tag:theconversation.com,2011:/au/topics/catalan-32194/articlesCatalan – The Conversation2023-05-31T15:56:54Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2066282023-05-31T15:56:54Z2023-05-31T15:56:54ZWhere does the ‘ñ’ come from? The history of a very special Spanish letter<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/528813/original/file-20230529-23-n3ci3n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C1%2C1024%2C764&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The adoption of "ñ" as an abbreviation of "nn" is the solution adopted in Spanish and Galician.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%C3%91_-_Flickr_-_alfaneque.jpg">alfaneque/Wikimedia Commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The letter <em>ñ</em> is the emblem of Spanish, the mother tongue of <a href="https://www.cervantes.es/sobre_instituto_cervantes/prensa/2022/noticias/presentacion-anuario-2022.htm">almost 500 million people worldwide</a>.</p>
<p>But what is the origin of the sound and of this curious letter? Why don’t we find the letter <em>ñ</em> in other languages in which the sound does appear? Is the <em>ñ</em> the exclusive heritage of Spanish?</p>
<h2>The origin of the sound</h2>
<p>The letter <em>ñ</em> represents a sound that did not exist in Latin, but is found in most Romance languages (including Italian, Portuguese, French and Spanish). This sound is defined as nasal (with air coming out of the nose), palatal (the tongue rests against the hard palate) and sonorous (the vocal cords vibrate).</p>
<p>To understand the origin of this sound, it must be borne in mind that, in addition to the cultured Latin, the people of the empire spoke what is known as “vulgar Latin”. So it was common throughout the empire to use peculiarities in pronunciation and morphological and syntactic simplifications.</p>
<p>One of these phenomena was the tendency to palatalise the “n”, which will give rise to the <em>ñ</em> sound, in three main contexts: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>NI/NE + vowel: When in Latin the group <em>ni</em> or <em>ne</em> appears followed by another vowel, the <em>n</em> catches the sound of the palatal vowels and ends up adopting the <em>ñ</em> sound. Such is the case of Latin <em>vinea</em>, which gives rise to <em>viña</em> (Spanish), <em>vigne</em> (French), <em>vigna</em> (Italian), <em>vinha</em> (Portuguese) and <em>vinya</em> (Catalan).</p></li>
<li><p>GN: The sound also appears by evolution of <em>gn</em>, as in <em>agnellus</em> or <em>agnuculus</em> (little lamb), from which derives the French <em>agneau</em>, the Italian <em>agnello</em>, the Spanish <em>añojo</em> or the Catalan <em>anyell</em>.</p></li>
<li><p>NN/MN: the articulatory effort used to pronounce the groups <em>nnn</em> and <em>mn</em> also led over time to the <em>ñ</em> sound. This is the case in <em>año</em> (Spanish), which comes from the Latin <em>annus</em>, or <em>sueño</em> (Spanish), <em>sogno</em> (Italian) or <em>sohno</em> (Portuguese), which come from the Latin <em>somnu</em>.</p></li>
</ul>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/526796/original/file-20230517-23-dhnnk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Photograph of the lowercase 'ñ' chair at the Royal Spanish Academy" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/526796/original/file-20230517-23-dhnnk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/526796/original/file-20230517-23-dhnnk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526796/original/file-20230517-23-dhnnk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526796/original/file-20230517-23-dhnnk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526796/original/file-20230517-23-dhnnk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526796/original/file-20230517-23-dhnnk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526796/original/file-20230517-23-dhnnk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The lowercase <em>ñ</em> chair at the Royal Spanish Academy.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archivo:Silla_%C2%AB%C3%B1%C2%BB_de_la_Real_Academia_Espa%C3%B1ola.jpg">Real Academia Española/Wikimedia</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>The origin of the spelling <em>ñ</em></h2>
<p>In the Middle Ages, copyists and scribes came across a new sound for which there was no letter, so they transcribed it according to its Latin etymology as <em>ni</em> + vocal, <em>gn</em> or <em>nn</em>.</p>
<p>In order to save time and, above all, paper and ink, the use of abbreviations was very common. The <em>nn</em> was abbreviated with an <em>n</em> with a small virgulilla above it, and this is how, for reasons of economy, the letter <em>ñ</em> was born.</p>
<p>The work of <a href="https://theconversation.com/la-escuela-de-traductores-de-toledo-el-eslabon-perdido-de-la-historia-de-la-cultura-europea-160934">Alfonso X the Wise</a> in the 13th century was fundamental in selecting and fixing the <em>ñ</em> as the only spelling to represent the palatal nasal sound. Later, the <a href="https://www.bne.es/es/Micrositios/Guias/12Octubre/Lenguas/Castellano/">first Spanish Grammar</a> published by <a href="https://theconversation.com/antonio-de-nebrija-y-la-revolucion-de-la-gramatica-latina-196949">Antonio de Nebrija</a> in 1492, recognises the status of the <em>ñ</em> and its differentiated sound with respect to the letter <em>n</em>.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/526789/original/file-20230517-9933-1nqed9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Extract from the _Spanish Grammar_ by Antonio de Nebrija" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/526789/original/file-20230517-9933-1nqed9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/526789/original/file-20230517-9933-1nqed9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526789/original/file-20230517-9933-1nqed9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526789/original/file-20230517-9933-1nqed9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526789/original/file-20230517-9933-1nqed9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526789/original/file-20230517-9933-1nqed9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/526789/original/file-20230517-9933-1nqed9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Extract from the <em>Spanish Grammar</em> by Antonio de Nebrija where he mentions the letter <em>ñ</em>.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000174208&page=1">Biblioteca Digital Hispánica</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In the first general monolingual dictionary of Castilian, the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tesoro_de_la_lengua_castellana_o_espa%C3%B1ola"><em>Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española</em></a> by <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sebasti%C3%A1n_de_Covarrubias">Sebastián de Covarrubias</a> (1611), the spelling <em>ñ</em> appears inside words. However, despite its full implementation, it was not until the publication of the Royal Spanish Academy dictionary of 1803 that it appeared as a differentiated initial letter.</p>
<p>The adoption of <em>ñ</em> as an abbreviation of <em>nn</em> is the solution adopted in Spanish and Galician. In Italian and French, the nasal palatalisation was represented by the digraph <em>gn</em>, another of the Latin groups that gave rise to the sound. In Catalan, it is represented by the group <em>ny</em>, and in Portuguese, as in Occitan, as <em>nh</em>.</p>
<h2>The <em>ñ</em> around the world</h2>
<p>As we have seen, the sound appears in most of the languages that derive from Latin, but not only in them. It is also found in a variety of languages, from Slavic languages such as Czech (with its <em>ň</em>) or Polish (with its <em>ń</em>), to Amerindian and Senegalese languages.</p>
<p>Influenced by Spanish, the spelling <em>ñ</em> is also present in the Philippine languages, as well as in Guarani, Quechua, Mapuche and Aymara, among others. In the United States, the <em>ñ</em> is found in terms of Spanish origin such as <em>piña colada</em> and <em>El Niño</em>. The Latin community demands respect for this spelling, which is present in surnames such as <em>Peña</em> or <em>Núñez</em>.</p>
<p>Although Spanish speakers do not have the exclusivity of the <em>ñ</em>, it is undoubtedly an icon of Spanish in the world. Moreover, it represents the struggle for cultural identity, and even <a href="http://blog.pucp.edu.pe/blog/blogderedaccion/2016/06/14/la-controversia-de-la-n-en-los-teclados/">resisted the attempt to standardise</a> keyboards without the letter <em>ñ</em> in 1991, finding distinguished defenders such as <a href="https://elpais.com/diario/1991/05/15/cultura/674258414_850215.html">Gabriel García Márquez</a> and Mario Vargas Llosa, among others.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/206628/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Esther Nieto Moreno de Diezmas no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.</span></em></p>Although the spelling “ñ” only exists in Spanish and Galician, it is true that the sound is not the exclusive heritage of Romance languages; it even exists in languages that do not come from Latin.Esther Nieto Moreno de Diezmas, Profesora Titular, Directora del Departamento de Filología Moderna, Universidad de Castilla-La ManchaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/894032017-12-20T14:36:40Z2017-12-20T14:36:40ZCatalonia’s cultural struggle against Madrid goes back centuries<p>Like all constitutions, the <a href="http://www.parliament.am/library/sahmanadrutyunner/ispania.pdf">1978 Spanish constitution</a> is a product of a very specific historical moment. General Francisco Franco <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/november/20/newsid_4421000/4421636.stm">had died</a> in 1975 and his political heirs understood the need for change: Francoism without Franco in a rapidly modernising country was not sustainable. </p>
<p>The democratic parties, including the Catalan nationalists, recognised they were too weak to impose a clean break and bring Franco’s henchmen to justice. The constitution was a pact between the most forward-looking Francoists and a heterogeneous opposition prepared to turn a blind eye to <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/spain/9055231/Franco-victims-relatives-relive-the-horror.html">atrocities</a> committed by Franco’s so-called nationalists during the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/higher/history/roadwar/spancivil/revision/1/">Civil War</a> and nearly four decades of dictatorship. </p>
<p>It is from this uneasy compromise that all recent political upheaval in Catalonia stems – including the latest instalment, the region’s election on December 21. To understand the conflict, however, you have to go back much further than 1978. Neither can you confine yourself to politics; everything is underpinned by the rise of Catalan culture and its battle to express itself. </p>
<h2>Renaissance years</h2>
