tag:theconversation.com,2011:/ca-fr/topics/labour-778/articlesLabour – La Conversation2024-03-08T13:24:16Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2253742024-03-08T13:24:16Z2024-03-08T13:24:16ZEdward Webster: South African intellectual, teacher, activist, a man of great energy and integrity, and the life and soul of any party<p>Eddie Webster (82), sociologist and emeritus professor at the Southern Centre for Inequality Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa, who <a href="https://www.wits.ac.za/news/latest-news/general-news/2024/2024-03/wits-mourns-the-loss-of-professor-eddie-webster.html">died on 5 March 2024</a>, lived a huge life, applying himself to many different arenas with great energy and insight. </p>
<p>His achievements are quite extraordinary. He was an intellectual, a teacher, a leader, an activist for social change, a builder of institutions, a rugby player and jogger, a man of great energy and integrity, and the life and soul of any party. </p>
<p>As an intellectual and activist he was always independent and critical, and always engaged, whether <a href="https://saftu.org.za/archives/7862">working with trade unions</a> or with South Africa’s new democratic government. It was important to get your hands dirty working for change, he always said, but as important to retain your autonomy and intellectual integrity. This held for the university itself, an institution to which he was wholly committed but at the same time found deeply disappointing when it came to social justice. His life was shaped by these kinds of tensions. </p>
<p>Eddie was one of that <a href="https://www.wits.ac.za/news/latest-news/graduations/2017/a-life-servicing-many-generations-.html">pioneering</a> generation of scholar-activists at the university, white academics who identified with and supported the black resistance movement, and who saw the world in new ways and pioneered the production of new knowledge: his close colleague, feminist and environmental sociologist <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/jacklyn-cock-201078">Jacklyn Cock</a>, anthropologist and democratic activist <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/david-joseph-webster#:%7E:text=On%201%20May%201989%2C%20South,Mandela%20was%20released%20from%20prison.">David Webster</a> (assassinated in 1989), and distinguished historian Phil Bonner. </p>
<p>Eddie inspired generations of us with his vision and practice of critically engaged scholarship – not only in South Africa, but <a href="https://bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/critical-engagement-with-public-sociology">across the world</a>.</p>
<h2>Independent streak</h2>
<p>In 1986, believing that the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) was out of touch with the majority of South Africans, he drove an investigation called the <a href="https://www.wits.ac.za/news/latest-news/research-news/2022/2022-10/wits-at-a-time-of-national-crisis-then-and-now.html">Perspectives on Wits</a> with his colleagues. They explored the views of trade unionists and community activists about the university. The university had agreed to fund this investigation. But it was unhappy with the results. These revealed that the institution’s own narrative about its liberal opposition to apartheid was not shared by black South Africans, who saw it as serving white and corporate interests.</p>
<p>A few years earlier, at a time of great repression of unions, he and <a href="https://www.wits.ac.za/news/sources/alumni-news/2017/distinguished-historian-passes-away.html">Phil Bonner</a> had attempted to set up a worker education programme on campus. But the university refused to let it happen. The university’s main funders, such as <a href="https://www.angloamerican.com/">Anglo American</a>, would have been greatly displeased by such a programme – a nice illustration of the point made in the Perspectives document. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/trade-unions-and-the-new-economy-3-african-case-studies-show-how-workers-are-recasting-their-power-in-the-digital-age-214509">Trade unions and the new economy: 3 African case studies show how workers are recasting their power in the digital age</a>
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<p>A decade later the indomitable Eddie was able to establish a branch of the Global Labour University at Wits, and bring trade unionists into the heart of the institution. He was not someone to give up easily.</p>
<h2>Insatiable curiosity</h2>
<p>Eddie worked closely with South Africa’s emerging trade union movement in the mid-1970s. At the time black workers were a tightly controlled source of cheap labour for South Africa’s booming industrial economy, and the unions were not recognised legally and suffered severe repression by employers and the state together. Eddie believed that a strong trade union movement democratically controlled by workers would be a powerful force for change.</p>
<p>He contributed to educational programmes for trade unionists, advocating for the recognition of the unions whenever he could. He co-founded the <a href="https://www.southafricanlabourbulletin.org.za/">South African Labour Bulletin</a>, which served as a forum for the interaction between academics and trade unionists, and the Industrial Education Institute with his comrade <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/rick-turner">Rick Turner</a> and others. Turner was assassinated by the apartheid government in 1978. </p>
