tag:theconversation.com,2011:/au/topics/muslim-community-23172/articlesMuslim community – The Conversation2017-06-07T11:45:36Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/787812017-06-07T11:45:36Z2017-06-07T11:45:36ZFact Check: are only one in eight counter-terrorism referrals to Prevent made by Muslims?<blockquote>
<p>We need to get the Muslim community itself to sign up to the Prevent programme. Only one out of eight referrals to Prevent come from within the Muslim community. </p>
</blockquote>
<p><strong>Paul Nuttall, leader of UKIP, speaking during the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b08t0l7v/bbc-election-debate-2017-live-with-mishal-husain">BBC Election Debate</a> on May 31.</strong></p>
<p>Paul Nuttall’s comment about the number of referrals under the government’s counter-terrorism strategy, <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/prevent-strategy-2011">Prevent</a>, used a statistic that was incorrectly quoted and dropped into the debate without context. The only publicly available statistic – quoted in <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/muslims-stay-silent-on-extremism-tip-off-scheme-r8mjg3ncg0j">The Times</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/dec/25/prevent-programme-lacking-referrals-from-muslim-community">The Guardian</a> in December 2015 – stated that out of 3,288 referrals to the Prevent programme in the first half of 2015, only 280 or 8.6% came from within the Muslim “community, family, friends and faith leaders”. Using Nuttall’s comparison, this would make it one in 12 referrals. </p>
<p>The figures were provided by the National Police Chief’s Council (NPCC) in response to a freedom of information request and refer to the first half of 2015. They are not official published government data. Other information is <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/counter-terrorism-statistics">held</a> by the Home Office on the gender, age, ethnicity and religion of people arrested under counter-terrorism legislation, but it does not publish data on those who make the referrals. </p>
<p>When I asked the NPCC, its press office stated that: “Those figures were given out under freedom of information requests” – but the information provided cannot be found on the relevant <a href="http://www.npcc.police.uk/FreedomofInformation/FOIandSubjectAccessRequests/FOIDisclosureLogs.aspx">part of its website</a>. </p>
<p>It should also be noted that referrals are made in line with Prevent legislation to the police, MI5, and on the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/report-terrorism">online anti-extremism website</a>, and not to what Nuttall calls the “Prevent programme”. If an individual is deemed vulnerable to all types of extremism and terrorism, they may be referred to what’s called the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/channel-guidance">Channel</a> programme. Between 2007 and 2014, other <a href="http://www.npcc.police.uk/FreedomofInformation/NationalChannelReferralFigures.aspx">data published by the NPCC</a> indicates there have been a total of 3,934 referrals to Channel and that 56% of those referred between April 2012 and March 2014 were recorded as Muslims.</p>
<p>UKIP were contacted twice for comment by The Conversation about Nuttall’s claim, but didn’t respond.</p>
<h2>Missing context</h2>
<p>Nuttall’s claim also misses much of the context surrounding the available statistics. It is not clear how the religion of the person making the referral to the Prevent programme was determined. The Times article assumes that “community, family and friends” will be, by default, Muslims. However, use of the terms “community” and “friends” indicates a wider pool of informants. </p>
<p>The statistics also have to be considered within the context of the number of Muslims that can potentially report radicalisation, extremism and terrorism. If 8.6% of all referrals did come from the local community, this represents a high number of reports coming from the Muslim population, as the <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/culturalidentity/religion/articles/religioninenglandandwales2011/2012-12-11">2011 census</a> states that Muslims make up only 5% of the British population. </p>
<p>But looking at the number of referrals made to the Prevent programme is not indicative of its success or failure. Salman Abedi, who detonated a suicide bomb in Manchester in late May, was <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/05/24/security-services-missed-five-opportunities-stop-manchester/">reported to authorities</a> on several occasions by members of his community and friends, but this did not prevent the attack. Further focus needs to be placed on the intelligence processes.</p>
<p>However, there has been a marked deterioration in attitudes towards the Prevent strategy. A 2011 NPCC report <a href="https://news.npcc.police.uk/releases/new-research-indicates-muslim-communities-welcome-engagement">stated</a> that “Muslims welcome engagement”, but increasing terror attacks have caused some to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/dec/17/society-of-mosques-to-boycott-anti-terror-prevent-programme">question</a> Prevent amid claims it is targeting Muslims.</p>
<p>Another NPCC research <a href="http://www.npcc.police.uk/ACT%20Campaign/NPCC%20Counter%20Terrorism%20Research%20Key%20Findings.pdf">report</a> on counter-terrorism published in January 2017 highlighted concerns raised by Muslims and other ethnic minorities over anonymity and fear of unfair treatment by the police. Growing disdain has been shown for the continuing need for the Muslim population to apologise for terrorist attacks, when the rise of the far-right has not stimulated the same response. </p>
<h2>Verdict</h2>
<p>The statistics quoted by Nuttall are incorrect, misleading and divisive. By claiming that Muslims are not doing enough he implies that the Muslim population knows more than they are letting on and are able to do something about it. This is not an internal problem for Muslims alone. Placing the responsibility of reporting suspicion on the Muslim population demonises them and makes them the only actors responsible for stopping future attacks.</p>
<p>Understanding that Muslims – like any other group, religious or secular – are part of the larger population will help to contextualise any statistics provided on their participation in counter-terrorism programmes. Assumptions that the Muslim community is cohesive and aware of the actions of every other Muslim must also be dispelled. </p>
<h2>Review</h2>
<p><strong>Sarah Marsden, lecturer in politics, philosophy and religion, University of Lancaster</strong></p>
