tag:theconversation.com,2011:/africa/topics/yogyakarta-49283/articlesYogyakarta – The Conversation2019-05-07T01:31:40Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1106072019-05-07T01:31:40Z2019-05-07T01:31:40ZHow intolerance can persist in democratic countries: the case of Indonesia<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271281/original/file-20190428-194603-1u9c8e0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=7%2C0%2C991%2C664&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Democracy can still perform in Indonesia despite the absence of tolerance. Fifteen years after the Acehnese tsunami, various religious people visited mass graves built by Muslims in 2018.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Is tolerance among different groups a prerequisite for democracy?</p>
<p>Indonesia’s case shows that it’s not. Democracy, a system of government based on elected representation, is thriving in the world’s most populous Muslim country. Democratically elected presidents have governed Southeast Asia’s largest economy since the fall of Soeharto’s authoritarian regime in 1998. The country has just carried out elections in April. </p>
<p>At the same time intolerance of minority groups is widespread. </p>
<p>The capital, Jakarta, and former capital, Yogyakarta, located about 500km southeast from Jakarta, are top of the list on the <a href="https://www.bps.go.id/dynamictable/2017/05/04/1241/indeks-demokrasi-indonesia-idi-menurut-provinsi-2009-2017.html">Indonesia Democracy Index</a>. But they are also listed as <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/10t_zzYEUnz63C2P5q5lc7q7yR_zUEVh1/view">the most intolerant cities</a>, according to human rights advocacy group Setara Institute. Its latest report indicates that this is due to poor regulation and governance in response to intolerant practices in both cities.</p>
<p>Referring to these cases in Jakarta and Yogyakarta, we argue that democracy and tolerance are independent of each other. </p>
<p>Democracy can still perform in Indonesia despite intolerance of minority groups. To ensure that consensus as a prerequisite for a democratic society can be reached, the minority has no choice but to keep silent and succumb to the power of the majority. </p>
<h2>Democratic but intolerant in Yogyakarta and Jakarta</h2>
<p>Last year, Indonesia’s Statistics Agency published a report showing the <a href="https://www.bps.go.id/dynamictable/2017/05/04/1241/indeks-demokrasi-indonesia-idi-menurut-provinsi-2009-2016.html">Indonesian Democracy Index improved in 2017</a>, compared to 2016. The index rates each province in Indonesia based on its civil liberties, political rights and democratic institutions. </p>
<p>Yogyakarta, the seat of the Javanese monarch Hamengkubuwono X, has always <a href="https://www.bps.go.id/pressrelease/2018/08/15/1534/indeks-demokrasi-indonesia--idi--tingkat-nasional-2017-mengalami-peningkatan-dibandingkan-dengan-idi-nasional-2016.html">secured top spot</a> in the index in the past few years. </p>
<p>However, Yogyakarta’s tolerance index was the <a href="http://setara-institute.org/indeks-kota-toleran-tahun-2017/">sixth-lowest</a> compared to 93 other cities in 2017. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://crcs.ugm.ac.id/news/12185/unduh-buku-krisis-keistimewaan-di-yogyakarta.html">Centre for Religious and Cross-cultural Studies</a> identified around 66 violent conflicts in Yogyakarta between 2011 and 2016. In the latest case this year, <a href="https://www.straitstimes.com/asia/se-asia/indonesias-yogyakarta-city-in-spotlight-as-more-crosses-desecrated">11</a> wooden crosses at a Christian cemetery in Yogyakarta were destroyed. A village in Yogyakarta also recently <a href="https://kumparan.com/@kumparannews/slamet-ditolak-tinggal-di-dusun-karet-bantul-karena-bukan-muslim-1554185490394432521">barred</a> a non-Muslim from living in their village.</p>
<p>A similar pattern can be found in Jakarta.</p>
<p>The capital was rated <a href="https://www.bps.go.id/dynamictable/2017/05/04/1241/indeks-demokrasi-indonesia-idi-menurut-provinsi-2009-2016.html">Indonesia’s most democratic city</a> for three years: 2014, 2015 and 2017.</p>
<p>In 2016, <a href="https://jakarta.bps.go.id/pressrelease/2017/09/14/249/indeks-demokrasi-indonesia--idi--provinsi-dki-jakarta-2016-mencapai-angka-70-85.html">Jakarta lost that title</a> due to a combination of acts of communal violence by sections of society and a poor response from the local administration in handling these violent cases. Jakarta ranked 24th out of 34 provinces in 2016. </p>
<p>However, similar to Yogyakarta, Jakarta scored the lowest in the tolerance index in <a href="http://setara-institute.org/indeks-kota-toleran-tahun-2017/">2017</a>. </p>