<p>Eddie went on to support the unions, and <a href="https://mediadon.co.za/2024/03/06/cosatu-mourns-the-passing-of-revolutionary-professor-eddie-webster/">conduct research</a> with and for them, his entire life. Generations of union shop stewards and organisers knew him through his support, teaching and research, and he was widely loved and revered as “comrade Prof”.</p>
<p>As an intellectual Eddie was insatiably curious about the world and how it worked and about new possibilities emerging for progressive change. While the sociology classics were a foundation for his thinking, he kept up to date with new literature and ideas. </p>
<p>He founded Industrial Sociology at Wits and established the Sociology of Work Unit (now the Society, Work and Politics Institute <a href="https://www.swop.org.za/">SWOP</a>) as a research unit in the early 1980s as a way of stimulating labour research and deepening his work with unions. The unit organised and financed research, held seminars and workshops, provided a home for students, and increasingly collaborated with colleagues at other universities and overseas. </p>
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<p>Eddie loved working with others, whether students or colleagues or trade unionists. He knew that ideas arose from wide reading, discussions and interactions, and frequently said “there is no such thing as an original idea”. For its students, staff, colleagues and associates SWOP stood out as a place of vibrant intellectual exchange and curiosity about each other’s work: it was an intellectual home and a place of comradeship and critique that felt unique in the university.</p>
<h2>Academic and teaching legacy</h2>
<p>Eddie was also a great teacher, bringing all of his passion for ideas and his vivid sense of history and change and struggle into the classroom, exciting students about the life of the intellect and the life of struggle. At SWOP he established the first internship programme for black postgraduate students to support and encourage them in what they often experienced as a hostile environment.</p>
<p>Eddie regularly undertook large-scale research projects and recruited numbers of students to participate in field research. This was another learning opportunity, where students immersed themselves in the collective quest for knowledge and began to see themselves as researchers.</p>
<p>In the midst of a multitude of projects, Eddie remained committed to his academic work, publishing a great volume and range of articles and books, and achieving honours and recognition globally.</p>
<p>His first book, <a href="https://books.google.co.za/books/about/Cast_in_a_Racial_Mould.html?id=ewPUAAAAMAAJ&redir_esc=y">Cast in a Racial Mould</a>, based on his PhD, provided the intellectual foundation for the new discipline of industrial sociology in South Africa, developing an analysis of changing workplace technology and its impact on trade unionism – specifically the workings of race and class. This provided a material basis for understanding the emergence of the new black mass unionism. </p>
<p>His co-authored book <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/book/10.1002/9781444303018">Grounding Globalisation</a> provided a new account of globalisation and trade unions through a comparison of South Africa, Korea and Australia. Global scholars were inspired by it and it <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/book/10.1002/9781444303018">won a major prize</a> from the American Sociological Association. </p>
<p>His most recent book, <a href="https://witspress.co.za/page/detail/Recasting-Workers%EF%BF%BD-Power/?k=9781776148820">Recasting Workers’ Power</a>, written with Lynford Dor, returns full cycle to the themes of his first book, exploring the impact of technological change on the nature of work in the gig economy, and drawing lessons from forms of worker organisation and collective action that have been emerging across Africa.</p>
<p>Each of these books extends the boundaries of our knowledge by exploring the cutting edge of social change – in a sense helping us see the future and, indeed, helping to make it.</p>
<h2>A great love for life</h2>
<p>It is impossible to think about Eddie without thinking about <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/luli-callinicos-416446">Luli Callinicos</a>, historian and biographer, and the great love of his life. Indeed, she was the rock on which he built his achievements. I remember with great fondness the Greek Easter feasts shared at their home, and the many other gatherings with family, friends and colleagues.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-racially-divided-south-africans-can-find-their-common-humanity-57136">How racially divided South Africans can find their common humanity</a>
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<p><a href="https://sociology.berkeley.edu/alumni-manager/michael-burawoy">Michael Burawoy</a>, the great American sociologist and lifelong friend of Eddie, once told me that he had never laughed as much as he did when he was with Eddie and his colleagues from SWOP. Eddie enjoyed people and was deeply generous; he was a great raconteur, he loved being alive. Three weeks ago he was celebrated for his <a href="https://www.facebook.com/bezparkrun/">200th Park Run</a> in one of Johannesburg’s large parks. Whatever he did he did fully, heart and soul. He was not bigger than life, he was big with life.</p>
