D2021&text=In%202021%2C%20the%20homicide%20rate,in%20the%20country%20since%202012.">Brazil at 27.6</a> and <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/984669/homicide-rate-venezuela/">Venezuela at 81.4</a> – a rate which has since fallen to the (still-calamitous) level of 40 murders per 100,000 people.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542819/original/file-20230815-19-5xb8yc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Bar chart showing homicide rate in Ecuador" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542819/original/file-20230815-19-5xb8yc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542819/original/file-20230815-19-5xb8yc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542819/original/file-20230815-19-5xb8yc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542819/original/file-20230815-19-5xb8yc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542819/original/file-20230815-19-5xb8yc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=560&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542819/original/file-20230815-19-5xb8yc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=560&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542819/original/file-20230815-19-5xb8yc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=560&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">After falling in the early 2000s up to 2016, the homicide rate in Ecuador has risen rapidly over the past few years.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Statista</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>But following a recent sharp rise in drug trafficking and gang violence, Ecuador is now one of the region’s four most violent countries. The latest data shows the homicide rate <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/why-has-ecuador-become-so-violent-2023-08-10/#">increasing to 22 people per 100,000 in 2022</a> – above the average of 20 per 100,000 for Latin America (but still below that of Colombia at 27 per 100,000). </p>
<p>Much of this violence is directed from the country’s jails, which are now <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2023/07/26/americas/ecuador-drug-violence-crisis-explainer-intl/index.html#:%7E:text=The%20country%20has%20also%20lost,a%20series%20of%20macabre%20massacres.">virtually controlled by criminal gangs</a>. Despite being incarcerated, gang leaders control a wide range of criminal activities – including networks which move cocaine from Colombia and Peru through Ecuador’s massive ports into major drug markets in Europe and the US.</p>
<p>Ecuador itself isn’t a major drug-producer and, unlike Colombia, has no history of guerilla or paramilitary activity. Yet, in the past 15 years, the country developed into a major logistical hub for international criminal organisations. In an <a href="https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-66469463">interview with BBC Mundo</a> in 2019, Ecuador’s former director of military intelligence, Colonel Mario Pazmiño, estimated that 40% of Colombia’s cocaine production transited via Ecuador – and data on seizures and raids on processing labs suggests Ecuador’s role as a transit hub has <a href="https://insightcrime.org/news/insight-crimes-cocaine-seizure-round-up-2022/">increased further since then</a>.</p>
<p>Colombia’s 2016 peace agreement and the resulting dismantling of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc) was a turning point. Until then, Farc controlled drug trafficking routes from southern Colombia to Ecuadorean ports. Its dismantling led to the creation of dissident groups in Colombia, and opened the door to Mexican criminal organisations attempting to gain control of Farc routes. </p>
<p>According to the UN’s 2023 Global Report on Cocaine, the <em>Cártel de Sinaloa</em> and <em>Cártel Jalisco Nueva Generación</em> “<a href="https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/cocaine/Global_cocaine_report_2023.pdf">largely control the trafficking corridors between Mexico and the US</a>” and are fighting for supremacy. Villaviciencio had campaigned on the growth of this drug trafficking and explicitly named the organisations involved, for which he was murdered.</p>
<h2>Bleak outlook</h2>
<p>The outlook for Ecuador isn’t promising. Global demand for cocaine continues to increase and production in Colombia is <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/colombias-potential-cocaine-production-record-high-un-says-2022-10-20/">at a record high</a>. The UN estimates that one-third of Colombia’s illicit coca fields are located within 10km of its frontier with Ecuador. </p>
<p>This can only mean that Ecuador’s role in the drug supply chains continues to grow in importance, especially as peace efforts in Colombia continue. Venezuela, through which 24% of global cocaine production transits, <a href="https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/is-venezuela-becoming-a-major-cocaine-producer/#:%7E:text=The%20world%27s%20fourth%20cocaine%2Dproducing%20country&text=According%20to%20the%20same%20report,even%20as%20the%20country%20collapses.">has a similar problem</a></p>
<p>After three days of mourning for Villavicencio, campaigning has resumed ahead of the election on August 20. Opinions polls show that security is by far the biggest concern for voters, and all candidates are campaigning on the issue – understandable in the wake of Villavicencio’s murder. But in a country where <a href="https://www.latinobarometro.org/lat.jsp">87% of people don’t trust democracy itself</a>, the outlook is gloomy, to say the least.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/211458/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nicolas Forsans does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Ecuador’s murder rate has shot up in recent years and now a presidential candidate has been assassinated.Nicolas Forsans, Professor of Management and Co-director of the Centre for Latin American & Caribbean Studies, University of EssexLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2102872023-07-26T20:06:11Z2023-07-26T20:06:11ZWho lived at Machu Picchu? DNA analysis shows surprising diversity at the ancient Inca palace<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539453/original/file-20230726-15-h2jmbt.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=16%2C0%2C3736%2C2481&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Eddie Kiszka/Pexels</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Standing atop the mountains in the southern highlands of Peru is the 15th-century marvel of the Inca empire, Machu Picchu. Today, the citadel is a global tourist attraction and an icon of precolonial Latin American history – but it was once the royal palace of an emperor.</p>
<p>Our international team of researchers has uncovered the incredible genetic diversity hidden within the ancient remains of those who once called Machu Picchu home. We detail our findings in a study <a href="http://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adg3377">published today</a> in Science Advances.</p>
<h2>The puzzling remnants of a royal site</h2>
<p>The Inca empire once ruled a vast 2 million square km across the breathtaking Andes mountain range in South America. It was formed in 1438 by the first ruler, <a href="https://www.worldhistory.org/Pachacuti_Inca_Yupanqui/">Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui</a>, and reached its height in 1533, before colonisation by the Spanish. </p>
<p>At the heart of the empire was the capital city of Cusco, and nearby was Pachacuti’s majestic palace, Machu Picchu. </p>
<p>Machu Picchu was visited by the royal family and guests during the dry season of May to October as a place to feast, dance, sing and hunt. Although these elite Incas were buried in Cusco upon their death, the palace was maintained year-round by a few hundred servants who lived on site. These servants were buried in cemeteries outside the palace walls.</p>
<p>Following Spanish colonisation, knowledge of Machu Picchu was lost to the Western world – only to be rediscovered by adventurers in the early 20th century. </p>
<p>In 1912, the <a href="https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780913516270/the-1912-yale-peruvian-scientific-expedition-collections-from-machu-picchu/">Yale Peruvian Scientific Expedition</a> documented a staggering count of 174 individuals buried on site. These burials were often shallow graves, or were concealed under large boulders or natural rocky overhangs.</p>
<p>While many lacked grave goods, ceramic artefacts were discovered buried alongside some people. These paint a vivid picture of cultural diversity, with styles from coastal and northern regions of Peru, as well as from the highlands of Bolivia near Lake Titicaca. </p>
<p>This was the first clue that Machu Picchu drew people from all reaches of the Inca empire. It suggested the servants who lived at Machu Picchu came from a variety of places, bringing ceramics from their homelands. </p>
<p>However, the artefacts could have also ended up in the area through trade. To find out where these people had come from, we would have to analyse their DNA.</p>
<h2>New findings from ancient DNA</h2>
<p>We sequenced ancient DNA from the remains of 68 individuals – 34 buried at Machu Picchu and 34 buried in Cusco. Using carbon dating, we dated the remains and found some of these people were buried before the rise of Pachacuti and the Inca empire.</p>
<p>We then compared their DNA with that of Indigenous peoples living in the Andes today (past research has found these genetic lines have continued undisturbed <a href="https://www.cell.com/cell/fulltext/S0092-8674(20)30477-3">for</a> <a href="https://www.pnas.org/doi/pdf/10.1073/pnas.1720798115">the</a> <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8462900/">past</a> <a href="https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.aau4921">2,000</a> <a href="https://europepmc.org/article/MED/31350885">years</a>) – as well as to ancestries from more distant regions of South America. </p>