<p>Jakarta gained its status as an intolerant city after intolerant practices by Muslim conservatives marred its gubernatorial election in 2017. In the end, the conservative groups ousted Christian-Chinese incumbent Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama. </p>
<p><iframe id="IoCnt" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/IoCnt/1/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<h2>Between democracy and tolerance</h2>
<p>There are at least two conditions to have a democratic society. First, it must ensure <a href="https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300194463/democracy">equality</a> for all actors to participate in decision-making processes. </p>
<p>Second, when <a href="https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.1990.0047">conflicts arise</a>, society can manage them within defined and universally accepted boundaries.</p>
<p>For example, imagine that you are attending a public forum or discussion to choose a leader for your community. The organiser announces that each one of you has the same right to participate and you are delighted to hear that. As the debates continue between different sides defending their arguments, you realise that things may become uncontrolled as no one wants to compromise and no one wants to lose. </p>
<p>Hours later, everybody is tired, and someone finally says: “Let’s remember that each one of us should have the same right to participate, therefore, let’s ask each one of us who is the better leader, then the one who has the most support wins.” </p>
<p>There you have the ideal condition that most democracies imagine today: participation and manageable conflict.</p>
<p>Let’s turn to tolerance. We define tolerance as putting up with those we disagree with, dislike, or who are different from us, without coercion. Don’t forget that the act of tolerance means that one side (the one that tolerates) accepts the other side (the one that is tolerated) so it masks unbalanced <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511487392">power relations</a>. Therefore, in the context of plural communities, tolerance from both sides is needed. </p>
<p>From the conceptual exercise, we can argue that tolerance is highly relevant in democracies because disagreements, dislikes and differences are inevitable in plural communities. </p>
<h2>Intolerant practices in the democratic sphere</h2>
<p>It is also important to note that consensus in a democratic society can be reached through domination by the majority that silences the minority. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.dw.com/id/noelle-neumann-pionir-peneliti-opini-publik-di-jerman/a-5398080">Elizabeth Noelle-Neumann</a>, a leading German researcher on public opinion, calls the process a “spiral of silence”. </p>
<p>From the “spiral of silence framework”, we can see how an idea takes hold in society. </p>
<p>We can see how this concept works through analysing how the rejection of Ahok, which was based on racial and religious grounds, could be accepted.</p>
<p>Ahok’s rejection was made possible through a mainstreaming of Islamic values via popular culture and daily lives. This process is called “<a href="https://law.unimelb.edu.au/centres/cilis/research/publications/cilis-policy-papers/normalising-intolerance-elections,-religion-and-everyday-life-in-indonesia">normalisation</a>”. </p>
<p>As a result of this normalisation, it is difficult to counter the intolerant narratives without being accused of being anti-Islam. Living in a Muslim-majority country, people fear the anti-Islam label. </p>
<p>A similar thing also happens in Yogyakarta. The minority tends to accept mistreatment by the majority as they feel the power of the majority is so big that it doesn’t leave any option for the minority but to succumb. They also feel that their fight against <a href="https://kontras.org/2018/11/16/kitaberhak-catatan-atas-hari-toleransi-internasional-2018/">intolerant practices</a> will be useless as those in authority and legal enforcers tend to defend the majority. </p>
<p>Both processes of mainstreaming and normalisation are arguably part of efforts to push ideas belonging to the majority to dominate the public sphere, while at the same time suppressing opposing ideas belonging to minority groups. </p>