<p>In later years he introduced himself as “a living ancestor”. Now he is simply our ancestor, one who has given us a huge legacy, a living legacy. It is time for us to reflect on his inspiration, burn <a href="http://phytoalchemy.co.za/2018/06/30/imphepho-is-not-a-smudge/">imphepho</a>, slaughter a cow and pour out the wine.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/225374/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Karl von Holdt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Eddie Webster inspired generations of scholars with his vision and practice of critically engaged scholarship, in South Africa and worldwide.Karl von Holdt, Senior Researcher, Society Work and Politics Institute, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2241342024-02-22T14:31:18Z2024-02-22T14:31:18ZSpeaker Lindsay Hoyle sparks chaos: five steps to understanding why MPs stormed out of parliament during Gaza vote<p>Chaos engulfed the House of Commons on Wednesday, February 21 when MPs representing the Conservatives and the Scottish National Party (SNP) stormed out of the chamber following a furious row over a debate on calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. The situation was complex but can be explained in five key moments.</p>
<p>The main piece of business in the House of Commons on the day in question was an opposition day debate tabled by the Scottish National Party (SNP) calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. Opposition day debates are an opportunity for opposition parties to put issues that they care about onto the parliamentary agenda. </p>
<p>There are 20 opposition days allocated per parliamentary year – 17 for the main opposition party (Labour) to set the agenda and three for the second opposition party (the SNP). </p>
<p>The drama unfolded on an SNP day and the chaos was triggered by the wording of the motion put forward for debate by the SNP. This contained the phrase “collective punishment of the Palestinian people” and did not include a call for a two-state solution, which Labour objected to.</p>
<h2>1. The SNP sets a trap</h2>
<p>To some degree the motion was a political trap set by the SNP for Labour. </p>
<p>In a November vote on the situation in Gaza, the Labour party suffered a <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/who-are-the-rebel-labour-mps-that-resigned-over-the-vote-for-a-gaza-ceasefire-13009351">major rebellion</a>, with 56 MPs voting with the SNP and against their own party to show their support for a ceasefire. Several shadow ministers resigned so they could vote this way. </p>
<p>Along with a desire to express support for a ceasefire, the SNP evidently saw an opportunity to split Labour once again with its opposition day motion. </p>
<h2>2. Labour tables its own amendment</h2>
<p>To avoid a split, Labour tabled its own amendment to the SNP’s motion. This called for a “humanitarian ceasefire” and included additional details, such as a call for a two-state solution. However it is unusual for opposition parties to seek to amend the motions of other opposition parties. </p>
<p>On such occasions where an opposition amendment is tabled, it is voted upon first, prior to the original (in this case SNP) motion. The spanner in the works here for Labour was that the government also tabled its own amendment to the SNP motion. </p>
<p>In this situation it comes down to the Speaker to decide which amendment is selected – and typically only one is selected. If the government tables an amendment to an opposition day motion, it will be called. The tabling of such an amendment from the government would have, in normal circumstances, torpedoed Labour’s plan. </p>
<h2>3. The speaker makes an unexpected decision</h2>
<p>However, something unexpected then came to pass. Lindsay Hoyle, the speaker, decided to permit both Labour and the government’s amendment to be called to allow for the widest possible debate. </p>
<p>Although not completely against House of Commons rules (<a href="https://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/commons/standing-orders-public11/">standing orders</a>) allowing both amendments to proceed does go against convention. The speaker’s decision was taken against the advice of the clerk of the House of Commons (the most senior adviser to the speaker and the house).</p>
<p>Hoyle appears to have made the decision to select both amendments for a vote having spoken to Labour MPs about the fears for their safety. Many have said that they’ve faced threats of violence for failing to speak out in favour of a ceasefire. </p>
<p>Back in December, the constituency office of <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/mike-freer-minister-to-stand-down-as-mp-over-personal-safety-fears-after-death-threats-and-arson-attack-13061089">Conservative MP Mike Freer </a> was hit by an arson attack (fortunately no one was injured) and he has since announced he is standing down as an MP over personal safety fears. </p>
<p>These MPs had asked for the opportunity to express their support for a ceasefire in the chamber via the Labour amendment to make their position clear to the public. Party leader Keir Starmer, in tabling the Labour amendment, was attempting to give them the opportunity to do so.</p>