<p>It’s worth noting these “ancestries” are based on DNA and don’t necessarily overlap with the peoples’ cultural identities, although they sometimes would.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539467/original/file-20230726-15-k5kf9x.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539467/original/file-20230726-15-k5kf9x.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539467/original/file-20230726-15-k5kf9x.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539467/original/file-20230726-15-k5kf9x.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539467/original/file-20230726-15-k5kf9x.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539467/original/file-20230726-15-k5kf9x.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539467/original/file-20230726-15-k5kf9x.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539467/original/file-20230726-15-k5kf9x.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">We sequenced ancient DNA from the remains of 68 individuals buried at Machu Picchu and Cusco.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">The Australian Centre for Ancient DNA/The University of Adelaide</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Were the people buried at Machu Picchu genetically similar to those who had lived in the area since before Pachacuti’s reign? Or were they related to ancestries from more distant regions? </p>
<p>If the latter was true, we could safely assume they (or their parents) had come to Machu Picchu from faraway lands.</p>
<h2>Journeying to a life of servitude</h2>
<p>Of all the DNA samples we analysed, we found 17 individuals had ancestry from one of the distant sources tested (coloured on the map below). These included all regions of the Peruvian coast and highlands, as well as the Amazon regions of Peru, Ecuador and Colombia. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/538949/original/file-20230724-25-z31wsu.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/538949/original/file-20230724-25-z31wsu.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/538949/original/file-20230724-25-z31wsu.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=558&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/538949/original/file-20230724-25-z31wsu.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=558&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/538949/original/file-20230724-25-z31wsu.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=558&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/538949/original/file-20230724-25-z31wsu.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=701&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/538949/original/file-20230724-25-z31wsu.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=701&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/538949/original/file-20230724-25-z31wsu.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=701&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">This map of South America shows different genetic ancestries represented in different regions. The black line shows the full extent of the Inca Empire, while the inset shows Machu Picchu and other royal sites.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adg3377">Salazar et al., 2023</a>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Only seven of the buried individuals had ancestry that could be linked to Peru’s vast southern highlands where Machu Picchu and Cusco reside. However, we can’t confirm they were local to Machu Picchu itself.</p>
<p>The remaining 13 individuals had blended ancestry, including from as far away as Brazil and Paraguay. They might have been the offspring of individuals from different lands who met at Machu Picchu – or could be linked to yet unknown South American ancestries. </p>
<p>As for close family relationships, we only discovered one pair: a mother and daughter. </p>
<p>Remarkably, all the individuals were buried together in the major cemeteries, irrespective of their ancestry. This could imply they were considered equal in status to one another, which in turn would suggest they were born elsewhere and arrived at Machu Picchu independently, occasionally forming relationships and having children.</p>
<p>It’s likely these people were from a <a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2073-4425/12/2/215">class of</a> “chosen women” called <em>acllacona</em>, and a similar class of men called <em>yanacona</em>. Individuals in these groups were selected from their homes at a young age and permanently assigned to state, aristocratic or religious service. </p>
<p>After arriving at Machu Picchu, they would have spent the rest of their lives serving the royal estate.</p>
<p>Although we don’t know how much (if any) coercion was involved in the process of these people coming to Machu Picchu, analyses of the bones suggest they lived comfortable lives. Many lived to old age and showed no signs of malnutrition, disease, or injury from warfare or heavy labour.</p>
<h2>A diversity hotspot</h2>
<p>Importantly, the human remains we found that predated the Inca empire did not exhibit high levels of diversity. This suggests it was indeed the establishment of the Inca empire that led people from far and wide to Machu Picchu.</p>
<p>Further, our examination of individuals from Cusco showed less diversity than at Machu Picchu, but more than other regional sites. This is probably because the extensive highland area had a long history of interactions between different peoples before the rise of the Inca empire.</p>
<p>Our findings paint a captivating picture of Machu Picchu as a true hotspot of diversity within the Inca imperial realm – setting it apart as a culturally rich hub within the ancient landscape.</p>
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<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Roberta Davidson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Machu Picchu is now an iconic tourist destination in Peru – but it was once a royal palace that pulled people from all corners of the Inca empire.Roberta Davidson, PhD candidate in Genetic Anthropology, University of AdelaideLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2085612023-07-05T12:24:00Z2023-07-05T12:24:00Z‘Global China’ is a big part of Latin America’s renewable energy boom, but homegrown industries and ‘frugal innovation’ are key<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534468/original/file-20230627-30373-rvj0lj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=77%2C51%2C8549%2C5691&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Lithium, essential for EV batteries, could be South America's white gold.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/ChileLithium/64ba9a1bc61144b6ae28b5668dd6d07a/photo">AP Photo/Rodrigo Abd</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The story of renewable energy’s rapid rise in Latin America often focuses on Chinese influence, and for good reason. China’s government, banks and companies have propelled the continent’s energy transition, with about <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6Z58qGx2rP4">90% of all wind and solar technologies</a> installed there produced by Chinese companies. China’s <a href="https://www.weforum.org/organizations/state-grid-corporation-of-china">State Grid</a> now controls <a href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/its-electric-chinas-power-play-latin-america">over half of Chile’s</a> regulated energy distribution, enough to raise concerns in the Chilean government. </p>
<p>China has also become a major investor in Latin America’s critical minerals sector, a treasure trove of <a href="https://direct.mit.edu/glep/article/23/1/20/111308/The-Security-Sustainability-Nexus-Lithium">lithium</a>, <a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/04/11/how-indonesia-used-chinese-industrial-investments-to-turn-nickel-into-new-gold-pub-89500">nickel</a>, <a href="https://eba.se/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/DDB_2016_9_Malm_webb.pdf">cobalt</a> and <a href="https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9781501714597/rare-earth-frontiers/#bookTabs=1">rare earth elements</a> that are crucial for developing electric vehicles, wind turbines and defense technologies.</p>