<p>Today’s Catalan nationalism has its origins in the 19th-century Renaixença (Renaissance). This movement sought to revitalise Catalan culture and the language. It <a href="https://www.barcelonas.com/generalitat-of-catalonia.html">followed</a> a century of cultural and political repression by Spanish rulers, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Decree-of-Nueva-Planta">starting in</a> 1716. These included abolishing the Generalitat – the Catalan government – in favour of central control. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200189/original/file-20171220-4954-m5yah2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200189/original/file-20171220-4954-m5yah2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200189/original/file-20171220-4954-m5yah2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=836&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200189/original/file-20171220-4954-m5yah2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=836&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200189/original/file-20171220-4954-m5yah2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=836&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200189/original/file-20171220-4954-m5yah2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1050&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200189/original/file-20171220-4954-m5yah2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1050&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200189/original/file-20171220-4954-m5yah2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1050&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Joaquim Rubió i Ors.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.enciclopedia.cat/EC-GEC-0057242.xml">Wikimedia</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>By the early 19th century, Catalonia <a href="https://www.barcelonas.com/cultural-renaixenca.html">had become</a> a major economy, with a sizeable cotton industry and export specialisms like shoes and glass bottles. The accompanying Renaixença sought to turn the Catalan language into the language of culture. It had various prominent intellectuals publishing works in Catalan; and later poets like <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=ACRBDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT29&lpg=PT29&dq=Joaquim+Rubi%C3%B3+i+Ors+biography&source=bl&ots=lYAiH2bYnP&sig=mjQOYqLUUezXuXiq3yyxHfk5UNM&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjNtvHmt5jYAhWhIMAKHRSiBbQ4ChDoAQhSMAc#v=onepage&q=Joaquim%20Rubi%C3%B3%20i%20Ors%20biography&f=false">Joaquim Rubió i Ors</a>, who helped build a literary movement by reviving a <a href="http://lameva.barcelona.cat/jocsflorals/ca/">medieval poetry festival</a> that continues today. </p>
<p>The Renaixença flowed into the Modernisme of the late 19th century and early 20th century – not to be confused with Anglo-Saxon Modernism or Spanish Modernismo. Modernisme was a broad church, from anarchists to conservatives, united in a genuine effort to Europeanise Catalan culture on all artistic fronts. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200191/original/file-20171220-4985-1ix1akp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200191/original/file-20171220-4985-1ix1akp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200191/original/file-20171220-4985-1ix1akp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=883&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200191/original/file-20171220-4985-1ix1akp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=883&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200191/original/file-20171220-4985-1ix1akp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=883&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200191/original/file-20171220-4985-1ix1akp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1110&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200191/original/file-20171220-4985-1ix1akp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1110&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200191/original/file-20171220-4985-1ix1akp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1110&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Gaudi’s Sagrada Familia.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sagrada_Fam%C3%ADlia._Façana_del_Naixement.jpg">Wikimedia</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The new generation had come to see the Renaixença as too parochial for the approaching century. Their focal point, after all, was Barcelona, by now a major European city. Leading lights included the writer <a href="http://www.visat.cat/traduccions-literatura-catalana/eng/autor/4/2/fiction/victor-catala.html">Caterina Albert i Paradís</a>, writing under the male pen name Víctor Català; the painter <a href="http://www.spainisculture.com/en/artistas_creadores/ramon_casas.html">Ramon Casas</a>; and the celebrated artist and architect <a href="https://www.barcelona.de/en/barcelona-modernisme-art-nouveau.html">Antoni Gaudí</a>. </p>
<p>On the back of these movements, a separate identity steadily grew. Catalan culture and politics came together after the Spanish election of 1901, which <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=trKvCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA44&lpg=PA44&dq=Catalonia+election+1901+Lliga+Regionalista&source=bl&ots=G2adN1bxo_&sig=p1klTbjjTsKjTHGED38B7YpHKEw&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi2uYPWupbYAhXFKMAKHVzeDXsQ6AEILTAB#v=onepage&q=Catalonia%20election%201901%20Lliga%20Regionalista&f=false">was won</a> by the new Catalan regionalist party. In 1914 this led to the creation of the Mancomunitat, the first attempt at Catalan self-government since the 1700s. </p>
<p>The Mancomunitat (or Commonwealth) had limited powers but managed to harness the energies generated by Modernisme. It created a cultural infrastructure that included a standardised language and a network of libraries. The language was outlawed during Spain’s <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/world/europe/2017/12/scars-catalonia">dictatorship</a> under General Miguel Primo de Rivera in the mid-1920s, but the Mancomunitat paved the way for the Generalitat to be restored during the <a href="http://www.donquijote.org/culture/spain/history/second-spanish-republic">Second Spanish Republic</a> in the 1930s. </p>
<p>When the Civil War ended in 1939 with Franco’s victory, he launched a cultural and linguistic genocide against Catalonia. The Catalan language was banned; institutions were suppressed; Catalan names were not accepted. Every manifestation of Catalan culture and language was to be eradicated. This resumed and exacerbated the repression that had begun in the early 18th century.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200192/original/file-20171220-4965-2d61lz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200192/original/file-20171220-4965-2d61lz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/200192/original/file-20171220-4965-2d61lz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=416&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200192/original/file-20171220-4965-2d61lz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=416&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200192/original/file-20171220-4965-2d61lz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=416&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200192/original/file-20171220-4965-2d61lz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=523&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200192/original/file-20171220-4965-2d61lz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=523&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/200192/original/file-20171220-4965-2d61lz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=523&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Spain’s strongman: Franco in 1959 (front).</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Franco_eisenhower_1959_madrid.jpg">Wikimedia</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>After 1978, Catalonia enjoyed some 30 years of relative contentment as one of Spain’s 17 autonomous communities, with its own parliament and statute of autonomy. The linguistic situation improved considerably, enabling Catalan culture to flourish once again. Yet crucially the language has always been officially subordinate to Spanish, a constant reminder of the potential for future conflict.</p>
<p>This arrived abruptly in 2010 after the Spanish Constitutional Tribunal <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/10/catalonia-referendum/541611/">set aside</a> the region’s second statute of autonomy. Because the Spanish constitution says there is only one nation in Spain – the Spanish nation – the court held that references to Catalonia as a nation had no legal effect. </p>
<p>So began the process that led to the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2017/oct/01/catalan-independence-referendum-spain-catalonia-vote-live">referendum</a> on October 1, 2017. Some 2.2m of 5.3m registered Catalans voted overwhelmingly for independence – nearer 3m if <a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/10/01/spanish-police-beat-catalan-voters-deepening-divide-threatens-spain/">claims about</a> police removing ballot boxes with 700,000 votes are accurate. The vote was despite Madrid declaring the whole process illegal <a href="https://theconversation.com/spanish-government-crushes-catalan-independence-dreams-at-a-high-price-85014">and countless scenes</a> of police brutality.</p>
<p>The new election took place with regional autonomy <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/27/spanish-pm-mariano-rajoy-asks-senate-powers-dismiss-catalonia-president">suspended</a> and pro-independence leaders either in jail or self-imposed exile. The pro-independence parties <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2017/dec/21/catalonia-voters-results-regional-election-spain-live">held on</a> to their parliamentary majority, despite the fact that the unionist Citizens party won more votes than any other. </p>
<h2>Nationalist impulses</h2>
<p>Many people are understandably wary of nationalisms, yet it is vital to make distinctions. The Catalan version, for example, is not race-related. It is a civic phenomenon that revolves around cultural values, above all the language. This arguably explains the systematic attempts by the Spanish state to undermine, marginalise or eradicate it: the Other can only be tolerated if they speak Spanish; that is, if they can be assimilated. </p>
<p>Catalan nationalism may not even be the driving force behind the recent push for independence: it is the narrow-mindedness of Spanish nationalism, its inability or unwillingness to accept the Other, that has persuaded a substantial proportion of Catalans that their future would be brighter with independence. </p>