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<h2>4. MPs storm out of the chamber</h2>
<p>Despite Hoyle’s decision being made apparently with the best of intentions, it angered many MPs, especially as it broke both convention and the official advice of the clerk of the house. </p>
<p>A shouting match broke out between MPs on both sides of the house and between MPs and the speaker and his deputy. The government withdrew its amendment so it couldn’t be voted on and asked its MPs not to take part in any votes. SNP and Conservative MPs walked out of the House of Commons chamber in anger over what had happened. </p>
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<p>In withdrawing its amendment, the government prevented a sequence of votes from occurring. Had the government not withdrawn its amendment, there would have been three votes.</p>
<p>MPs would have voted first on Labour’s amendment (which would have likely been defeated due to the government’s majority), then on the SNP’s original opposition day motion (which would also have been likely defeated due to the government’s majority) and finally on the government’s amendment. The speaker’s plan was for everyone’s motions and amendments to be put to a vote – it just didn’t work out that way. </p>
<h2>5. Labour’s amendment passes</h2>
<p>Amid the chaos of the government withdrawing, a vote did eventually take place. Labour’s amendment to the SNP motion was taken and passed without objection. That meant that the SNP motion was duly amended and passed too (but not in the original form that the party wanted).</p>
<p>SNP MPs are justifiably angry. It was their opposition day debate (of which they only get three days per parliamentary year) and it has been completely overshadowed by screaming and shouting over parliamentary procedure.</p>
<h2>The result: an important issue overshadowed</h2>
<p>Despite the House of Commons passing a motion calling for a ceasefire in Gaza, MPs have not covered themselves in glory. The public will certainly be questioning what on earth was going on.</p>
<p>This anger, over what some MPs see as an abuse of procedure, has completely overshadowed the actual topic of the debate, the conflict in Israel and Gaza, as well as the humanitarian disaster. Although opposition day motions are not binding on the government, and this vote would not have led to a ceasefire, it is an issue which matters to MPs – and to the wider public. </p>
<p>Nor should we underestimate how angry MPs are at the speaker’s decision. He has apologised and said he made the wrong decision but many believe that he has overstepped his authority and have accused him of being biased towards Labour by backing both amendments. </p>
<p>At the time of writing, 60 MPs had signed an <a href="https://edm.parliament.uk/early-day-motion/61908">early day motion</a> (used by MPs to draw attention to a particular issue) stating that they have no confidence in Hoyle as speaker. They include SNP Westminster leader Stephen Flynn. Calmer heads may prevail over the coming days but the decision Hoyle made has undermined his position and authority.</p>
<p><em>This article has been corrected. It originally stated the Mike Freer is a Labour MP when he is in fact a Conservative MP.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/224134/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Thomas Caygill has previously received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council. </span></em></p>Instead of voting on a ceasefire, the House of Commons descended into furious arguments between MPs and the speaker.Thomas Caygill, Senior Lecturer in Politics, Nottingham Trent UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2226852024-02-11T13:51:49Z2024-02-11T13:51:49ZThe video game industry is booming. Why are there so many layoffs?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573963/original/file-20240207-19-2zzpmu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=27%2C0%2C4573%2C2152&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Tech companies have laid off thousands of game developers in recent months.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The video game industry had a <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/radio/2023-was-a-banner-year-for-video-games-and-video-game-industry-layoffs-1.7052006">banner year in 2023, with critically acclaimed blockbuster titles selling millions of copies</a>. Yet, it was also a year of layoffs with <a href="https://publish.obsidian.md/vg-layoffs/Archive/2023">10,500 game makers losing their jobs</a>. And with <a href="https://publish.obsidian.md/vg-layoffs/Archive/2024">5,900 reported layoffs in January alone</a>, 2024 will likely surpass the previous year’s numbers.</p>
<p>An endemic <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448211014213https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448211014213">crunch mentality</a>, exploitation, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/09500170211061228">work intensification and growing unionization</a> in the game industry collide with government and lobbyist reports about economic prosperity and employment growth. </p>
