tag:theconversation.com,2011:/au/topics/honour-killings-11178/articlesHonour Killings – The Conversation2019-12-03T18:29:59Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1258052019-12-03T18:29:59Z2019-12-03T18:29:59ZPunjabi ideas of honour can lead to girl-shaming and prenatal sex selection<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/303883/original/file-20191127-112526-1o2nshl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=229%2C229%2C3639%2C2516&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A woman takes a selfie with three others while attending the Vaisakhi Parade in Surrey, B.C., on April 22, 2017. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Darryl Dyck</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Studies suggest a significant proportion of Indian-origin families in Canada are practising female feticide, sex-selective abortion. A disproportionately higher number of male children were born to mothers of Indian origin in Canada, <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/life/health-and-fitness/health/some-couples-in-canada-practising-prenatal-sex-selection-in-favour-of-male-fetuses-studies-show/article29583670/">according to research</a> published in the <em>Canadian Medical Association Journal</em>. This imbalance was starker for couples who already had two daughters. </p>
<p>The findings <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/sex-selective-abortions-strive-for-cultural-understanding-over-outrage/article29641641/">stirred much debate</a> <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2016/12/11/its-time-to-debate-sex-selective-abortion-tory-leadership-hopeful-pierre-lemieux-says.html">and discussion</a> in the Canadian media. </p>
<p>Since Punjabis constitute a significant <a href="https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/nhs-enm/2011/as-sa/99-010-x/99-010-x2011001-eng.cfm">portion of Indian immigrants</a> as well as <a href="https://vancouversun.com/opinion/columnists/douglas-todd-indo-canadians-in-uproar-over-surge-of-foreign-students">foreign students</a> in Canada, it is crucial to understand the manifestation of gender inequality that may cause this sex selection and prejudice against girl-children within the traditional patriarchal Punjabi culture.</p>
<h2>Origins of gender inequality</h2>
<p>Researchers <a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w17098">in economics</a> <a href="https://news.virginia.edu/content/patriarchy-and-plow">and sociology</a> have traced the origins of persistent gender inequalities to the development of plow agriculture, which devalued women’s labour, rendered their status inferior to that of men and led to a <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02255189.2018.1450737?src=recsys">strong preference for sons</a>. </p>
<p>In Punjab, an agrarian, male-dominated society, women are expected to preserve their family’s <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02255189.2018.1450736"><em>izzat</em></a>, or honour. This means refraining from doing anything that can disgrace the men of their family. </p>
<p>In this context, where a woman’s identity is defined by her male counterparts, being unmarried invites social sanctions for women as well as for their families. </p>
<h2>Unmarried daughters cause shame, disgrace</h2>
<p>Almost every aspect of Punjabi culture is rife with the notion of women being the bearers of the <em>izzat</em> of their fathers, brothers and all other male relatives. Even the songs, called <em>suhag</em>, sung on the eve of a girl’s wedding day emphasize why getting married is important. Being unmarried brings her father extreme shame. </p>
<p>Consider, for example, the lyrics of a popular <em>suhag</em> <a href="https://www.punjabi-kavita.com/PunjabiSuhag.php"><em>“Kotha kyon niveya'n”</em> (“Why is the house collapsing”)</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Why has the father bowed down (shamefaced)?</p>
<p>Why is the righteous father feeling humiliated?</p>
<p>The daughter of this father is still unmarried,</p>
<p>That’s why he is feeling humiliated.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>In a patriarchal culture dominated by notions of hypermasculinity, where bowing down is mortifying for a man, a daughter’s singlehood can bring a father to his knees. </p>
<p>Women’s bodies and sexualities are controlled and regulated by men through the cultural constructs of <a href="https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/69458/3/Mucina_Mandeep_K_201501_PhD_thesis.pdf">honour and shame</a>. An unmarried daughter always remains a “threat” to the men’s <em>izzat</em> and any expression of her sexuality has the potential to destroy the family honour. It is not uncommon for men to use violence to reinstate that honour. </p>
<p>An extreme manifestation of that violence is “honour killing,” instances of which <a href="https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/cj-jp/fv-vf/hk-ch/p2.html">aren’t unheard of in Canada</a>.</p>
<p>It is considered tragic if the daughter remains single for an extended period of time as the parental home is not considered <em>apna ghar</em> (own home) for the daughter. She is somebody’s <em>amaanat</em> (precious possession), and the parents are simply temporary caretakers.</p>
<h2>Personal stories</h2>
<p>To further unpack the devaluation of women in Punjabi society and by Punjabi-Canadian society, we use a collaborative <a href="https://qualpage.com/2018/11/15/what-is-autoethnography/">autoethnography</a> technique. To do this, we discuss our lived experiences of being single, Punjabi and upper-caste women. We were both born and brought up in Punjab and we came to Canada to pursue higher education.</p>
<h2><em>Sumeet’s story</em></h2>
<p>My sister was 23 years old, and a newly minted dentist in Amritsar, a prominent city in Punjab, when my parents started looking for a “suitable match” for her. Suitability is defined in terms of social status, age and education. Social status, in turn, is constituted by caste, wealth and land ownership. </p>
<p>All of 17 years of age at the time, I can recall a distinct sense of foreboding as I watched my parents trying to arrange a marriage for my sister. They used several words to describe their feelings about her marriage: duty, responsibility, burden.</p>
<p>My sister and I were quite used to the idea of being perceived as a burden. We had grown up hearing from family friends and members of the extended family that it was unfortunate for our father to have two daughters. We heard things like: “Your poor father — he has to marry off two girls.” </p>
<p>In addition to the strong preference for sons, note that all the sympathy was reserved for my father and not for both my parents. </p>
<p>With the passage of time, my parents became increasingly desperate to marry off my sister as she was becoming, ostensibly, less desirable with age. They cajoled, begged, and even threatened my sister to agree to wed any man whose family showed even the slightest interest in her regardless of her own feelings about the men in question. </p>
<p>The general state of anxiety in our household did not end until a suitable match was arranged for my sister. She was 25 years old.</p>
<p>Clearly, an unmarried daughter is a looming threat for the family’s <em>izzat</em>.</p>
<h2><em>Navjot’s account</em></h2>
<p>Rural Punjab. It was 4:30 in the morning. There was an unease caused by some hushed whispers that I could sense in my partially sleepy state. I went back to sleep to wake up a few hours later for school (I was a 24-year old grad student), unaware that the worst trauma of my life was going to present itself in a matter of minutes. </p>
<p>One of my male cousins snatched my laptop bag from me and I was told to keep quiet. I looked at them in bewilderment as they proceeded to confiscate my phone and took the battery out. I, somehow, gathered up my courage to ask what was happening once the Earth stopped slipping from under my feet. “We are not letting you go to the university anymore.” </p>
<p>“Just be thankful that we didn’t kill him,” was one of the sentences being uttered by someone in the bunch of male relatives of my joint family surrounding me. It was only after a couple of hours that I realized that this bunch had gone out that fateful foggy morning of November and had beaten the daylights out of my alleged “boyfriend.” </p>
<p>I realized that I was constantly under surveillance — if not by my family, then by “sympathizers” of my family concerned about my family’s honour. </p>
<p>The intensity and urgency of my reprimand might have been caused and compounded by the fact that just a few months earlier, one of my cousins had the courage to go against family wishes and marry a lower-caste man. She was then excommunicated and remains that way to this day.</p>
<h2>Understanding <em>izzat</em>: Honour</h2>
<p>We hope this piece helps Canadian readers understand the ways in which the cultural construct of <em>izzat</em>, combined with ideas of hypermasculinity, leads to the devaluation of women, as well as a strong preference for sons, among Punjabi immigrant families. </p>
<p>Given that many women in Canadian society have significant autonomy over their lives, Punjabi immigrant families likely impose harsh sanctions on young women upon their arrival in Canada to protect them against such freedoms. </p>
<p>We can begin to address these issues by bringing them them out in the public. Special efforts should be made to include Punjabi men in this discourse. </p>
<p>We need Canadian academics to research the idea of <em>izzat</em>, as well as ideas of hypermasculinity and agrarian patriarchy as practised by the Punjabi community in Canada.</p>