<p>Now that pro-independence parties have again an overall majority in the parliament, they will have to rethink their strategy vis-à-vis the uncompromising Spanish government. As a nation state, Spain has a huge repressive apparatus at its disposal; Catalonia is a stateless nation that’s only strength lies in citizens determined to plough the independence furrow peacefully. The contest is extremely uneven, but then nobody ever said the road to independence would be smooth.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/89403/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jordi Larios does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Want to understand the Catalan election? You need to go back a long way.Jordi Larios, Professor of Spanish, University of St AndrewsLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/856882017-11-23T12:36:37Z2017-11-23T12:36:37ZFour things the Catalan crisis can teach us about social unity<p>The <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-41551466">Catalan crisis</a> has made headlines numerous times around the world over the past few months. It has sparked heated arguments between pro-independance and anti-independence supporters. And in many of the reports, the Catalan people – especially pro-independants – have been referred to as “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/meet-the-two-jailed-activists-behind-catalonias-independence-movement/2017/10/20/a0a10e4a-b4e0-11e7-9b93-b97043e57a22_story.html?utm_term=.1cf6739b184c">troublemakers</a>” and “nationalists”. </p>
<p>While some Catalan people might indeed be nationalists, <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/catalan-crisis-nationalism-171019101108496.html">not everyone</a> is. And in this way, accepting a simplistic representation of individuals limits our understanding of complex human beings, and complex societies. Not only is this unfair, it is also dangerous, as it puts social cohesion at risk. </p>
<p>As a researcher of intercultural communication and education, I spend a lot of my time investigating how people can learn to accept and respect cultural diversity. I also look into how people can interact peacefully with those who are different from themselves. These are important skills to have, because all of us encounter people who are culturally different to us on a daily basis. This can either be in the immediate reality or mentally – through things like newspapers, TV, books and films.</p>
<p>The Catalan crisis has shown how people living in the <a href="http://www.euronews.com/2017/10/06/catalan-independence-divides-families-on-whatsapp">same country can have strongly opposing views</a> – which are sometimes different to friends, <a href="http://www.euronews.com/2017/10/01/families-divided-over-catalan-independence">family members or neighbours</a>. And for some of these people, inflamed passions and lack of understanding have led to violence and misunderstandings, protests and the severing of personal relationships.</p>
<p>It is clear then that being able to accept and respect other people’s views and cultures helps people to live harmoniously in multicultural societies. And in this way, there is a lot that can be learnt from what has happened in Spain.</p>
<h2>1. No two people are the same</h2>
<p>In the midst of the current <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-41704759">political conflict in Spain</a>, it is important to attempt to understand what may unite the Catalan people, but also to develop an understanding of the unique complexity of each person. Catalan people do not make up a homogeneous group – based on their shared (national) culture. Nor does any given group of people. </p>
<p>The contemporary societies we live in are multicultural. And a broad understanding of culture involves differences among the citizens of such societies in terms of nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, gender, sexual orientation, abilities and disabilities. In this way, <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14708470903267384">we all belong to multiple cultural groups</a> and as a result have multiple cultural identities.</p>
<h2>2. It’s time to ditch the stereotypes</h2>
<p>To coexist peacefully in any multicultural society, we need to resist the human tendency of thinking in stereotypes and of ascribing imaginary identities to others. Thinking in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stereotype">stereotypes</a> prevents people from grasping individual complexity. Stereotypes reduce individuals to a prevalent characteristic – which can be real or imaginary. Even when an attribute is real, it might not be stable over time and across different situations. This is because <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Researching-Interculturality-Routledge-Intercultural-Communication/dp/0415739128">culture</a> is something that is fluid, dynamic and context-specific – it is ever changing and always evolving, just like us. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Spain is reportedly ‘ready to discuss’ greater fiscal autonomy for Catalonia.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>3. It’s not just enough to have an opinion</h2>
<p>Everyone has the right to agree or disagree with the fight of some Catalan people to gain their <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonia-spain-and-the-economic-consequences-of-a-split-85557">independence from Spain</a>. In fact, in democratic societies, we are all free to hold and respectfully support our own opinion on any matter. But this right comes with a responsibility: to learn as much as possible about the matter at hand and about the people involved. For example, many people still don’t know that <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-20345071">Catalunya</a> is an autonomous region of Spain, with its own language, its own historical and cultural heritage. </p>
<h2>4. Walking in someone else’s shoes pays off</h2>
<p>One of the most powerful ways of understanding others is by stepping into their shoes, to see the world through their eyes. Empathy can be <a href="https://www.thefreedictionary.com/empathy">defined</a> as:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The ability to identify with or understand the perspective, experiences, or motivations of another individual and to comprehend and share another individual’s emotional state. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>No doubt, empathising with others takes an effort and requires people to step-out of their comfort zone. But caring for others is a social investment – because everyone will ultimately benefit from a spirit of mutual understanding and care.</p>
<p>Thinking and acting in these ways – with more knowledge and with greater empathy, without prejudice, and without leaning on stereotypes – would allow people to value those who think and feel differently. And it would also make it easier for the voices of the “smaller”, the “weaker”, or simply the “other” to be <a href="https://theconversation.com/spains-disregard-for-catalan-press-freedom-is-setting-a-dangerous-precedent-84922">heard and respected</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85688/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Eva Polymenakou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>We need to educate ourselves daily if we aspire to live peacefully in a multicultural society.Eva Polymenakou, PhD candidate in Intercultural Communication and Education,, University of BathLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/850852017-10-11T23:38:32Z2017-10-11T23:38:32ZThe hypocrisy of the European Union on the Catalan referendum<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189682/original/file-20171010-17684-fctmed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=33%2C282%2C3730%2C2059&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Spanish National Police block people trying to reach a polling station in Barcelona, Spain, on Oct. 1. Catalan leaders accused Spanish police of brutality and repression. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>After days of political upheaval following the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2017/oct/01/catalan-independence-referendum-spain-catalonia-vote-live">Oct. 1 referendum</a> on independence from Spain, the president of Catalunya, Carles Puigdemont, spoke in the Catalan parliament this week.</p>
<p>The radical parties in parliament had been pushing for an immediate unilateral declaration of independence.</p>
<p>But with corporations beginning to <a href="http://money.cnn.com/2017/10/06/investing/catalonia-independence-banks-companies-spain/index.html">threaten they’d leave</a>, it made sense for Puigdemont to recount all the reasons why Catalunya is entitled to consider separation, but then announce that the independence declaration <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/10/catalan-government-suspends-declaration-of-independence">would be put on hold</a> for “several weeks” until a mediator is found.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=901&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=901&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=901&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1132&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1132&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1132&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catalan regional President Carles Puigdemont signs an independence declaration after a parliamentary session in Barcelona on Oct. 10. Puigdemont says he has a mandate to declare independence but is waiting a few weeks in order to facilitate a dialogue.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Manu Fernandez)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><a href="http://www.dw.com/en/catalan-independence-spain-rejects-calls-for-mediation-by-catalan-president-carles-puigdemont/a-40809000">Mediation is widely supported</a> in Barcelona, the capital of Catalunya, by the leading newspaper, the bar association, the economists’ association, the chambers of commerce and a long list of civic leaders.</p>
<p>But the Spanish government has continued to repeat that there is no dialogue with law-breakers and that the referendum was illegal. </p>
<p>It was indeed illegal, but how the “illegal” label was generated would likely be mocked by international constitutional law experts.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, only Barcelona’s news outlets seem to know the background. They have tried to explain that in 2006 a referendum was actually held to approve the basic law governing Madrid-Barcelona relations (<a href="https://www.parlament.cat/document/cataleg/150259.pdf">the “Estatut.”</a>)</p>
<p>If it had been upheld, this long-awaited compromise law would have put an end to the independence movement. What the vast majority of Catalan people wanted (and probably would still want, if it were in the cards) was federalism, as it exists in Canada, Germany and other countries.</p>
<h2>Court stacked with centralists</h2>
