tag:theconversation.com,2011:/au/topics/catalan-referendum-44029/articlesCatalan referendum – The Conversation2018-06-07T10:52:36Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/977242018-06-07T10:52:36Z2018-06-07T10:52:36ZWhat a new government in Spain means for Catalonia<p>Spain’s new prime minister Pedro Sanchez rose to office against a backdrop of <a href="https://theconversation.com/spains-prime-minister-loses-no-confidence-vote-what-next-97564">unprecedented drama</a>. But now he could capitalise on the circumstances that landed him the top job to resolve the conflict with Catalonia.</p>
<p>Sanchez successfully ousted his predecessor Mariano Rajoy by passing a motion of no confidence against the Partido Popular government. Seizing on the unique opportunity offered by the sentencing of several prominent PP officials in a long-running corruption trial, the opposition leader moved quickly. </p>
<p>Sanchez needed at least 176 votes but his Socialist party (PSOE) only had 84 seats and Ciudadanos, a centrist-liberal formation with a strong Spanish nationalist rhetoric, wouldn’t endorse a new left-wing government. So, Sanchez needed to muster the support of all other parties in the Spanish parliament. This included the left-wing party Podemos, and several nationalist parties from the Basque country and Catalonia, such as Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC). </p>
<p>At the same time, in Barcelona, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-44109500">Quim Torra</a> – a Catalan nationalist hand-picked by the exiled former president Carles Puigdemont – was elected leader of a new Catalan government. This came after months of protracted negotiations that followed the extraordinary <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonias-snap-election-how-to-understand-a-confusing-result-89547">regional elections</a> of December 2017. These were called by the Spanish central government immediately after it suspended the Catalan government for having symbolically issued a unilateral declaration of independence after the <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonias-independence-referendum-how-the-disputed-vote-led-to-crackdown-82277">referendum</a> held on October 1.</p>
<p>But any hope from Madrid that these elections would quell nationalist fervour backfired. The three parties in favour of Catalan independence (JuntsPerCat, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, Candidatura d’Unitat Popular) returned to parliament with a majority (albeit a slim one), determined to pursue their cause, setting them on a collision course with Madrid. </p>
<p>To avert this collision, Sanchez must now make good on the promise he made to his Catalan parliamentary allies to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Catalan government on how to resolve the ongoing conflict. </p>
<h2>The basis of a deal</h2>
<p>At the basis of the deal between these parties was the common goal of ousting Rajoy from power. The Catalan parties will offer stability for the Spanish government: support for the continuation of a minority PSOE administration until the end of the legislature in 2020 and support on the party’s economic and social policies. </p>
<p>In exchange, the PSOE will need to make progress dealing with Spain’s unsolved national and territorial conflict since its transition to democracy in the late 1970s. </p>
<p>In the short term, Sanchez must de-escalate the conflict by putting an end to the acrimonious relationship between Spain and Catalonia. That means being willing to listen and to talk. There is already a ring of cautious optimism on that front. Sanchez seems prepared to engage in dialogue – unlike Rajoy. </p>
<p>Then Sanchez must restore the Catalan government’s authority, restoring devolved powers to the regional parliament. He will also have to deal with the trickier matter of the nationalist leaders who were jailed last autumn. This is a fundamental demand among many Catalans, who see them as political prisoners. But it may not be easy for the party to intervene in a judicial process without it looking like obvious political meddling.</p>
<p>In the longer term, Sanchez will need to think creatively about how to engage the Catalan government over Catalonia’s constitutional future within Spain. He will be treading a thin line, either side of which stand staunch opponents. On one side are the dyed-in-the-wool Catalan republicans, who harbour a seemingly irrepressible will to assert Catalonia’s right to decide its future. They will almost certainly demand a new, legally sanctioned referendum on self-determination. On the other side are the defenders of national unity, the PP and <a href="http://foreignpolicy.com/2018/06/05/why-spains-top-populist-is-a-centrist/">Ciudadanos</a>, which may well soon take over the mantle of Spanish nationalism. They hold an equally firm view that any concession on the issue of self-determination is not permissible. That view is shared by an important portion of Spanish public, many of which vote for the PSOE. With a dwindling basis of electoral support, Sanchez can’t afford to alienate them.</p>
<h2>Federal reform</h2>
<p>So Sanchez will have to remain committed to accommodating Catalonia within the framework of the constitution. What that eventually looks like will depend on what is made possible by the political coalition that supports reform. One potential strategy available to the PSOE is to (re)capitalise on its ties with the Catalan Socialist Party to reach out to moderate nationalist forces in the Catalan parliament. They could hash out an agreement over potential federal constitutional reform. </p>
<p>At the heart of any reform are two major longstanding demands that will have to be addressed. The Catalan government wants a new fiscal settlement and for Catalonia to be recognised as a distinct nation within Spain. These reforms can be achieved through a revision of Catalonia’s statute of autonomy and would need to be ratified in a referendum by Catalan voters.</p>
<p>National recognition would represent an acknowledgement of Catalans’ sovereignty and their “right to decide” their constitutional future – albeit within the parameters set by the Spanish constitution. A referendum on a new statute could also open the door to a democratic option on independence. However, at this point, that’s unlikely to happen. The main difficulty will be to ensure this new statute can’t be overturned by future judicial challenges that may water it down.</p>
<h2>A narrow chance for success</h2>
<p>The deal brokered to support the socialist minority government is still fresh and there isn’t a huge amount of trust between the parties. There’s even some lingering hostility. So while there is a chance to solve the conflict with Catalonia, it’s narrow. The deal may yet break down. </p>
