Big Business and Democracy

‘No bourgeois, no democracy’ is a formula made famous during the 1960s by the American scholar Barrington Moore Jr. It’s still frequently quoted in the academic literature. When explaining the connections between modern parliamentary democracy and market capitalism, some scholars, journalists and politicians even regard it as a ‘law’ founded on solid statistical evidence.

The formula has old roots. A most interesting and still-relevant version is found in Joseph Schumpeter’s classic Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, published exactly 60 years ago this month. When re-reading it recently, I was struck by its daring rhetoric. ‘History clearly confirms’, wrote Schumpeter, ‘modern democracy is a product of the capitalist process.’ Generalising from the special case of Britain and the Low Countries, he noted how the early modern property-owning bourgeoisie, unlike previous classes, imagined their interests were ‘best served by being left alone’. The bourgeoisie was a class whose identity depended upon freeing property from controls based on tradition, church and monarchy. Contemptuous of cramps on its own power, the bourgeoisie favoured restraints upon others, especially those classes (the aristocracy) that had taken refuge in state structures. The early bourgeoisie had parliamentary democracy in its veins. Hence its attraction to civil and political freedoms, periodic elections and constitutional government.

The view that ‘modern democracy rose along with capitalism’ (Schumpeter’s words) is often given a twist, to say that capitalist markets and a robust middle class are essential drivers of representative democracy. No bourgeois, no democracy. Hillary Clinton repeated a variant of the formula last week in Mongolia, in a speech delivered to an international forum of democracy advocates.‘You can’t have economic liberalisation without political liberalisation’, she said. The converse rule holds true, she added. Democracy is good for business. No democracy, no bourgeois. ‘Countries that want to be open for business but closed to free expression will find that this approach comes at cost; it kills innovation and discourages entrepreneurship.’

Fine reasoning, but flawed. The historical record of countries such as Russia, Germany and Japan shows that there’s nothing automatic or necessary about bourgeois support for democracy. In each case, for reasons to do with business greed and fear of losing fortunes, owners of private capital clung to state power with an iron fist. Their calculation: better rich and safe than equal.

Something similar is now happening in parts of the contemporary Asia and Pacific region. The dynamism, technical ingenuity and productivity of its markets are impressive; with the Atlantic economy in dire straits, the Asia and Pacific zone has out-invested, out-produced and out-traded the rest of the world. Yet the region also displays deep ambivalence about democracy. In countries otherwise as different as China, India, Vietnam and the Philippines, powerful business interests show no special liking for democracy. Insisting it breeds social disorder and political gridlock, they’ve long ago concluded that the old European principles of freedom of association, fair elections and majority-rule democracy are out of date – less legitimate and effective than strong government committed to ring-fencing markets and keeping citizens in their place.

Schumpeter wouldn’t be shocked. In contrast to later catchy versions of the ‘no bourgeois, no democracy’ formula, he pointed out that even in countries with established parliamentary traditions (Weimar Germany was a prime example), owners of capital and their middle class supporters are often politically fickle. Confident their fortunes are better protected by manipulation, propaganda and strong leaders backed by force, they turn their backs on the spirit and substance of democracy. Bourgeois, no democracy.

So it should come as no surprise that the deepening economic crisis in the Atlantic region is re-activating old bourgeois ambivalence about parliamentary democracy. The trend is uneven and hard to measure, but ponder for a moment an in-depth survey of the political attitudes of American CEOs conducted by the New York-based The Conference Board. It’s an industry body that recently asked seventy prominent corporate executives which institutions are best handling the present economic crisis.

The survey reveals (unsurprisingly) that 90% of these CEOs think that ‘multinational corporations’ are proving ‘moderately’ or ‘very’ or ‘most’ effective. The robust narcissism of these CEOs is understandable; given the big mess within the private banking sector, equally understandable is their conviction that the runner-up favourite institution is ‘central banks’. 80% of the surveyed group ranked them as ‘moderately’ or ‘very’ or ‘most’ competent.

Guess which institution was ranked third most ‘effective’ by these American CEOs? Readers of Schumpeter will knowingly smile: the Chinese government. It won the approval of 64% of the sample (the US presidency scored 33%; the Congress a miserable 5%). Many CEOs complained bitterly about the current absence of ‘leadership’ and the urgent need to halt ‘domestic political stalemates’ and short-termism. ‘The Chinese have some policies we hate’, noted one CEO, ‘but at least we know what those policies are.’

Might these words be signs of our times? Coded warnings that the era of big business compliance with welfare state intervention is well and truly over? Proof that big business is selfishly prepared to take off its political gloves? If so, then perhaps it’s time for a call to democratic arms, in support of a new politics of protecting democracy against what Schumpeter called the ‘predatory’ and ‘cuthroat’ impulses that fuel the ‘capitalist engine’.

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14 Comments sorted by

  1. Peter Ormonde

    Peter Ormonde is a Friend of The Conversation.

    Farmer

    It's a bit like robust competition isn't it - this democracy business? All very well in theory - in general - but not when it is me being competed against... not when it challenges a collective self-interest.

    As the sagacious scotsman Adam Smith put it so long ago: People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices. It is impossible indeed to prevent such meetings…

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    1. Peter Reefman

      Project Manager

      In reply to Peter Ormonde

      Peter,
      I like your reference to Adam Smith. Many "Free Market" fans point to his book "The Wealth of Nations" as a basis for endorsing many aspects of what to me seems at least slightly dysfunctional modern western economic/political states. I suspect that many of these people have not actually READ this book, relying on references to it in other books/articles, but missing even further is the way that Smith wrote this as a sequel to "The Theory of Moral Sentiments".