<p>But the Constitutional Court, which had been carefully packed with strong centralists (in Spain judges belong to political parties and their affiliation is publicly known), unilaterally gutted the “Estatut” in 2010. When the same Constitutional Court declares the Barcelona government to be “anti-democratic” in 2017, one can appreciate why the labels “anti-democratic” and “illegal” have little purchase. Madrid unilaterally, and conveniently, <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/10/10/europe/catalonia-how-we-got-here/index.html">deemed it so.</a></p>
<p>Prior to the Oct. 1 vote, Madrid sent tens of thousands of <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/10/01/europe/catalonia-spain-independence-referendum-vote/index.html">heavily armed national police</a>, including the paramilitary Guardia Civil, to keep people from voting. </p>
<p>Clearly the thousands of riot police, who destroyed polling stations, beat up almost 900 voters, made off with ballots and ballot boxes and shot rubber bullets into crowds, had not only permission but encouragement from on high. They were unsuccessful, as it turned out, since more than two million people voted.</p>
<p>On Oct. 3, just after a <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/10/general-strike-grinds-catalonia-halt-171003093537481.html">massive general strike</a> was held throughout Catalunya to protest the police actions, Spain’s King Felipe went on national TV. Instead of easing tensions, Felipe proceeded to use his position as sovereign <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/10/03/europe/catalonia-general-strike-protests-barcelona/index.html">to lambaste the government of Catalunya.</a></p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catalan regional police officers stand between protesters and national police headquarters during a one-day strike in Barcelona on Oct. 3 to protest alleged brutality by police during the referendum.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Santi Palacios)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>If Felipe had said “a few bad apples” among police had become overzealous, as would have happened in many democracies, that might have calmed things down. But the massive police violence went totally unmentioned, as if Felipe did not have a television set in his palace.</p>
<p>So where are things now? </p>
<p>Barcelona is still hoping for mediation, and has not gone through with independence declarations despite pressure from the radical left-separatist party CUP. Madrid has not yet sent in the tanks; but it has refused to pull the <a href="http://gulfnews.com/news/europe/spain/police-block-public-access-to-catalan-parliament-1.2103665">national police and paramilitary forces</a> out of Catalunya. </p>
<p>And the government continues to refuse to negotiate at all, either directly or through international mediators, including “The Elders,” the group founded by Nelson Mandela that has made a <a href="http://theelders.org/article/elders-call-dialogue-and-restraint-over-catalonia-crisis">sensible call for dialogue</a> and would no doubt be available to mediate.</p>
<p>In all of this, the people of Catalunya keep asking: Where is the European Union? What is the point of having a European Parliament and a European Commission if they are AWOL during the worst political crisis in recent European history?</p>
<p>As a Barcelona-raised scholar of urban law and governance, I can attest that being European is important to all Catalans. </p>
<p>Those who favour independence flood the streets every Sept. 11 (the Catalan national day), waving both Catalan independence flags and EU flags. But those who are against independence also wave the EU flag. During the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/08/catalonia-spain-prime-minister-refuses-rule-out-suspending-autonomy">huge anti-independence demonstration</a> held Oct. 8 in Barcelona, people carried Spanish flags, EU flags and the official pre-independence flag of Catalunya, often with the three sewn together.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Demonstrators carrying flags march to protest the Catalan government’s push for secession from the rest of Spain in downtown Barcelona, Spain, on Oct. 8.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Francisco Seco)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The EU flag is just about the only thing both sides have in common. Even the famed Futbol Club Barcelona, usually the object of widespread and non-partisan adoration in Catalonia, took sides, not quite pro-independence but in favour of the referendum.</p>
<p>During the afternoon of Oct. 1, with European televisions and smartphone screens rife with photos of brazen police violence, a rumour circulated on social media about Angela Merkel phoning the Madrid Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, to tell him <a href="http://www.elnacional.cat/en/news/merkel-calls-rajoy-explanations-catalan-referendum_197541_102.html">to call off the dogs</a> – but it was only a rumour.</p>
<p>On referendum day, Oct. 1, one of the thousands of local crowds hoping to vote carried a large banner saying “Europe, help us” in English. That appeal, which in prior weeks was imbued with hope, became a cry of desperation.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"915189492394467328"}"></div></p>
<p>My sister Teresa, who was able to vote without violence (she lives in a very small town, one forgotten by the national police), told me that her fellow townspeople, who know of her Canadian connections, were asking, only half jokingly, whether Catalunya might become a province of Canada, since the EU clearly didn’t care about it.</p>
<p>What’s transpired in Spain over the past two weeks raises serious questions about why the West views it as acceptable that a European prime minister has completely disregarded every European Union norm about civility, dialogue, pluralism, police oversight and basic human rights.</p>
<p>When Venezuela stacks the constitutional court to ensure that democracy movements are labelled illegal, the EU cries foul. When the same thing happens in Madrid? Silence.</p>
<p>If Madrid wanted to secede from the EU economy, like Great Britain, an uproar would no doubt ensue. But Madrid has managed to secede from the legal, political and ethical norms and laws that European leaders insist countries like Russia, Turkey and Venezuela adhere to. </p>
<p>And nobody seems to care.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85085/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mariana Valverde does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The European Union is quick to condemn countries like Venezuela and Turkey when they engage in anti-democratic tactics. So why is it so silent on Spain’s treatment of the Catalan?Mariana Valverde, Urban law and governance, infrastructure researcher; professor of criminology, University of TorontoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/850802017-10-03T00:52:58Z2017-10-03T00:52:58ZCatalans and Kurds have a long battle ahead for true independence<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188459/original/file-20171003-12138-12pxrrg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">People raise hands during a protest as Catalan regional police officers stand guard outside the
National Police station in Barcelona.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Yves Herman</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Secession movements come not in ones but twos, it seems. In the space of a week, two regions in which national groups have chafed at central government diktat have voted overwhelmingly for independence.</p>
<p>In both cases, these protest votes are having ramifications far beyond the nationalist movements that have been agitating for a separation from the states in which they reside.</p>
<p>In each case, central government resistance risks further upheaval, even civil conflict in the case of the Iraqi Kurds, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-mideast-crisis-kurds-referendum-iran/iran-sends-tanks-to-border-with-iraqs-kurdish-region-kurdish-official-says-idUSKCN1C71EF">whose cause is threatened</a> not simply by the Iraqi government in Baghdad but by surrounding states.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, there was confirmation overnight of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2017/oct/01/catalan-independence-referendum-spain-catalonia-vote-live">overwhelming support</a> in a referendum in the Catalan region of Spain for independence from Madrid.</p>
<p>Of the 2.26 million who cast ballots, more than 90% voted “yes”. However, a significant number of Catalans opposed to separation from Madrid simply did not vote.</p>
<p>After threatening to declare independence within four days, the Catalan leader Carles Puigdemont is now <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-spain-politics-catalonia/catalan-leader-calls-for-international-mediation-in-madrid-stand-off-idUSKCN1C70M2">calling for European Union mediation</a>, indicating that he recognises limitations on the validity of the poll. He said:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>It is not a domestic matter. We don’t want a traumatic break … We want a new understanding with the Spanish state.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Under <a href="http://www.congreso.es/portal/page/portal/Congreso/Congreso/Hist_Normas/Norm/const_espa_texto_ingles_0.pdf">Spain’s 1978 Constitution</a>, which ended decades of Franco-led fascist rule, the country’s Constitutional Court declared the Catalan poll had no legal status and so its results were invalid.</p>
<p>On the other hand, Spain’s beleaguered leadership can hardly ignore the Catalan plebiscite. Resorting to force in which scores have been injured over recent days in clashes between police and nationalists is clearly not the answer to this rupture in the country’s unity.</p>
<p>The best case for Spain and European amity would seem to lie in agreement on greater autonomy for Catalonia, Spain’s wealthiest region wedged in its north-east on the Mediterranean coast by a mountainous border with France.</p>
<hr>
<p><em><strong>Further reading: <a href="https://theconversation.com/as-spain-represses-catalonias-show-of-independence-the-rest-of-europe-watches-on-nervously-84463">As Spain represses Catalonia’s show of independence, the rest of Europe watches on nervously</a></strong></em></p>
<hr>
<p>A week ago, in a far more troubled corner of the world, Iraqi Kurds voted overwhelmingly for separation from Baghdad. Of those who cast ballots, 93% voted “yes”.</p>
<p>Commentators were quick to hail the vote as an <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/30/world/middleeast/kurds-iraq-independence.html">“irreversible step toward independence”</a>, in the words of Peter Galbraith, a former American diplomat and longstanding advocate for Kurdish separateness.</p>
<p>But that early optimism among supporters of Kurdish independence may prove to be misplaced, given forces arrayed against such an outcome.</p>