<p>In 2018, the Chinese company Tianqi Lithium purchased a <a href="https://www.iea.org/reports/the-role-of-critical-minerals-in-clean-energy-transitions">23% share</a> in one of Chile’s largest lithium producers, Sociedad Química y Minera. More recently, in 2022, Ganfeng Lithium bought a major evaporative lithium project in Argentina for <a href="https://www.bu.edu/gdp/2023/04/20/china-latin-america-and-the-caribbean-economic-bulletin-2023-edition/">US$962 million</a>. In April 2023, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Chinese President Xi Jinping signed around 20 agreements to <a href="https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/what-the-lula-xi-partnership-means-for-the-world/">strengthen their countries’ already close relationship</a>, including in the areas of trade, climate change and the energy transition.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Juan Carlos Jobet and Carolina Schmidt, wearing matching fleece jackets, walk on either side Xie Zhenhua, who is wearing in a suit and tie, along a row of solar panels." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534909/original/file-20230629-25-zguqfv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534909/original/file-20230629-25-zguqfv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=405&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534909/original/file-20230629-25-zguqfv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=405&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534909/original/file-20230629-25-zguqfv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=405&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534909/original/file-20230629-25-zguqfv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=509&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534909/original/file-20230629-25-zguqfv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=509&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534909/original/file-20230629-25-zguqfv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=509&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">China’s interest in South America’s energy resources has been growing for years. In 2019, China’s special representative for climate change, Xie Zhenhua, met with Chile’s then-ministers of energy and environment, Juan Carlos Jobet and Carolina Schmidt, in Chile.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/chilean-energy-minister-juan-carlos-jobet-chinas-special-news-photo/1162986090?adppopup=true">Martin Bernetti/AFP via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>China’s growing influence over global clean energy supply chains and its leverage over countries’ energy systems have <a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/china-influence-latin-america-argentina-brazil-venezuela-security-energy-bri">raised international concerns</a>. But the relationship between China and Latin America is also increasingly complicated as Latin American countries try to secure their resources and their own clean energy futures.</p>
<p>Alongside international investments, Latin American countries are fostering energy innovation cultures that are homegrown, dynamic, creative, often grassroots and frequently overlooked. These range from sophisticated innovations with high-tech materials to a phenomenon known as “frugal innovation.” </p>
<h2>Chile looks to the future</h2>
<p>Chile is an example of how Latin America is embracing renewable energy while trying to plan a more self-reliant future.</p>
<p>New geothermal, solar and <a href="https://www.evwind.es/2023/02/13/repsol-and-ibereolica-renovables-start-producing-electricity-at-the-atacama-wind-farm-chile/90178">wind power</a> projects – some built with Chinese backing, <a href="https://www.eulaif.eu/en/news/first-concentrated-solar-power-plant-latin-america-built-support-eu-laif-kfw-and-corfo">but not all</a> – have pushed Chile far past its 2025 renewable energy goal. <a href="https://www.iea.org/countries/chile">About one-third</a> of the country is now powered by clean energy.</p>
<p>But the big prize, and a large part of China’s interest, lies buried in Chile’s Atacama Desert, home to the world’s <a href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/all-eyes-chile-amid-global-scramble-lithium">largest lithium reserves</a>. Lithium, a silvery-white metal, is essential for producing lithium ion batteries that power most electric vehicles and utility-scale energy storage. Countries around the world have been scrambling to secure lithium sources, and the Chilean government is determined to keep control over its reserves, currently about <a href="https://pubs.usgs.gov/periodicals/mcs2021/mcs2021-lithium.pdf">one-half of the planet’s known supply</a> .</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A worker carries a large hose along the edge of a turquoise lithium pond. The worker is wearing a facemask against the dust and reflective gear." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534465/original/file-20230627-25-yw2py4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534465/original/file-20230627-25-yw2py4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534465/original/file-20230627-25-yw2py4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534465/original/file-20230627-25-yw2py4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534465/original/file-20230627-25-yw2py4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534465/original/file-20230627-25-yw2py4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534465/original/file-20230627-25-yw2py4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Brine slowly turns into lithium at the Albemarle lithium mine in Chile’s Atacama Desert.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/ChileLithium/7ec3d5fa4a5c4a98a60138eda15146d9/photo">AP Photo/Rodrigo Abd</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In April 2023, Chile’s president announced a <a href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/chiles-national-lithium-strategy-new-beginning">national lithium strategy</a> to ensure that the state holds partial ownership of some future lithium developments. The move, which has yet to be approved, has <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/05/26/chile-lithium-batteries-mining-environment-climate-energy-transition/">drawn complaints</a> that it could slow production. </p>
<p>However, the government aims to <a href="https://www.investchile.gob.cl/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/brochure-litio-.pdf">increase profits from lithium production</a> while strengthening environmental safeguards and sharing more wealth with the country’s citizens, including local communities impacted by lithium projects. Latin America has seen its resources <a href="https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2017/10/05/NA100517-Missed-Opportunities-The-Economic-History-of-Latin-America">sold out from under it</a> before, and Chile doesn’t intend to lose out on its natural value this time.</p>
<h2>Learning from foreign investors</h2>
<p>Developing its own renewable energy industry has been a priority in Chile for well over a decade, but it’s been a rough road at times.</p>
<p>In 2009, the government began establishing national and international centers of excellence – <a href="https://anid.cl/centros-e-investigacion-asociativa/centros-de-excelencia-internacional/">Centros de Excelencia Internacional</a> – for research in strategic fields such as solar energy, geothermal energy and climate resilience. It invited and co-financed foreign research institutes, such as Europe’s influential <a href="https://www.fraunhofer.de/en.html">Fraunhofer institute</a> and France’s <a href="https://www.engie.com/en/innovation-transition-energetique/centres-de-recherche/crigen">ENGIELab</a>, to establish branches in Chile and conduct applied research. The latest is a <a href="https://www.oecd.org/dev/Corfo-Session_7_Chilean-Clean_Technologies_Institute.pdf">center for the production of lithium using solar energy</a>.</p>
<p>The government expected that the centers would work with local businesses and research centers, transferring knowledge to feed a local innovation ecosystem. However, reality hasn’t yet matched the expectations. The foreign institutions brought their own trained personnel. And except for the recently established institute for lithium, officials tell us that low financing has been a major problem.</p>
<h2>Chile’s startup incubator and frugal innovation</h2>
<p>While big projects get the headlines, more is going on under the radar.</p>
<p>Chile is home to one of the largest public incubators and seed accelerators in Latin America, <a href="https://startupchile.org/">StartUp Chile</a>. It has helped several local startups that offer important innovations in food, energy, social media, biotech and other sectors.</p>
<p>Often in South America, this kind of innovation is born and developed in a resource-scarce context and under technological, financial and material constraints. This “frugal innovation” emphasizes sustainability with substantially lower costs.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/wYcRSGDB_d4?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Reborn Electric Motors converts old fossil fuel buses into fully electric versions. They are used in urban areas and also by the mining industry.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>For example, the independent Chilean startup <a href="https://rebornelectric.cl/">Reborn Electric Motors</a> has developed a business converting old diesel bus fleets into fully electric buses. Reborn was founded in 2016 when the national electromobility market in Chile was in its early stages, before China’s BYD ramped up electric bus use in local cities. </p>
<p>Reborn’s retrofitted buses are both technologically advanced and significantly cheaper than their Chinese counterparts. While BYD’s new electric bus costs roughly US$320,000, a retrofitted equivalent from Reborn costs roughly half, around $170,000. The company has also secured funding to develop a prototype for <a href="https://rebornelectric.cl/hydra-consortium-of-which-reborn-electric-motors-is-a-part-begins-testing-of-the-green-hydrogen-prototype-for-mining-vehicles/">running mining vehicles on green hydrogen</a>.</p>