<p>[<em>Deep knowledge, daily.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/ca/newsletters?utm_source=TCCA&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=deepknowledge">Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter</a>]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/125805/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Studies suggest a significant proportion of Indian-origin families in Canada are practising female feticide. It is crucial to understand how gender inequality may lead to sex selection.Sumeet Sekhon, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Development and Gender Studies, University of British ColumbiaNavjotpal Kaur, PhD Candidate, Sociology, Memorial University of NewfoundlandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1061882018-11-08T12:36:37Z2018-11-08T12:36:37ZWhy South Sudan faces collapse if peace pact fails – again<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/244060/original/file-20181106-74787-1rz607t.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">South Sudan can be stabilised, but great effort is needed from numerous players.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>South Sudan is <a href="http://fundforpeace.org/fsi/2018/04/24/fragile-states-index-2018-annual-report/">arguably the most fragile state in the world</a>. Lacking an institutional legacy <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14092375">at its creation in 2011</a>, political, security, economic, and social indicators have all deteriorated amid civil conflict. As state legitimacy has eroded, the number of armed factions and tribal militias has increased rapidly, now exceeding 40 such groups.</p>
<p>One consequence of the prolonged conflict is that South Sudan – <a href="http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/south-sudan-population/">a nation of over 13 million people</a> – is now one of the main sources of refugees in the world. </p>
<p>There are nearly <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/south-sudan/south-sudan-situation-responding-needs-displaced-south-sudanese-and-refugees">2.5 million people seeking shelter in neighbouring countries and another 1.85 million internally displaced</a>. Nearly <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/south-sudan/nearly-two-thirds-population-south-sudan-risk-rising-hunger">7 million people</a> (60% of the pre-crisis population) face famine and severe food insecurity. </p>
<p>The economy has almost collapsed with <a href="http://pubdocs.worldbank.org/en/713731492188171377/mpo-ssd.pdf">annual inflation</a> fluctuating between 100% to 150%. Conflicts within and between communities have led to social fracturing and the erosion of social cohesion. The retreat into ethnic cocoons, which threatens national unity, is fuelled by conflict. But it’s also reinforced by the ruling elites failure to embrace diversity and to disperse power and resources from the centre.</p>
<p>To reorient the country toward peace and unity, new life must be injected into the <a href="https://igad.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1193:agreement-on-the-resolution-of-the-conflict-in-the-republic-of-south-sudan&catid=1:latest-news&Itemid=125">Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan</a> signed in 2015. The signing of the revitalised peace agreement in September 2018 provides renewed hope for putting South Sudan on a trajectory of peace although <a href="https://igad.int/programs/115-south-sudan-office/1950-signed-revitalized-agreement-on-the-resolution-of-the-conflict-in-south-sudan">serious concerns remain</a> about its sustainability. This should be coupled with the completion of the deployment of the regional protection force. </p>
<h2>Instability</h2>
<p>South Sudan faces numerous and serious challenges contributing to instability. The most serious is the continuing insurgency in which no single party to the conflict can impose its will militarily. </p>
<p>In the middle of this is a man made famine caused by the conflict and the collapse of food and economic production. The result is mass displacement within and outside South Sudan’s borders. Another consequence of conflict is human rights violations, including <a href="https://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFKCN1G717L-OZATP">war crimes</a> and crimes against humanity. </p>
<p>The disintegration of security institutions has rendered the state unable to protect lives and property. What’s worse is that it has itself become a key source of violence and instability. The erosion of the government’s presence in rural areas and its retreat to Juba, the capital city, has prompted some to argue that South Sudan has been reduced to a city-state. </p>
<p>This retreat has created large ungoverned spaces in which insurgents, militia, and what remains of the military clash repeatedly. In the process, civilians have been preyed on and victimised at will primarily on an ethnic basis.</p>
<p>Yet, this “national conflict” overlays a <a href="https://www.unenvironment.org/news-and-stories/press-release/resource-competition-and-climate-change-hampering-south-sudan-peace">cornucopia of preexisting conflicts</a>. These include conflicts over resources, including land, pasture, water, and cattle. Moreover, the <a href="http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/85696/1/Pendle_Dead%20just%20to%20drink%20from_2017.pdf">culture of violent revenge</a> has replaced the traditional compensation system and often results in children becoming legitimate targets of revenge.</p>
<p>This devastating account of the challenges that confront stabilisation and peace efforts paint an undoubtedly bleak and dreary picture of what the future holds for the people of South Sudan. The bad news is that it could get worse if the recently signed peace agreement suffers the same fate of the 2015 peace agreement.</p>
<h2>What getting worse looks like</h2>
<p>There’s a real danger that South Sudan could revert to a stateless entity if the current peace agreement fails again. There would follow a period of massive death from famine and conflict. The vast ungoverned space would also pose a regional security vacuum. </p>
<p>The country could disintegrate into permanent anarchy characterised by:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Degeneration of the status quo into chaos, anarchy, lawlessness, or ochlocracy or mob rule. This would be accompanied by the continued fragmentation of political and ethnic groups. Survival would be entirely dependent on strength of arms. Weaker communities would be forced to flee or be eliminated.</p></li>
<li><p>Inability to pay the salaries of state functionaries, judges, and other bodies of arbitration resulting in a total shutdown of government.</p></li>
<li><p>Prospect of regional powers intervening militarily in favour of one or several factions increasing the intensity, scope, and longevity of violence. This would render war intractable.</p></li>
<li><p>Disintegration of economic conditions making trade, capital transfers, and infrastructural maintenance unviable. As a result, militia and other security personnel would increase their extortionist activities.</p></li>
</ul>
<h2>The alternative</h2>
<p>There are potential solutions. South Sudanese society could be stabilised. But this would require great effort on the part of numerous players.</p>
<p>First, the guns need to be silenced. The 2018 revitalised peace agreement provides a framework and minimum conditions for this to happen. This agreement is a win for the government with opposition weakened, fractured and with strong sense of insecurity. But success rests on the emergence of a new breed of leaders to transform this agreement into an opportunity for creating space for civicness in place of violence. </p>
<p>The deployment of the <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2017/08/562962-south-sudan-deployment-un-mandated-regional-protection-force-begins">4,000-strong Regional Protection Force</a> would be an integral part of this effort. The size of this force may need to be enlarged. This temporary outsourcing of security services can create an environment enabling other aspects of the stabilisation to proceed.</p>
<p>Stabilisation efforts will also require strategic direction from the top. If the new power-sharing agreement under the joint leadership of Salva Kiir and Riek Machar fails again to facilitate transition to democracy, then the government would lose its legitimacy. Therefore, the installation of a broad-based, public-spirited political authority would be critical to foster stability and lay the groundwork for a democratic transition. </p>
<p>Various options can be considered. These include:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>an <a href="https://www.cfr.org/report/ending-south-sudans-civil-war">international transitional administration</a>, </p></li>
<li><p>an <a href="http://bostonreview.net/world/mahmood-mamdani-south-sudan-failed-transition">African Union-led transitional administration</a>, or</p></li>
<li><p>a <a href="http://www.gurtong.net/ECM/Editorial/tabid/124/ctl/ArticleView/mid/519/articleId/19984/In-South-Sudan-Genocide-Looms.aspx">caretaker transitional administration</a> led by South Sudanese technocrats. </p></li>
</ul>
<p>These arrangements should be accompanied by a negotiated <a href="https://www.cfr.org/report/ending-south-sudans-civil-war">exit strategy</a> for the current political leaders. </p>
<p>In view of capacity gaps and lack of trust in sections of the South Sudanese political class, a hybrid arrangement may be the preferred route. It would be composed of untainted South Sudanese technocrats and African Union-United Nations managing South Sudan through to a viable democratic transition.</p>
<p>South Sudan could draw on the experiences of Liberia and Burundi in efforts to redesign and transform security sector institutions. In Liberia, <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/liberia/2016-06-16/why-un-cant-leave-liberia">foreign security forces</a> were invited to manage the security sector while local institutions were built up. In Burundi, <a href="https://africacenter.org/publication/lessons-from-burundis-security-sector-reform-process/">ethnic-based quotas</a> were enforced in the security forces.</p>