<p>The author is right to point out the difficulty in unpacking the statistics on the Prevent policy and its implementation. A primary source of information on Prevent referrals comes from freedom of information requests. These respond to specific queries rather than systematically reporting data. This makes it difficult to make sense of a complex picture, and allows people like Paul Nuttall to make political capital against a backdrop of unclear information.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, there are more up-to-date figures than the article suggests. More <a href="http://www.npcc.police.uk/Publication/NPCC%20FOI/CT/043%2016%20NPCC%20response%20att%2001%20of%2001%2014042016.pdf">recent statistics</a> suggest that as many as 10,250 people have been referred to Channel between 2007 and March 2016. Approximately 70% of these are for what is defined as “international (Islamist) extremism”. Of these, the <a href="http://www.npcc.police.uk/Publication/NPCC%20FOI/CT/097%2016%20Channel%20Referrals.doc">majority</a> have been referred by statutory bodies, and notably, over 4,800 have come from the education sector. However, it is not clear what role individuals outside of these institutions play in what is a maturing system for managing <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-happens-to-people-who-are-suspected-of-being-radicalised-53652">Channel referrals</a>. For example, a parent may tell the person at a school who is responsible for Prevent that they are concerned about a child. The referral may then be taken forward by the school, but its origin would have been from a member of the community.</p>
<p>But the author is right to challenge the assumptions that sit beneath Nuttall’s criticism of Muslim communities. Placing responsibility for reporting those who may be involved in terrorism with Muslim communities is deeply divisive. It overlooks the responsibility we all share to prevent terrorism, and the not insignificant challenges facing efforts to identify those who may be “at risk” of radicalisation. It also risks stigmatising Muslims, many of whom are distrustful of Prevent because of the perception that it unfairly targets their communities. Indeed, this scepticism may be a more powerful explanation for reporting patterns than any unwillingness to take responsibility for community safety.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/78781/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>We asked two academics to check the claim made by UKIP leader Paul Nuttall.Sameera M. Khalfey, Research Fellow in Defence, University of PortsmouthLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/782162017-05-24T02:20:39Z2017-05-24T02:20:39ZWhat is the Shia-Sunni divide?<p>Tensions between Sunnis and Shias have been flaring up, with several incidents of violence reported in recent months: Most recently a suicide bomber killed at least 29 people when he blew himself up at the <a href="http://religionnews.com/2017/08/02/blast-at-shiite-mosque-in-afghanistan-kills-dozens/">largest Shiite Muslim mosque</a> in Afghanistan’s Herat province on Tuesday, August 1. </p>
<p>Earlier in June, the <a href="https://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2017-06-07/iranian-media-shooting-at-parliament-wounds-security-guard">Islamic State claimed responsibility</a> for two attacks that claimed at least 12 lives in Iran. Iran is a Shia Muslim majority state often in tension with Sunni states and <a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/islamic-state">extremist groups</a> like the Islamic State or al-Qaeda. </p>
<p>As a scholar of Islam and a public educator, I often field questions about Sunnis, Shias and the sects of Islam. What exactly is the Shia-Sunni divide? And what is its history?</p>
<h2>History of divide</h2>
<p>Both Sunnis and Shias – drawing their faith and practice from the Qur’an and the life of the Prophet Muhammad – agree on most of the fundamentals of Islam. The differences are related more to historical events, ideological heritage and issues of leadership. </p>
<p>The first and central difference emerged after the death of Prophet Muhammad in A.D. 632. The issue was who would be the caliph – the “deputy of God” – in the absence of the prophet. <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=O36yXxCMiQIC&printsec=frontcover&dq=islam+a+brief+history&hl=en&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false">While the majority sided with Abu Bakr,</a> one of the prophet’s closest companions, a minority opted for his son-in-law and cousin – Ali. This group held that Ali was appointed by the prophet to be the political and spiritual leader of the fledgling Muslim community.</p>
<p>Subsequently, those Muslims who put their faith in Abu Bakr came to be called Sunni (“those who follow the Sunna,” the sayings, deeds and traditions of the Prophet Muhammad) and those who trusted in Ali came to be known as Shia (a contraction of <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=9HUDXkJIE3EC&pg=PA16&dq=Shiat+Ali+Esposito+Islam&hl=en&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Shiat%20Ali%20Esposito%20Islam&f=false">“Shiat Ali,” meaning “partisans of Ali”</a>).</p>
<p>Abu Bakr became the first caliph and Ali became the fourth caliph. However, Ali’s leadership was challenged by Aisha, the prophet’s wife and daughter of Abu Bakr. Aisha and Ali went to battle against each other near Basra, Iraq in <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=1nNjDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT130&dq=history+of+islam+battle+of+the+camel&hl=en&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=history%20of%20islam%20battle%20of%20the%20camel&f=false">the Battle of the Camel in A.D. 656.</a> Aisha was defeated, but the roots of division were deepened. Subsequently, Mu’awiya, the Muslim governor of Damascus, <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=1nNjDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT130&dq=history+of+islam+battle+of+the+camel&hl=en&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=history%20of%20islam%20battle%20of%20the%20camel&f=false">also went to battle against Ali</a>, further exacerbating the divisions in the community. </p>
<p>In the years that followed, Mu’awiya assumed the caliphate and founded the Ummayad Dynasty (A.D 670-750). Ali’s youngest son, Hussein – born of Fatima, the prophet’s daughter – led a group of partisans in Kufa, Iraq against Mu’awiya’s son Yazid. For the Shias, this battle, known as <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=egGgUM_YdL8C&pg=PA8&dq=the+battle+of+karbala&hl=de&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwidyvaAvobUAhViIJoKHbmsBZQQ6AEIQTAF#v=onepage&q=the%20battle%20of%20karbala&f=false">the Battle of Karbala, holds enormous historical and religious significance.</a></p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/170634/original/file-20170523-5799-1pzvnhn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/170634/original/file-20170523-5799-1pzvnhn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170634/original/file-20170523-5799-1pzvnhn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170634/original/file-20170523-5799-1pzvnhn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170634/original/file-20170523-5799-1pzvnhn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170634/original/file-20170523-5799-1pzvnhn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170634/original/file-20170523-5799-1pzvnhn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">An Iranian Shiite Muslim mourns after covering herself with mud during Ashura rituals in Iran.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Hussein was killed and his forces defeated. For the Shia community, Hussein became a martyr. The day of the battle is commemorated every year on <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=6VeCWQfVNjkC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Ashura+Oxford+Encyclopedia+of+Islam&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi1xvn2wIbUAhUFFywKHaBlAakQ6AEISzAH#v=snippet&q=Ashura&f=false">the Day of Ashura</a>. Held on the tenth day of Muharram in the Islamic lunar calendar, scores of pilgrims visit Hussein’s shrine in Karbala and many Shia communities participate in symbolic acts of flagellation and suffering.</p>