<p>The industry <a href="https://canadasvideogameindustry.ca/">contributed $5.5 billion to Canada’s GDP in 2021</a>, an <a href="https://canadasvideogameindustry.ca/#GDP">increase of 23 per cent from 2019</a>. Global game revenue is <a href="https://www.pwc.com/gx/en/industries/tmt/media/outlook/insights-and-perspectives.html">predicted to rise</a> from US$227 billion in 2023 to US$312 billion in 2027. </p>
<p>If the industry is booming, why are there so many layoffs? Who is benefitting? Who stands to lose? And what can we do about it?</p>
<h2>Cycles of layoffs</h2>
<p>In terms of why this is happening, long-standing structural issues related to the supply and demand of labour lead to recurring layoff cycles. Very large teams spend years and <a href="https://gamingbolt.com/marvels-spider-man-2-had-a-total-budget-of-315-million">hundreds of millions of dollars</a> to make a single game. Historically, studios ramp up and hire employees in peak production and hand out pink slips after launch, as they “<a href="https://circa.ualberta.ca/?page_id=307">cannot sustain the expense of idle workers</a>.” Critical and commercial failures escalate these layoffs. </p>
<p>In addition, the labour pool is growing. Post-secondary games programs have proliferated over the <a href="https://www.learntechlib.org/primary/p/221309/view/">past 15 years</a>. Thousands of graduates with expertise in <a href="https://hevga.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/HEVGA_2019_Survey_of_Program_Graduates.pdf">game design, programming, art, cinematics and music</a> enter the workforce each year with little prospect of finding employment in their chosen profession. These labour supply and demand issues collide with inflation and wider layoffs in the tech industry.</p>
<p>There’s an easy answer to the question of who benefits from layoffs — it’s
shareholders. Many of the largest layoffs have come <a href="https://www.theverge.com/2024/1/25/24049050/microsoft-activision-blizzard-layoffs">in the wake of corporate takeovers</a>. Some companies explicitly point to <a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/unity-software-cutting-25-staff-company-reset-continuation-2024-01-08/">improving profit margins as their impetus</a>. </p>
<p>Whether short-term returns will play out in the long-term remains to be seen. Layoffs often result in planned or ongoing game projects being cancelled and some of the teams left standing seem wildly understaffed. Activision Blizzard’s esports division reportedly had <a href="https://dotesports.com/overwatch/news/activision-blizzard-reportedly-left-with-just-12-esports-division-employees-after-layoffs">only 12 full time staff</a> left after the latest round of layoffs. </p>
<p>As to who is impacted, it is disproportionately young and marginalized workers. Even when layoffs <a href="https://kotaku.com/dragon-age-dreadwolf-bioware-layoffs-lawsuit-ea-1850900755">target senior talent</a>, the influx of experienced developers into the job market pushes junior people further away from access to entry level roles. The 2021 <a href="https://igda-website.s3.us-east-2.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/15161607/IGDA-DSS-2021-Diversity-Report_Final.pdf">Developer Satisfaction Survey</a> showed those most likely to be in precarious positions were gender minorities and racialized people. Waves of layoffs will only exacerbate their marginalization.</p>
<h2>Unions can help</h2>
<p>Can unions protect game industry workers from layoffs? Vocal calls to organize are bolstered by reports that <a href="https://www.gamedeveloper.com/business/microsoft-and-activision-blizzard-layoffs-didn-t-impact-a-single-cwa-union-member#close-modal">unionized workers have fared better</a>. Indeed, unions can help. </p>
<p>First, it is more difficult for an employer to change the conditions of work or fire employees when there is an active certification campaign due to the risk of an <a href="https://cirb-ccri.gc.ca/en/about-appeals-applications-complaints/labour-relations-unfair-labour-practice">unfair labour practice</a> complaint.</p>
<p>Second, unions that are engaged in active collective bargaining are better placed to eliminate, reduce or delay the impact of known or anticipated layoffs. They may be able to use the threat of strike action to bargain down the extent of the layoffs or negotiate less harmful alternatives like job sharing, reduced hours or wage freezes. Workers in bargaining are also protected by the <a href="https://newsguild.org/what-is-status-quo-and-how-can-it-protect-you-from-layoffs/">requirement to maintain the status quo</a> on terms and conditions of work. </p>
<p>Third, unions can negotiate specific protective language into a collective agreement. This can range from prevention to mitigation and include “no layoff” provisions, retraining or reassignment obligations, imposed financial transparency, and required negotiation over the nature, extent and outcomes of any restructuring at a company. </p>