<p>Democracy in Indonesia, then, seems to allow the majority to rule over the minority. What is happening in Jakarta and Yogyakarta shows that consensus in a democratic setting can be continuously achieved, but it will not always be a tolerant one.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/110607/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jimmy Daniel Berlianto Oley terafiliasi dengan The SMERU Research Institute. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Yudi Fajar M Wahyu terafiliasi dengan The SMERU Research Institute. </span></em></p>Let’s rethink the way we understand democracy and tolerance.Jimmy Daniel Berlianto Oley, Junior Researcher, SMERU Research InstituteYudi Fajar M Wahyu, Senior Researcher, SMERU Research InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1062512018-12-02T05:28:15Z2018-12-02T05:28:15ZAfter hosting Asian Para Games, Indonesia should make disability inclusion a priority<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/243636/original/file-20181102-83657-1j17n16.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1%2C1%2C997%2C661&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Athletes from Thailand in action during the Asian Para Games 2018. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">www.shutterstock.com/FocusDzign</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>To commemorate International Day of Person with Disabilities on December 3, 2018, we are publishing a series on rights of people with disabilities.</em> </p>
<hr>
<p>Indonesia successfully hosted the Asian Para Games in October. Not only did Indonesian Para athletes break their medal target like their fellow athletes competing in the Asian Games, the event <a href="https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2018/10/03/difabel-dalam-asian-para-games/">made disability no longer invisible</a>. </p>
<p>For many Indonesians, it was probably the first time they had been exposed to people with disabilities and to the different abilities they possess. </p>
<p>Lack of <a href="https://theconversation.com/improving-education-inclusion-for-disabled-people-in-indonesia-87677">inclusive schools</a> has prevented people with disabilities from sustaining life pathways that would enable them to reach their full capabilities. The special schools have led to segregation and discrimination. </p>
<p>The general public does not understand the challenges faced by people with disabilities to exercise their basic human rights to live independent lives. Lack of accessible infrastructure, public facilities and inclusive policies prevent them from participating on a par with their non-disabled peers.</p>
<p>Hosting the Asian Para Games was a milestone for inclusion in Indonesia. It forced the government to build accessible infrastructure and strengthen the campaign to change attitudes – barriers that have hindered people with disabilities from being included in the life of society.</p>
<p>But the work for disability inclusion should go beyond hosting a sporting event. It needs a continuous sustained effort involving government down to the village level working together with people with disabilities. </p>
<p>An example of this is found in Plembutan village, in Gunung Kidul, Yogyakarta. Its administration has included promotion of inclusion of people with disabilities in their village development agenda since 2014. </p>
<p>The village recently hosted the <em>Temu Inklusi</em> (Inclusive Meeting), the third biennial gathering of Disabled People Organisations (DPOs). The meeting brings together DPOs from the eastern and western parts of Indonesia, other civil society organisations and government representatives. </p>
<h2>The story of Plembutan village</h2>
<p><a href="http://plembutan-playen.desa.id/first/artikel/59">Plembutan village</a> is located in the district of Gunung Kidul and has 5,000 inhabitants. </p>
<p>The village leaders have been in talks with <a href="http://www.handicap-international-id.org/activity-update/287-the-installation-of-infrastructure-accessibility-in-plembutan-village-office">international organisations</a> and national DPOs such as SIGAB for a number of years. In 2017, the village released a decree to include vulnerable groups in village development. </p>
<p>Edi Suprianti, the village head, said the decree was to ensure the local village administration and community members include the participation of people with disabilities and change perceptions and attitudes towards disabilities. Not only is the village office now accessible, it regularly organises training and entrepreneurship workshops as a pathway for people with disabilities to live independently.</p>