<h2>Leadership disagreements</h2>
<p>Over time, Islam continued to expand and develop into evermore complex and overlapping societies that spanned from Europe to sub-Saharan Africa, North Africa to Asia. This development demanded more codified forms of religious and political leadership. </p>
<p>Sunnis and Shias adopted different approaches to these issues.</p>
<p>Sunni Muslims trusted the secular leadership of the caliphs during the Ummayad (based in Damascus from A.D. 660-750) and Abbasid (based in Iraq from 750-1258 and in Cairo from 1261-1517) periods. Their theological foundations came from the four religious schools of Islamic jurisprudence that emerged <a href="https://www.academia.edu/2310961/The_background_and_formation_of_the_Four_Schools_of_Islamic_Law">over the seventh and eighth centuries</a>. </p>
<p>To this day, these schools help Sunni Muslims decide on issues such as worship, criminal law, gender and family, banking and finance, and even bioethical and environmental concerns. Today, <a href="http://www.brill.com/products/reference-work/yearbook-international-religious-demography-2017">Sunnis comprise about 80-90 percent of the global Muslim population.</a> </p>
<p>On the other hand, Shias relied on Imams as their spiritual leaders, whom they believed to be divinely appointed leaders from among the prophet’s family. Shia Muslims continue to maintain that the prophet’s family are the sole genuine leaders. In the absence of the leadership of direct descendants, <a href="https://books.google.de/books?redir_esc=y&hl=de&id=B0OL5Z8S-V0C&q=imamate#v=snippet&q=imamate&f=false">Shias appoint representatives to rule in their place</a> (often called ayatollahs). Shias are a minority of the global Muslim population, <a href="http://www.brill.com/products/reference-work/yearbook-international-religious-demography-2017">although they have strong communities</a> in Iraq, Pakistan, Albania, Yemen, Lebanon and Iran. There are also different <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=5h2aCgAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=denny+islam&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjvoPmbwYbUAhWKjiwKHWK1CMQQ6AEIJjAA#v=onepage&q=Twelvers&f=false">sects within Shia Islam</a>. </p>
<h2>Differences masked during Hajj</h2>
<p>Other disputes that continue to exacerbate the divide include issues of theology, practice and geopolitics.</p>
<p>For example, when it comes to theology Sunnis and Shias draw from <a href="https://oneworld-publications.com/hadith-pb.html">different “Hadith” traditions</a>. Hadith are the reports of the words and deeds of the prophet and considered an authoritative source of revelation, second only to the Quran. They provide a biographical sketch of the prophet, context to Quranic verses, and are used by Muslims in the application of Islamic law to daily life. Shias favor those that come from the prophet’s family and closest associates, while Sunnis cast a broader net for Hadith that includes a wide array of the prophet’s companions. </p>
<p>Shias and Sunnis differ over prayer as well. All Sunni Muslims believe they are required to pray five times a day, but Shias can condense those into three. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/170631/original/file-20170523-5782-1o7pzq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/170631/original/file-20170523-5782-1o7pzq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170631/original/file-20170523-5782-1o7pzq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170631/original/file-20170523-5782-1o7pzq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170631/original/file-20170523-5782-1o7pzq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170631/original/file-20170523-5782-1o7pzq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170631/original/file-20170523-5782-1o7pzq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Hajj pilgrimage in Mecca, when both Shia and Sunni Muslims come together to pray.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/aljazeeraenglish/5175696974/in/photolist-8TmNoJ-pUn3E-TFF5iw-b28wFk-8TwBJr-8UeRy7-hhsunS-8SWbdP-4qY7mM-4GsGdi-8TCUEX-hhssws-8Tz1tf-9Wtc2d-8TvDnr-7m6S5M-8SZhyQ-h4zTbi-8TzJJj-7AUpkM-8VZVMs-hhu1NN-4j3Dty-5R5Xod-8UbLax-b28voc-4HBpax-5KXLR-8TyDvy-8SWcnr-8TkxKF-hhswGG-dZNDGX-kAeFMP-hhrD6A-8TvKzV-9Wtanw-8U9pyc-9WqMr8-9Wqzxa-8TvHvx-8TyFsS-8Tikfx-9Wtz7J-wdAZ-9WqAJ8-8Tz4sU-8SZgWf-9Wt689-8SZgF1">Al Jazeera English</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>During the Hajj – <a href="http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t125/e771">the pilgrimage to Mecca, held annually</a> and obligatory for all Muslims once in a lifetime – it may seem that these differences are masked, as both Sunnis and Shias gather in the holy city for rituals that reenact the holiest narratives of their faith. And yet, with Saudi authorities overseeing the Hajj, there have been tensions with Shia governments such as Iran over <a href="http://www.alterinter.org/spip.php?article4502">claims of discrimination.</a> </p>
<p>And when it comes to leadership, the Shia have a more hierarchical structure of political and religious authority invested in formally trained clergy whose religious authority is transnational. <a href="https://books.google.de/books?id=5h2aCgAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=denny+islam&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjvoPmbwYbUAhWKjiwKHWK1CMQQ6AEIJjAA#v=snippet&q=clergy&f=false">There is no such structure in Sunni Islam.</a></p>
<p>The greatest splits today, however, come down to politics. Although the majority of Sunni and Shia are able to live peacefully together, the current global political landscape has brought polarization and sectarianism to new levels. Shia-Sunni <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/up-front/2013/06/08/sectarianism-and-the-politics-of-the-new-middle-east/">conflicts are raging in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon</a> and <a href="https://www.publishersweekly.com/978-0-19-062165-0">Pakistan</a> and the divide is growing deeper across the Muslim world. </p>