<h2>Conclusions</h2>
<p>With the prevalence of a strong sense of insecurity in South Sudan, the transition to democracy is more likely to be achieved through building institutional checks and balances. Strengthening professionalism, particularly in security sector, is also vital. Taking these steps could create a more conducive security environment for nurturing civicness in governance and stabilising South Sudan through rule of law. It would also require parallel efforts focusing on saving lives and restoring livelihoods. </p>
<p>Hand in hand with prioritising professionalism in security sector there should be efforts aimed at forging new social contract to restore confidence in public institutions and nurture social cohesion.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/106188/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Luka Kuol received funding from Windle Trust in UK as education grant for my PhD, resident fellowship grant from Harvard Kennedy School, and master degree scholarship from Belgium government. I am affiliated with Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) as a global fellow, University of Juba as associate professor and Kush Inc. a not-for-profit group or NGO.</span></em></p>South Sudan faces numerous and serious challenges contributing to instability. But there are potential solutions.Luka Kuol, Professor of Practice for Security Studies , Africa Center for Strategic StudiesLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/960412018-05-23T08:57:27Z2018-05-23T08:57:27ZThe forgotten male victims of honour-based violence<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/219211/original/file-20180516-155569-18y0d1z.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/man-worried-black-white-backgroundsoft-focus-544649362?src=Qxib9k8dCAyWMWqtA7rQOg-1-0">Shutterstock/TanongsakPanwan</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The UK has seen some shocking cases of honour-based violence and murder. But most people would be surprised to learn that many of the victims of this horrendous abuse are men. Despite <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/forced-marriage-unit-statistics-2016">20% of cases</a> of forced marriage relating to men, they have become the forgotten victims and as a result there is very little help available to them. There is a dearth of empirical research into this issue but we hope <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01924036.2017.1295394?src=recsys">our ongoing study</a> will help find some solutions.</p>
<p><a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0022018315586167">Honour-based violence</a> occurs when the actions of a victim are perceived by their family to have damaged its reputation. There could be a number of reasons for this, including having a relationship outside marriage, being too “westernised” or refusing to enter into a forced marriage.</p>
<p>Two of the most notable cases in the UK involved the murder of young girls by their families. In 2003, Shafilea Ahmed was <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-19068490">murdered by her parents</a> because she had refused to enter into a forced marriage. And in 2006, <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-11716272">Banaz Mahmod</a> was also murdered on the orders of her father and uncle for “dishonouring” the family. </p>
<p>Cases involving male victims are indeed rarer – but they exist and those victims need help too. <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09649069.2016.1272755?journalCode=rjsf20">Our research</a> involved <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01924036.2017.1295394?src=recsys">a number of studies</a> on <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0886260517703376">honour-based violence</a> and <a href="https://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/617352/">forced marriages</a> with the aim of helping victims and survivors.</p>
<h2>‘Forgotten voices’</h2>
<p>Much of the <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09589236.2012.708825">research going on right now</a> focuses on raising the profile of violence against women and girls. But our <a href="https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/honour-based-violence-hbv-national-roadshow-2018-launch-event-tickets-44673461526">Roadshow 2018</a> aims to raise the profile of male victims.</p>
<p>Responding to and improving service provision for men poses certain challenges. Male victims have been neglected due to a combination of factors, including a lack of awareness. There is also <a href="http://theconversation.com/why-gender-cant-be-ignored-when-dealing-with-domestic-violence-74137">resistance or dismissiveness</a> by some organisations to address the service needs of men. </p>
<p>The social construction that “men cannot be victims”, as well as a framework that views the service needs of women as a higher priority, adds to this complexity. </p>
<p>Barriers for men to report their abuse also exist in the form of concepts of masculinity, honour and shame. All these issues can prevent male victims from coming forward.</p>
<p>It is true that cases of honour-based violence and forced marriage generally relate to violence inflicted by older male relatives. But perpetrators can also be <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277539516300528">women and wives</a>. Where women are the perpetrators, men often avoid reporting it because of the fear of being <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NQVSmDpueVc">ridiculed or shamed</a>. </p>
<h2>Lack of service provision</h2>
<p>I am one of the trustees of <a href="https://theelmfoundation.org.uk">The Elm Foundation</a> which is a domestic abuse organisation. Although its core operation is to support women, the foundation also supports male victims with a male refuge that can house three single male victims at any one time. </p>
<p>But the next nearest male refuge is over 150 miles away. There is clearly a disparity between the service provision for men and women. Sadly, the <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/domestic-violence-male-victims-shelters-government-funding-stigma-a7626741.html">national picture is the same</a>. There are no refuges in London and <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qk3SinxgT2U">only 18 nationally</a> that serve men. Although more services should be available for women because they are predominantly the victims of violence, there still needs to be provision for men.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Qk3SinxgT2U?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>In 2008, the House of Commons Select Committee <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200708/cmselect/cmhaff/263/263i.pdf">issued a report</a> recommending various changes to help address the issues around honour-based violence. But ten years on, there are still problems with intervention and many of the committee’s recommendations have not been fully implemented or acted upon.</p>
<h2>What’s going wrong?</h2>
<p>There are problems with the police, particularly around <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/10439463.2018.1427745?needAccess=true">how victims are treated</a> by officers and how they feel uninformed on the progress of their cases. They are not receiving help soon enough or being believed in the first instance. There were also instances in our research where information about victims was not treated in strict confidence, potentially exposing victims to further risk of harm.</p>
<p>This is largely due to a lack of training and awareness on the part of police officers to recognise and spot the signs of abuse and them failing to appreciate the cultural issues some cases present.</p>
<p>In June 2014, the government <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/forced-marriage-now-a-crime">criminalised breaches</a> of Forced Marriage Protection Orders and created a new <a href="https://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/617352/">criminal offence of forced marriage</a>. But a major concern about criminalisation is the fact that perpetrators are often family members. So while some victims are prepared to see their <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/may/22/birmingham-woman-guilty-of-duping-daughter-into-forced-marriage">parents prosecuted</a> many others are not because of the love and emotional attachments involved.</p>
<p>Our research has uncovered key improvements that need to be made including: a national strategy on honour-based violence; better training and awareness for all state agencies around men being victims, and better education in schools, colleges and universities to inform young people about their rights and responsibilities.</p>
<p>There is clearly a conversation to be had about how we can improve support for victims, both women and men. But it is hoped that our work will spark a much needed change in policy and improve services for male victims.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/96041/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Maz Idriss is affiliated with Manchester Metropolitan University. On 30 May 2018, Manchester Met will be launching a National Roadshow on so-called ‘honour’-based violence (HBV) and forced marriage to help raise awareness and improve protection for victims. To attend the Manchester Met Launch Event, click on the following link:
<a href="https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/honour-based-violence-hbv-national-roadshow-2018-launch-event-tickets-44673461526">https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/honour-based-violence-hbv-national-roadshow-2018-launch-event-tickets-44673461526</a>
Registration is free.