<p>But if parties on all sides are prepared to listen to divergent political views – and if Sanchez’s party can show creative spirit – there is hope that a political change in Spain could bring about a constructive dialogue. That, in time, could form the basis of a renewed relationship between Catalonia and Spain.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/97724/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Pere Almeda receives funding from different Spanish and Catalan public administrations. I'm affiliated with the Think Tank Fundació Catalunya Europa </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Simon Toubeau does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A strange coincidence of historical circumstances in Spain could, taken together, help to bring about a resolution to the crisis in Catalonia.Simon Toubeau, Assistant Professor, School of Politics and International Relations, University of NottinghamPere Almeda, Adjunct Lecturer, Universitat de BarcelonaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/856882017-11-23T12:36:37Z2017-11-23T12:36:37ZFour things the Catalan crisis can teach us about social unity<p>The <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-41551466">Catalan crisis</a> has made headlines numerous times around the world over the past few months. It has sparked heated arguments between pro-independance and anti-independence supporters. And in many of the reports, the Catalan people – especially pro-independants – have been referred to as “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/meet-the-two-jailed-activists-behind-catalonias-independence-movement/2017/10/20/a0a10e4a-b4e0-11e7-9b93-b97043e57a22_story.html?utm_term=.1cf6739b184c">troublemakers</a>” and “nationalists”. </p>
<p>While some Catalan people might indeed be nationalists, <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/catalan-crisis-nationalism-171019101108496.html">not everyone</a> is. And in this way, accepting a simplistic representation of individuals limits our understanding of complex human beings, and complex societies. Not only is this unfair, it is also dangerous, as it puts social cohesion at risk. </p>
<p>As a researcher of intercultural communication and education, I spend a lot of my time investigating how people can learn to accept and respect cultural diversity. I also look into how people can interact peacefully with those who are different from themselves. These are important skills to have, because all of us encounter people who are culturally different to us on a daily basis. This can either be in the immediate reality or mentally – through things like newspapers, TV, books and films.</p>
<p>The Catalan crisis has shown how people living in the <a href="http://www.euronews.com/2017/10/06/catalan-independence-divides-families-on-whatsapp">same country can have strongly opposing views</a> – which are sometimes different to friends, <a href="http://www.euronews.com/2017/10/01/families-divided-over-catalan-independence">family members or neighbours</a>. And for some of these people, inflamed passions and lack of understanding have led to violence and misunderstandings, protests and the severing of personal relationships.</p>
<p>It is clear then that being able to accept and respect other people’s views and cultures helps people to live harmoniously in multicultural societies. And in this way, there is a lot that can be learnt from what has happened in Spain.</p>
<h2>1. No two people are the same</h2>
<p>In the midst of the current <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-41704759">political conflict in Spain</a>, it is important to attempt to understand what may unite the Catalan people, but also to develop an understanding of the unique complexity of each person. Catalan people do not make up a homogeneous group – based on their shared (national) culture. Nor does any given group of people. </p>
<p>The contemporary societies we live in are multicultural. And a broad understanding of culture involves differences among the citizens of such societies in terms of nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, gender, sexual orientation, abilities and disabilities. In this way, <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14708470903267384">we all belong to multiple cultural groups</a> and as a result have multiple cultural identities.</p>
<h2>2. It’s time to ditch the stereotypes</h2>
<p>To coexist peacefully in any multicultural society, we need to resist the human tendency of thinking in stereotypes and of ascribing imaginary identities to others. Thinking in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stereotype">stereotypes</a> prevents people from grasping individual complexity. Stereotypes reduce individuals to a prevalent characteristic – which can be real or imaginary. Even when an attribute is real, it might not be stable over time and across different situations. This is because <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Researching-Interculturality-Routledge-Intercultural-Communication/dp/0415739128">culture</a> is something that is fluid, dynamic and context-specific – it is ever changing and always evolving, just like us. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195862/original/file-20171122-6016-1dr1lr4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Spain is reportedly ‘ready to discuss’ greater fiscal autonomy for Catalonia.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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</figure>
<h2>3. It’s not just enough to have an opinion</h2>
<p>Everyone has the right to agree or disagree with the fight of some Catalan people to gain their <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonia-spain-and-the-economic-consequences-of-a-split-85557">independence from Spain</a>. In fact, in democratic societies, we are all free to hold and respectfully support our own opinion on any matter. But this right comes with a responsibility: to learn as much as possible about the matter at hand and about the people involved. For example, many people still don’t know that <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-20345071">Catalunya</a> is an autonomous region of Spain, with its own language, its own historical and cultural heritage. </p>
<h2>4. Walking in someone else’s shoes pays off</h2>
<p>One of the most powerful ways of understanding others is by stepping into their shoes, to see the world through their eyes. Empathy can be <a href="https://www.thefreedictionary.com/empathy">defined</a> as:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The ability to identify with or understand the perspective, experiences, or motivations of another individual and to comprehend and share another individual’s emotional state. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>No doubt, empathising with others takes an effort and requires people to step-out of their comfort zone. But caring for others is a social investment – because everyone will ultimately benefit from a spirit of mutual understanding and care.</p>
<p>Thinking and acting in these ways – with more knowledge and with greater empathy, without prejudice, and without leaning on stereotypes – would allow people to value those who think and feel differently. And it would also make it easier for the voices of the “smaller”, the “weaker”, or simply the “other” to be <a href="https://theconversation.com/spains-disregard-for-catalan-press-freedom-is-setting-a-dangerous-precedent-84922">heard and respected</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85688/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Eva Polymenakou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>We need to educate ourselves daily if we aspire to live peacefully in a multicultural society.Eva Polymenakou, PhD candidate in Intercultural Communication and Education,, University of BathLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/867152017-11-02T14:41:40Z2017-11-02T14:41:40ZCatalonia: a lawyer explains the charges brought against Carles Puigdemont<p>For many weeks the situation in <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/catalonia-3828">Catalonia</a> had been extremely delicate. The Catalan government took the nuclear option when it issued a <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonia-declares-independence-and-spain-enters-uncharted-territory-86489">unilateral declaration of independence</a>. For the Spanish government the retaliation was simple: using the <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonia-crisis-shows-spains-constitution-is-no-longer-fit-for-purpose-86281">constitution</a> to take direct control of some competences of the Catalan government and parliament – usually devolved from Madrid. Cold war logic might have suggested that the potential reciprocal damage that each party could inflict on the other would lead them to avoid using either nuclear option. But this did not happen. Keep weapons out of reach of children.</p>