<p>The Shiite-dominated government in Baghdad threatened force to prevent oil-rich Kurdistan’s separation, and other players in the neighbourhood have made their opposition clear.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188460/original/file-20171003-4693-1h7v6jz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188460/original/file-20171003-4693-1h7v6jz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188460/original/file-20171003-4693-1h7v6jz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188460/original/file-20171003-4693-1h7v6jz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188460/original/file-20171003-4693-1h7v6jz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188460/original/file-20171003-4693-1h7v6jz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188460/original/file-20171003-4693-1h7v6jz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Kurdish people protest outside the Erbil International Airport in Erbil, Iraq.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Azad Lashkari</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Iran, with a sizeable Kurdish minority of its own living in areas contiguous with Iraqi Kurdistan, closed its borders and made threatening noises if the Kurds persisted.</p>
<p>Turkey, which has its own Kurdish separatist problem that has cost something like 40,000 lives, has warned that it is considering closing border crossings into Kurdistan, thus strangling lifelines to the outside world.</p>
<p>Implied in Ankara’s response to the Kurdish vote is a threat to stop oil shipments via a pipeline across its territory from Kirkuk, stifling struggling Kurdistan’s main source of income.</p>
<p>A decline in oil prices has brought the local economy to its knees.</p>
<p>At the same time, Iraq, Turkey and Iran are planning joint military manoeuvres aimed at further isolating the beleaguered and seemingly friendless Kurds.</p>
<p>Baghdad has stopped flights from its territory to the two Kurdish international airports.</p>
<p>In civil-war scarred Damascus, Syria has also voice its opposition to Kurdish independence, in acknowledgement of its own Kurdish separatist problem.</p>
<p>In Washington, the administration <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-mideast-crisis-kurds-usa/u-s-does-not-recognize-kurdish-independence-vote-in-iraq-tillerson-idUSKCN1C42TS">poured cold water on Kurdish aspirations</a>, thereby acknowledging that further destabilisation of a volatile region represents a threat to US interests. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The United States does not recognize the Kurdistan Regional Government’s unilateral referendum held on Monday. The vote and results lack legitimacy and we continue to support a united, federal, democratic and prosperous Iraq.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Reactions of the putative state of Kurdistan’s neighbours is hardly surprising given the region’s brutal realpolitik. But this does little to disguise the fact that a post-first world war construct in the Middle East is under siege.</p>
<p>In the wash-up of the collapse of the Ottoman empire and the redrawing the region’s boundaries under a secret colonial-era accord between Britain and France, the Kurds can consider themselves hard done-by not to have been given their own state.</p>
<p>A century later, the Iran-backed and Shiite-dominated Iraqi state is under enormous stress, having ousted Islamic State from most of its strongholds in bloody conflict backed by the US and its allies, including Australia.</p>
<p>A sullen and disenfranchised Sunni minority, who had lent their support to a murderous IS, is a residue of longstanding tribal conflicts and tensions across Iraq.</p>
<p>The Kurds have effectively gone their own way since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003. But they have found that attachment to a corrupt Shiite-dominated regime in Baghdad has been a drag on their national aspirations.</p>
<p>At the heart of difficulties between the Kurds and Iran-backed rulers in Baghdad is money. The Kurds can legitimately claim they are not receiving their fair share of oil revenues.</p>
<p>This is not to say the Kurds are blameless in the conduct of their affairs. A Barzani political fiefdom led by Maassoud Barzani has its share of critics, not least those who question its democratic credentials.</p>
<p>Barzani himself remains in power two years after his term as president has expired. The Kurdish parliament is virtually defunct, and members of the Barzani family occupy many of the government’s leading posts.</p>
<p>In all of this, it is reasonable to speculate what might have been if a push in 2006 for a separation of Iraq into Kurdish, Sunni and Shiite enclaves had been countenanced.</p>
<p>This was a solution proposed by then Senator, later Vice President Joe Biden. Indeed, back then the Senate passed a resolution supporting the Biden proposal.</p>
<p>A re-emergence of Kurdish separatist demands is merely one consequence of upheavals that followed the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. It was an adventure that has cost the American taxpayer upwards of a trillion dollars and contributed to the de-stabilisation of the entire region.</p>
<p>In their separate bids for independence – or greater autonomy – the Kurds and the Catalans are <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/30/world/middleeast/kurds-iraq-independence.html">facing gale-force headwinds</a>.</p>
<p>Neither case has international support – although both the Kurds and the Catalans have their sympathisers. The Scots, for example, have expressed support for Catalan aspirations.</p>
<p>The two also have to reckon with resistance more generally to secessionist movements.</p>
<p>The last nation to win independence was landlocked South Sudan in 2011, with the backing of the international community. In that case, the independence referendum grew out of an internationally brokered peace agreement that ended Sudan’s long-running civil war.</p>
<p>Kosovo is another example of national aspirations that enjoyed widespread international support. Its declaration of independence from Serbia had the backing of the US and its European allies, but was opposed by the Serbian and Russians government.</p>
<p>While Kosovo is recognised by more than 100 countries, it has still not been admitted to the United Nations due to a Russian veto.</p>
<p>The Catalans and the Kurds have some way to go before they realise their aspirations. It is not clear that independence plebiscites shorn of international legitimacy will yield what some believe is their just rewards.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85080/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
Both regions have held independence referendums that have returned overwhelming “yes” votes. But without international support, the road ahead will be a tough one.Tony Walker, Adjunct Professor, School of Communications, La Trobe UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/844632017-10-03T00:23:20Z2017-10-03T00:23:20ZAs Spain represses Catalonia’s show of independence, the rest of Europe watches on nervously<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188441/original/file-20171002-12122-1v7va2c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Yves Herman</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>On Sunday, more than 2 million Catalans voted in a referendum on the <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-41457238">question</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Should Catalonia become an independent state?</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The vote was a milestone in the century-long struggle for self-determination in Catalonia, a region in northeast Spain. The claim for independence, though, was again met with <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-10-01/spanish-police-seize-ballot-boxes-in-catalan-referendum/9005680">opposition by the Spanish government</a>, with Spanish police seizing polling stations and beating would-be voters.</p>
<hr>
<p><em><strong>Further reading: <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonians-and-kurds-have-a-long-battle-ahead-for-true-independence-85080">Catalonians and Kurds have a long battle ahead for true independence</a></strong></em></p>
<hr>
<h2>Catalonia’s claim for independence</h2>
<p>Catalonian President <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-41463719">Carles Puigdemont</a> said on Monday that Catalan “citizens have earned the right to [be] an independent state”. Puigdemont sees the 90% referendum win as a self-evident claim for independence. </p>
<p>Catalonia’s claim to independence is historical. It has always considered itself a distinct entity. While Catalonia has co-existed with Spain for centuries, the 1979 Statute of Autonomy under the <a href="http://www.congreso.es/portal/page/portal/Congreso/Congreso/Hist_Normas/Norm/const_espa_texto_ingles_0.pdf">1978 Spanish Constitution</a> permitted Catalonia some autonomy, with self-government of education, health care and welfare. </p>
<p>Catalonia has also maintained a culture and language distinct from its Spanish neighbours. For Catalans, strong national identity has been demonstrated through resistance of repressive expressions of Spanish influence – notably the Franco dictatorship’s attempts to <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-rebirth-of-catalan-how-a-once-banned-language-is-thriving-47587">suppress Catalan culture and language</a>.</p>
<p>As one of the strongest and most productive economic regions <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/09/spain-economy-survive-catalan-secession-170930163702214.html">in Spain</a>, the perception among Catalans is that they give more in tax than they receive in state benefits. In <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-29478415">2015</a>, 20% of Spain’s total GDP came from Catalonia, while the state budget for Catalonia received a 6.5% decrease from 2003. </p>
<p>The current Catalan claim for independence has been energised by the perceived economic and political repression of the region by the central government in recent years. Many Catalans believe Catalonia would be more successful if it could self-rule.</p>
<p>Parallel to inequitable economic treatment, the Spanish government has also moved recently to tightly constrain Catalan autonomy. In 2010, the <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/10/catalonia-referendum/541611/">Spanish Constitutional Court</a> struck down an expanded version of the Statute of Autonomy that granted Catalonia the title of a “nation”.</p>
<p>In March 2017, former Catalan leader <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/13/catalan-ex-president-artur-mas-barred-from-holding-public-office">Artur Mas</a> was banned from holding public office after being found guilty of disobeying the Constitutional Court by holding a symbolic referendum in 2014. Such aggressive responses by Spain to the idea of secession have driven increasing numbers of Catalonians toward the independence movement. </p>
<p>In the context of Sunday’s referendum, Puigdemont <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/01/dozens-injured-as-riot-police-storm-catalan-ref-polling-stations">argued</a> that his people’s sovereignty lies with the Catalan parliament, and that no other court or political power could ban or suspend the vote. </p>