<p>This historical schism continues to permeate the daily lives of Muslims around the world.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/78216/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ken Chitwood does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>There have been several attacks on Shia mosques in several parts of the world. At its heart is the centuries’-old sectarian Shia-Sunni divide.Ken Chitwood, Ph.D. Candidate, Religion in the Americas, Global Islam, University of FloridaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/654772016-09-16T01:33:13Z2016-09-16T01:33:13ZAustralia is in danger of being swamped by Muslims? The numbers tell a different story<p>In her maiden speech to the Senate, One Nation senator Pauline Hanson <a href="http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;query=Id%3A%22chamber%2Fhansards%2F16daad94-5c74-4641-a730-7f6d74312148%2F0139%22">said</a> that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Now we are in danger of being swamped by Muslims…</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Her statement provides a useful opportunity to revisit the statistics on the number of Muslims migrating to and living in Australia.</p>
<p>The data show the number of Muslims in Australia is growing gradually in line with other non-Christian religions. And the number of migrants from majority Muslim countries remains a small proportion of Australia’s overall migrant intake. </p>
<h2>How big is Australia’s Muslim population?</h2>
<p>According to the <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Latestproducts/2071.0Main%20Features902012%E2%80%932013">2011 census</a>, Muslims make up just 2.2% of the Australian population. The Australian Bureau of Statistics, which runs the Census, <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/websitedbs/censushome.nsf/home/CO-61">says</a> the 2011 Census data show that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Christianity remained the most commonly reported religion in Australia with 61.1% of the population reporting affiliation with a Christian religion – a decline from 63.9% in 2006. </p>
<p>There was an increase in the number of people not reporting a Christian faith from 36.1% of the population in 2006 to 38.9% in 2011. </p>
<p>The number of people reporting ‘No religion’ increased significantly, from 18.7% of the population in 2006 to 22.3% in 2011. </p>
<p>The most common non-Christian religions in 2011 were Buddhism (accounting for 2.5% of the population), Islam (2.2%) and Hinduism (1.3%). Of these, Hinduism had experienced the fastest growth since 2006.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138006/original/image-20160915-30594-xln7e5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138006/original/image-20160915-30594-xln7e5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138006/original/image-20160915-30594-xln7e5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=467&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138006/original/image-20160915-30594-xln7e5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=467&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138006/original/image-20160915-30594-xln7e5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=467&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138006/original/image-20160915-30594-xln7e5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=586&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138006/original/image-20160915-30594-xln7e5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=586&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138006/original/image-20160915-30594-xln7e5.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=586&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Top 20 religions in Australia, 2011 Census data. NFD stands for not further defined.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.abs.gov.au/websitedbs/censushome.nsf/home/mediafactsheetsfirst/$file/Census-factsheet-religion.doc">ABS 2011 Census Factsheet</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>According to <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Latestproducts/2071.0Main%20Features902012%E2%80%932013">Census data</a>, Islam is growing at a similar rate to that of other non-Christian religions. </p>
<p>Given that Australia’s immigration policy does not discriminate on the grounds of ethnic origin or religion, it is not surprising to see a rise in non-Christian religions as a proportion of the total population. However, the numbers are still small compared with those identifying as Christian or of no religion. </p>
<h2>What about migrants from majority Muslim countries?</h2>
<p>In 2014-15 there were 189,097 places in the skilled and family migration streams of Australia’s migration program.</p>
<p>The largest source countries of migrants in this program for 2014-15 were:</p>
<ul>
<li>India (18.4% of migrants in this stream for 2014-15, down from 20.5% for 2013-14);</li>
<li>China (14.7% of migrants in this stream, up from 14.1% for 2013-14); and</li>
<li>United Kingdom (11.1% of migrants in this stream, down from 12.2% in 2013-14).</li>
</ul>
<p>This chart, from the Department of Immigration and Border Protection, shows the top ten citizenship countries of migrants, excluding New Zealand citizens (as
New Zealand citizens are not counted as part of the migration program):</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/137929/original/image-20160915-30580-1f1bugn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/137929/original/image-20160915-30580-1f1bugn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/137929/original/image-20160915-30580-1f1bugn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=355&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/137929/original/image-20160915-30580-1f1bugn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=355&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/137929/original/image-20160915-30580-1f1bugn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=355&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/137929/original/image-20160915-30580-1f1bugn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/137929/original/image-20160915-30580-1f1bugn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/137929/original/image-20160915-30580-1f1bugn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/statistics/2014-15-Migration-Programme-Report.pdf">Department of Immigration and Border Protection</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Among the top ten source countries of permanent migrants (excluding New Zealand), in this group, there were two countries with predominantly Muslim populations: Pakistan with 8,281 (4.4%) and Malaysia with 3,977 (2.1%).</p>
<p>So the number of migrants to Australia from majority Muslim countries was <a href="https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/statistics/2014-15-Migration-Programme-Report.pdf">dwarfed</a> by the number of from India 34,874 (18.4%), China 27,872 (14.7%) and the United Kingdom 21,078 (11.1%).</p>