<p>Bolivia’s “tiny supercheap EV” developed by homegrown startup <a href="https://tuquantum.com/">Industrias Quantum Motors</a> is another example of frugal innovation in the electric vehicles space. The startup aspires to bring electric mobility widely to the Latin American population. It offers the tiniest EV car possible, one that can be plugged into a standard wall socket. The car costs around $6,000 and has a range of approximately 34 miles (55 kilometers) per charge.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A tiny car big enough for one person, with no passenger seats, drives down a street of brick buildings. Quantum Motors, its maker, is based in Bolivia." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534466/original/file-20230627-34413-fbnmsn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534466/original/file-20230627-34413-fbnmsn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=417&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534466/original/file-20230627-34413-fbnmsn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=417&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534466/original/file-20230627-34413-fbnmsn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=417&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534466/original/file-20230627-34413-fbnmsn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=524&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534466/original/file-20230627-34413-fbnmsn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=524&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534466/original/file-20230627-34413-fbnmsn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=524&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Quantum Motors, a startup in Bolivia, launched its affordable mini-vehicles in 2019.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/BoliviaElectricCars/27f7b88da1d147408aca8fca231b4599/photo">AP Photo/Juan Karita</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><a href="https://www.phineal.com/en/home_en/">Phineal</a> is another promising Chilean company that offers clean energy solutions, focusing on solar energy projects. Its projects include solar systems installation, electromobility technology and technology using blockchain to improve renewable energy management in Latin America. Many of these are highly sophisticated and technologically advanced projects that have found markets overseas, including in Germany.</p>
<h2>Looking ahead to green hydrogen</h2>
<p>Chile is also diving into another cutting-edge area of clean energy. Using its abundant solar and wind power to <a href="https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/fandd/issues/2022/12/country-case-chile-bet-on-green-hydrogen-Bartlett">produce green hydrogen</a> for export as a fossil fuel replacement has become a government priority.</p>
<p>The government is developing a <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2023/01/how-chile-is-becoming-a-leader-in-renewable-energy/">public-private partnership</a> of an unprecedented scale in Chile for hydrogen production and has committed to cover 30% of an expected <a href="https://energia.gob.cl/sites/default/files/national_green_hydrogen_strategy_-_chile.pdf">$193 million public and private investment</a>, funded in part by its lithium and copper production. Some questions surround the partnership, including Chile’s lack of experience administering such a large project and concerns about the <a href="https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/fandd/issues/2022/12/country-case-chile-bet-on-green-hydrogen-Bartlett">environmental impact</a>. The government claims Chile’s green energy production could <a href="https://energia.gob.cl/sites/default/files/national_green_hydrogen_strategy_-_chile.pdf">eventually rival its mining industry</a>.</p>
<p>With plentiful hydropower and sunshine, Latin America already meets a <a href="https://www.mapfreglobalrisks.com/gerencia-riesgos-seguros/articulos/energias-renovables-tendencias-en-latinoamerica/">quarter of its energy demand</a> with renewables – nearly twice the global average. Chile and its neighbors envision those numbers only rising.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/208561/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Zdenka Myslikova is affiliated with the Climate Policy Lab in The Fletcher School at Tufts University.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nathaniel Dolton-Thornton is affiliated with the Climate Policy Lab in The Fletcher School at Tufts University.</span></em></p>China is a major investor in Latin America’s renewable energy and critical minerals like lithium, but countries like Chile are also taking steps to secure their own clean energy future.Zdenka Myslikova, Postdoctoral Scholar in Clean Energy Innovation, Tufts UniversityNathaniel Dolton-Thornton, Assistant Researcher in Climate Policy, Tufts UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2052632023-07-04T13:57:42Z2023-07-04T13:57:42ZThe forgotten Amazon: as a critical summit nears, politicians must get serious about deforestation in Bolivia<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534132/original/file-20230626-15-x9sq5p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Deforestation in Santa Cruz, Bolivia (2021). Photo courtesy of Overview.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.over-view.com/">https://www.over-view.com/</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>When asked to situate the world’s most iconic rainforest on a map, most people will pinpoint Brazil. And given the intense media coverage of the country’s deforestation and fires – concerns reached a peak under former president <a href="https://theconversation.com/amazon-fires-jair-bolsonaro-faces-mounting-political-backlash-in-brazil-even-from-his-allies-122512">Jair Bolsonaro and his free-for-all approach</a> – they might also imagine a thick black soot clinging to the remaining trees. While newly re-elected president Lula da Silva has vowed to prioritize the Amazon forest and sparked hope among environmentalists, deforestation in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-amazon-is-not-safe-under-brazils-new-president-a-roads-plan-could-push-it-past-its-breaking-point-200691">Brazilian section of Amazon</a> remains of deep concern.</p>
<p>That interest is only set to grow as Brazil gets ready to host a high-level meeting to renew the <a href="https://tvpworld.com/69033237/brazil-to-renew-amazon-rainforest-protection-organization">Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization</a> (ACTO) in the northern town of Belem on 8 and 9 August. Bringing together the eight countries containing the Amazon forest – Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru, Suriname, and Venezuela – along with senior officials from the United States and France, the event will enable them to discuss how to attract investment, fight deforestation, protect indigenous communities and encourage sustainable development. </p>
<p>The meeting will also be the occasion for sustainability scientists such as ourselves to draw attention to one of the Amazonian ecosystems that will be just as vital to protect if we are to limit global warming to the safer threshold of 1.5C above pre-industrial levels: Bolivia.</p>
<h2>One of the highest carbon-emitting countries per capita</h2>
<p>I have studied the flows that contribute to deforestation in the Amazon for more than five years. Earlier this year, I met with academics, environmental NGOs, smallholder farmers, and multilateral development banks in Bolivia to learn more about their work to protect the Bolivian Amazon.</p>
<p>Bolivia is not only at the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jan/25/bolivia-lithium-mining-salt-flats">centre of the current international rush for lithium</a>. It is also one of the world leaders in deforestation. According to <a href="https://gfw.global/3zUFwQN">Global Forest Watch</a>, the country lost more than 3,3 million hectares of humid primary forest from 2002 to 2021 to deforestation, or the equivalent of 4 million soccer fields, with an exponential growth in deforestation rates of more than 5.5% per year over the last two decades.</p>
<p>Bolivia’s forests have also increasingly been forced to cope with a combination of drought and large wildfires. In 2020 alone, 4,5 million hectares were affected by such fires, of which more than 1 million hectares took place in protected areas (data from <a href="https://incendios.fan-bo.org/Satrifo/mapa-interactivo/">Fundación Amigos de la Naturaleza</a>) – and the deforestation trend is worsening (see Figure 1). As a result, Bolivia has placed itself at the <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fclim.2022.1026344/full">top of carbon-emitting countries per capita</a>, with emissions of 25 tCO2eq per person per year – more than five times higher than the global average, ahead of large economies like the United States and the United Arab Emirates.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534345/original/file-20230627-21-ufsunt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534345/original/file-20230627-21-ufsunt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=720&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534345/original/file-20230627-21-ufsunt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=720&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534345/original/file-20230627-21-ufsunt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=720&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534345/original/file-20230627-21-ufsunt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534345/original/file-20230627-21-ufsunt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534345/original/file-20230627-21-ufsunt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Figure 1. Map of deforestation in Bolivia in the Amazon, and in the Chaco, Chicitanian and Pantanal regions, 1985-2022.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Fundación amigos de la naturaleza (FAN), Bolivia</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Accelerated deforestation might seem paradoxical in a country known internationally for its commitment to the <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/transnational-environmental-law/article/living-in-harmony-with-nature-a-critical-appraisal-of-the-rights-of-mother-earth-in-bolivia/C819E1C4EE0848C3F244EFB0C200FE65">“Rights of Mother Earth”</a>. But it seems that the government has chosen to prioritize economic development based on natural resources over its promises to become stewards of Nature.</p>