<p>Now, the Catalan authorities who issued the unilateral declaration of independence face criminal charges in Spain – adding another layer of uncertainty and confusion.</p>
<p>The Spanish public prosecutor has <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/30/spanish-prosecutor-calls-for-rebellion-charges-against-catalan-leaders">filed a lawsuit</a> before the Supreme Court and the Audiencia Nacional (a Spanish high court) against members of the former Catalan government and parliament. The charges are the crimes of rebellion, sedition and embezzlement.</p>
<p>Several Catalan parliamentarians have attended court in Madrid to hear the charges but ousted president Carles Puigdemont has not so far been among them. He is believed to be in Brussels. The president of the supreme court has <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/nov/02/spanish-court-question-catalonia-separatists-except-puigdemont">warned</a> that an arrest warrant could be issued to bring Puigdemont in. </p>
<p>The first two of the above mentioned charges are particularly important. They are the most politically charged matters. The offence of rebellion refers to the act of violently and publicly uprising with the aim of fully or partially repealing, suspending or amending the constitution, or of declaring independence on behalf of part of the national territory. The maximum punishment for this offence is 25 years in prison.</p>
<p>The unilateral declaration of independence of the Catalan Parliament is the core element of the claimed offence in this case. This was clearly a public uprising to declare independence for part of the territory.</p>
<h2>Jail time</h2>
<p>The only question is whether this particular uprising could be described as “violent”. Whether or not this was an offence of rebellion hinges on that point. That’s why the Spanish public prosecutor also accused the former Catalan authorities of the offence of sedition. That refers to those individuals not covered by the felony of rebellion who rise up tumultuously to prevent the application of laws. </p>
<p>In case the courts consider that the unilateral declaration of independence did not exactly fit the requirements for the application of the felony of rebellion, it is very likely that they will consider that at least an offence of sedition took place. Those who commit sedition can be punished with up 15 years of imprisonment. This adds to the potential offence of embezzlement, punished with up to eight years of imprisonment and the temporary deprivation of the exercise of the right of passive suffrage – the right to stand as a candidate in elections. </p>
<p>All this will probably add more trauma to the trauma. The idea of independence has already polarised Catalan society to dramatic levels. The potential imprisonment of the former Catalan authorities might further fuel that division. </p>
<p>The trial might also play a prominent role in the Catalan elections to be held on December 21. The political framing of the judicial proceedings will be among the major topics for political discussion during the campaign, and it’s unclear whether the former Catalan authorities now facing charges will choose to stand as candidates in the elections. If they are found guilty by a court after they have been elected, they will automatically lose their seats in parliament.</p>
<p>All of these are major political issues, but ones that courts are not expected to take into account. The judicial logic, strictly speaking, is one of application of law to the case, ideally without regard to political considerations. And from a legal perspective it’s very difficult to argue that the unilateral declaration of independence did not involve any criminal offence – be it either rebellion or sedition. The shocking result is that we might soon see a former president of the Catalan government facing a jail sentence.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/86715/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Pablo José Castillo Ortiz is currently funded by the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Sheffield to carry out a Strategic Secondment at Elcano Royal Institute in Madrid. </span></em></p>After declaring independence, regional leaders stand accused of rebellion, sedition and embezzlement. But what does that mean?Pablo José Castillo Ortiz, Lecturer in Spanish Law, University of SheffieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/866312017-10-31T14:23:21Z2017-10-31T14:23:21ZCatalonia: the prospect of an election has everyone nervous<p>Mariano Rajoy, the prime minister of Spain, has called a potentially explosive regional election in Catalonia on December 21. This follows his decision to trigger Article 155 of the Spanish constitution to impose <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonia-declares-independence-and-spain-enters-uncharted-territory-86489">direct rule</a> over Catalonia, dissolving its parliament in the process.</p>
<p>Catalan leaders rejected the validity of this move and, by association, the election itself. They argue that Madrid has no right to intervene in their declaration of independence from Spain in the wake of a disputed referendum on October 1. </p>
<h2>Rajoy’s gamble</h2>
<p>Rajoy’s decision to send Catalan voters back to the polls is not without risk. His own political fate is now inextricably linked to the Catalan standoff.</p>
<p>He may have calculated that in calling an election, he is presenting supporters of independence with a dilemma. If they participate in the vote, are they tacitly acknowledging his right to trigger Article 155 in the first place? Just as those opposed to Catalan independence chose to boycott the unofficial referendum on the grounds that their participation would lend it further legitimacy, some pro-independence activists may similarly wish to stay at home on December 21. Splits within the Catalan independence camp will be worth looking out for in the run up to the election. </p>
<p>Rajoy must also be carrying out a risk assessment. A clear majority for pro-independence parties in December would perhaps make his position untenable. Alternatively, his authority will be reinforced should those parties opposed to independence emerge victorious. </p>
<p>Now ousted Catalan president Carles Puigdemont’s centre-right Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) and former deputy president Oriol Junqueras’s Republican Left (ERC) have, for now, indicated that they will take part in the election. However, Puigdemont’s parliamentary majority also depended on support from ten representatives of the far-left, anti-capitalist Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP). The CUP has been uncompromising in its support of independence and it has played an influential role in ensuring that Puigdemont was not tempted to backslide towards a more pragmatic stance on the matter by entering into negotiations with Madrid.</p>
<p>The CUP also played a key role in forcing the resignation of Artur Mas, Puigdemont’s predecessor as president. Given its rejection of the central government’s authority, it is by no means certain that the CUP will put forward candidates for the December elections.</p>