<p>The referendum’s legality is certainly contentious, notably because it did not adhere to democratic conventions like the requirement for a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/16/catalonia-collision-course-with-spain-independence-vote">minimum threshold of votes</a>. Regardless, <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/world/catalans-ready-to-declare-independence-as-spain-denies-legitimacy-of-vote-20171002-gysv19.html">Puigdemont</a> is looking to make a declaration of independence in the coming days.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188446/original/file-20171002-4693-1lpxhxd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188446/original/file-20171002-4693-1lpxhxd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188446/original/file-20171002-4693-1lpxhxd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188446/original/file-20171002-4693-1lpxhxd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188446/original/file-20171002-4693-1lpxhxd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=507&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188446/original/file-20171002-4693-1lpxhxd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=507&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188446/original/file-20171002-4693-1lpxhxd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=507&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catalan President Carles Puigdemont spearheaded the independence referendum.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Albert Gea</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Why does the Spanish government oppose Catalonian independence?</h2>
<p>While Catalans claim independence, Madrid refuses to recognise the referendum’s legitimacy at all. According to Spanish President <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v0YBVFWpc-E">Mariano Rajoy</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>There has not been a self-determination referendum in Catalonia.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Rajoy labelled the referendum as a “constitutional and democratic atrocity” and slammed the Catalan leaders for creating “serious damage to co-existence” between Spain and Catalonia. </p>
<p>In line with the <a href="https://www.tribunalconstitucional.es/ResolucionesTraducidas/31-2010,%20of%20June%2028.pdf">2010 Constitutional Court decision</a>, the Spanish government opposes Catalan independence on the grounds of <a href="https://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2017/09/economist-explains-17">constitutional invalidity</a>. The <a href="http://www.senado.es/web/conocersenado/normas/constitucion/index.html?lang=en">1978 Spanish Constitution</a> denies the independence of Catalonia, declaring the “indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation”.</p>
<p>Madrid argues there is no provision in the Spanish Constitution for self-determination, and that a unilateral vote of independence is at odds with Article 155’s requirement for democratic participation of all Spaniards. On these grounds, the Constitutional Court banned the referendum – which nevertheless proceeded on Sunday. </p>
<h2>What happened during the referendum on Sunday?</h2>
<p>Sunday’s referendum was marred by violence and repression. Spanish national police forcibly blocked voting, seizing ballot boxes and voting papers, physically removing voters from polling stations, and attacking civilians with batons and rubber bullets. </p>
<p><a href="https://twitter.com/salutcat/status/914551949122555911/photo/1?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fworld%2Flive%2F2017%2Foct%2F01%2Fcatalan-independence-referendum-spain-catalonia-vote-live%3Fpage%3Dwith%253Ablock-59d131b7e4b0563a9b0f8547">Catalan emergency officials</a> say that 761 Catalan civilians and 12 police were injured during the police actions in Barcelona and Girona.</p>
<p>Catalan and Spanish leaders blame each other for the violence. Rajoy condemned the Catalans for their “radicalism and disobedience”, praising the Spanish police for their “firmness and serenity” in response. </p>
<p>This response sits uncomfortably with images of voters being removed from polling stations by their hair and attacked with batons while raising their hands in peaceful protest. </p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=57785#.WdK0xhOCyAw">UN</a> has criticised Madrid for its disproportionate and violent response to a peaceful attempt at self-determination. <a href="https://twitter.com/Kartik__Raj/status/914484440897859584/photo/1">Human Rights Watch</a> has condemned the Spanish government for violating Catalans’ civil right to peaceful assembly and free expression. </p>
<p>In contrast, the <a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_STATEMENT-17-3626_en.htm">European Union</a> regards the vote as illegal but has called for unity and peaceful relations between Spain and Catalonia.</p>
<p>As Catalans call for a national strike in response to Madrid’s repressive actions, the world waits to see whether this act of protest will be met with greater repression. Madrid could use emergency powers to take full administrative control of Catalonia.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188445/original/file-20171002-12126-mjystz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188445/original/file-20171002-12126-mjystz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188445/original/file-20171002-12126-mjystz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188445/original/file-20171002-12126-mjystz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188445/original/file-20171002-12126-mjystz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188445/original/file-20171002-12126-mjystz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188445/original/file-20171002-12126-mjystz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catalan firefighters formed a human shield protecting voters from Spanish police on Sunday.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Juan Medina</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Catalonia and the struggle for self-determination</h2>
<p>On Monday, Puigdemont said the Catalan people:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… have sent a message to the world, we have the right to decide our future, we have the right to be free and we want to live in peace.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Catalonia is effectively asserting the right of its people to self-determination. This is a collective human right, enshrined in common Article 1(1) of the twin human rights covenants – the <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CCPR.aspx">International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights</a> and the <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CESCR.aspx">International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights</a>.</p>
<p>In voting at a referendum and preparing for a declaration of independence, Catalonia is following a similar contested path to the emerging state of Kosovo. In 2010, the International Court of Justice found that <a href="http://www.icj-cij.org/en/case/141">Kosovo’s declaration of independence</a> did not violate international law. </p>
<p>Spain is the only major country in Western Europe to <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/19/world/europe/19kosovo.html">refuse recognition to Kosovo</a> as an independent country. Spain’s insistence that unilateral secession cannot be permitted for Kosovo is intertwined with its determination not to lose Catalonia. </p>
<p>Self-determination can be realised in a range of ways, including through forms of autonomy within a nation-state. It may be that a negotiated arrangement that would preserve Spain’s sovereignty over Catalonia would still be possible. </p>
<p>However, by meeting Sunday’s assertion of self-determination with repression, Spain has undoubtedly fuelled Catalonia’s determination to establish an independent state. </p>
<p>Other EU member nations, including the UK, will be watching with concern that Catalonia may inspire separatist movements in Scotland, Bavaria and Flanders.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84463/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<h4 class="border">Disclosure</h4><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Amy Maguire is a Co-Chair of the Indigenous Rights Subcommittee of Australian Lawyers for Human Rights and a member of Amnesty International. </span></em></p>On Sunday, more than 2 million Catalans voted in a referendum on the question: Should Catalonia become an independent state? The vote was a milestone in the century-long struggle for self-determination…Amy Maguire, Senior Lecturer in International Law and Human Rights, University of NewcastleGeorgia Monaghan, Research Assistant, University of NewcastleLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/849222017-09-29T14:29:12Z2017-09-29T14:29:12ZSpain’s disregard for Catalan press freedom is setting a dangerous precedent<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188184/original/file-20170929-21094-1ke7rej.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Protest in Barcelona against the Spanish government on September 21. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/barcelona-catalonia-spain-september-21-2017-720040666?src=fceMukMuLGKltsCRE06sow-1-42">Riderfoot</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In the run-up to the <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonias-independence-referendum-how-the-disputed-vote-led-to-crackdown-82277">Catalan independence referendum</a> on October 1 – ahead of the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/01/dozens-injured-as-riot-police-storm-catalan-ref-polling-stations">police attacks on voters</a> on the day – the lines between protecting the Spanish constitution and curtailing freedom of expression became increasingly blurred. More than 140 websites promoting the referendum <a href="https://comunicacio21.cat/noticies-comunicacio21/123896-la-guardia-civil-bloqueja-144-webs-pro-referendum">have been</a> closed by the Spanish government in recent weeks. </p>
<p>Reports have been rife of tensions between police and journalists – <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-spain-politics-catalonia-tax/from-new-tax-office-catalonia-hopes-to-grab-billions-from-madrid-idUSKCN1BW10A">including raids</a> on newspaper offices, broad threats of legal consequences, and an <a href="http://www.sindicatperiodistes.cat/content/m%C3%A9s-de-300-assistents-la-concentraci%C3%B3-en-defensa-de-la-llibertat-dinformaci%C3%B3">organised protest</a> by journalists against harassment. All this in parallel with <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/sep/27/europe-must-act-to-protect-rights-and-freedoms-of-catalans">the other hostilities</a> from Madrid: threats to arrest Catalan mayors, interference with civic budgets, mass police deployment and now the violence on the day itself. How do these attempts to control communication compare to other referendums – and how concerned should we be?</p>