<p>The accelerated loss of tropical rainforest is the result of destructive and familiar combination: increased global demand for commodities such as soy and cattle, and extractive national and regional policies with the explicit ambition to boost <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0264837722001739">economic growth</a> with little consideration on its environmental impact.</p>
<p>Soybean production has accelerated from <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fclim.2022.1026344/full">negligible levels in 1970 to almost 1.4 million hectares in 2020, and 5 million hectares deforested since 2001 is mainly used for cattle</a>. A similar trend can be observed <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/power-struggle-divides-bolivia-soy-rich-santa-cruz-demands-more-clout-2022-11-21/">for the export of beef in the last years</a>, as well as for mining. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534353/original/file-20230627-17-51djxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534353/original/file-20230627-17-51djxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/534353/original/file-20230627-17-51djxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534353/original/file-20230627-17-51djxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534353/original/file-20230627-17-51djxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534353/original/file-20230627-17-51djxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534353/original/file-20230627-17-51djxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/534353/original/file-20230627-17-51djxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Agro-forestry field in Pando region, northern Bolivia (February 8, 2023).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Victor Galaz</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Between 2015 and 2021, the number of mining concessions in the country’s Amazon regions (La Paz, Beni and Pando) has increased from 88 to 341 while the mining area (<em>cuadriculas</em> in Spanish) have increased from 3,789 to 15,710 (+414%). According to Bolivian mining law, a <em>cuadricula</em> is a square of 500 meters per side, with a total surface area of 25 hectares, according to the Study Center for Labor and Agrarian Development (CEDLA). The rapid expansion of illegal gold mining in the Amazon powers one of the country’s <a href="https://oec.world/en/profile/country/bol">largest export industries</a>. As global gold prices have increased, the industry is creating massive social and environmental challenges as well as <a href="https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-05-06/bolivias-mercury-dilemma-the-metal-that-both-feeds-and-poisons-the-countrys-amazon-region.html">severe health threats to indigenous communities</a>.</p>
<p>This expansion is fuelled in part by generous fossil-fuel subsidies, which in turn finance the growth of the soy, cattle and mineral sector. According to 2021 data from the <a href="https://www.imf.org/-/media/Files/Topics/Environment/energy-subsidies/fuel-subsidies-template-2022.ashx">International Monetary Fund</a> fossil-fuel subsidies consume 6,7% of Bolivia’s GDP. In addition, illegal settlements in the lowlands feed from these larger economic changes as communities transform forests into agricultural production lands through <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23802014.2022.2146182">destructive slash-and-burn techniques</a>, which increase wildfire risks.</p>
<h2>How to save the Amazon</h2>
<p>Regional collaboration to protect the Amazon took a serious hit during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. The announced revitalization of cooperation in the Amazon basin and surrounding forests through the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization offers a unique window of opportunity to end deforestation. But this opportunity will be wasted unless the following key issues are addressed.</p>
<ul>
<li><p><strong>Pan-continental regulation</strong>: It is no secret that countries that enforce strict forest-conservation laws tend to see the most ruthless industries emigrate to less-regulated countries; experts call this phenomenon <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X17302085">“deforestation leakage”</a>. To protect the Amazon in Brazil, the international community therefore has every interest in ensuring that Bolivia is not forgotten. <a href="https://databank.worldbank.org/source/worldwide-governance-indicators">World Bank data</a> shows that Bolivia is a perfect destination for its neighbours’ predatory sectors, with much of the state’s regulation rolled back in the past 10 years.<br><br>To counter this, the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization should form a task force that directly addresses such cross-border leakage risks to protect the forests of the region, and the people who depend on them for their livelihoods. Lessons from studies of the <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X17302085">effects of previous zero-deforestation policies</a>] will offer useful guidance in these ambitions. Countries should ramp up their support for cross-border supply chain transparency, provide enough resources to enforce environmental legislation on the ground, and make sure indigenous rights are properly protected.</p></li>
<li><p><strong>Phasing out forest-hungry policies and industries</strong>: The case of Bolivia also highlights a general challenge that countries in the region are facing: the need to not only “scale up” green financial innovations, but also actively <a href="https://financetransformation.earth/full-report/">phase out unsustainable economic activities, harmful subsidies and policies that increase inequality</a>. <br><br>Don’t get us wrong: saying goodbye to industries like unchecked cattle ranching, and incentives such as fossil-fuel subsidies will take strong political will. But the world abounds with examples to draw inspiration from. Two include the <a href="https://www.iisd.org/articles/insight/just-energy-transition-partnerships">Just Energy Transition Partnership</a> that was concluded at the annual climate summit in Glasgow, COP26 and the <a href="https://www.climatechangenews.com/2022/10/27/climate-fund-approves-plan-to-speed-up-coal-retirement-in-indonesia/">international support to help decarbonize coal retirement in Indonesia</a>. They show it is possible to move away from harmful industries while making sure local communities aren’t left behind.</p></li>
<li><p><strong>Cleaning up the finance industry</strong>: In today’s globalized economy, large companies often rely on capital from financial institutions to conduct their operations. The financial sector has made progress in <a href="https://www.unpri.org/pri-blog/investors-must-act-now-to-tackle-deforestation-and-threats-to-indigenous-people-in-the-amazon/5985.article">mobilizing its influence</a> as owners and lenders to put pressure on industries associated with deforestation risks in the Brazilian Amazon. The sector must now mobilize to help protect the enlarged Bolivian Amazon. </p></li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41558-022-01558-4">Cascading negative changes resulting from deforestation, such as disrupted hydrological cycles</a>, <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s43247-023-00704-w">negative health impacts</a>, and <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41586-021-03876-7">biodiversity loss</a> will eventually impact negatively on investments. The financial sector thus needs to support national legislation and financial regulation that shift investments away from <a href="https://www.science.org/doi/abs/10.1126/science.abp8622">extractive economic practices that amplify social inequalities</a>, toward new ways of protecting forests while simultaneously promoting education, health, sanitation, employment, and other development goals. Major initiatives like the United Nations’ <a href="https://www.unpri.org/">Principles for Responsible Investment</a>, pension funds in the Global North, and international development banks must work closely with countries around the Amazon basin to make sure deforestation and climate ambitions are translated into action.</p>
<p>Bolivia’s forests, and the communities that depend on their resilience for their livelihoods, are facing a perfect deforestation storm. Swift national and international action is of the essence.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>This article was co-written with Guido Meruvia Schween, a programme officer at the Swedish Embassy in La Paz, Bolivia.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/205263/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Victor Galaz conducted the visit to Bolivia in his additional capacities as member of the governing board of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). </span></em></p>Surging deforestation in Bolivia means the country now ranks as one of the highest carbon emitters in the world.Victor Galaz, Deputy Director and Associate Professor, Stockholm Resilience Centre, Stockholm UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2072712023-06-08T12:29:09Z2023-06-08T12:29:09ZAstrud Gilberto spread bossa nova to a welcoming world – but got little love back in Brazil<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/530684/original/file-20230607-27-zy6mft.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C12%2C4083%2C2920&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Astrud Gilberto backstage at New York City's Birdland Jazz Club in 1964.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/jazz-singer-astrud-gilberto-pose-for-a-portrait-backstage-news-photo/158229367?adppopup=true">Popsie Randolph/Michael Ochs Archives via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Astrud Gilberto didn’t set out to be <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/06/06/entertainment/astrud-gilberto-death/index.html">an ambassador of bossa nova</a>, the laid-back Brazilian musical genre with rhythms recognizable to music lovers around the world.</p>