<p>One of the central government’s concerns is that the shift towards independence witnessed in Catalonia since 2012 has served to weaken the more moderate, centre-right PDeCAT. The party dominated Catalan regional politics for the greater part of four decades. Seeking to retain popularity during a time of severe austerity and <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/former-catalan-president-jordi-pujol-to-be-stripped-of-his-titles-after-admitting-to-more-than-30-9636343.html">corruption scandals</a>, the PDeCAT has found the reductionist narrative of Madrid “robbing” Catalonia politically useful.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, the PDeCAT has struggled with the dilemmas inherent in its belated adoption of a pro-independence stance. Prior to its shift towards advocating outright independence in 2012, the party, in its previous incarnation as Convergence and Union (CiU), found a subtler approach towards Madrid to be more productive. It may fear that elements within its middle-class support base will be horrified by the current crisis.</p>
<p>Around <a href="https://www.thelocal.es/20151116/business-leader-says-1000-firms-have-left-catalonia-over-separatist-drive">1,000 companies</a> are moving their headquarters out of Catalonia amid the recent instability, which may also further dent support for the avowedly pro-business PDeCAT. It’s possible that its radical left bedfellows the ERC will emerge as the dominant pro-independence force in the December election.</p>
<h2>The pro-Spain camp</h2>
<p>The parties in favour of Catalonia remaining within Spain are confronting their own set of dilemmas. Rajoy’s Popular Party (PP) has always struggled in Catalonia, where moderate, centre-right voters have instead been drawn to the CiU/PDeCAT. The Catalan branch of the Socialist Party, the PSC, has experienced its own quandaries on the issue of independence.</p>
<p>And Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias has recently had to <a href="https://www.thespainreport.com/articles/1250-171030121434-pablo-iglesias-orders-take-over-of-podemos-catalonia-after-anticapitalist-sector-recognises-catalan-republic">admonish</a> leading figures within the Catalan incarnation of his party for flouting the agreed party line by unambiguously supporting independence. Podemos supports Catalalonia’s right to hold a legal referendum but does not want it to break away from Spain. Iglesias did not back Puigdemont’s unilateral declaration of independence and has called for further dialogue between the two sides. He is in a difficult position in that his party may lose support in the region to the unambiguously pro-independence CUP, whose clarity on the issue throws into relief the uncomfortable hedging which has characterised Podemos’s position. </p>
<p>Albert Rivera’s centre-right Ciutadans (Citizens), whose raison d’être is opposition to Catalan independence, has the luxury of an unambiguous stance on the issue and may be well-placed to do well in December.</p>
<h2>Keeping it calm</h2>
<p>It is to be hoped that the election campaign will be a peaceful one. Madrid is at least aware that repeating the scenes of police violence which marred the October referendum would play into the hands of Puigdemont and attract yet more international consternation.</p>
<p>Whatever the result of the election, though, it’s unlikely to put an end to Spain’s worst political crisis in four decades. For that, what may be needed is reform of <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/10/catalonia-referendum/541611/">Catalonia’s Autonomy Statute</a>, which may enable Catalonia to obtain a more favourable financial settlement akin to that enjoyed by the Basque Country. An imaginative re-writing of the 1978 constitution may even be necessary. Only then can Catalan grievances be addressed and some degree of normality be re-established.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/86631/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paul Kennedy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>An ousted leader, a divided electorate and the risk of further violence pile on the tension ahead of the December vote.Paul Kennedy, Lecturer in Spanish and European Studies, University of BathLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/855572017-10-12T13:41:57Z2017-10-12T13:41:57ZCatalonia, Spain and the economic consequences of a split<p>The prospect of Catalonia seceding from Spain has <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-41588819">never looked closer</a>. Following a <a href="https://theconversation.com/violent-scenes-in-catalan-referendum-were-not-the-return-of-spains-francoist-police-85073">messy referendum vote</a> on the matter (which the Spanish government refused to recognise but sent police in to prevent from taking place) and a series of protests, there seems to be a real possibility of a split taking place. But what might the economic consequences be?</p>
<p>In terms of size and population, Catalonia is comparable to several European countries, such as Switzerland. Although it has 16% of the Spanish population, it generates 19% of Spain’s GDP <a href="https://www.oecd.org/edu/imhe/46827358.pdf">and 25% of its exports</a>. Its GDP per person is currently 14% higher than the EU average (but slightly below that of other regions of Spain such as the Madrid region, the Basque Country and Navarra). Meanwhile, the rest of Spain has a GDP per person of about 10%-15% below the EU average. Unemployment is also lower in Catalonia than in the rest of Spain, and similar to that of the region of Madrid.</p>
<p>This means that Catalonia, as well as the new Spanish state that emerges from a split, could be perfectly viable countries on their own. There would, of course, be economic consequences for both following a split – but these may be worse in the short-term than the long-term.</p>
<h2>Tax and spending</h2>
<p>In terms of tax collection, Catalonia would immediately gain and the rest of Spain would lose from secession. This is because Catalonia transfers significantly more to the central Spanish government than it gets in return in the form of public services and investment. Some <a href="http://www.wilson.cat/ca/mitjans-escrits/articles-dels-membres/item/210-el-dividend-fiscal-de-la-independencia.html">estimates</a> suggest that Catalonia transfers up to 8% of its GDP a year. </p>
<p>Part of the gain would most likely be used by the new Catalan state to repair an underfunded railway system and other infrastructure that successive Catalan governments and think tanks <a href="http://www.cambrabcn.org/en_US/web/cambra-english/barcelona-chamber">claim to be critical</a>. For example, in the port of Barcelona and the railway system that connects Barcelona with cities across the Mediterranean. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189969/original/file-20171012-31422-cj3cn5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189969/original/file-20171012-31422-cj3cn5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189969/original/file-20171012-31422-cj3cn5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189969/original/file-20171012-31422-cj3cn5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189969/original/file-20171012-31422-cj3cn5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189969/original/file-20171012-31422-cj3cn5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189969/original/file-20171012-31422-cj3cn5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catalonia wants more investment in key infrastructure like the port of Barcelona.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Spain as a whole is still suffering economically, following the financial crisis. While the Catalan government would agree that it should play a role in redistributing its wealth, there is a <a href="https://www.bookdepository.com/Espanya-capital-Par%C3%ADs-tots-els-camins-porten-Madrid-Germa-Bel-I-Queralt/9788496735521">widespread feeling</a> within the region that the central government has spent public funds on inefficient, politically-motivated infrastructure investments elsewhere.</p>