<p>The same two Muslim countries were represented in the <a href="https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/statistics/report-migration-programme-2013-14.pdf">top ten countries</a> of origin in the figures for permanent migration in 2013-14 in roughly the same proportions.</p>
<p>However, Pakistan was not in the top ten for 2012-13. So in recent years, there has been an <a href="https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/statistics/report-on-migration-program-2012-13.pdf">increase</a> in skilled migration from Pakistan. </p>
<h2>What about refugees resettled in Australia through its humanitarian program?</h2>
<p>In the humanitarian <a href="https://www.border.gov.au/about/corporate/information/fact-sheets/60refugee#d">program</a> – the program through which refugees are resettled in Australia – there is a greater proportion of migrants from majority Muslim countries.</p>
<p>In 2014-15, of the total of 13,756 humanitarian migrants:</p>
<ul>
<li>2,335 were from Iraq</li>
<li>2,232 were from Syria</li>
<li>1,813 were from Afghanistan and </li>
<li>331 were from Iran. </li>
</ul>
<p>These majority Muslim countries made up 48.8% of the humanitarian intake.</p>
<p>Many of these migrants were fleeing persecution from oppressive regimes in their countries of origin, and were either not Muslims themselves, or rejected a fundamentalist version of Islam. </p>
<p>And although there is a greater proportion of migrants from traditionally Muslim countries in the humanitarian program, the humanitarian program made up only <a href="http://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/ourwork/refugee-needs-trends-statistical-snapshot-2/">6.7%</a> of the total permanent migrant intake into Australia in 2014-15. </p>
<h2>‘Danger of being swamped’</h2>
<p>The implication in Hanson’s statement is that there is a number of Muslims that would “overwhelm” the Australian people. There is obviously no precise number of people or proportion of the population that can be determined to have achieved a “swamping” of the country. For some, a very small number of Muslims might be sufficient to engender a fear of being swamped. For others, “swamping” is simply an inflammatory term for issues of integration. </p>
<p>In terms of integration, Australia does not have a national religion. Australia is culturally associated with a democratic tradition that has Christian origins. People of all religions pledge to uphold Australian values when they join the Australian community. It is subscription to these values which unites us in our diversity.</p>
<p>Fear of being overwhelmed is a fear of the unknown. The constitution of Australian society has changed dramatically in the last 40 years. For some people, this has been extremely challenging to their sense of identity. </p>
<p>It is important to allay these fears both by painting a clear picture of the way Australian society has transformed and the benefits of this transformation, while addressing fears and tensions that arise along the way. </p>
<p><em>CORRECTION: An earlier version of this article said that of 13,756 humanitarian migrants settled in Australia in 2014-15, 331 were from Iraq. It should have said 331 were from Iran. It has now been corrected. The Conversation thanks readers who brought this typo to our attention.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/65477/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Reilly receives funding from Horticulture Innovation Australia and the Fair Work Ombudsman.
He is also a member of the board of the Refugee Advocacy Service of South Australia, a voluntary service providing free legal and migration advice to asylum seekers.</span></em></p>In her maiden speech to the Senate, One Nation leader Pauline Hanson said Australia is in danger of being swamped by Muslims. What does the data say?Alex Reilly, Deputy Dean and Director of the Public Law and Policy Research Unit, Adelaide Law School, University of AdelaideLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/626882016-07-22T00:26:12Z2016-07-22T00:26:12ZFactCheck Q&A: has the Grand Mufti of Australia condemned terrorist attacks overseas?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131171/original/image-20160720-7906-1t1fho2.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Pauline Hanson, speaking on Q&A.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Q&A</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><strong>The Conversation is fact-checking claims made on Q&A, broadcast Mondays on the ABC at 9:35pm. Thank you to everyone who sent us quotes for checking via <a href="http://www.twitter.com/conversationEDU">Twitter</a> using hashtags #FactCheck and #QandA, on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/conversationEDU">Facebook</a> or by <a href="mailto:checkit@theconversation.edu.au">email</a>.</strong></p>
<hr>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/nOwjNsipF6g?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Excerpt from Q&A July 18, 2016 – watch from 3:31.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<blockquote>
<p>Isn’t it funny that your Grand Mufti won’t even come out and condemn the terrorist attacks that’s happened overseas… – <strong>Senator-elect Pauline Hanson, <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/tv/qanda/txt/s4485524.htm">speaking on Q&A</a>, July 18, 2016.</strong></p>
</blockquote>
<p>Senator-elect Pauline Hanson faced heavy questioning on Monday night’s Q&A program during a broad-ranging and often heated debate about Islam, radicalisation and terrorism.</p>
<p>Hanson criticised the Grand Mufti of Australia, a senior Islamic scholar, for not condemning recent overseas terrorist attacks. In response to a question from a Muslim audience member, Hanson said that “your Grand Mufti won’t even come out and condemn the terrorist attacks that’s happened overseas”.</p>
<p>Is that right?</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"755015134221705216"}"></div></p>
<h2>Checking the source</h2>
<p>The Conversation asked Hanson’s spokesman for sources to support her assertion, but did not hear back before the publication deadline. </p>
<p>However, we can test her statement against publicly available evidence. </p>
<h2>Who is the Grand Mufti and what has he said about terrorism?</h2>
<p>The Grand Mufti of Australia is Dr Ibrahim Abu Mohammed, an Islamic scholar from the <a href="http://www.anic.org.au/about-us">Australian National Imams Council</a> (ANIC). ANIC is made up of Imams from across Australia representing their respective communities. </p>
<p>Following the Paris attacks in late 2015, ANIC issued a <a href="http://www.anic.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/ANIC-MOURNS-LOSS-OF-INNOCENT-LIVES-TO-TERRORIST-ATTACKS.pdf">statement</a> that said the Grand Mufti “mourned the loss of innocent lives due to the recent terrorist attacks in France”. It also said that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We would like to convey our deepest condolences to the families and friends of the deceased. We reiterate that the sanctity of human life is guaranteed in Islam.