</span></em></p>Men can also be victims of honour-based violence and more needs to be done to help protect them.Maz Idriss, Lecturer in Law, Manchester Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/742212017-03-08T07:54:34Z2017-03-08T07:54:34ZWhat’s holding Arab women back from achieving equality?<p>No country in the world has achieved full gender equality, but the Arab region – a diverse grouping of 22 countries in the Middle East and North Africa – ranks lowest in the world, according to the <a href="https://www.weforum.org/reports/the-global-gender-gap-report-2016">2016 Global Gender Gap Report</a>.</p>
<p>Despite some advances in women’s economic equality in Qatar, Algeria and the United Arab Emirates, at the present rate, the region’s 39% gender gap (compared to 33% in South Asia and 32% in Sub-Saharan Africa) will take another 356 years to close. Worse still, between their patriarchal societies, increased conservative movements and lack of political will to move towards gender equity, the Arab world today is seeing a backlash against women’s rights and freedoms.</p>
<p>As the Executive Secretary for UN Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA), Rima Khalaf, <a href="https://www.unescwa.org/news/escwa-marks-international-women%E2%80%99s-day">said to commemorate International Women’s Day in 2016</a>, “We are celebrating the many achievements of Arab women in sciences, literature and arts, but primarily in the art of survival.” </p>
<p>Here are the top five barriers facing women in the Arab world this year, along with some bright spots on the horizon. Women of the region are, of course, not all the same, but many share these profound challenges.</p>
<h2>1. Ongoing conflict</h2>
<p>For many Arab countries, instability is becoming the norm. The region’s multiple protracted humanitarian crises, including those in <a href="https://theconversation.com/syrias-war-of-extermination-signals-the-end-of-the-international-community-66708">Syria</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/trump-offers-confusion-rather-than-clarity-on-israel-palestine-73219">Palestine</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-battle-for-mosul-is-too-little-too-late-in-the-fight-against-the-islamic-state-67262https:/theconversation.com/the-battle-for-mosul-is-too-little-too-late-in-the-fight-against-the-islamic-state-67262">Iraq</a>, have destroyed systems of social protection, reduced access to safe services and support, displaced communities, and increased vulnerabilities.</p>
<p>Emergencies are <a href="https://theconversation.com/conflicts-expose-women-to-violence-but-the-arab-world-is-finding-ways-to-fight-back-65807">more dangerous for women</a>. Not only are women <a href="http://ec.europa.eu/echo/news/international-womens-day-women-emergency-situations_en">deliberately targeted</a>, but conflicts also bring insecurities that compel women to resort to risky sources of income, such as <a href="https://theconversation.com/syrias-red-light-traffic-7828">trafficking and sex work</a>, in order to survive. </p>
<p>The threat of violence is particularly high for young women and women of ethnic minorities, according to the <a href="http://www.arab-hdr.org/">2016 Arab Human Development Report</a>. For all women, but these in particular, even escaping conflict does not necessarily bring safety.</p>
<p>Despite research showing that the biggest predictor of peace in a country is not economics or politics, but <a href="http://foreignpolicy.com/2012/04/24/what-sex-means-for-world-peace/">how the country treats its women</a>, in times of conflict gender equality goals quickly disappear from the agenda. And, in a situation all too common around the world, Arab women generally do not have a seat at the table or a voice in negotiating their nations’ peace.</p>
<h2>2. Gender-based violence</h2>
<p><a href="http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/85239/1/9789241564625_eng.pdf?ua=1">One in three women</a> worldwide has experienced some form of gender-based violence in their lifetime. In the Arab world, violence against women takes many forms, with <a href="http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/77432/1/WHO_RHR_12.36_eng.pdf">intimate partner violence</a> being the most common (affecting <a href="http://www.thearabweekly.com/Society/7494/Alarming-rise-of-violence-against-women-in-Arab-region">approximately 30% of women in the region</a>) and the least reported. Here, intimate partner violence is often not labelled as such. When it is, social stigma and family and community pressures keep women from reporting it.</p>
<p>Honour killings are also prevalent in many Arab countries, which have largely failed to amend relevant laws. Jordan has the highest percentage in the region: each year <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/10/27/recorded-honor-killings-rise-jordan">it registers between 15 and 20 reports of such crimes</a>. Finally, in countries that host Syrian refugees, <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/the-conversation-global/syrian-girls-are-being-pu_b_12524790.html">child marriage is increasing</a> as a response to the ongoing crisis.</p>
<p>But we are seeing progress. </p>
<p>One way to counter violence against women in the Arab world is increasing its visibility among youth – as this student <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NPSRzMH_4lw&feature=youtu.be">video competition</a> for the <a href="http://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/take-action/16-days-of-activism">16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence</a> – has done. </p>
<p>Another promising initiative is a robust study led by the UN Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA) to estimate the regional <a href="https://www.unescwa.org/news/costing-violence-against-women">cost of violence against women</a>. The aim is to use economic arguments to raise awareness and influence policy. </p>
<p>Other organisations, such as the regional civil association <a href="http://www.abaadmena.org/">ABAAD’s</a> <a href="http://www.abaadmena.org/direct-services/safe-shelters">Al Dar</a> (emergency shelters), are providing a safe environment for survivors of gender-based violence, and those at risk, to access services and support. These are promising emerging practices, although uncommon in the region.</p>
<h2>3. Economic (dis)empowerment</h2>
<p>Women in Arab countries are an underutilised economic force, with only <a href="http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS?locations=ZQ">24% working outside the home</a> – that’s among the <a href="http://blogs.worldbank.org/arabvoices/despite-high-education-levels-arab-women-still-don-t-have-jobs">lowest female employment rates in the world</a>. </p>
<p>Most women who work outside the home are relegated to traditionally feminised sectors. In cases where women are accessing male-dominated fields, traditional gender dynamics remain firmly entrenched. So women are promoted less and have little access to decision-making positions.</p>
<p>While men’s employment is a prerequisite to marriage, women’s employment often ends with marriage; being married is viewed as a disadvantage in the workplace as well.</p>
<p>There are strong economic incentives to change these practices. Globally, gender equality <a href="http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21667949-world-would-be-much-richer-place-if-more-women-had-paying-jobs-power">results in higher GDP</a> – more workers means more productivity. But the strongest argument of all is principle. This is a woman’s right – and it is the right thing to do.</p>
<p>Vocational training, micro-lending, business planning, access to markets, and other supportive measures would help bring women into the labour market. As would addressing factors, such as lack of access to (safe) transport, safety in public spaces and daycare, all of which place limits on women’s employment prospects.</p>
<h2>4. Lack of political participation</h2>
<p>Arab women still lag significantly behind in terms of women’s participation and representation in politics. <a href="http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2016/middle-east-and-north-africa/">According to the WEF</a>, only 9% of the political gender gap is closed. And four out of the world’s five lowest-ranking countries are in this region, including <a href="http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2016/results-and-analysis/">Oman, Lebanon, Kuwait and Qatar</a>. They have closed less than 3% of their political gender gap. </p>
<p>Only the United Arab Emirates has seen improvement in terms of increased women parliamentarians. Although, again, presence in the political arena does not necessarily entail power.</p>
<p>In Lebanon, women currently occupy just four parliamentary seats, 3% of ministerial positions, and around 5% of seats in municipal councils. But information on women’s political positions is often incomplete, as these statistics are counted manually from municipality to municipality. </p>