<p>The village is the only one in Indonesia so far that has introduced inclusive village regulation. This regulation allows Edi to allocate funding from the village annual development budget to develop a model of social protection for people with disabilities. This helps to ensure they can live independently with dignity and respect. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/244236/original/file-20181107-74751-patv6r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/244236/original/file-20181107-74751-patv6r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/244236/original/file-20181107-74751-patv6r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/244236/original/file-20181107-74751-patv6r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/244236/original/file-20181107-74751-patv6r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/244236/original/file-20181107-74751-patv6r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/244236/original/file-20181107-74751-patv6r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"><em>Temu Inklusi</em> gathering at Plembutan village, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Disability movement</h2>
<p>At least seven of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) closely relate to the enhancement of the rights of persons with disabilities. Among these are social protection, quality education, economic independence, employment, inclusive public facilities and infrastructure and access to justice. </p>
<p>This year’s <em>Temu Inklusi</em> event, jointly organised by the Indonesian Coordinating Ministry for Human Development and Culture and Yogyakarta-based disabled people organisation SIGAB, aimed to contribute to efforts to implement the principles of the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities and the SDGs. </p>
<p>Disability activism in Indonesia has benefited from Indonesia’s political reform and democratisation. Indonesia started to see the founding of DPOs in the late 1980s and early 1990s. DPOs have been partnering with other civil society organisation and rights activists in influencing significant legal reform. </p>
<p>Indonesia ratified the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities in 2011. In 2016, it passed the Disability Rights Law. </p>
<p>The 2016 legislation originally required the Indonesian government to introduce <a href="https://www.gerakinklusi.id/RPP-Disabilitas-3">15 accompanying regulations</a>. These would regulate various aspects of disability inclusion from inclusive public facilities, employment and social welfare to access to justice. </p>
<p>However, <a href="https://www.solider.id/baca/3872-mengawal-tujuh-rpp-perencanaan-berpihak-difabel">the government has now compressed those 15 to seven regulations</a>. These cover planning, implementation and evaluation of the need of people with disabilities, accessible accommodation for legal services, and inclusive education, social welfare, accessible public facilities, incentive and concessions on services to people with disabilities. The law also requires the establishment of a National Disability Commission. </p>
<p>Progress in the drafting of these regulations has been slow as it requires cross-sectoral approach from various government ministries. These include the Ministry of National Development Planning, Ministry of Human Rights and Law, Ministry of Social Services, and Ministry of Public Facilities and Housing.</p>
<p>The Ministry of National Planning recently announced that the government will finally pass the regulation on appropriate accommodation for people with disabilities by the end of the year. </p>
<h2>How to move forward?</h2>
<p>An important insight from discussions at <em>Temu Inklusi</em> was that enhancing the rights of people with disabilities requires all sectors to work together. Practices at local level, such as in Desa Plembutan, resulted from the village engaging with organisations working in disability sectors. </p>
<p>Indonesia’s decentralisation and the introduction of Village Law in 2015 have given autonomy for villages to plan, prioritise and finance their development agendas based on their individual needs and priorities. </p>
<p>Currently, Indonesia lacks adequate national data on disabilities that might assist in properly planning for the prevalence of certain disabilities and particular needs of individuals. So, devolving responsibility to smaller administrative regions may work well as a strategy, for now.</p>
<p>As the campaigns for presidential and legislative elections have begun, we should look at what candidates are saying and plan to do to fulfil the unmet needs of people with disabilities.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/106251/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dina Afrianty receives funding from Knowledge Sector Initiative, funded by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and implemented in partnership with Indonesia’s National Development Planning Agency.