<p>But even <a href="https://www.gamedeveloper.com/business/microsoft-and-activision-blizzard-layoffs-didn-t-impact-a-single-cwa-union-member#close-modal">unionized workers can be laid off</a>. In many cases, the best a union can do is mitigate the impact through negotiated terms like longer notice periods, severance packages, recall procedures and supplementary unemployment benefits. In the end, a union can only protect what it has negotiated into the collective agreement, and employers strongly resist constraints on their operational flexibility. </p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573960/original/file-20240207-18-tqec32.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A smartphone displaying the words Riot Games." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573960/original/file-20240207-18-tqec32.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573960/original/file-20240207-18-tqec32.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573960/original/file-20240207-18-tqec32.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573960/original/file-20240207-18-tqec32.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573960/original/file-20240207-18-tqec32.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573960/original/file-20240207-18-tqec32.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573960/original/file-20240207-18-tqec32.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">California-based Riot Games, which is owned by Chinese tech giant Tencent, recently announced it was laying off 11 per cent of its global staff.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
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</figure>
<h2>Holding companies accountable</h2>
<p>Another solution is to call for greater accountability from game companies, which benefit from public money. It is no secret that game labour costs are heavily subsidized through government tax credits in countries like the <a href="https://igda.org/resources-archive/rd-tax-credit-opportunities-for-video-game-developers/">United States</a>, <a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/money/2022/01/04/1068916102/how-subsidies-helped-montreal-become-the-hollywood-of-video-games">Canada</a>, <a href="http://qpol.qub.ac.uk/what-does-the-new-tax-credit-for-irelands-games-industry-actually-mean/">Ireland</a> and <a href="https://www.ato.gov.au/businesses-and-organisations/income-deductions-and-concessions/income-and-deductions-for-business/concessions-offsets-and-rebates/digital-games-tax-offset">Australia</a>. </p>
<p>The Financial Services Union, representing Irish game developers, recently called on the government to require employers to sign written statements committing to provide <a href="https://www.thejournal.ie/game-industry-tax-credit-5436230-May2021/">“quality employment”</a> before they can receive a tax credit. Cyclical hiring and layoffs obscure employment statistics and reduce accountability. Governments should be concerned with whether or not their subsidies are creating <em>sustainable</em> jobs.</p>
<p>In addition, the post-secondary supply of “surplus labour” creates a vast and eager reserve workforce. This disincentivizes employers from investing in their employees. Universities and colleges need to take a long hard look at the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1527476419851080">role they play</a> and the promises they make to students. </p>
<p>Claims that students are being prepared for well-paid, exciting careers seem dubious given the current employment situation. These claims are suspect given that few games programs systematically track the career trajectories of their graduates. Exactly what jobs are they preparing graduates for? </p>
<p>This is what we and our colleagues are tracking in our longitudinal employment study, <a href="https://first3yearsproject.com/">The First Three Years</a>. One of this article’s co-authors, Johanna Weststar, spoke about our initial findings regarding <a href="https://gdcvault.com/play/1029220/Lost-XP-Why-Junior-Game">impacts on diversity and career longevity</a> at the 2023 <a href="https://gdconf.com/">Game Developer’s Conference</a>.</p>
<p>Some might take layoffs for granted as a natural part of mergers, acquisitions and other consolidation efforts, however layoffs and exploitation are not new in the game industry. Ultimately they are a symptom of a <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.13169/workorgalaboglob.15.2.0007">financialized industry focused on short-term gains</a> for owners and shareholders. </p>
<p>Unions, worker and consumer activism, and demands for greater accountability for taxpayer dollars and the promises of higher education are important pieces of any solution. So too are efforts to envision <a href="https://mitpress.mit.edu/9780262545402/the-videogame-industry-does-not-exist/">alternative ways to craft a more sustainable industry</a>. To address this broken system, we ultimately must ask who benefits from layoffs in a booming industry and systematically remove those benefits.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/222685/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jennifer R. Whitson has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada to support research on the digital game industry.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Johanna Weststar has received funding from the International Game Developers Association, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Dancap Private Equity Research Award to support her research on the digital game industry. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sean Gouglas has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Higher Education Video Game Alliance to support research on postsecondary games education and the digital game industry. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kenzie Gordon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Recent waves of layoffs shine a light on the systemic issues in the game industry and the post-graduation promises universities are making to students.Kenzie Gordon, PhD Candidate, Digital Humanities & Media Studies, University of AlbertaJennifer R. Whitson, Associate Professor, Sociology and Legal Studies, University of WaterlooJohanna Weststar, Associate Professor of Labour and Employment Relations, DAN Department of Management & Organizational Studies, Western UniversitySean Gouglas, Professor, Digital Humanities, University of AlbertaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2224922024-02-11T13:51:45Z2024-02-11T13:51:45ZNew research debunks the ‘unhappy worker’ narrative, but finds most still believe it<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573929/original/file-20240206-18-uhr8gf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=39%2C78%2C8635%2C5696&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">After years of negative rhetoric, a mindset shift towards believing work isn’t a necessary evil couldn’t hurt.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>As a sociologist who studies how people think and feel about work, I’ve been struck by the unflattering cultural narrative that has intensified around work in recent years. </p>
<p>The so-called “<a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2023/02/01/why-2022-was-the-real-year-of-the-great-resignation.html">Great Resignation</a>” of 2021 and 2022 saw an increase in <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/15/magazine/antiwork-reddit.html">anti-work rhetoric</a> and the <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/culture/2022-in-review/the-year-in-quiet-quitting">onset of the “quiet quitting” trend</a> — a variation on the “<a href="https://theconversation.com/thinking-about-quiet-quitting-heres-why-and-how-you-should-talk-to-your-boss-instead-189499">work to rule” concept</a> where employees do no more than the bare minimum required by contract. Quitting was also described <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/29/style/quit-your-job.html">as being fun</a> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/21/business/quitting-contagious.html">and contagious</a>. </p>
<p>A <em>Wall Street Journal</em> headline from November 2023 <a href="https://www.wsj.com/lifestyle/careers/workers-morale-pay-benefits-remote-52c4ab10?mod=workplace_trendingnow_article_pos1">summarized the sentiment aptly</a>: “Why is Everyone So Unhappy at Work Right Now?” </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A man walks toward the camera holding a cardboard box with a plant peeking out the top. Behind him, a man in a suit sits at a desk with his hands folded in front of him." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573939/original/file-20240207-30-7yteca.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573939/original/file-20240207-30-7yteca.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573939/original/file-20240207-30-7yteca.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573939/original/file-20240207-30-7yteca.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573939/original/file-20240207-30-7yteca.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573939/original/file-20240207-30-7yteca.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573939/original/file-20240207-30-7yteca.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Quitting has been framed as a trend in recent economics think pieces in American news media.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We’re told <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/19/podcasts/transcript-ezra-klein-show-sarah-jaffe.html?searchResultPosition=1">“work won’t love you back”</a> and that <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/culture/archive/2021/11/danger-really-loving-your-job/620690/">loving your job is a “capitalist trap</a>.” Long-suffering workers reached their breaking point, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/14/opinion/workers-quitting-wages.html">according to some news commentators</a>, in what has been called the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20220126-the-rise-of-the-anti-work-movement">anti-work movement</a>. Some interpreted the tumult in the labour market as evidence that workers were simultaneously fed up and empowered to seek better working conditions.</p>
<p>But not all commentators have bought into this narrative. Reflecting on the <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2022/03/american-great-resignation-hate-work/627761/">Great Resignation</a>, American journalist Derek Thompson found “workers are more satisfied than the internet would have you believe.”</p>
<p>Thompson <a href="https://www.conference-board.org/pdfdownload.cfm?masterProductID=27278">based his argument on studies</a> that found consistently <a href="https://theconversation.com/vast-majority-of-american-workers-like-their-jobs-even-as-a-record-number-quit-them-173564">high levels of job satisfaction</a> among American workers — a pattern I have discovered in my own research.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/vast-majority-of-american-workers-like-their-jobs-even-as-a-record-number-quit-them-173564">Vast majority of American workers like their jobs – even as a record number quit them</a>