<p>This lack of political participation is largely due to cultural barriers, a lack of access to economic and financial resources, and the absence of successful active role models in politics.</p>
<h2>5. Restrictive family laws</h2>
<p>Despite critiques of women’s legal status in the Arab region, changing family patterns, and a booming young female adult population, aspiring to professional lives, family laws in Arab countries still endorse inequality between spouses and discriminate against women in all aspects of their lives.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.arab-hdr.org/">This is a key obstacle</a> to sustainable development, preventing women’s self-determination and contribution to public and productive life and reforms have been slow and uneven across the Arab region.</p>
<p>Since <a href="http://www.brismes.ac.uk/nmes/archives/1409">2000, Egypt has introduced a series of legal changes</a>, but to little effect. This includes no-fault divorce, where women can initiate divorce. However, the consequence is that they lose any right to financial support and must repay the dowry they received upon marriage. Family courts were established in 2004, but a holistic approach to family law reform is still lacking as these courts continue to perpetrate the same archaic and discriminatory laws.</p>
<p>In 2004, a reform of Morocco’s <em>Moudawana</em> (family code) similarly increased women’s right to divorce and child custody and also restricted polygamy. But the Moroccan government remains hesitant to actually implement these reforms.</p>
<p>In Lebanon, reform efforts face unique challenges due to the diversity of its <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/01/19/lebanon-laws-discriminate-against-women">15 separate personal status laws</a> for the country’s various officially recognised religious communities, of which there are 18 in total. But the ongoing refugee crisis, in which at least <a href="http://www.latimes.com/world/europe/la-fg-migrants-scorecard-20150908-story.html">1.4 million Syrian refugees</a> have come to Lebanon, is an urgent reminder that conflict, war, and forced migration continue to reinforce the need for legal protection for women.</p>
<p>Still, there is potential for reform within challenging Arab contexts - whether during conflict, post-conflict, or when stable. Future policies for women must build on Arab activism and academic scholarship to reform family laws using a human rights framework and aligning with global goals (such as the <a href="http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/">Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women</a>) to build a foundation for full equality. </p>
<p>These issues are overlapping, meaning progress – or regress – in any of these areas has an impact on many other aspects of women’s lives. The underlying message is this: unless we’re addressing inequalities everywhere, we will achieve equality nowhere.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/74221/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lina Abirafeh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Unless we’re addressing inequalities everywhere, we will achieve equality nowhere.Lina Abirafeh, Director, Institute for Women’s Studies in the Arab World, Lebanese American UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/701822017-01-10T10:14:28Z2017-01-10T10:14:28ZViolence in the name of ‘honour’ is a public health problem not a cultural one<p>The murder of Qandeel Baloch, a Pakistani social media celebrity, in July 2016 has given high-profile political attention to the issue of so-called “honour” killings. Her brother and three others <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-38210428">were indicted</a> in early December for her murder and await trial. </p>
<p>A tendency to label “honour” related violence – committed under the pretext of defending the supposed honour of a family or community – as a cultural issue rather than a crime can do more harm than good. In the UK, for example, there are reports that the Crown Prosecution Service may have avoided tackling such crimes <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/11/07/cps-afraid-to-tackle-honour-crimes/">for fear of</a> offending certain communities and cultures.</p>
<p>Instead, the scale of this kind of violence means it should be seen and treated as a public health problem. A 2009 <a href="http://eurpub.oxfordjournals.org/content/19/2/193">study</a> showed that one in five homicides in Pakistan may be killings of this nature. In 2000, the UN Population Fund <a href="http://www.unfpa.org/publications/state-world-population-2000">estimated</a> that at least 5,000 women and girls worldwide are murdered each year in the name of so-called “honour” – although these figures are contested and some researchers believe that the rates are at least four times higher. In the UK, the police <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-33424644">recorded</a> more than 11,000 incidents of this kind of violence between 2010 and 2014. </p>
<p>In a <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/IJHRH-10-2015-0032">recent study</a>, my colleagues and I argued that the portrayal of this kind of violence in cultural and religious terms stigmatises certain communities. In turn, by presenting this kind of killings in this way, <a href="https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/1907161/muslim-murder-sister-pakistan-honour-killing-marriage-christian/">media coverage</a> often distracts from the problem of violence and the larger political processes that shape it from being properly addressed. </p>
<p>In Pakistan, these kind of killings have been traditionally viewed as the problem of particular ethnic groups such as Sindhis and Balochs. For instance, the term <em>karo-kari</em> is a Sindhi-language expression which means black male-black female. This implies that the victim has blackened themselves by bringing dishonour to the family by engaging in illicit pre-marital or extra-marital relations. In Pakistan, the term is still predominantly used by print and electronic media to label such crimes, whether the incident occurred in Sindh province or elsewhere in Pakistan. Yet, killings of this sort occur across Pakistan. In <a href="http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/annual-report-2014/">2014, there were an estimated 19 killings a week</a> and are known by regional names such as <em>Kala-Kali</em> (Punjab), <em>Tor-Tora</em> (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and <em>Siyakari</em> (Balochistan).</p>
<p>Since 2002, with the emergence of private television and radio channels, the reporting of incidents has increased across Pakistan and <a href="http://hrcpmonitor.org/search/?id=5">it has also begun</a> to be documented as a Pakistani problem, not restricted to one particular ethnic group. This media coverage has raised awareness and debate about the issue.</p>
<p>There has also been a move in Pakistan to make sure this kind of violence is dealt with more stringently by the law. In October 2016, lawmakers in Pakistan <a href="http://www.dawn.com/news/1288177">approved new legislation</a> to tighten the punishments available. Prior to the bill, perpetrators often walked free because they could seek pardon for the crime from another family member. <a href="https://theconversation.com/qandeel-baloch-stricter-pakistani-laws-have-not-deterred-honour-killings-62873">Under the new law</a>, relatives of the victim can only pardon the killer from the death penalty, but they would still face a compulsory life sentence of 12-and-a-half years.</p>
<h2>More than culture</h2>
<p>Honour has been a central concept across societies throughout history. It has been attributed as an underlying reason of horrible types of violence, for example, duelling in England, foot binding in China and wife burning (<em>sati</em>) in India. But these horrific forms of violence were not seen through a cultural lens when they were outlawed. Instead, they were tackled through political, social and legal measures driven by “moral revolution”, as the philosopher Kwame Appiah <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/The_Honor_Code_How_Moral_Revolutions_Hap.html?id=-dBqwJO8ZZsC&source=kp_cover&redir_esc=y&hl=en">has explained</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/151704/original/image-20170104-18653-qur4qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/151704/original/image-20170104-18653-qur4qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/151704/original/image-20170104-18653-qur4qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/151704/original/image-20170104-18653-qur4qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/151704/original/image-20170104-18653-qur4qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/151704/original/image-20170104-18653-qur4qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/151704/original/image-20170104-18653-qur4qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Definitions are key.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">TungCheung/shutterstock.com</span></span>