<p>Ahead of the independence referendums in Scotland <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/events/scotland-decides/results">in 2014</a> and Quebec <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-29077213">in 1980 and 1995</a>, there were certainly accusations of media bias. In Scotland pro-independence activists <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-29196912">gathered</a> outside BBC Scotland a couple of days before the vote to protest against alleged institutional bias in favour of the union with England. Meanwhile, independence campaigners were <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/scottish-independence/11102194/Threats-intimidation-and-abuse-the-dark-side-of-the-Yes-campaign-exposed.html">continually accused</a> of being abusive on social media. </p>
<p>In Quebec’s second referendum, the French-speaking public broadcaster <a href="http://reporter-archive.mcgill.ca/Rep/r3113/media.html">was accused</a> of favouring the pro-independence vote and a parliamentary commission investigated possible bias. But for all the political conflict in these referendums, freedom of expression was never called into question – neither in the actions of the authorities nor <a href="http://news.sky.com/story/catalonia-the-messy-reality-of-the-referendum-spain-wants-shut-down-11057965">by putting up</a> potential legal obstacles to a referendum taking place. </p>
<p>To be sure, there has also been a row about media bias in Catalonia. This has been magnified by the fact that only the pro-independence side is campaigning – the referendum is not recognised by those opposed to independence and is regarded as illegitimate by Madrid. </p>
<p>Media outlets sympathetic to independence look more partisan because they only have one campaign to cover, while unionist outlets positioned against the referendum – which are roughly comparable in number – fall equally foul because they report the situation as a political dispute and not as a campaign at all. This reporting goes way beyond presenting two political options for Catalans. The unionist media talk openly about “the pro-independence offensive”, while the pro-referendum media focus on the “state challenge to Catalonia”.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Monica Terribas.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mònica_Terribas_2017.jpg">Wikimedia</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>For example, anti-referendum activists and others <a href="http://www.elnacional.cat/ca/politica/concentracio-ultra-terribas-catalunya-radio_195705_102.html">gathered outside</a> the Catalan Public Radio Station on September 27 chanting against pro-referendum editorial lines and carrying threatening signs against prominent news anchor Mònica Terribas, whom they regard as one of the key culprits. At pro-referendum events, meanwhile, activists <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.es/2017/09/22/lo-que-le-hicieron-a-una-reportera-de-lasexta-en-barcelona-tras-boicotear-su-directo_a_23219325/">have carried</a> signs saying that the generally unionist Spanish media does not represent them. </p>
<h2>Media neutering</h2>
<p>The activities of the Spanish authorities have taken things to a whole different level, however. Earlier in September, Spanish police <a href="http://www.ara.cat/en/Spanish-HQ-several-Catalan-newspapers_0_1870613118.html">visited or wrote to</a> a number of Catalan news organisations which had aired the <a href="http://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20170904/431057749241/emitido-tv3-primer-anuncio-oficial-referendum.html">official referendum campaign advertisement</a> to give them a letter from the Catalan Superior Court of Justice. The letter, which also went to all Catalan public institutions, did not forbid the adverts or declare them illegal, or even say explicitly that it was illegal to inform people about the referendum. </p>
<p>Instead it warned of possible criminal consequences from helping to bring the referendum about, without specifying what types of actions could fall into that category. The problem with such loose warnings has been the censorship that has come about: the daily newspaper <a href="http://www.ara.cat/media/Als-nostres-lectors_0_1866413587.html">Ara</a> decided not to publish any more campaign adverts, for example. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=918&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=918&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=918&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1154&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1154&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1154&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Omnium Cultural.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The Network of Local Television (La Xarxa de Comunicació Local) <a href="https://comunicacio21.cat/noticies-comunicacio21/123807-la-direccio-de-la-xarxa-ordena-no-entrevistar-alcaldes-fins-a-l-1-o">told its journalists</a> not to ask politicians questions about the referendum until the day after it had taken place. Acting on similar fears, Spanish public mail company Correos <a href="http://www.elnacional.cat/es/politica/omnium-correos-revista-referendum_191976_102.html">stopped distributing</a> the news magazine Omnium Cultural to its subscribers because it contained pro-referendum advertising. </p>
<p>Of the 144 websites that have been blocked, most belong to cultural and political associations campaigning for an independence vote. Fourteen individuals <a href="http://www.catalannews.com/society-science/item/14-people-summoned-to-court-for-duplicating-referendum-website">have been</a> called before a judge for copying the codes of some of the sites in question. </p>
<p>The Spanish military police association, the Guardia Civil, meanwhile, <a href="http://www.catalannews.com/society-science/item/guardia-civil-officers-sue-catalan-public-radio-news-anchor">is suing</a> Mònica Terribas. It accuses the news anchor of endangering police operations by asking listeners to report on anti-referendum raids by the forces. In all, media observer media.cat <a href="https://twitter.com/GrupBarnils/status/913715948774940672">has reported</a> than 64 situations where freedom of expression has been affected or disrupted in relation to the referendum. </p>
<p>Faced with such accusations, the Spanish government <a href="http://www.rtve.es/noticias/20170928/gobierno-dice-no-pretende-limitar-libertad-expresion-1-sino-evitar-acto-ilegal/1623620.shtml">has said</a> it does not want to restrict freedom of expression in Catalonia. Its actions, it says, are aimed at guaranteeing the order against a referendum which was <a href="http://time.com/4933069/catalonia-independence-vote-spain-suspended/">laid down by</a> the Spanish constitutional court a few weeks ago. </p>
<p>But even before the outbreak of referendum day violence, Spain already found itself in territory for which it is hard to find comparisons in the West. Article 10 of the <a href="http://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Convention_ENG.pdf">European Convention on Human Rights</a>, to which Spain is of course a signatory, lays down the principle of freedom of expression quite clearly. It talks about the right of people to “receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers”. </p>
<p>Yet little or nothing has been said by the international community in this regard. The situation is troubling to say the least. If there are no consequences, particularly in light of the latest developments on the ground, it will set a dangerous precedent.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84922/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mariola Tarrega does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>When you put together the efforts of the Spanish authorities to curb media coverage of the Catalan referendum, you have a deeply worrying picture.Mariola Tarrega, Teaching fellow, University of StirlingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/667212016-10-12T15:03:14Z2016-10-12T15:03:14ZThe story behind Scotland’s art is not being told – here’s why<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141438/original/image-20161012-13467-1btxwjn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Peter Graham: Wandering Shadows (1878). </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Peter_Graham_-_Wandering_Shadows_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg">Wikimedia</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Catalans tell their story to the world at the <a href="http://elbornculturaimemoria.barcelona.cat/en/the-center/">El Born</a> Cultural and Memorial Centre in Barcelona. It tells of how the Bourbon Philip V defeated them in the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/War-of-the-Spanish-Succession">Spanish War of Succession</a> in 1714. He then abolished Catalan constitutions, parliament and rights; suppressed their universities; and ended administrative use of the language. He demolished nearly a fifth of Barcelona – including the site of the centre. </p>
<p>This conscious destruction of identity has been bitterly resented by the people ever since. El Born condemns the past and celebrates modern Catalan culture as a continuity with the old times before the war. This imbues everything at El Born from the text on the entrance panel that says “nothing was ever the same” after the fall of Barcelona, to the restaurant menu that offers Philip V’s entrails. </p>
<p>Everyone in Catalonia buys into this narrative, regardless of their support for independence. The people know who they are, what they lost, what they want back. </p>
<p>In Edinburgh, meanwhile, the National Gallery of Scotland is <a href="http://www.parliament.scot/ResearchBriefingsAndFactsheets/S4/SB_15-62_National_Galleries_of_Scotland_Bill.pdf">gearing up</a> for a major expansion. It is rebuilding a “Scottish wing” and its collection of Scottish art is currently not on display. Will there be a similar approach to El Born? I very much doubt it. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141411/original/image-20161012-13464-7pbhb3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141411/original/image-20161012-13464-7pbhb3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141411/original/image-20161012-13464-7pbhb3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141411/original/image-20161012-13464-7pbhb3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141411/original/image-20161012-13464-7pbhb3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141411/original/image-20161012-13464-7pbhb3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141411/original/image-20161012-13464-7pbhb3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141411/original/image-20161012-13464-7pbhb3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Inside El Born: ruins of old Barcelona.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/ckorange/15574971028/in/photolist-pJiNgf-gipmFY-eGanZX-g1Ndms-g1MK4b-g1MJxj-g1MmXr-g1NEBJ-fN3EHB-fNknwm-fNMsAo-fNkuPL-fN3Mep-fNPzF1-fNkfBw-fNx1ma-g1MDv4-jwodeV-jHLVUv-g1MG5q-X9A2r-55mKtj-BfTDqF-fNkfu5-fNkfco-fNPzhy-fNkmZs-fNkneq-fNuTye-fN3Dt2-fN3F2g-fNkmJQ-fNx19M-eczwTV-fNkuzS-fN3LGp-fNPzyE-fNkeWU-fNPz5J-fNkn7u-fNMsq1-6b6ku9-w35VUY-fNuSS6-fUb6Nc-Jd3bxb-pvxGwd-7jMSXn-g1MnEs-N9noA">Luca Cerabona</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Not coming soon</h2>