These recent incidents highlight the fact that current strategies to deal with the threat of terrorism are not working. It is therefore imperative that all causative factors such as racism, Islamophobia, curtailing freedoms through securitisation, duplicitous foreign policies and military intervention must be comprehensively addressed.</p>
</blockquote>
<p><a href="http://www.smh.com.au/national/mufti-slammed-over-paris-attacks-comments-20151117-gl0x8e.html">Critics</a> <a href="http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/rendezview/who-is-to-blame-for-terrorism-you-apparently/news-story/5f5eb2bc8e5a785678e2b10412690d76">said</a> at the time <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/2015/11/18/grand-mufti-terror-statement_n_8586722.html">that</a> this initial response to the Paris attacks didn’t go far enough or appeared to blame Western society for the attacks.</p>
<p>Two days later, ANIC issued a <a href="http://www.anic.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/PRESS-RELEASE-THE-GRAND-MUFTI-OF-AUSTRALIA-CLARIFIES-STATEMENT-IN-RESPONSE-TO-PARIS-TERRORIST-ATTACKS.pdf">clarification</a> saying that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We wish to emphasise it is incorrect to imply that the reference to causative factors provides justification for these acts of terrorism. There is no justification for the taking of innocent lives. The sanctity of human life is guaranteed in Islam. Dr Ibrahim Abu Mohamed and ANIC have consistently and unequivocally condemned all forms of terrorist violence. The Grand Mufti on 15th September 2014 said about ISIS that: “These criminals are committing crimes against
humanity and sins against God.” </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Previous and subsequent statements issued by ANIC and the Grand Mufti have <a href="http://www.anic.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/ANIC-CONDEMNS-ISTANBUL-AND-THORNLIE-ATTACKS.pdf">condemned</a> terrorist acts and other forms of <a href="http://www.anic.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/ANIC-CONDEMNS-THE-ACTIONS-PORTRAYED-IN-THE-PHOTO-OF-A-7-YEAR-OLD.pdf">violence</a> committed overseas.</p>
<p>The Grand Mufti also used <a href="https://www.facebook.com/notes/dr-ibrahim-abu-mohammed-grand-mufti-of-australia/14th-july-2016/896332273809846">Facebook</a> to condemn the July 2016 attacks in Nice:</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131541/original/image-20160722-21034-mujf5b.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131541/original/image-20160722-21034-mujf5b.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131541/original/image-20160722-21034-mujf5b.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=245&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131541/original/image-20160722-21034-mujf5b.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=245&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131541/original/image-20160722-21034-mujf5b.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=245&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131541/original/image-20160722-21034-mujf5b.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=308&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131541/original/image-20160722-21034-mujf5b.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=308&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131541/original/image-20160722-21034-mujf5b.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=308&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.facebook.com/notes/dr-ibrahim-abu-mohammed-grand-mufti-of-australia/14th-july-2016/896332273809846">Facebook page of the Grand Mufti of Australia.</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>More generally, the Grand Mufti has supported a fatwa (or Islamic legal ruling) <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/national/muslim-leaders-including-the-grand-mufti-of-australia-back-fatwa-against-isis-20160101-glxtbp.html">against joining Islamic State</a>. </p>
<h2>“Your Grand Mufti”</h2>
<p>It is worth noting that the phrase “your Grand Mufti” is also misleading. It may convey the idea that the Grand Mufti of Australia represents all Muslims in Australia. That is not the case. In Australia, Islam has no easily defined hierarchy and ANIC is not the only body <a href="http://www.darulfatwa.org.au/en/category/newsandevents/pressreleases/">representing Muslims</a> or Islamic scholars in Australia.</p>
<p>According to my research, many Muslims in Australia support and respect the position of the Grand Mufti; however, they do not always support the person in the position or respect their religious credentials. </p>
<p>Australian Muslim communities are not homogeneous and are made up of many different culturally diverse groups. A 2015 <a href="https://www.unisa.edu.au/Global/EASS/MnM/Publications/Australian_Muslims_Report_2015.pdf">report</a> on the demographic and social profile of Muslims in Australia, prepared by <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/riaz-hassan-4201">Professor Riaz Hassan</a> from the University of South Australia, noted that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>According to the 2011 Australian Census there were 476,290 Muslims in Australia,
of whom about 40% were Australian born. The rest came from 183 countries, making Australian Muslims one of the most ethnically and nationally heterogeneous religious communities. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>There are also significant divisions in faith. The same report <a href="https://www.unisa.edu.au/Global/EASS/MnM/Publications/Australian_Muslims_Report_2015.pdf">said</a> that while most Australian Muslims are Sunni, there is a significant minority of Shi’ite Muslims and smaller numbers of Bektashis, Ahmadis, Alawis and Druze.</p>
<p>Lastly, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/greenslade/2015/nov/24/why-its-wrong-to-demand-that-muslims-condemn-isis">many</a> <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/omar-alnatour/why-muslims-should-never-have-to-apologize_b_9526296.html">commentators</a> and <a href="http://indy100.independent.co.uk/article/why-muslims-should-not-have-to-condemn-terrorism-in-one-very-simple-explanation--ZJ480Y4sYx">observers</a> have advanced the view that it is unfair to expect Muslims and Muslim public figures to repeatedly publicly condemn every incident involving Muslims around the world.</p>
<h2>Verdict</h2>
<p>Pauline Hanson’s statement that “your Grand Mufti won’t even come out and condemn the terrorist attacks that’s happened overseas” was not correct. <strong>– Clarke Jones</strong></p>
<hr>
<h2>Review</h2>
<p>This is a sound analysis. I have read this FactCheck, which is written in a fair and impartial manner, accurately conveying in its entirety the real situation with publicly available evidence. <strong>– Jan Ali</strong></p>
<hr>