<p>Catalonia would of course need to invest in creating new state structures, such as embassies and a central bank. This may cost more than what Catalonia pays now as a proportion of the same structures for a larger state. Conversely, the new Spanish government could use the split as an opportunity to simplify its own administrative structures, as the preferences of the rest of the Spanish population would be more homogeneous without Catalonia. </p>
<h2>Negotiating the split</h2>
<p>Another issue is government debt. The new Spanish state and Catalonia would need to negotiate the allocation of joint assets and liabilities. Currently, most of the public debt in Spain is issued by the Spanish government. The Catalan government has a relatively small public debt of its own, on top of its proportional share of the Spanish government debt, which Catalonia would probably also need to take on as part of the split negotiation. </p>
<p>The Catalan government would probably need to seek funding from financial markets. This could be possible if it becomes an independent state which raises its own taxes. Although the new Spanish state may be in a worse financial situation than it currently is, it would retain the support of the European Central Bank. </p>
<p>In the short-run the split may be costly, as both sides may also face economic uncertainty and disruptions to trade, as their populations may boycott each other’s goods and services (as has happened <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/13/world/europe/a-war-of-words-over-catalonia-sets-off-a-war-of-wine.html">at previous times of tension</a>). Because of the size difference, Catalonia would end up suffering more from this (the rest of Spain accounts for one third of Catalan exports). </p>
<p>But it is unclear how long boycotts would last, and how restrictive they might be. Businesses may also search out other markets, as they have even in the recent past. Exports of Cava from Catalonia to other countries, for example, increased substantially following an informal boycott <a href="https://econpapers.repec.org/article/bpjbejeap/v_3a16_3ay_3a2016_3ai_3a1_3ap_3a185-218_3an_3a3.htm">from the rest of Spain ten years ago</a>. </p>
<p>A key factor is whether Catalonia could gain independence and remain in the EU. If Catalonia were to remain as part of the EU, not much would change for either side. If it were required to remain outside the EU for a period of time, it would need to negotiate trade agreements with the new Spanish state and the rest of the EU.</p>
<p>Despite the inevitable transition costs for both sides, there may also be some benefits to a split. The new Spanish state would lose a dynamic economy with better economic indicators than its average in terms of GDP, unemployment, exports and innovation. But this may trigger greater economic development and modernisation in its remaining regions. The new Spanish state may gain in the long run if the preferences of its citizens are more homogeneous and better aligned with the central government than at present. </p>
<p>Needless to say, prior to independence, both parties may have vested interests in using economic and non-economic threats against each other. After secession, however, mutually beneficial agreements would unavoidably be pursued. In any case, both new states are viable, and they could well be better off in the long run.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85557/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Despite the inevitable transition costs for both sides, there may also be some benefits to a split.Mireia Jofre-Bonet, Professor in Economics, City, University of LondonAlbert Banal-Estanol, Professor in Economics, City, University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/855702017-10-12T10:38:56Z2017-10-12T10:38:56ZQ+A: what happens now in Catalonia?<p>Spanish president Mariano Rajoy is calling for clarification from the government of Catalonia over whether it is or isn’t declaring independence in the wake of a disputed referendum on October 1. The two administrations are locked in impasse. So where do we go from here?</p>
<p><strong>Catalan leader Carles Puigdemont says he has a mandate to push forward with independence but will not do so immediately. What does this mean in practice?</strong></p>
<p>Most significantly, it means that Puigdemont has stepped back from the brink by not pressing ahead with an unambiguous unilateral declaration of independence. He has bought some breathing space to engage in dialogue within the pro-independence camp, leaving open the possibility of talks with the Spanish government.</p>
<p>Puigdemont will now be under intense pressure from his pro-independence partners, most notably the anti-capitalist CUP (Popular Unity Candidacy), and to a lesser extent, ERC (Republican Left of Catalonia) to stick to his guns and unambiguously opt for a unilateral declaration of independence.</p>
<p><strong>Spanish leader Mariano Rajoy has indicated that he is prepared to impose direct rule unless Puigdemont “respects the rule of law”. What does he mean?</strong></p>
<p>I believe it means engaging in the kind of dialogue which has been almost entirely absent over recent years. As far as the Spanish government is concerned, independence is out of the question. It remains to be seen whether there might be the possibility of a revision to the <a href="https://www.nationalia.info/new/9216/spanish-constitutional-court-cuts-back-catalan-statute-of-autonomy">Catalan Statute</a>, or even an amendment to the constitution itself so as to facilitate Catalonia remaining within Spain, with the possibility of there being an official referendum on Catalonia’s status within Spain at some indeterminate point in the future. Whether this is realistic depends largely on Puigdemont’s capacity to resist the more extreme voices within the pro-independence camp whose strategy appears to be one of upping the ante and pushing both sides into further confrontation.</p>
<p><strong>Rajoy says he remains prepared to invoke Article 155 of the constitution. What would happen then?</strong></p>
<p>Spain would essentially take whatever steps are necessary to ensure that the Catalan authorities comply with their legal obligations in accordance with the Spanish constitution. It would mean that Catalan regional institutions fall under the control of Madrid. This is a serious step as it would force Catalans into making a decision as to which side they are on: Madrid or Catalonia. It’s likely that Madrid would also dissolve the Catalan regional assembly and call fresh regional elections. </p>
<p>Article 155 should be viewed as the nuclear option, though. Rajoy will hope that threatening to use it will be enough to persuade Puigdemont to take a decisive step back. He will now wait for Puigdemont’s response.</p>
<p><strong>What does “no deal” look like for Catalonia?</strong></p>
<p>If Puigdemont insists on pressing on with independence, I fear Article 155 will be implemented and there will be a ratcheting up of an already explosive situation.</p>