<p>According to Gilberto, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/06/arts/music/astrud-gilberto-dead.html">who died on June 5, 2023</a>, at the age of 83, she wasn’t expecting to be on the 1964 recording of “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/olympics/2016/live-updates/rio-games/scores-and-latest-news/the-back-story-on-the-girl-from-ipanema/">The Girl from Ipanema</a>” – the song for which she is best remembered.</p>
<p>At the time of the recording, she wasn’t even a professional singer.</p>
<p>But Gilberto’s breathy singing voice – almost a whisper, with no hint of a vibrato – helped catapult the song, the singer and bossa nova to the forefront of international pop music. </p>
<p>But while she went on to achieve global fame, back home in Brazil, Gilberto was never given the respect that I believe her talent deserved. In 1966, in the only major performance she gave in her home country, she was booed.</p>
<h2>When bossa went big</h2>
<p>Astrud Gilberto and “The Girl from Ipanema” marked a turning point in bossa nova. </p>
<p>The genre had appeared in Rio de Janeiro in 1958, when <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/06/arts/music/joao-gilberto-dead-bossa-nova.html">João Gilberto</a> invented a new beat on his guitar out of the traditional samba. Compared to samba, bossa nova featured a more relaxed rhythm, with an emphasis on harmonic melodies that João Gilberto and composer <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1994/12/09/obituaries/antonio-carlos-jobim-composer-dies-at-67.html">Antônio Carlos Jobim</a> had drawn from American jazz.</p>
<p>In 1963, American jazz saxophonist <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1991/06/07/obituaries/stan-getz-64-saxophonist-dies-a-melodist-with-his-own-sound.html">Stan Getz</a> invited João Gilberto and Jobim to record a jazz-bossa album with him in New York.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Man seated, looking away from the camera, cradling a saxophone." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/530715/original/file-20230607-15-pwuyaa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/530715/original/file-20230607-15-pwuyaa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530715/original/file-20230607-15-pwuyaa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530715/original/file-20230607-15-pwuyaa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530715/original/file-20230607-15-pwuyaa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530715/original/file-20230607-15-pwuyaa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530715/original/file-20230607-15-pwuyaa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">American saxophonist Stan Getz, photographed in the mid-1960s.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/american-jazz-musician-stan-getz-sits-outside-on-a-walkway-news-photo/3207831?adppopup=true">Hulton Archive/Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>At that time, jazz in the U.S. was waning in popularity, with other genres, such as rock ‘n’ roll, starting to attract more fans. Getz, in search of a new sound, had had huge success with his 1962 album, “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jazz_Samba">Jazz Samba</a>,” the only jazz album that had ever <a href="https://www.knkx.org/jazz/2022-03-24/celebrating-60-years-of-jazz-samba#:%7E:text=Jazz%20Samba%20is%20the%20only,Group%20(Instrumental)%20in%201963.">hit No. 1 on the Billboard pop charts</a>. The foray in bossa nova with two established stars of the genre was going to be his next move.</p>
<p>By then, many American music lovers were already somewhat familiar with bossa nova. Before Getz’s “Jazz Samba,” the 1959 hit Franco-Brazilian movie “<a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0053146/">Black Orpheus</a>,” with its theme “<a href="https://www.kuvo.org/stories-of-standards-manha-de-carnaval/">Manhã de Carnaval</a>,” had introduced the genre to a global audience – the film won the Palme d'Or at the Cannes Film Festival and a best foreign language Oscar in the U.S. </p>
<p>Jazz singer Tony Bennett was also an <a href="https://bloggingtonybennett.com/tag/bossa-nova/">early champion of the genre</a>, arriving home from a 1961 trip to Rio de Janiero with an armful of bossa records, and he may have inspired Getz to collaborate with some stars of the genre.</p>
<p>João Gilberto arrived to meet Getz at a Manhattan recording studio accompanied by his then-22-year-old wife, Astrud. </p>
<p>What happened next is contested, with Getz claiming credit for suggesting that Astrud sing two tracks: “The Girl From Ipanema” by Jobim and Vinicius de Moraes, and “Corcovado” or “Quiet Nights of Quiet Stars” by Jobim only. Astrud spoke English, along with a handful of other languages, in addition to her native Portuguese.</p>
<p>Astrud was, at that time, not a professional singer although she had sung in a couple of clubs in Rio de Janeiro. Nonetheless, she possessed a voice that suited the bossa style. Before bossa nova emerged, the Brazilian “cancioneiro” was dominated by an opera-like way of singing, where the singer imposed an image of grandiose figure to the audience. In the quiet and minimalist revolution of bossa nova, however, the singer’s personality is subdued; the music and the melody take center stage.</p>
<p>In that style, Astrud almost whispers her way through “The Girl From Ipanema” and “Quiet Nights of Quiet Stars.” Getz’s saxophone solos are similarly low-key. There is nothing flashy. It is all about the melody, the rhythm and the harmony.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Woman bathed in magenta light closes her eyes while singing." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/530686/original/file-20230607-27-finyvk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/530686/original/file-20230607-27-finyvk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530686/original/file-20230607-27-finyvk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530686/original/file-20230607-27-finyvk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530686/original/file-20230607-27-finyvk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530686/original/file-20230607-27-finyvk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530686/original/file-20230607-27-finyvk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Astrud Gilberto’s voice was perfectly suited for bossa nova.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/photo-of-astrud-gilberto-news-photo/86103973?adppopup=true">Simon Ritter/Redferns via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>And yet the restrained vocals and sax, together with the easy-flowing melody, proved a potent mix. When the track was released as a single in 1964 – with João Gilberto’s Portuguese verses cut out – it became a massive hit. Today, “The Girl from Ipanema” <a href="https://www.npr.org/2012/07/08/156430077/who-is-she-just-one-of-the-most-popular-songs-ever">is the second-most-recorded pop song of all time</a> – bested only by The Beatles’ “Yesterday.” </p>
<p>The album it appeared on, “Getz/Gilberto,” also became world famous, spawning a live follow-up, “Getz/Gilberto #2,” a year later. </p>
<h2>Brazil turns its back</h2>
<p>But the “Gilberto” in the album title was very much João, and not Astrud.</p>
<p>João Gilberto <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/music/features/astrud-gilberto-girl-from-ipanema-b2006879.html">was paid US$23,000</a> for the “Getz/Gilberto” session. Getz himself pocketed close to a million dollars from sales. Astrud reportedly received <a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/06/06/1180416189/astrud-gilberto-the-girl-from-ipanema-singer-dies-at-83">just $120</a>. She also didn’t make it onto the credits of the original album.</p>
<p>Indeed, as the song grew in popularity, Getz reportedly called Creed Taylor, head of Verve Records, to make sure Astrud <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/singers-and-the-song-ii-9780195122084?cc=us&lang=en&">would not be included in the share of the royalties</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="Album cover featuring abstract orange and black painting." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/530713/original/file-20230607-29-6w4o9i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/530713/original/file-20230607-29-6w4o9i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=601&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530713/original/file-20230607-29-6w4o9i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=601&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530713/original/file-20230607-29-6w4o9i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=601&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530713/original/file-20230607-29-6w4o9i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=755&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530713/original/file-20230607-29-6w4o9i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=755&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/530713/original/file-20230607-29-6w4o9i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=755&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">On the album cover for ‘Getz/Gilberto,’ there’s no mention of Astrud.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/cover-of-the-album-getz-gilberto-by-stan-getz-and-joao-news-photo/158624172?adppopup=true">Michael Ochs Archives/Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Nonetheless, back in Brazil she was portrayed as a “lucky girl” who found overnight fame simply for being in the right place, with the right man, at the right time.</p>