The opinions expressed in this article are the authors' own and do not represent the views of the Australian or Indonesian governments.</span></em></p>The work towards disability inclusion needs a continuous sustained effort involving government down to the village level working together with people with disabilities.Dina Afrianty, Research Fellow at La Trobe Law School, La Trobe UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1012772018-09-10T11:36:50Z2018-09-10T11:36:50ZPeople with disabilities bear the brunt of turf wars between conventional and online taxis<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233666/original/file-20180827-76003-143k1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=22%2C3%2C2453%2C1644&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">In an attempt to secure their market, conventional taxis enforce "red zones" – areas where online taxi drivers are barred from picking up passengers. This makes it difficult of people with disabilities to access transportation options.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>It was 8.45am when the Prambanan Express train from Surakarta arrived at Lempuyangan Station, Yogyakarta. My wife and I stepped out from the station and walked hurriedly to a spot under an overpass, 100 metres east of the station, where we could usually order an online taxi. </p>
<p>But after placing the order and being assigned a driver, I received a call from the driver asking us to walk north to a pickup spot across the railroad tracks. I was vexed that this was further away from the station. The spot where we were waiting was already some distance from the station. Now we must walk further. </p>
<p>But just as we stepped on the rails, the warning bell rang, a sign that a train was about to come through. We panicked and, as we turned back, a hard object hit me on the head. It was the wooden crossing barrier, which I hadn’t noticed, and it also struck my wife on her shoulder.</p>
<p>This is just one of the many disadvantages of trying to use ride-hailing apps at Lempuyangan Station. Those of us with visual impairments already face difficulties when we have to cross the tracks at night; imagine how much more difficult it is for those who have physical disabilities. </p>
<p>Instead of being a cheaper and safer transport option, getting an online taxi can actually be dangerous for people with disabilities in locations like Lempuyangan, where a so-called “red zone” is in force.</p>
<h2>The red zone</h2>
<p>Ride-hailing apps such as Uber, Gojek and Grab have disrupted the market for traditional taxi services in Indonesia. In an attempt to secure their market, conventional taxis enforce “red zones” – areas where online taxi drivers are barred from picking up passengers. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Baca juga:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/uber-and-gojek-just-the-start-of-disruptive-innovation-in-indonesia-43644">Uber and Gojek just the start of disruptive innovation in Indonesia</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>These red zones have no legal basis. They are defined simply by an understanding between conventional and online taxi drivers. </p>
<p>Conventional taxi drivers enforce these agreements, often using physical violence and intimidating online taxi drivers. Last June <a href="https://regional.kompas.com/read/2017/06/21/10541821/ini.zona.merah.taksi.online.di.yogyakarta">a group of conventional taxi drivers harassed and stripped an online taxi driver</a> accused of picking up passengers in the “red zone” of Adisutjipto Airport in Yogyakarta. </p>
<p>There are many such zones in Yogyakarta, such as at the Lempuyangan and Tugu train stations, Adisutjipto Airport, Giwangan and Jombor bus terminals, the Janti overpass, Gamping Market, the Dongkelan intersection and Sardjito Hospital. </p>
<p>Online taxi drivers can go into these places only to drop off passengers, not pick them up, according to Muhtar Anshori, general chairman of the Jogjakarta Online Driver Community (PPOJ), as <a href="https://regional.kompas.com/read/2017/06/21/10541821/ini.zona.merah.taksi.online.di.yogyakarta">quoted by Kompas.com</a> on June 21.</p>
<p>These red zones are different from official red zones in force in some places based on government regulations, where officials prohibit unlicensed means of transportation. For example, the transportation department has a regulation in place prohibiting all means of transport other than buses from entering bus terminals, including conventional taxis. </p>
<h2>Impact on people with disabilities</h2>
<p>So are these illegal arrangements detrimental to online taxi drivers? In my opinion, no. An online taxi driver, when receiving an order in a red zone, can arrange with the passenger to meet at a secure pickup place outside the “prohibited” zone. </p>
<p>Passengers who need cheaper transportation usually do not mind walking more than 100 metres outside the red zone. That is why they adhere to the red zone agreement.</p>
<p>But few people realise that this red zone arrangement disadvantages people with disabilities. On the one hand, people with disabilities need cheaper, safer and more convenient transportation options. </p>
<p>Online taxis can meet this need. Their app-based nature means a person with a disability does not have to go far outdoors to hail a taxi. </p>
<p>Online taxis are also safer because the identity of the driver and the vehicle number are recorded. In addition, online taxi rates are much cheaper, standardised and do not have to be negotiated. </p>
<p>These things benefit people with disabilities, whose mobility needs usually come at a higher cost. </p>
<p>A red zone arrangement harms those interests. For those who have mobility difficulties, walking to an agreed point outside the red zone is not possible when the physical environment outside stations, terminals, airports, markets and hospitals is inaccessible. Railroad tracks, uneven pavements, stairways, motor vehicle traffic and unintended lighting at night are major obstacles to the mobility of people with disabilities.</p>