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<p>Violence against women and girls is a widespread problem in all societies around the world – but its manifestations differ widely according to place, time and context. For instance, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/dec/07/men-killed-900-women-six-years-england-wales-figures-show">recent census figures</a> show 900 women were killed by men in six years in England and Wales. These killings are not tagged with any particular culture or community. </p>
<p>In the UK, the police watchdog <a href="https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/our-work/so-called-honour-based-violence/">defines</a> violence committed under the pretext of “honour” in cultural and religious terms – but this creates hurdles to tackling this problem and makes it into a highly sensitive issue. An emphasis in definitions on “religious and cultural beliefs” <a href="http://www.londonscb.gov.uk/files/resources/cpp/crimes_of_the_community.pdf">makes the issue peculiar</a> to certain groups and communities, particularly Muslims and black communities. </p>
<h2>Finding a solution</h2>
<p>If we assign an incorrect definition to a problem, ultimately the solution will be inexact, so framing a problem in the right way is an essential step towards tackling it. Violence against women committed by men using any excuse – “honour” or otherwise – is related to the socio-economic and political structures of society. As Nafisa Shah, a Pakistani lawmaker, argued in a <a href="http://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/ShahHonour">recent book</a>: “Violence is not cause, function or effect of ‘honour’ but merely draws its legitimacy from it.” </p>
<p>Presenting violence of any sort as a cultural issue does not help prevent it. Other, more practical ways are required to analyse its nature, roots and spread. A <a href="https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/ph_app_violence-a.pdf">public health approach</a> to the issue could include creating a definition of the problem that is unprejudiced and inclusive. This is because if it is seen as problem that can affect anybody, rather than just one part of a community it will be treated more seriously by the police, judiciary, social and healthcare professionals.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/70182/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sadiq Bhanbhro does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Presenting violence of any sort as a cultural issue does not help prevent it.Sadiq Bhanbhro, Researcher on Public Health and Gender-Based Violence, Sheffield Hallam UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/632862016-08-03T13:23:47Z2016-08-03T13:23:47ZTreating ‘honour-based’ violence as terrorism will only harm more women and girls<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/132795/original/image-20160802-17198-11ccbtd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A counter-terrorism strategy will not stop honour-based crimes. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mansoreh/www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>On July 20, the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/jul/29/friends-fear-british-woman-was-tricked-and-murdered-in-honour-killing">death in Pakistan of Samia Shahid</a>, a 28-year-old British woman from Bradford, was reported to Pakistani authorities in what is now believed to have been an “honour killing”. Her husband says she was tricked into going to Pakistan by her family. </p>
<p>That same day, Theresa May gave her first <a href="http://www.parliament.uk/business/news/2016/july/prime-ministers-questions-20-july-2016/">prime minister’s questions</a> and agreed with Nusrat Ghani MP that so-called <a href="http://safe.met.police.uk/crimes_of_honour/get_the_facts.html">“honour-based” violence</a> should be re-categorised as an act of terror in the UK. This has caused <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/jul/23/theresa-may-wrong-link-honour-killings-terrorism">consternation</a> among campaigners who fear that certain crimes against women could now be treated as terror-related. </p>
<p>Some feminists do believe that all forms of patriarchal violence should be <a href="http://womensenews.org/2012/07/domestic-violence-terrorism-more-victims/">understood as terrorism</a>, but May’s comments move the debate in a different direction. Considering this kind of violence – which mainly affects black and minority ethnic women – as terrorism is another example of the government’s damaging conflation of the issue with race, religion and immigration. </p>
<p>“Honour-based” violence is where a person, usually a girl or woman, is attacked by relatives who believe dishonour has been brought to their family. If this kind of violence is treated as a form of terrorism, there will be serious questions about where the authorities draw the line between domestic violence and an “honour-based” crime.</p>
<h2>Shift in emphasis</h2>
<p>There is no empirical evidence to suggest that “honour-based” violence, or other forms of domestic violence, are linked to the <a href="https://www.mi5.gov.uk/threat-levels">current terrorism threat</a>. While there are examples of individual terrorists with <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-36861840">histories of domestic violence</a>, arguing that perpetrators of domestic violence might go on to become terrorists is a very different claim. </p>
<p>Despite this, over the past decade government policy has referred with increasing regularity to certain “illegal cultural practices” as an integral part of the forms of extremism which lead to terrorism. In 2015, when the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/prevent-duty-guidance">Prevent</a> counter-terrorism guidance was placed on a statutory legal footing, the then-prime minister David Cameron <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/extremism-pm-speech">placed</a> these forms of gender-based violence squarely in the realm of extremism.</p>
<p>They are now enshrined in the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/counter-extremism-strategy">Counter Extremism Strategy</a> and anticipated to be included within the Counter Extremism and Safeguarding Bill which was <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/524040/Queen_s_Speech_2016_background_notes_.pdf">proposed</a> in the 2016 Queen’s Speech. In a section on “building cohesive communities”, the Prevent strategy implies that more integrated communities which adhere to <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/promoting-fundamental-british-values-through-smsc">“British values”</a> and therefore somehow reject gender-based violence will be more resilient to the risk of radicalisation. </p>
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<p>May’s response is therefore not <a href="https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2016-06-13/debates/1606133000017/ExtremismAndRadicalisation">new</a>, but it clearly underlines the paradigm shift that has taken place over three successive governments. Forms of violence directed mainly at black and minority ethnic women in Britain are no longer viewed as <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/522166/VAWG_Strategy_FINAL_PUBLICATION_MASTER_vRB.PDF">“violence against women”</a> – they are viewed through the lens of threats to national security.</p>
<h2>A public health issue</h2>
<p>Activists have battled for years to make sure that violence against women and girls, particularly when it occurs in the private sphere and within families, should not be treated solely as a criminal justice issue but as a <a href="http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2013/violence_against_women_20130620/en/">public health one</a>. Reducing harm is of paramount importance. Yet, intimate partner or familial violence is a complex issue. Women do not necessarily want to criminalise their partners or family members and it is not always safe for them to do so. Women should feel safer in the knowledge that they can seek help at their nearest hospitals and walk-in centres without necessarily involving police, particularly when their most urgent requirement is medical assistance. But treating this violence in the context of counter-extremism means police are involved from the outset.</p>
<p>Most people would agree that perpetrators of violence against women should be brought to justice, but to attempt to do so by incorporating such violence into a counter-terrorism strategy is a blunt instrument. It casts the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-33424644">ordinary, everyday abuse</a> of some black and minority ethnic women – which requires sensitive responses to the complex needs and wishes of victims – as violence that is unusual, exceptional and extraordinary. </p>
<p>This can only serve to further stigmatise and even criminalise vulnerable women and girls. They may already lack the confidence needed to report the violence they are experiencing – now we risk marginalising victims even further. This also makes an association between race, culture and religion in the public imagination about who society is meant to perceive to be potential terrorists. By prioritising counter-extremism over the needs of women and girls, the government is riding roughshod over the needs of victims. </p>