<p><div class="callout"> Have you ever seen a “fact” worth checking? The Conversation’s FactCheck asks academic experts to test claims and see how true they are. We then ask a second academic to review an anonymous copy of the article. You can request a check at checkit@theconversation.edu.au. Please include the statement you would like us to check, the date it was made, and a link if possible.</div></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/62688/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Clarke Jones is the co-director of the Australian Intervention Support Hub, a collaboration between the ANU, Alfred Deakin University, the Attorney-General’s Department, the Australian Federal Police and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade to work with community groups in developing appropriate responses to violent extremism. He has worked for over 15 years in several areas of national security, including policing, military and intelligence. His research covers violent extremism, radicalisation and prison radicalisation, deradicalisation and intervention.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jan Ali, with colleagues at WSU, has in the past received funding from NSW Police to conduct research on de-radicalisation.</span></em></p>After a question from a Muslim audience member, Senator-elect Pauline Hanson said “your Grand Mufti won’t even come out and condemn the terrorist attacks that’s happened overseas”. Is that right?Clarke Jones, Co-Director of the Australian Intervention Support Hub (AISH), Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/569462016-04-07T14:42:45Z2016-04-07T14:42:45ZWhy political campaigns that target ethnic minority groups can go horribly wrong<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/117850/original/image-20160407-16254-kt9ebj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Cul-de-Zac?</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The issue of ethnicity was always going to come up ahead of London’s mayoral elections: if Labour candidate Sadiq Khan wins, he will become London’s <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/london-mayor-election/mayor-of-london/12079857/Why-Sadiq-Khan-will-beat-Zac-Goldsmith-and-what-that-would-mean.html">first Muslim mayor</a>, and the first minority ethnic person to hold the office. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, his Conservative rival, Zac Goldsmith, <a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/devolution/2016/04/racial-politics-zac-goldsmith-s-london-mayoral-campaign">has been criticised</a> for running a racially divisive campaign to gain the votes of some British Indians, who make up <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/culturalidentity/ethnicity/articles/ethnicityandnationalidentityinenglandandwales/2012-12-11#differences-in-ethnicity-across-local-authorities">6.6% of the city’s population</a>. </p>
<p>The campaign targeted the largely Hindu and Sikh Indian population – in particular, the Gujurati and Punjabi communities – setting them apart from the largely Muslim Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities, of which Sadiq Khan is a member. Leaflets <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/mar/16/zac-goldsmith-leaflet-british-indians-heirlooms">describing Goldsmith</a> as “standing up for the Indian community” were considered <a href="https://twitter.com/nuclear_pavlova/status/711187041070018560">bizarre</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/lml7890/status/712615082799284224">cringe-worthy</a> by some, and <a href="http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/next-time-you-contact-me-zac-goldsmith-remember-that-im-more-ethnic-name-1552651">patronising and downright offensive</a> by others. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"709798185473056768"}"></div></p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"711185084137791489"}"></div></p>
<p>What Goldsmith and his team failed to realise is that ethnic identity is a complex social and psychological concept. Rather than a rigid category based on ancestry, language or religion, ethnic identity <a href="https://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/files/iser_working_papers/2008-26.pdf">is self-defined</a>. What it means to be a member of an ethnic community is constantly being challenged and changed over time, by both individuals and groups. There is no one definition of the “British Indian community”, so we can’t really claim to know about their shared political interests. </p>
<p>A great deal of study has been done on the political attachments of different classes, genders and ethnicities. For example, <a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2015/01/labour-losing-ethnic-minority-vote">many have noted</a> the strong connection that ethnic minorities in the UK have historically had the Labour party. This doesn’t necessarily tell us that ethnic minorities have a specific political agenda – just that they are <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Race_and_party_competition_in_Britain.html?id=q_NvAAAAIAAJ&redir_esc=y">generally loyal to the Labour party</a>. </p>
<p>Besides, the idea that ethnic minority groups support Labour has been undermined in recent years by a <a href="https://yougov.co.uk/news/2015/06/12/are-conservatives-really-breaking-through-ethnic-m/">shift towards the centre-right</a> – among the British Indian middle classes in particular. The Conservative party has made efforts to increase its proportion of ethnic minority MPs, and <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/joint-press-conference-david-cameron-and-prime-minister-narendra-modi">publicly demonstrate</a> their appreciation, as it were, of UK-Indian ties. </p>
<p>So, given the diverse and changing nature of British South Asian groups, how much can we really tell about what they want from their elected representatives? Well, in 2010, the <a href="http://www.sociology.ox.ac.uk/research/embes-the-ethnic-minority-british-election-study.html">Ethnic Minority Survey</a> – carried out as part of the <a href="http://www.britishelectionstudy.com/">British Election Study</a> – investigated the political views of the five main ethnic minority groups in the UK: Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Black Caribbean and Black African. </p>
<h2>Love lost</h2>
<p>Participants were asked whether they agreed that parties were only interested in the votes of black and Asian groups, rather than their opinions. A large proportion of the Bangladeshi, Indian and Pakistani samples agreed. </p>
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<p>They were also asked about their feelings towards each of the main UK political parties. In 2010, the three largest South Asian groups in the UK saw Labour as the best party to help improve life for ethnic minorities, as well as the party that best represented their views. </p>
<p>Although this was more pronounced among the Bangladeshi and Pakistani groups – 74.2% and 67% respectively – nearly 60% of the Indian group still opted for Labour, against 27.5% who opted for the Conservatives. </p>
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<p>If we subdivide the Indian group by religion, we can see that almost three quarters of the Indian Sikh sample believed that Labour was the best party for ethnic minorities, with 52.4% of Indian Hindus in agreement. So even if the Indian Hindu group is less supportive of Labour than the other ethno-religious South Asian groups in the UK, the majority are still less likely to extol the virtues of the Conservative party. </p>
<p>From the results of the May 2010 local and general elections, we can see that party attitude aligned closely with voting outcomes: 64% of the Bangladeshi group voted for Labour in the local elections and 70% in the general election. In each case, less than 20% of their vote went to the Conservative party. This was mirrored by the Indian and Pakistani groups, albeit to a slightly lesser degree.</p>
<h2>A super-diverse city</h2>
<p>About a quarter of London residents are of full or mixed Asian descent, according to <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/culturalidentity/ethnicity/articles/ethnicityandnationalidentityinenglandandwales/2012-12-11">2011 census data</a> and over 15% are of full or mixed black descent. London is an exceptionally diverse city, which explains why mayoral candidates may have thought that targeted campaigning was a good idea.</p>