<p>Independence will have to be removed from the agenda. That said, Madrid can choose to respond to Catalan demands without having to agree to outright independence. </p>
<p><strong>Is there any way to resolve this situation that could placate both sides?</strong></p>
<p>Incredibly, both sides have been guilty of rejecting dialogue, which is, after all, the only way to resolve the situation. This would require flexibility and compromise from both sides. The rapid advance towards confrontation must be reversed; time must be given to enable negotiations to take place. It may not be possible to find a solution that entirely satisfies either side, but one which both sides find at least acceptable is. The 1978 Spanish constitution is proof that this can be done. By no means perfect, the Constitution was acceptable to people of practically every shade of opinion. </p>
<p><strong>What is the current state of popular opinion on this issue?</strong></p>
<p>People in Catalonia and throughout the rest of Spain are aghast that tensions have risen to crisis point in this manner. There is a feeling of real concern at the escalation of events over recent weeks, with a fear that the more extreme viewpoints on both sides have sidelined moderate voices advocating compromise and dialogue.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85570/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paul Kennedy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>After threatening to declare independence, Carles Puigdemont has stepped back from the brink. But that has caused confusion.Paul Kennedy, Lecturer in Spanish and European Studies, University of BathLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/850852017-10-11T23:38:32Z2017-10-11T23:38:32ZThe hypocrisy of the European Union on the Catalan referendum<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189682/original/file-20171010-17684-fctmed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=33%2C282%2C3730%2C2059&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Spanish National Police block people trying to reach a polling station in Barcelona, Spain, on Oct. 1. Catalan leaders accused Spanish police of brutality and repression. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>After days of political upheaval following the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/live/2017/oct/01/catalan-independence-referendum-spain-catalonia-vote-live">Oct. 1 referendum</a> on independence from Spain, the president of Catalunya, Carles Puigdemont, spoke in the Catalan parliament this week.</p>
<p>The radical parties in parliament had been pushing for an immediate unilateral declaration of independence.</p>
<p>But with corporations beginning to <a href="http://money.cnn.com/2017/10/06/investing/catalonia-independence-banks-companies-spain/index.html">threaten they’d leave</a>, it made sense for Puigdemont to recount all the reasons why Catalunya is entitled to consider separation, but then announce that the independence declaration <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/10/catalan-government-suspends-declaration-of-independence">would be put on hold</a> for “several weeks” until a mediator is found.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=901&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=901&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=901&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1132&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1132&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189689/original/file-20171010-7420-122mypi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1132&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catalan regional President Carles Puigdemont signs an independence declaration after a parliamentary session in Barcelona on Oct. 10. Puigdemont says he has a mandate to declare independence but is waiting a few weeks in order to facilitate a dialogue.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Manu Fernandez)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><a href="http://www.dw.com/en/catalan-independence-spain-rejects-calls-for-mediation-by-catalan-president-carles-puigdemont/a-40809000">Mediation is widely supported</a> in Barcelona, the capital of Catalunya, by the leading newspaper, the bar association, the economists’ association, the chambers of commerce and a long list of civic leaders.</p>
<p>But the Spanish government has continued to repeat that there is no dialogue with law-breakers and that the referendum was illegal. </p>
<p>It was indeed illegal, but how the “illegal” label was generated would likely be mocked by international constitutional law experts.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, only Barcelona’s news outlets seem to know the background. They have tried to explain that in 2006 a referendum was actually held to approve the basic law governing Madrid-Barcelona relations (<a href="https://www.parlament.cat/document/cataleg/150259.pdf">the “Estatut.”</a>)</p>
<p>If it had been upheld, this long-awaited compromise law would have put an end to the independence movement. What the vast majority of Catalan people wanted (and probably would still want, if it were in the cards) was federalism, as it exists in Canada, Germany and other countries.</p>
<h2>Court stacked with centralists</h2>
<p>But the Constitutional Court, which had been carefully packed with strong centralists (in Spain judges belong to political parties and their affiliation is publicly known), unilaterally gutted the “Estatut” in 2010. When the same Constitutional Court declares the Barcelona government to be “anti-democratic” in 2017, one can appreciate why the labels “anti-democratic” and “illegal” have little purchase. Madrid unilaterally, and conveniently, <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/10/10/europe/catalonia-how-we-got-here/index.html">deemed it so.</a></p>
<p>Prior to the Oct. 1 vote, Madrid sent tens of thousands of <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/10/01/europe/catalonia-spain-independence-referendum-vote/index.html">heavily armed national police</a>, including the paramilitary Guardia Civil, to keep people from voting. </p>
<p>Clearly the thousands of riot police, who destroyed polling stations, beat up almost 900 voters, made off with ballots and ballot boxes and shot rubber bullets into crowds, had not only permission but encouragement from on high. They were unsuccessful, as it turned out, since more than two million people voted.</p>
<p>On Oct. 3, just after a <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/10/general-strike-grinds-catalonia-halt-171003093537481.html">massive general strike</a> was held throughout Catalunya to protest the police actions, Spain’s King Felipe went on national TV. Instead of easing tensions, Felipe proceeded to use his position as sovereign <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/10/03/europe/catalonia-general-strike-protests-barcelona/index.html">to lambaste the government of Catalunya.</a></p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189687/original/file-20171010-19989-1s2mi2t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catalan regional police officers stand between protesters and national police headquarters during a one-day strike in Barcelona on Oct. 3 to protest alleged brutality by police during the referendum.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Santi Palacios)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>If Felipe had said “a few bad apples” among police had become overzealous, as would have happened in many democracies, that might have calmed things down. But the massive police violence went totally unmentioned, as if Felipe did not have a television set in his palace.</p>