<h2>One chance to save a life</h2>
<p>On average, women will endure <a href="http://www.refuge.org.uk/get-help-now/what-is-domestic-violence/domestic-violence-the-facts/">35 incidents of domestic violence</a> of abuse before contacting police and this is likely to be higher for black and minority ethnic women. It is believed that there are almost <a href="http://ikwro.org.uk/2011/12/nearly-3000-cases-of-honour-violence-every-year-in-the-uk/">3,000 reported cases</a> of “honour-based” violence each year; but in 2014-15 only <a href="http://www.cps.gov.uk/publications/docs/cps_vawg_report_2015_amended_september_2015_v2.pdf">158 cases</a> were successfully prosecuted. </p>
<p>In a December 2015 report on dealing with “honour-based” violence, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary described the first contact a victim has with police as the <a href="https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/the-depths-of-dishonour.pdf">“one chance rule”</a> – one chance to save a life. By continuing to abandon certain groups of black and minority ethnic women who have suffered violence by subsuming them under the ever-expanding rubric of counter-extremism and counter-terrorism, this becomes the “no chance” rule. </p>
<p>In order to keep all women and girls in the UK safe, we call on the government to urgently review the incorporation of “illegal cultural practices” into the strategy and proposed legislation on counter extremism.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/63286/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Will McGowan receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Leona Vaughn, PhD does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Treating ‘illegal cultural practices’ as a form of terrorism could lead to more marginalisation.Leona Vaughn, PhD, PhD candidate, University of LiverpoolWill McGowan, PhD Candidate, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/628732016-07-22T12:40:27Z2016-07-22T12:40:27ZQandeel Baloch: stricter Pakistani laws have not deterred honour killings<p>Qandeel Baloch, a Pakistani social media celebrity, was killed on July 16 2016. Her brother, Waseem Azeem, was <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-36818507">arrested the next day</a>, confessing to the murder in the name of honour. </p>
<p>Public opinion about her death <a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/international/qandeel-baloch-s-death-takes-twitter-by-storm-pakistan-sees-mixed-reactions-116071600415_1.html">is polarised</a>. A section of Pakistani society <a href="http://www.dawn.com/news/1271313">condemned</a> the murder of “an independent woman”. Others voiced support for the killing of – to put it in generic terms – a non-conformist with outspoken views on social media. Many others have remained apathetic. </p>
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<p>Honour killing is a significant social problem in Pakistani society and is on the rise. A recent <a href="http://hrcp-web.org/hrcpweb/hrcp-annual-report-2015/">report</a> from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan found that 1,096 women were the victims of honour crimes in 2015, up from 1,005 in 2014 and <a href="http://www.upi.com/Human-rights-group-reports-rise-in-honor-killings-in-Pakistan/51429857038598/">869 in 2013</a>. Victims include both men and women but female victims far outnumbered male victims.</p>
<h2>Getting away with murder</h2>
<p>The <a href="http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/legislation/1860/actXLVof1860.html">Pakistani Penal Code</a> incorporates two kinds of law – <em>qisas</em> (the Islamic fixed law of life for a life) and <em>tazir</em> – where the court has a discretion as to the amount of punishment. These are both a key part of the way the penal code is constructed. </p>
<p>Until just under ten years ago, the legal treatment of honour killing was <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=ujwLunL_rrQC&pg=PA78&lpg=PA78&dq=warraich+honour+killings+and+the+law&source=bl&ots=yYXnpDBin8&sig=mg9r7OZLE1d_QMaxlk68g_heVIA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjYycSO1IbOAhVoD8AKHco6D7kQ6AEIJDAB#v=onepage&q=warraich%20honour%20killings%20and%20the%20law&f=false">a grey area</a> and it was possible for perpetrators to get away with a murder in the name of honour or get a light sentence. Courts handed down light sentences because the perpetrators claimed that they were provoked by the “immoral or sexual behaviour” of the victims and somehow they were partly to be blamed for their own deaths.</p>
<p>Courts accepted the element of “provocation” as a mitigating circumstance. Perpetrators could also easily get away with honour-based murder because they were forgiven by the heirs of the victim under <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/The_Application_of_Islamic_Criminal_Law.html?id=88-XutlkJAQC&redir_esc=y"><em>qisas</em> law</a>. </p>
<p>As the perpetrators of honour killings happen to be close relatives – parents, brothers, uncles and sometimes the whole family is involved – the victim’s heirs would were unlikely to want to send their close relative to prison or face a death sentence. So their crimes were forgiven.</p>
<h2>Changes to the law</h2>
<p>All this <a href="http://www.af.org.pk/pub_files/1366345831.pdf">changed</a> in 2004 when a new scheme of law was introduced. An amendment introduced to the penal code (section 302) now treats killing in the name of honour as murder punishable with death under qisas. </p>
<p>Honour-based murder was also then made punishable with the death penalty or life imprisonment under <em>tazir</em> law. But a murder which is judged not to be honour-based is still treated as a compoundable offence under qisas, meaning heirs of the victim may forgive the perpetrator or accept blood money subject to judicial approval – although not if the heir happens to be the perpetrator himself. </p>
<p>Under the amended law, parties in honour-based killings still retain their right of compromise and forgiveness under <em>qisas</em> but crucially it must be assessed by the court to ensure that the interests of justice are not defeated and that the rights of any children are protected. </p>
<p>Another amended part of the penal code, section 311, now also treats honour-based murder as what’s called <em>fasad-fil-arz</em> (mischief on earth) which is a crime against the state that cannot be forgiven by an heir. So if the prosecution reaches a conclusion that a murder is honour-based, the state is required to prosecute perpetrators under section 311 which allows the court to hand down the death penalty or life imprisonment.</p>
<p>So the effect of the 2004 law is derived from a mixture of both <em>qisas</em> and <em>tazir</em> law. Under <em>qisas</em> law, a perpetrator does not enjoy the benefit of forgiveness if he himself happens to be the heir of the victim. Forgiveness by other heirs is allowed but the court must be satisfied that forgiveness is in the interests of justice. But under <em>tazir</em> law, if the prosecution considers a murder to be honour-based, it will be caught by the <em>fasad-fil-arz</em> principle and the perpetrator may be prosecuted. </p>
<p>In principle, this means that if a court judges that a murder was not honour-based, it means that the murder could be forgiven by an heir, but if it is judged to be honour-based then it can be forgiven, by an heir, only with the court’s approval. </p>
<h2>Making the law a deterrent</h2>
<p>Baloch’s brother [confessed](http://www.dawn.com/news/1271391/strangled-qandeel-after-drugging-her-brother-confesses?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+dawn-news+(Dawn+News) to the police who are treating the murder as honour-based. Her parents, who are her natural heirs, have <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-36859756">spoken out</a> against her killing. Even if they forgive their son, it is unlikely that the court would accept this as it would amount to letting him get away with her murder. </p>
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<p>Under Pakistani law, then, Azeem could face either the death sentence or life imprisonment. </p>