      Reading the sequel without…

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    2. Emma Anderson

      Artist and Science Junkie

      In reply to Peter Ormonde

      You were doing so well until you said that Australia lacks a bourgeoisie! Gina. Rinehart. I could say more but I don't think I need to yet.

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    3. Peter Ormonde

      Peter Ormonde is a Friend of The Conversation.

      Farmer

      In reply to Emma Anderson

      Oooh no Ms Emma, La bella Gina is more your classical rentier than your entrepreneurial bourgeois. Finds stuff and flogs it into a guaranteed market ... just like dad - remember Wittenoom.

      I'm using your more classical definition of your industrial bourgeoisie - not these vultures. They make nothing. They find it. They risk nothing. And they demand endless support and assistance from the state to make things comfortable for them. Not an entrepreneurial nerve ending between the lot of them.

      We don't do entrepreneurial capitalism in this country. Only refugees and migrants seem to do that. Our banks don't like it - too much risk.... far better to stick with housing and dirt.

      We're still living on what we've found here - what we've pinched.

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    4. Emma Anderson

      Artist and Science Junkie

      In reply to Peter Ormonde

      Proletariat funded the king, and the borgeoisie lobbyied the King for favour
      Proletariat funded the state, and the borgeoisie lobbyed the parliament for favour

      Only difference now is that the proletariat can lobby the state but the state ain't listening

      Always were vultures....

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  2. Anthony Nolan

    Ruminant

    I'm always amazed by common misapprehensions of what constitutes democracy. I recently read, here on The Conversation, the view that refusing to purchase a product or preferring one product over another, is the only legitimate expression of democratic choice. Good grief. Consumer choice as the only form of democratic participation. The corporate sector fancies the Chinese Communist Party as a model of good governance because the CEO's understanding of how to democracy is at best feeble at best and more often than not deeply perverted.

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    1. Godfree Roberts

      Ceo

      In reply to Anthony Nolan

      "Democracy is as democracy does"' as Forrest Gump sagely observed. Neither Hosni Mubarak's government nor the DPRK are what I would call democracies, despite elections held by the former and the appearance of the word 'democracy' in the latter country's name.
      Similarly, the government of the USA is only a 'formal democracy': voting gives it the form of a democracy, but the fact that all candidates are pre-owned by wealthy sponsors makes the voting process a charade. The results--or outcomes--speak for themselves: 30 years of falling wages in the world's richest country and blatant corruption practiced with utter impunity.
      China's system is uniquely Chinese and therefore difficult for us to comprehend. Not for the Chinese, however. They give their government a trust and approval rating of over 85%, according to Pew, Edelman, and Harvard. They all vote and, despite what Rupert Murdoch would have us believe, their votes count.

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    2. Emma Anderson

      Artist and Science Junkie

      In reply to Godfree Roberts

      Consumer choices are so called democratic acts, but only effective when backed up by a public relations campaign and thousands of others in a boycott, often usually lobbying entities on the supply chain other than the business in question. Coercion works because voting doesn't.

      It also bugs me that just because we're supposedly expected to vote we're apparently a democracy. Nope, constitutional monarchy, still clutching at the Queen's skirt like a little kid clinging to it's mother, only we…

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  3. Doug Green

    logged in via email @gmail.com

    The corporate world only very reluctantly embraces democracy. It has been shown many times in the past that corporate traders (unless fettered by those dastardly regulations) will deal with the devil himself if there's a profit to be made. And very often the devil can guarantee supply whereas those pesky democracies have a habit of changing governments/policies every so often and interfering with business as usual, and subjecting it to all sorts of unnecessary safeguards and checks.

    I think the most advanced example of the corporate good being synonymous with the democratic process is, of course, in the US. And, surveying their economic and social health, only someone with chopped liver for brains would dream of taking a step in that direction.

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  4. David Arthur

    n/a

    Thanks for this, Prof Keane. I understand the rust of this article is a questioning of Schumpeter's argument, namely that a bourgeoisie is a necessary condition for parliamentary democracy.

    Noting that capitalism has proceeded substantially along a trajectory toward ever-fewer, ever-larger, oligopoly corporations, run by and for ever-fewer, ever-richer executives. Simultaneously, e ranks of a "bourgeoise" class, as distinct to a "working" class, have diminished; while this merging of the latter two classes should be, after Menzies, something of a triumph, the development of super national corporate overlordship was not expected, and nor is it desirable.

    To reclaim sovereignty, a necessary first step is re-engagement with the affairs of the nation by its citizens.

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  5. John Bloomfield

    Retired Engineer

    Thanks Prof. Keane for a great article.

    Big business's past success is self evident - it has advanced the western world reasonably and the human race has generally benefited from the spinoffs from widespread development of resources using advanced technologies.
    It has been able to work in cooperation with both democracies and dictatorships for its own self interest - the common good of most citizens emerges as a secondary benefit.
    But can it operate in an environment limited by sustainability…

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  6. Jean-Paul Gagnon

    Honorary Research Fellow, POLSIS and SMP at University of Queensland

    An excellent piece. Thanks for another great one John!

    I think at this point the normative teleology is rather clear: we must move to more, better, and just democracy - however any of those four words are conceived. We've got to do this to bring these 'CEO barons' under the control of the demoi, to ensure better (more relevant?) representation from politicians, and of course to have greater public engagement in all spectrums of human endeavor. That, as some theorists would have it, could bring…

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