<p>So where are things now? </p>
<p>Barcelona is still hoping for mediation, and has not gone through with independence declarations despite pressure from the radical left-separatist party CUP. Madrid has not yet sent in the tanks; but it has refused to pull the <a href="http://gulfnews.com/news/europe/spain/police-block-public-access-to-catalan-parliament-1.2103665">national police and paramilitary forces</a> out of Catalunya. </p>
<p>And the government continues to refuse to negotiate at all, either directly or through international mediators, including “The Elders,” the group founded by Nelson Mandela that has made a <a href="http://theelders.org/article/elders-call-dialogue-and-restraint-over-catalonia-crisis">sensible call for dialogue</a> and would no doubt be available to mediate.</p>
<p>In all of this, the people of Catalunya keep asking: Where is the European Union? What is the point of having a European Parliament and a European Commission if they are AWOL during the worst political crisis in recent European history?</p>
<p>As a Barcelona-raised scholar of urban law and governance, I can attest that being European is important to all Catalans. </p>
<p>Those who favour independence flood the streets every Sept. 11 (the Catalan national day), waving both Catalan independence flags and EU flags. But those who are against independence also wave the EU flag. During the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/08/catalonia-spain-prime-minister-refuses-rule-out-suspending-autonomy">huge anti-independence demonstration</a> held Oct. 8 in Barcelona, people carried Spanish flags, EU flags and the official pre-independence flag of Catalunya, often with the three sewn together.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189684/original/file-20171010-17673-18j3wsa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Demonstrators carrying flags march to protest the Catalan government’s push for secession from the rest of Spain in downtown Barcelona, Spain, on Oct. 8.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Francisco Seco)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The EU flag is just about the only thing both sides have in common. Even the famed Futbol Club Barcelona, usually the object of widespread and non-partisan adoration in Catalonia, took sides, not quite pro-independence but in favour of the referendum.</p>
<p>During the afternoon of Oct. 1, with European televisions and smartphone screens rife with photos of brazen police violence, a rumour circulated on social media about Angela Merkel phoning the Madrid Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, to tell him <a href="http://www.elnacional.cat/en/news/merkel-calls-rajoy-explanations-catalan-referendum_197541_102.html">to call off the dogs</a> – but it was only a rumour.</p>
<p>On referendum day, Oct. 1, one of the thousands of local crowds hoping to vote carried a large banner saying “Europe, help us” in English. That appeal, which in prior weeks was imbued with hope, became a cry of desperation.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"915189492394467328"}"></div></p>
<p>My sister Teresa, who was able to vote without violence (she lives in a very small town, one forgotten by the national police), told me that her fellow townspeople, who know of her Canadian connections, were asking, only half jokingly, whether Catalunya might become a province of Canada, since the EU clearly didn’t care about it.</p>
<p>What’s transpired in Spain over the past two weeks raises serious questions about why the West views it as acceptable that a European prime minister has completely disregarded every European Union norm about civility, dialogue, pluralism, police oversight and basic human rights.</p>
<p>When Venezuela stacks the constitutional court to ensure that democracy movements are labelled illegal, the EU cries foul. When the same thing happens in Madrid? Silence.</p>
<p>If Madrid wanted to secede from the EU economy, like Great Britain, an uproar would no doubt ensue. But Madrid has managed to secede from the legal, political and ethical norms and laws that European leaders insist countries like Russia, Turkey and Venezuela adhere to. </p>
<p>And nobody seems to care.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85085/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mariana Valverde does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The European Union is quick to condemn countries like Venezuela and Turkey when they engage in anti-democratic tactics. So why is it so silent on Spain’s treatment of the Catalan?Mariana Valverde, Urban law and governance, infrastructure researcher; professor of criminology, University of TorontoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/849222017-09-29T14:29:12Z2017-09-29T14:29:12ZSpain’s disregard for Catalan press freedom is setting a dangerous precedent<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188184/original/file-20170929-21094-1ke7rej.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Protest in Barcelona against the Spanish government on September 21. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/barcelona-catalonia-spain-september-21-2017-720040666?src=fceMukMuLGKltsCRE06sow-1-42">Riderfoot</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In the run-up to the <a href="https://theconversation.com/catalonias-independence-referendum-how-the-disputed-vote-led-to-crackdown-82277">Catalan independence referendum</a> on October 1 – ahead of the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/oct/01/dozens-injured-as-riot-police-storm-catalan-ref-polling-stations">police attacks on voters</a> on the day – the lines between protecting the Spanish constitution and curtailing freedom of expression became increasingly blurred. More than 140 websites promoting the referendum <a href="https://comunicacio21.cat/noticies-comunicacio21/123896-la-guardia-civil-bloqueja-144-webs-pro-referendum">have been</a> closed by the Spanish government in recent weeks. </p>
<p>Reports have been rife of tensions between police and journalists – <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-spain-politics-catalonia-tax/from-new-tax-office-catalonia-hopes-to-grab-billions-from-madrid-idUSKCN1BW10A">including raids</a> on newspaper offices, broad threats of legal consequences, and an <a href="http://www.sindicatperiodistes.cat/content/m%C3%A9s-de-300-assistents-la-concentraci%C3%B3-en-defensa-de-la-llibertat-dinformaci%C3%B3">organised protest</a> by journalists against harassment. All this in parallel with <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/sep/27/europe-must-act-to-protect-rights-and-freedoms-of-catalans">the other hostilities</a> from Madrid: threats to arrest Catalan mayors, interference with civic budgets, mass police deployment and now the violence on the day itself. How do these attempts to control communication compare to other referendums – and how concerned should we be?</p>
<p>Ahead of the independence referendums in Scotland <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/events/scotland-decides/results">in 2014</a> and Quebec <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-29077213">in 1980 and 1995</a>, there were certainly accusations of media bias. In Scotland pro-independence activists <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-29196912">gathered</a> outside BBC Scotland a couple of days before the vote to protest against alleged institutional bias in favour of the union with England. Meanwhile, independence campaigners were <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/scottish-independence/11102194/Threats-intimidation-and-abuse-the-dark-side-of-the-Yes-campaign-exposed.html">continually accused</a> of being abusive on social media. </p>