<p>While a clear law against honour-based murder exists in Pakistan, it has so far <a href="http://www.af.org.pk/pub_files/1366345831.pdf">not proved</a> to be an effective deterrent for these crimes, as their rise since the laws were introduced in 2004 suggests. Perhaps more education and public awareness of women’s human rights, together with the stringent application of the law on Pakistan’s statute, might help in reducing the incidence of honour-based murders.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/62873/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Niaz Shah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>What the law in Pakistan says about honour killings.Niaz Shah, Reader in Law, University of HullLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/284422014-06-25T02:45:02Z2014-06-25T02:45:02ZDangerous ideas, honour killings and moral seriousness<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/52142/original/78r6bvmk-1403662197.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Most of us would react to a title like Honour Killings are Morally Justified that with immediate revulsion.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Rehan Khan/EPA</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Last night, after a public outcry, the Sydney Opera House’s <a href="http://fodi.sydneyoperahouse.com/">Festival of Dangerous Ideas</a> pulled a <a href="https://www.facebook.com/sydneyoperahouse/posts/10152122119800723">presentation</a> from its upcoming program. The talk in August by Sydney writer and <a href="http://www.hizb-australia.org/">Hizb ut-Tahrir</a> representative <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/pub/uthman-badar/30/75/bb5">Uthman Badar</a>, was to have been called Honour Killings are Morally Justified.</p>
<p>Most of us would react to a title like that with immediate revulsion. It promises a defence of something utterly indefensible. Indeed, <a href="https://www.facebook.com/pages/Uthman-Badar/238728026193251">on his Facebook page</a>, Badar insisted he didn’t choose the title (but did consent to it) and that it misrepresented what he’d planned to speak about: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>the suggestion that I would advocate for honour killings, as understand [sic] in the west, is ludicrous.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>I’m rather unsettled by that “as understood in the West” qualifier, for reasons that will probably become apparent below, but Badar’s statement does suggest that the title was more a marketing hook than a real description of his argument. </p>
<p>And of course no-one is taking away his right to speak on the topic; having a right to free speech <a href="https://theconversation.com/no-youre-not-entitled-to-your-opinion-9978">doesn’t mean you’re owed</a> a turn at the megaphone. </p>
<p>But the Festival of Dangerous Ideas exists to consider, well, dangerous ideas. Can an idea ever be so dangerous it can’t even be discussed? </p>
<p>In her seminal paper Modern Moral Philosophy, <a href="http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/anscombe/">G.E.M. Anscombe</a> famously claimed that, yes, some ideas are simply off the table:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>But if someone really thinks, in advance, that it is open to question whether such an action as procuring the judicial execution of the innocent should be quite excluded from consideration – I do not want to argue with him; he shows a corrupt mind.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Anscombe was, in one important sense, wrong. In a universe that throws morally tragic situations at us with gut-wrenching regularity, thinking the unthinkable – or at least thinking about thinking about it – sometimes becomes unavoidable. </p>
<p>There are good reasons to accept (as I do) that torture, for instance, is always and everywhere wrong, a grotesque violation that no society should ever tolerate. But that doesn’t mean all those who entertain the idea that sometimes torture might be the least-worst option are simply amoral. </p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/52143/original/8gv77tk2-1403662409.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/52143/original/8gv77tk2-1403662409.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/52143/original/8gv77tk2-1403662409.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=407&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/52143/original/8gv77tk2-1403662409.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=407&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/52143/original/8gv77tk2-1403662409.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=407&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/52143/original/8gv77tk2-1403662409.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=511&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/52143/original/8gv77tk2-1403662409.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=511&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/52143/original/8gv77tk2-1403662409.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=511&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Uthman Badar in 2012.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Paul Miller/AAP Image</span></span>
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<p>Some are, no doubt. But others are responding to the pull of a genuine moral concern, namely, saving innocent lives. The concern may be legitimate even if the conclusion drawn is wrong.</p>
<p>The question here is whether the argument is made with what we might call moral seriousness. What’s right about Anscombe’s declaration that certain things are simply unthinkable is that it expresses just that moral seriousness: if you think it’s OK to kill an innocent person, you’re not attending properly to what people are and why they matter. You’re talking the language of ethics, but you’re not taking it seriously.</p>
<p>But could you declare, with anything approaching moral seriousness, that honour killings are sometimes morally permissible? I don’t see how. </p>
<p>How could you possibly construct a justification for killing someone on the basis of cultural or social norms of “honour” without completely losing sight of the wrongness of destroying a human life?</p>
<p>Undeniably, our cultural and religious traditions provide much of the raw content of our moral concepts. But part of moral seriousness is a commitment to the idea that morality is not simply a function of those traditions, but the standard by which we in turn judge culture or religion. </p>
<p>That’s asking quite a lot of us. To some degree we’re all inescapably bound up in the social, political, and spiritual traditions in which we’re raised, in ways we can barely even begin to notice, let alone transcend. </p>
<p>But our ethical judgments must be understood as pointing to a reality that goes beyond these things. That reality is what moral philosophy, in the broadest terms, strives to discern and articulate. </p>
<p>And in doing so, we acquire the tools to evaluate and critique social and cultural norms. If a culture sanctions domestic violence, or racism, or if a religion says someone should be punished for loving the “wrong” person, then that culture or religion is, just to that extent, mistaken about moral reality. </p>
<p>Take away the view that moral reality transcends culture, and you take away the very idea of moral progress: you end up having to say that slavery, for instance wasn’t wrong, just different. </p>
<p>Or you end up appealing to arguments that depend on religious revelation, and are thus useless as arguments: anyone who doesn’t share your faith in the revelation already won’t be persuaded. (And as you try to work out whether a thing is good because a deity says so, you’ll probably stumble into a <a href="http://www.str.org/articles/euthyphro-s-dilemma#.U6ovRFi1bsU">Euphythro Problem</a> for your trouble too.)</p>
<p>But maybe there’s a lost opportunity in all this. On Facebook, <a href="https://www.facebook.com/pages/Uthman-Badar/238728026193251">Badar said</a> he didn’t choose the topic of his proposed talk:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I, in fact, suggested a more direct topic about Islam and secular liberalism (something like “The West needs saving by Islam” – how’s that for dangerous?), but the organisers insisted on this topic, which I think is still a worthy topic of discussion, for many reasons, as my presentation will, God-willing, show, hence I accepted.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Badar belongs to Hizb ut-Tahrir, an international group that seeks to establish the Caliphate. In a week where Islamophobe activists <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/antiislamic-and-right-wing-groups-driving-bendigo-antimosque-push-20140623-3aoxc.html">tried to stop construction</a> of a mosque in Bendigo, here’s someone offering to try to defend the very idea of Islamic theocracy that’s such a key trope of anti-Muslim discourse. </p>
<p>Again, I can’t see how such an argument could possibly succeed without appealing to divinely revealed premises, which on the level of public ethics rules it out right from the start. </p>
<p>But ideas are most dangerous when they’re not exposed to argument. </p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/28442/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Patrick Stokes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Last night, after a public outcry, the Sydney Opera House’s Festival of Dangerous Ideas pulled a presentation from its upcoming program. The talk in August by Sydney writer and Hizb ut-Tahrir representative…Patrick Stokes, Lecturer in Philosophy, Deakin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.