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<p>When South Asian respondents from London were asked about their feelings towards the parties, the Conservative party registered far more feelings of dislike than like, compared to Labour. There was an average 14 percentage point difference across those who stated that they “strongly like” Labour, compared with the Conservatives. </p>
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<p>Taken together, this data shows that British South Asian groups are pretty cynical about parties’ attempts to court their vote. Coupled with the fact that South Asian voters – including the Indian group – still take a chilly attitude towards the Conservative party, the survey suggests that targeted campaigning is unlikely to be well received. In a <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870701599465#.VwJIEq32a70">super-diverse city</a>, <a href="http://www.democraticaudit.com/?p=12165">superficial attempts</a> to cosy up to ethnic minority groups are ultimately misguided.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/56946/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Rima Saini receives PhD funding from the Nuffield Foundation, HEFCE and the ESRC through the Q-Step Programme. This article does not reflect the views of the research councils or any other public funder.</span></em></p>The Conservative candidate for London mayor – Zac Goldsmith – is in hot water for “patronising” the British Indian community with targeted campaign.Rima Saini, PhD Teaching Assistant in Quantitative Sociology, City, University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/517262015-12-03T23:44:06Z2015-12-03T23:44:06ZYes, let’s have a frank and open discussion about the causes of extremism and terrorism<p>Several Australian government politicians <a href="http://theconversation.com/terrorism-debate-cant-be-stifled-must-be-managed-51485">have said</a> a frank discussion is needed about the causes of terrorism. Resources Minister Josh Frydenberg set the tone for the week by saying “religion is part of the problem”. There is a problem “within Islam”, he added.</p>
<p>Liberal MP Andrew Hastie said debates about extremism are “clouded by political correctness”. Liberal MP Craig Kelly and Queensland Nationals MP George Christensen followed suit.</p>
<p>Frank and open debate about the problem of terrorism and violent extremism is certainly needed in Australia. But such a debate requires us to examine many possible causes. Singling out and overplaying one cause, such as religion, only stifles debate and also our policy responses. </p>
<p>We need an open <em>and</em> informed debate. </p>
<p>Recent <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1057610X.2015.1051375">research</a>, published by Mohammed Hafez and Creighton Mullins of the US Department of National Security Affairs, set out to identify why Muslims in Western societies embrace violent extremism. This research identified four causes:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>personal and collective grievances;</p></li>
<li><p>networks and interpersonal ties;</p></li>
<li><p>political and religious ideologies; and</p></li>
<li><p>enabling environments and support structures.</p></li>
</ul>
<figure>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Mohammad Hafez examines the driving factors in radicalisation that turn seemingly ordinary men and women into potential terrorists.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In summary, causes relating to personal and collective grievances include economic marginalisation and cultural alienation, a sense of victimisation and grievances about foreign policies. </p>
<p>Networks and personnel ties refer to existing kinship and friendship ties that help reinforce extremist beliefs. </p>
<p>Political and religious ideologies help to demonise enemies and justify violence against them. They also help create incentives to use violence.</p>
<p>Enabling environments and support structures include physical and virtual settings – such as the internet, social media and prisons – that provide ideological and material aid for radicalising individuals. These also deepen their commitment to the use of violence. </p>
<p>Tackling these causes in a holistic way is what is required to counter violent extremism effectively. </p>
<h2>Honest debate includes all issues</h2>
<p>If we genuinely want open and honest debate, then we need also to consider uncomfortable issues. Examples include how Islamophobia and foreign policy grievances feed violent extremism and help terrorist groups recruit young Muslims by appealing to the need to defend Islam against Western governments.</p>
<p>Considering these factors does not mean one is justifying extremism and acts of terrorism. The argument about looking at root causes cuts both ways in the context of considering all possible causes of terrorism and extremism. </p>
<p>Recent <a href="http://tonyblairfaithfoundation.org/religion-geopolitics/reports-analysis/report/inside-jihadi-mind">research</a> published by the Tony Blair Foundation helps clarify the roles of ideology and religion. As the authors state, it is ideology that shapes and directs the application of Islamic faith. The Islamic faith is not the issue; how it is distorted and selectively interpreted and applied is the problem. </p>
<p>As the report highlights, ideologies are personal and political. Extremists selectively use the Islamic faith to justify what they do. </p>
<p>Hafez and Mullins argue it is a strategic mistake to view the ideological underpinnings of terrorist groups and violent extremists as purely Islamic. Only when we understand how extremists use the Islamic faith to legitimise their actions and appeal to others will we be able to tackle some of the causes of extremism. </p>
<p>The implication of this is that Muslim scholars and leaders are the best allies and defence against extremism. This is because they have the breadth of knowledge about Islam to denounce and challenge the extremist narrative. </p>
<p>Our policy responses should be empowering these scholars and leaders, rather than alienating them and the Muslim community. </p>
<p>We often hear the demand that the Muslim community needs to speak out more against terrorism and confront extremism. This can happen only if they are given opportunities to do so in the media and other public forums. And they should not be made to fear that when they do speak out they will be <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/national/mufti-slammed-over-paris-attacks-comments-20151117-gl0x8e.html">lambasted</a> by politicians and the media for <a href="http://www.skynews.com.au/news/politics/federal/2015/11/17/mufti-s-condemnation-should-have-been-stronger.html">not being outspoken enough</a>. </p>
<p>Uninformed comments from politicians about Islam do not promote an open and informed debate. They serve only to sideline and alienate Muslims who are best placed to tackle Islamists and violent extremists. The irony is that alienation and marginalisation also make the role of counter-terrorism policing much harder.</p>
<p>Emphasising only one possible cause of terrorism and extremism is all about politics. What we need instead is a sincere effort to actually think about and solve the problem of violent extremism.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/51726/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Adrian Cherney receives funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>A frank debate about the causes of extremism and terrorism would acknowledge uncomfortable issues like the alienating impacts of racism, Islamophobia and Western military actions and foreign policy.Adrian Cherney, Senior Lecturer and Head of Discipline, Criminology, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.