<p>In Quebec’s second referendum, the French-speaking public broadcaster <a href="http://reporter-archive.mcgill.ca/Rep/r3113/media.html">was accused</a> of favouring the pro-independence vote and a parliamentary commission investigated possible bias. But for all the political conflict in these referendums, freedom of expression was never called into question – neither in the actions of the authorities nor <a href="http://news.sky.com/story/catalonia-the-messy-reality-of-the-referendum-spain-wants-shut-down-11057965">by putting up</a> potential legal obstacles to a referendum taking place. </p>
<p>To be sure, there has also been a row about media bias in Catalonia. This has been magnified by the fact that only the pro-independence side is campaigning – the referendum is not recognised by those opposed to independence and is regarded as illegitimate by Madrid. </p>
<p>Media outlets sympathetic to independence look more partisan because they only have one campaign to cover, while unionist outlets positioned against the referendum – which are roughly comparable in number – fall equally foul because they report the situation as a political dispute and not as a campaign at all. This reporting goes way beyond presenting two political options for Catalans. The unionist media talk openly about “the pro-independence offensive”, while the pro-referendum media focus on the “state challenge to Catalonia”.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188183/original/file-20170929-21094-3z49gq.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Monica Terribas.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mònica_Terribas_2017.jpg">Wikimedia</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>For example, anti-referendum activists and others <a href="http://www.elnacional.cat/ca/politica/concentracio-ultra-terribas-catalunya-radio_195705_102.html">gathered outside</a> the Catalan Public Radio Station on September 27 chanting against pro-referendum editorial lines and carrying threatening signs against prominent news anchor Mònica Terribas, whom they regard as one of the key culprits. At pro-referendum events, meanwhile, activists <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.es/2017/09/22/lo-que-le-hicieron-a-una-reportera-de-lasexta-en-barcelona-tras-boicotear-su-directo_a_23219325/">have carried</a> signs saying that the generally unionist Spanish media does not represent them. </p>
<h2>Media neutering</h2>
<p>The activities of the Spanish authorities have taken things to a whole different level, however. Earlier in September, Spanish police <a href="http://www.ara.cat/en/Spanish-HQ-several-Catalan-newspapers_0_1870613118.html">visited or wrote to</a> a number of Catalan news organisations which had aired the <a href="http://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20170904/431057749241/emitido-tv3-primer-anuncio-oficial-referendum.html">official referendum campaign advertisement</a> to give them a letter from the Catalan Superior Court of Justice. The letter, which also went to all Catalan public institutions, did not forbid the adverts or declare them illegal, or even say explicitly that it was illegal to inform people about the referendum. </p>
<p>Instead it warned of possible criminal consequences from helping to bring the referendum about, without specifying what types of actions could fall into that category. The problem with such loose warnings has been the censorship that has come about: the daily newspaper <a href="http://www.ara.cat/media/Als-nostres-lectors_0_1866413587.html">Ara</a> decided not to publish any more campaign adverts, for example. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=918&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=918&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=918&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1154&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1154&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/188185/original/file-20170929-23041-1s9iwcw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1154&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Omnium Cultural.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The Network of Local Television (La Xarxa de Comunicació Local) <a href="https://comunicacio21.cat/noticies-comunicacio21/123807-la-direccio-de-la-xarxa-ordena-no-entrevistar-alcaldes-fins-a-l-1-o">told its journalists</a> not to ask politicians questions about the referendum until the day after it had taken place. Acting on similar fears, Spanish public mail company Correos <a href="http://www.elnacional.cat/es/politica/omnium-correos-revista-referendum_191976_102.html">stopped distributing</a> the news magazine Omnium Cultural to its subscribers because it contained pro-referendum advertising. </p>
<p>Of the 144 websites that have been blocked, most belong to cultural and political associations campaigning for an independence vote. Fourteen individuals <a href="http://www.catalannews.com/society-science/item/14-people-summoned-to-court-for-duplicating-referendum-website">have been</a> called before a judge for copying the codes of some of the sites in question. </p>
<p>The Spanish military police association, the Guardia Civil, meanwhile, <a href="http://www.catalannews.com/society-science/item/guardia-civil-officers-sue-catalan-public-radio-news-anchor">is suing</a> Mònica Terribas. It accuses the news anchor of endangering police operations by asking listeners to report on anti-referendum raids by the forces. In all, media observer media.cat <a href="https://twitter.com/GrupBarnils/status/913715948774940672">has reported</a> than 64 situations where freedom of expression has been affected or disrupted in relation to the referendum. </p>
<p>Faced with such accusations, the Spanish government <a href="http://www.rtve.es/noticias/20170928/gobierno-dice-no-pretende-limitar-libertad-expresion-1-sino-evitar-acto-ilegal/1623620.shtml">has said</a> it does not want to restrict freedom of expression in Catalonia. Its actions, it says, are aimed at guaranteeing the order against a referendum which was <a href="http://time.com/4933069/catalonia-independence-vote-spain-suspended/">laid down by</a> the Spanish constitutional court a few weeks ago. </p>
<p>But even before the outbreak of referendum day violence, Spain already found itself in territory for which it is hard to find comparisons in the West. Article 10 of the <a href="http://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Convention_ENG.pdf">European Convention on Human Rights</a>, to which Spain is of course a signatory, lays down the principle of freedom of expression quite clearly. It talks about the right of people to “receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers”. </p>
<p>Yet little or nothing has been said by the international community in this regard. The situation is troubling to say the least. If there are no consequences, particularly in light of the latest developments on the ground, it will set a dangerous precedent.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84922/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mariola Tarrega does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>When you put together the efforts of the Spanish authorities to curb media coverage of the Catalan referendum, you have a deeply worrying picture.Mariola Tarrega, Teaching fellow, University of StirlingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.