<p>Were Scotland’s national gallery to follow that Catalan model, you might see a <a href="http://www.pictishstones.org.uk">Pictish standing stone</a> by the entrance next to Kate Whiteford’s <a href="https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/home/kate-whiteford-land-drawings-installations-excavations/1996069.article">drawings</a> of Calton Hill in Edinburgh. An opening panel might read:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Scotland was for centuries a small but successful independent European country. Like Holland it was a Calvinist trading nation. Its art too had Low Countries parallels. </p>
<p>But following disastrous overseas speculation, Scotland was refused financial support and some proposed political union with England. Many were opposed but the vote was corrupt. The nobles sold Scotland for English gold and nothing was ever the same again.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141413/original/image-20161012-13501-j4tytd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141413/original/image-20161012-13501-j4tytd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141413/original/image-20161012-13501-j4tytd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=720&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141413/original/image-20161012-13501-j4tytd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=720&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141413/original/image-20161012-13501-j4tytd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=720&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141413/original/image-20161012-13501-j4tytd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141413/original/image-20161012-13501-j4tytd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141413/original/image-20161012-13501-j4tytd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">William Aikman self portrait.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Aikman_(painter)#/media/File:William_Aikman.jpg">Wikimedia</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Visitors might walk through to paintings to illustrate <a href="https://www.nationalgalleries.org/collection/artists-a-z/j/artist/george-jamesone/object/george-jamesone-1589-1590-1644-portrait-painter-self-portrait-pg-2361">George Jamesone’s</a> primacy in the 16th/17th century, alongside his contemporary <a href="http://artuk.org/discover/artists/wright-john-michael-16171694">John Michael Wright</a>. A portrait comparison of <a href="https://www.nationalgalleries.org/collection/artists-a-z/m/artist/sir-john-baptiste-de-medina/object/sir-john-baptiste-de-medina-1659-1710-portrait-painter-self-portrait-pg-1555">John de Medina</a> and <a href="https://www.artuk.org/discover/artists/aikman-william-16821731">William Aikman</a> might explain that while Medina could not keep up with demand in culturally vibrant pre-<a href="http://www.parliament.uk/about/living-heritage/evolutionofparliament/legislativescrutiny/act-of-union-1707/">Union</a> Scotland, Aikman had to make his living in London a few years later because Scotland had been stripped of patronage. </p>
<p>The tale could continue with <a href="http://artuk.org/discover/artists/ramsay-allan-17131784">Allan Ramsay</a> the primary portrait painter of Europe in the 18th century, lured to the royal court in London despite an upbringing steeped in Scottish cultural identity; and <a href="https://www.nationalgallery.org.uk/artists/sir-henry-raeburn">Henry Raeburn</a>, 18th/19th century chronicler of a Scottish egalitarianism that contrasts with class-ridden England. </p>
<p>There would be <a href="https://www.nationalgalleries.org/collection/artists-a-z/w/artist/sir-david-wilkie/object/sir-david-wilkie-1785-1841-artist-self-portrait-pg-573">David Wilkie</a>, the inventor of modern genre painting; <a href="http://www.scottish-places.info/people/famousfirst1716.html">GP Chalmers</a> and <a href="http://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/person/mp07468/sir-george-reid">George Reid</a>, who brought modern continental art to Scotland at a time when nationalist England ignored it. Then <a href="https://www.nationalgalleries.org/collection/artists-a-z/g/artist/sir-james-guthrie">James Guthrie</a>, <a href="http://artuk.org/discover/artists/lavery-john-18561941">John Lavery</a> and the French influence. The <a href="http://www.scottishcolourists.co.uk/history-of-the-movement/">Colourists</a> and Modernism. Nothing in the gallery would ever mention England except to point out Scotland’s artistic independence and/or superiority. </p>
<h2>Wha’s like us?</h2>
<p>It is not the artists that will probably be missing from this display but the narrative. The gallery is unlikely to emphasise that the pre-Union paintings were created in an independent country; that the 18th century artists were increasingly seeking to fit British sensibilities; that the Highland romance in many later works came out of a colonised state desperately trying to find its own identity. And make no mistake: not acknowledging these things is no less political than the alternative.</p>
<p>The problem is that Scots do not have a single shared identity like the Catalans, viewing the past with the same emotion and seeing a continuity with the present. Scotland’s modern identity was not born in outside oppression but through a vote <a href="http://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/HistoryofBritain/The-Act-of-Union/">of sorts</a>. Post-Union Scotland was not immediately a victim of oppression, murder and discrimination so there was no shared “enemy”. </p>
<p>Scots often find it faintly awkward that their heroic achievements relate to constant war with England, either because they feel happily part of Britain or are repeatedly assured by Scottish nationalist politicians that independence is not anti-English. It is complex where Catalan nationalism can be anti-Spanish plain and simple. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141432/original/image-20161012-13501-1ltqfnx.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141432/original/image-20161012-13501-1ltqfnx.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/141432/original/image-20161012-13501-1ltqfnx.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=1039&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141432/original/image-20161012-13501-1ltqfnx.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=1039&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141432/original/image-20161012-13501-1ltqfnx.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=1039&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141432/original/image-20161012-13501-1ltqfnx.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1306&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141432/original/image-20161012-13501-1ltqfnx.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1306&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/141432/original/image-20161012-13501-1ltqfnx.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1306&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Highland Landscape (1835).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Wikimedia</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Scotland’s nearest thing to a unifying identity is Highlandism: the romantic ideal of the noble clansman and his spectacular surroundings that was championed above all by <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/profiles/6ybQ7x2H4s0LF0ZlL8jKj0/walter-scott">Walter Scott</a> – the Horatio McCulloch landscape opposite is an example of the art that followed. </p>
<p>But to most people nowadays Highlandism is a manufactured monster of tartan gonks, Nessie, Harry Lauder and kitsch which is no less uncomfortable. Many Scots seem to prefer insisting they are a cool mid-atlantic internationalist people and nothing else. </p>
<p>My own view is that Scots should not throw away the past, no matter how embarrassing or awkward. Scotland invented Highlandism <a href="http://www.abebooks.co.uk/book-search/title/eclipse-of-scottish-culture/author/beveridge-and-turnbull/">because</a> its own culture had been ignored by London and <a href="http://www.historytoday.com/ian-bradley/britishness-scottish-invention">suppressed by</a> many leading Scots in the years after Union. </p>
<p>Rejecting it is siding with Irvine Welsh’s Rent Boy in Trainspotting saying “it’s shite being Scottish”. Behind his nihilistic attack on Scotland as the “<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2-F5dmRV5Bc">Land of the Mountain and the Flood</a>” is really an impotent anger at having nothing to put in its place. Accept it and Scotland has no past of its own, only present. Yet Scotland’s identity is not nothing. It is Walter Scott, Jacobites, Presbyterians, Dalriada, Gaels, Samuel Smiles, Catholicism, Glencoe, internationalism, Clearances, Enlightenment, Doric and much more. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/29-LRuuqFT0?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
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<p>Some might argue your visual artistic culture doesn’t need to tell your national story. Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, the writer and politician, famously <a href="http://www.bartleby.com/209/614.html">said</a> in 1703 that “if a man were permitted to make all the ballads, he need not care who should make the laws of a nation”. He appears to be suggesting culture can survive and define a people without statehood. </p>
<p>Madrid’s willingness to tolerate El Born’s violently anti-Spanish rhetoric certainly supports such a reading. “Sing all the ballads you like, display all the paintings you want”, Madrid is saying to the Catalans, “just don’t vote”. </p>
<p>Ultimately I reject Madrid’s implication that identity is powerless if expressed only through culture. I think what Fletcher is actually saying is that culture is in effect a resistance movement. It is not vulnerable to short term changes in law or lawmakers. It is who we were, who we are and what we will ultimately be. How we present our culture, how we construct our resistance, is very important indeed.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/66721/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Morrison does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Catalans have no trouble telling their story of oppression through culture. The Scots find it trickier.John Morrison, Head of School, Divinity, History and Philosophy, University of AberdeenLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.