<p>She divorced João in 1964, and the press in Brazil blamed her for the collapse of the marriage, amid rumors of an affair with Getz. No doubt, the misogyny of Brazilian culture at the time played a role. Her son, Marcelo, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-65818566">later recalled in an interview</a> that “Brazil turned its back” on his mother, adding that “She achieved fame abroad at a time when this was considered treasonous by the press.”</p>
<p>Astrud Gilberto went on to have a successful career, releasing 17 original albums from 1964 to 2002 and collaborating with figures such as Quincy Jones, Chet Baker, Stanley Turrentine and George Michael.</p>
<p>Despite her success, she was never accepted as a star back in her native Brazil. In this, she was not alone: The country rarely embraces Brazilians who rise to stardom while living abroad, particularly in the U.S. Before Gilberto, singer <a href="https://www.si.edu/spotlight/latin-music-legends-stamps/carmen-miranda">Carmen Miranda</a> got the same cold shoulder. And Brazilians similarly shunned bossa nova legend <a href="https://www.sfjazz.org/tickets/productions/sergio-mendes-1920/">Sérgio Mendes</a>, who rose to fame in the late 1960s. </p>
<p>Astrud Gilberto ultimately only performed once in her native country after finding fame and emigrating to the United States in the mid-1960s. Despite a career that spanned four decades, Astrud was viewed by many in Brazil as merely João Gilberto’s wife – the girl that got lucky with that one hit record.</p>
<iframe style="border-radius:12px" src="https://open.spotify.com/embed/playlist/2Ad42omFKALIj6R38Xk95w?utm_source=generator" width="100%" height="380" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; fullscreen; picture-in-picture" loading="lazy"></iframe><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/207271/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mario Higa does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>During the only major performance she gave in her home country, Gilberto was booed.Mario Higa, Professor of Luso-Hispanic Studies, MiddleburyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2050012023-05-25T12:28:02Z2023-05-25T12:28:02ZLula’s diplomatic dance is nothing new for Brazil or its leader – what has changed is the world around him<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/528069/original/file-20230524-27-e2ybqj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=11%2C47%2C3982%2C2610&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Is Lula pursuing divisiveness or diplomatic pragmatism on the world stage?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/JapanG7Summit/e94fe64a66a64a7d8b08be562dc0845d/photo?Query=G7%20Lula&mediaType=photo&sortBy=arrivaldatetime:desc&dateRange=Anytime&totalCount=33&currentItemNo=2">AP Photo/Louise Delmotte</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva is a man currently very much <a href="https://www.chathamhouse.org/events/all/members-event/lula-part-two-brazils-role-international-stage">in demand in international circles</a>.</p>
<p>In April, the leftist leader was being courted by China during a <a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-china-lula-xi-trip-216ace0e80e6f0882571125c673f6964">high-profile visit to Beijing</a>. That was followed a month later with <a href="https://www.gov.br/planalto/en/latest-news/g7-summit-intense-schedule-of-bilateral-meetings-awaits-lula-in-japan">an invite to the G7 summit</a> in Japan, where Lula rubbed shoulders with leaders of the largest economies of the so-called Global North. In recent weeks Brazil’s president has also been busy <a href="https://venezuelanalysis.com/news/15678">restoring regional ties</a> in Latin America and <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/24/americas/brazil-lula-ukraine-peace-coalition-intl-latam/index.html">pushing a proposed path to peace</a> in Ukraine.</p>
<p>Lula’s diplomatic whirlwind has <a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-lula-foreign-policy-us-venezuela-iran-2ca10d070df6177a33e909c20acbe030">confounded his critics</a>. He has been accused of “<a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/lula-cozies-up-to-americas-enemies-brazil-kremlin-beijing-ukraine-catholic-church-bishop-alvarez-socialist-human-rights-nicaragua-iran-c7705711">cozying up” with the United States’ enemies</a> or “<a href="https://unherd.com/thepost/dont-blame-lula-for-playing-both-sides/">playing both sides</a>” over Ukraine.</p>
<p>But as a <a href="https://liberalarts.du.edu/about/people/rafael-r-ioris">scholar of Brazil and its position in the world</a>, I believe Lula’s actions reflect two main elements: one relating to global geopolitical developments, the other tied to the Brazilian leader’s long-held vision.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.csis.org/executive-education/courses/dynamics-and-implications-chinas-rise">rise of China</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/ukraine-invasion-2022-117045">the war in Ukraine</a> have underscored that the <a href="https://www.newsweek.com/end-unipolar-moment-opinion-1687036">unipolar reality of the 1990s</a> – under which the U.S. was the predominant power – is being seriously challenged. In its place appears to be <a href="https://www.eurasiagroup.net/live-post/bipolarity-is-back-why-it-matters">emerging a bipolar dynamic</a> in which Beijing and Washington battle for influence – or a <a href="https://theconversation.com/ukraine-war-has-exposed-the-folly-and-unintended-consequences-of-armed-missionaries-197609">multipolar world</a> in which regional powers compete for hegemony.</p>
<p>Anticipating this new world ordering, nations that have historically aligned with the European-U.S. center of power – particularly those in places like Latin America – are <a href="https://theconversation.com/ukraine-war-has-exposed-the-folly-and-unintended-consequences-of-armed-missionaries-197609">repositioning themselves</a>. This seems to be the case for Brazil, the largest nation and economy in South America. </p>
<h2>Waning US influence in Latin America</h2>
<p>During much of the 20th century, Brazil developed <a href="https://www.state.gov/u-s-relations-with-brazil/">in close economic cooperation with the U.S.</a> while managing to sustain a <a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/brazils-global-ambitions">largely autonomous foreign policy</a>.</p>
<p>But since 2001, U.S. influence in Brazil has diminished as Washington has pivoted its attentions away from the region to <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2021/09/07/reflections-on-the-long-term-repercussions-of-september-11-for-us-policy-in-the-middle-east/">first the Middle East</a> <a href="https://www.cfr.org/project/us-pivot-asia-and-american-grand-strategy">and then Asia</a>. In the same period, China replaced the United States as Brazil’s most important economic partner. <a href="https://santandertrade.com/en/portal/analyse-markets/brazil/foreign-trade-in-figures">Figures from 2021 show</a> China received 31% of Brazilian exports compared with the United States’ 11.2%, and supplied 22.8% of its imports, compared with the United States’ 17.7%.</p>
<h2>Reviving Lula-ism, strenghening the BRICS</h2>
<p>Meanwhile, Lula’s <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/01/01/americas/brazil-lula-da-silva-inauguration-intl/index.html#:%7E:text=Brazil's%20new%20President%20Luiz%20Inacio,Brazil%2C%20January%201%2C%202023.&text=The%20Senate%20president%20opened%20the,with%20a%20minute%20of%20silence.">return to the presidency</a> in January 2023 has <a href="https://apnews.com/article/lula-brazil-politics-100-hundred-days-bolsonaro-government-ada128391d4f855a5146192a50bc49a0">paved the way for a revival</a> of an ambitious and assertive foreign policy set out by the leader during his first term in office between 2003 and 2010.</p>
<p>During this earlier period, the metalworker-turned-president managed to sustain <a href="https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2007/03/20070331-3.html">good relations with both the Bush</a> <a href="https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-obama-and-president-lula-da-silva-brazil">and Obama administrations</a> while also seeking to diversify Brazil’s economic and geopolitical partners, especially in the Global South.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Two men in suits shake hands" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/528091/original/file-20230524-45026-eqan30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/528091/original/file-20230524-45026-eqan30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528091/original/file-20230524-45026-eqan30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528091/original/file-20230524-45026-eqan30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528091/original/file-20230524-45026-eqan30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=635&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528091/original/file-20230524-45026-eqan30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=635&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528091/original/file-20230524-45026-eqan30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=635&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva with U.S. President George W. Bush in 2003.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/brazilian-president-luiz-inacio-lula-da-silva-is-welcomed-news-photo/1243423329?adppopup=true">Manny Ceneta/AFP via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>He also played a central role in the <a href="https://asiatimes.com/2019/08/brics-was-created-as-a-tool-of-attack-lula/">creation of the BRICS</a>, a loosely defined multilateral bloc consisting of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The bloc has <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/26455170">helped reshape</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/09749101211067096">the economic</a> <a href="https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/The-BRICS-Reshape-the-Global-Geopolitical-Map-20230428-0012.html">and geopolitical balance</a> of the world over the past two decades.</p>