<p>The party most disadvantaged by a red zone arrangement is neither the online taxi drivers nor the conventional taxi drivers. People with disabilities are most affected by this illegal scheme. It is therefore incumbent on the state to protect their interests by being more accountable for providing cheaper, safer, more convenient and accessible transportation options.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/101277/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Suharto Alfathi is affiliated with SIGAB (Sasana Inklusi dan Gerakan Advokasi Difabel) Indonesia, a non-governmental organisation that advocates for social inclusion and disabilities rights. </span></em></p>Instead of being cheaper and safer, getting an online taxi can actually be dangerous for people with disabilities where a so-called “red zone” is in force.Suharto Alfathi, PhD Candidate at Griffith University School of Human Services and Social Work, Griffith UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/910102018-02-09T10:23:48Z2018-02-09T10:23:48ZHow to use the power of urban planning to tackle inequality<p>Income inequality creates both spatial and social divides and shows itself within cities in many ways. Gated communities in Indonesia have become a glaring example. However, legislation and urban planning can help bridge these divides and reduce inequality. </p>
<p>“Inclusionary planning instruments” are designed to do just that. But to be effective they need to be strongly enforced. </p>
<p>In Indonesia, there are two instruments that have the potential to create more inclusive societies. But power differences between rich developers and the urban poor, lack of expertise in how to implement inclusionary planning, and even insufficient awareness of relevant instruments, have hindered enforcement. </p>
<h2>Rising inequality globally</h2>
<p>A rise in inequality globally has been pointed out over the last five years by several organisations. Oxfam International has just published a <a href="https://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam.org/files/file_attachments/bp-reward-work-not-wealth-220118-summ-en.pdf">report</a> on inequality that highlights a significant difference in wages. </p>
<p>Between 1980 and 2016, the top 1% of the world population captured 27% of the total world income growth. The bottom 50% received only 12% of the income growth, according to the <a href="http://wir2018.wid.world">World Inequality Report 2018</a>. </p>
<iframe src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/c1JBp/4/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowtransparency="true" width="100%" height="407"></iframe>
<p>Indonesia is not immune to these global trends; both income and wealth inequality are rising in the country. The Gini index for Indonesia (a coefficient between 0-1 used to measure income inequality – the closer to 1, the more unequal) increased from 0.31 in 1990 (UNDP, 1990) to 0.41 in 2015. </p>
<p>What’s more, according to <a href="https://www.oxfam.org/en/research/towards-more-equal-indonesia">Oxfam</a>, wealth inequality has increased to a level where the four richest men in the country have more wealth than the poorest 100 million people.</p>
<p>Inequality is one of our main concerns if we want to have harmonious and just societies. The mainstream international development agenda recognises this and the <a href="https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdgs">2015 Sustainable Development Goals</a> include a goal (SDG10) to “reduce inequality within and among countries”. </p>
<h2>Inequality in cities</h2>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/204204/original/file-20180131-131724-iyzuej.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/204204/original/file-20180131-131724-iyzuej.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204204/original/file-20180131-131724-iyzuej.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204204/original/file-20180131-131724-iyzuej.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204204/original/file-20180131-131724-iyzuej.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204204/original/file-20180131-131724-iyzuej.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204204/original/file-20180131-131724-iyzuej.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Sustainable Development Goal 10: Reduce inequality within and between countries.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:TGG_Icon_Color_10.png">Global Goals org/The Global Goals Initiative</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Income inequality manifests itself in cities. We can see clear differences between different social groups in terms of access to housing and basic services. </p>
<p>Houses for upper-middle-class families in Indonesia are spacious, built with good-quality materials and located in neighbourhoods with good services and infrastructure. In the case of gated communities, there are also security devices in place. </p>
<p>Conversely, poor housing lacks appropriate structural conditions. There is overcrowding, often with one family living in a single room. And there is no sanitation and access to basic services. </p>
<p>Gated communities are, especially in the Global South, the main housing option for upper-income groups. The rich justify living in gated communities to reduce insecurity and fear of crime. However, belonging and exclusion of the “unwanted” people are strong reasons behind living in closed enclaves. </p>
<p>Even when poor and rich groups might co-exist in the same territory they do not interact with each other, except for some formal work exchange between employer and employee, where there are strong power relations at play.</p>
<p>Residents’ access to services and infrastructure is also divided along lines of wealth. This creates patterns of “splintering urbanism”, reflecting the unequal distribution of services and infrastructure in the territory. </p>