<p>Since returning to power, Lula sought to <a href="https://tvbrics.com/en/news/lula-da-silva-advocates-brics-currency-security-council-reform-and-new-world-order/">strengthen the BRICS bank</a> – a funding agency for developmental projects in the Global South that offers a financial alternative to the World Bank. In a show of intent, Lula <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2023/04/former-brazilian-president-named-as-head-of-china-based-new-development-bank/">pushed for the appointment</a> of ex-Brazilian president – and his former chief of staff – <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/former-brazilian-president-dilma-rousseff-is-new-brics-bank-chief-101679666146344.html">Dilma Rousseff to head the agency</a>. </p>
<p>Much as with his domestic agenda of <a href="https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/lula-back-what-does-mean-brazil">rebuilding social programs</a>, undermined by his predecessor Jair Bolsonaro, in the international arena Lula is looking to restart his project of strengthening Brazil’s ties with a variety of partners. In his first month in office, Lula <a href="https://theglobalamericans.org/2023/01/lula-and-the-revival-of-unasur-and-celac/">attended a meeting</a> of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean nations (CELAC) in Argentina, where he outlined a desire to strengthen Brazil’s relations in the region. </p>
<p>Soon after, he visited President Joe Biden in Washington, where both leaders <a href="https://www.braziloffice.org/en/articles/lula-and-biden-common-challenges-and-potential-shared-efforts-to-come">professed their mutual desire</a> to promote democracy and push for a more environmentally sound developmental path, particularly in the Amazon region.</p>
<p>Once that trip was concluded, <a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/04/13/1169648748/brazils-president-lula-travels-to-china-to-find-support-to-help-end-war-in-ukrai">Lula visited China</a> to deepen trade relations and to try to lead a <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/11/americas/lula-brazil-china-visit-intl-latam/index.html">peace effort for the war in Ukraine</a>. He then went to Europe to <a href="https://apnews.com/article/lula-portugal-visit-brazil-ukraine-39a6bf8c84f2ac20669cd9ee8e09252d">meet with traditional allies</a>, like Spain and Portugal. </p>
<h2>Divisive or dynamic diplomacy?</h2>
<p>All things considered, this “many friends” approach isn’t so different from Lula’s experiences of 20 years ago. Then, Brazil was largely welcomed as a <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/obama-says-most-popular-title-belongs-to-lula/articleshow/4352514.cms?from=mdr">rising diplomatic force</a> in the developing world. President Barack Obama, during a 2009 meeting, <a href="https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-obama-and-president-lula-da-silva-brazil">made special note</a> of Lula’s “forward-looking leadership … throughout Latin America and throughout the world.”</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Two men in coats walk side by side in front of a parade of military men." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/528092/original/file-20230524-19-1c3zr8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/528092/original/file-20230524-19-1c3zr8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528092/original/file-20230524-19-1c3zr8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528092/original/file-20230524-19-1c3zr8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528092/original/file-20230524-19-1c3zr8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528092/original/file-20230524-19-1c3zr8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/528092/original/file-20230524-19-1c3zr8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Lula inspects an honor guard with Chinese President Xi.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/brazilian-president-luiz-inacio-lula-da-silva-inspects-an-news-photo/1251815692?adppopup=true">Ken Ishii/Pool/Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>What has changed since are the domestic and global contexts in which Lula now operates. And what was once seen as a progressive pursuit of an autonomous and assertive foreign policy is now being interpreted by many in <a href="https://g1.globo.com/mundo/noticia/2023/04/17/para-casa-branca-brasil-papagueia-propaganda-russa-e-chinesa-sobre-a-ucrania.ghtml">Brazil</a> <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/entertainment/foreign-policy-brazil-lula-takes-141942941.html">and the West</a> as divisive, inappropriate or <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/lula-cozies-up-to-americas-enemies-brazil-kremlin-beijing-ukraine-catholic-church-bishop-alvarez-socialist-human-rights-nicaragua-iran-c7705711">even a betrayal</a> of Brazil’s traditional alignments. </p>
<p>Such a view, I believe, ignores not only Lula’s earlier international record but also a wider historical perspective. For more than a century, Brazil’s diplomatic efforts have <a href="http://funag.gov.br/loja/download/548-A_diplomacia_multilateral_do_Brasil_Um_tributo_a_Rui_Barbosa.pdf">focused on promoting multilateralism</a> and on <a href="http://funag.gov.br/loja/download/relacoes-internacionais-politica-externa-diplomacia-brasileira-volume-2.pdf">pushing for the peaceful</a> resolution of conflicts. </p>
<p>And while it drew closer to Western allies during World War II and the Cold War, successive governments in Brazil – be they progressive or conservative, <a href="https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=5627535">democratic or authoritarian</a> – pursued a policy of self-determination. Shaped by those dynamics, Brazil’s foreign policy has served the country well as an instrument of its own development. </p>
<h2>The need for a neutral peacemaker</h2>
<p>As such, Lula’s overtures to both traditional and new trading partners is not surprising. Nor is his plan to find a solution to the war in Ukraine through the <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/24/americas/brazil-lula-ukraine-peace-coalition-intl-latam/index.html">creation of a neutral bloc of mediating countries</a>.</p>
<p>While attending the G7 meeting at Hiroshima, Lula <a href="https://www.gov.br/planalto/en/latest-news/speech-by-president-lula-at-session-8-of-g7">stressed the need for peace talks</a> not only to end the tragedy in itself, but also because it was distracting the global community from focusing on other matters, such as global warming and hunger. </p>
<p>Perhaps some of his <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/24/americas/brazil-lula-ukraine-peace-coalition-intl-latam/index.html">statements about the war</a> could have made it clearer that he held Russia primarily responsible for the conflict – something that may have played a role in <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/brazils-lula-says-meeting-fell-through-because-ukraines-zelenskiy-was-late-2023-05-22/">the falling through of a planned meeting</a> with Ukraine leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the G7. But it should be remembered the contention that countries perceived as neutral, like Brazil, may have a better chance of bringing Russia to the negotiating table is a valid position.</p>
<h2>Not in Brazil’s interest to pick a side</h2>
<p>It is unclear at this early stage of his new presidency whether Lula can revive the international balancing act that he pulled off during his first period of governance. The world has changed since then, and economic and geopolitical disputes appear ever more prone to include a military dimension, as the war in Ukraine shows. And although Brazil could indeed play a peacemaking role, <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/kyiv-moscow-to-separately-host-african-leaders-to-discuss-grain-fertilizer-exports-amid-war">neither side</a> in the conflict seems ready to negotiate yet. Similarly, the growing rivalry between the U.S. and China will be difficult to navigate – and given the historic and current economic ties, Brazil cannot afford to pick a side. </p>
<p>In fact, not picking a side could work to Brazil’s advantage. It was only after Lula’s visit to China that the Biden administration announced an increase by tenfold of <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/04/20/americas/us-biden-amazon-fund-petro-intl-latam/index.html">its contribution to the Amazon Fund</a>. It is clear thus that in an increasingly divided world, Brazil’s nonaligned position could be the best path.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/205001/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Rafael R. Ioris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Lula’s courting of – or by – China and Western powers has confounded critics. But in reality, it is a continuation of the foreign policy he pursued during his earlier term in power.Rafael R. Ioris, Professor of Modern Latin America History, University of DenverLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.