<h2>Indonesia’s planning instruments</h2>
<p>Inclusionary planning regulations can serve to reduce the gap between rich and poor, including disparities in the services and infrastructure available to them. These instruments require private developers to incorporate social housing or/and services and infrastructure for less advantaged groups when building housing for upper-income groups. </p>
<p>Indonesia has two potentially inclusionary planning instruments for new private residential developments. The first is the “1.2.3 Ratio” scheme and is included in national regulation. It says that for each house built for high-income residents, private developers should also build two houses for middle-income families and three for low-income families. </p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/204215/original/file-20180131-131711-5zxp5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/204215/original/file-20180131-131711-5zxp5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=978&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204215/original/file-20180131-131711-5zxp5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=978&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204215/original/file-20180131-131711-5zxp5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=978&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204215/original/file-20180131-131711-5zxp5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1229&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204215/original/file-20180131-131711-5zxp5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1229&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204215/original/file-20180131-131711-5zxp5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1229&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Inclusionary planning instrument ‘1.2.3 Ratio’.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">The Conversation Indonesia</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The second instrument is called “socialisation”, included as a stage of the Environmental Impact Assessment. The assessment is required when seeking planning permission for a new housing project. The “socialisation stage” requires developers that plan to build a project in an already urbanised area to obtain permission from existing residents for the project to go ahead. </p>
<p>Both instruments represent attempts by the government to reduce inequalities in the cities and to enforce some sort of “planning gain”. These could be seen as a positive step towards redistribution, with incredible potential to create positive change in Indonesian cities. </p>
<p>However, our research data from Jakarta and Yogyakarta show that “Ratio 1.2.3” is hardly being enforced. Land is scarce in many Indonesian cities and it is not profitable for the private sector to build houses for middle- and lower-income families. Additionally, many government officers responsible for the “Ratio 1.2.3” application are unclear on the enforcement mechanism. </p>
<p>In the case of “socialisation”, it has become a very limited process. It has turned into economic negotiations between powerful private developers and less powerful local residents who live close to the proposed project. The latter are usually represented by the neighbourhood association leaders. </p>
<p>In the best situations, the local communities manage to obtain a few new sources of employment, as security guards, cleaners, gardeners or builders. </p>
<p>They may also receive some funding for annual community events, such as the Independence Day celebration. The local roads and mosque might get spruced up. </p>
<p>But these benefits are not enough to reduce the gap between the two groups, nor will they encourage any sort of social interactions between new and old residents. </p>
<p>The lack of enforcement of “Ratio 1.2.3” and the limited scope of the “socialisation” process are missed opportunities for Indonesian cities. These instruments have the potential to decrease urban income inequality by “forcing” those who have more money to contribute to the public good for the benefit of poorer families. </p>
<h2>How to get more out of inclusionary planning</h2>
<p>To improve the benefits from these inclusionary planning instruments, the government should: </p>
<ol>
<li><p>develop clearer and realistic guidelines and instruments that can be applied</p></li>
<li><p>establish clearer mechanisms for public officers to enforce these instruments </p></li>
<li><p>make society more aware of these instruments and, in particular, of the potential benefits of more harmonious and just cities. </p></li>
</ol>
<h2>Rising inequality globally</h2>
<p>How to combat the inequality gap is often a heated topic for governments. International organisations say that while world leaders now acknowledge inequality, not enough is being done to efficiently reduce it. </p>
<p>Other measures to reduce inequality include more progressive tax systems, as suggested in the latest World Inequality Report. Under this system, people who earn more also contribute more towards public services and higher public. This covers spending to provide education, health care and social protection for all. Policies for equal salaries between female and male workers are also promoted as key to reducing inequality.</p>
<p>Considering the scale of inequality, and the urgency of the problem, inclusionary planning instruments are valuable mechanisms. These should be revisited to ensure the full benefits are realised.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91010/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sonia Roitman receives funding from ARC. </span></em></p>Amid rising inequality, two inclusionary planning instruments are at work to combat it in Indonesia. But without better enforcement, their full benefits will not be realisedSonia Roitman, Senior lecturer in Development Planning, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.