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<p>But I wondered about something else: could the adverse effects of anti-work rhetoric spread beyond one’s own job perception? If the portrayal of the Great Resignation — especially its purported personal causes — tainted work attitudes, then widespread discontent should be apparent. </p>
<h2>Americans’ perception of work</h2>
<p>In November 2023, with the help of the <a href="https://today.yougov.com/">research firm YouGov</a>, I conducted a national survey of 5,000 American workers to test my hunch. I call my study <a href="https://workandhealth.ca">the MESSI (Measuring Employment Sentiments and Social Inequality)</a>. The MESSI sample is designed to broadly reflect the socio-demographic, socio-economic, and geographic characteristics of the American working population.</p>
<p>I asked participants five work-related questions. To ground the MESSI in well-established benchmarks, I modelled these questions after the <a href="https://gss.norc.org/">General Social Survey</a>. </p>
<p>For each of the five questions, I identified “perception glitches” by comparing two data points: what respondents reported about their own job versus what respondents <em>believe</em> most American workers think or feel about their jobs. The distance between the two represents the perception glitch.</p>
<p><strong>1. Satisfaction: All in all, how satisfied are you with your job?</strong> The MESSI finds that 79 per cent of workers feel somewhat or very satisfied with their own job, but only 49 per cent think that most Americans feel somewhat or very satisfied. That’s a 30-point perception glitch.</p>
<p><strong>2. Stressed out: How often do you find your work stressful?</strong> Thirty-two per cent of workers describe their own work as highly stressful, but 69 per cent believe that most Americans are in highly stressful jobs. That’s a 37-point perception glitch.</p>
<p><strong>3. Underpaid: When you think about the pay you get for your work, do you feel you are underpaid, paid about right, or overpaid?</strong> Sixty-two per cent of workers feel underpaid, but 89 per cent think that most Americans feel underpaid. That’s a 27-point perception glitch. </p>
<p><strong>4. Management-employee relations: In general, how would you describe relations in your workplace between management and employees?</strong> Fifty-seven per cent describe management-employees relations in their workplace as quite or very good, but only 22 per cent believe that most Americans experience positive management-employee relations. That’s a 35-point perception glitch.</p>
<p><strong>5. Going above and beyond: How much effort do you put into your job beyond what is required?</strong> Fifty-two per cent say they put a lot of effort into their job beyond what is required, but only 13 per cent believe that most Americans go above and beyond. That’s a 39-point perception glitch.</p>
<p>Collectively, my MESSI findings both challenge the “unhappy worker” narrative and confirm that most people believe it. </p>
<h2>‘Everything is terrible but I’m fine’</h2>
<p>These perception glitches could reflect what Thompson calls the “<a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/newsletters/archive/2022/06/american-economy-negative-perception-inflation/661149/">everything is terrible but I’m fine</a>” mindset, or what American economist Paul Krugman calls the “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/01/30/opinion/american-economy-improvement-perception-data.html">yawning gulf</a>” between public perceptions of the economy and personal financial conditions. </p>
<p>They could also reflect a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/20/opinion/psychology-brain-biased-memory.html">cognitive bias</a> in which we pay attention to negative information about others, revealing our <a href="https://ourworldindata.org/optimism-and-pessimism">tendency toward individual optimism but social pessimism</a>. </p>
<p>My research with Paul Glavin, a sociologist at McMaster University, has started to measure the consequences of the “unhappy worker” narrative. <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.19053.56809">So far, we’ve discovered</a> that when Americans perceive widespread job dissatisfaction among the general public, they feel less committed to their own job and employer. Even if it’s just an illusion, there’s a misery spillover effect.</p>
<p>Moving the dials on these perception glitches might reduce the <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?i=1000637232183">collective “bad vibes</a>.” These days, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/01/opinion/economy-crime-presidential-election.html?searchResultPosition=16">we seem resistant to good news</a> — and that extends to work as well. But a more accurate read on what most people think and feel about work might boost optimism. </p>
<p>That doesn’t negate the fact that <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/12/11/opinion/economy-biden-vibes.html?searchResultPosition=3">many people are struggling financially</a>. And yet, after years of negative rhetoric, a <a href="https://justinmberg.com/wp-content/uploads/Berg-et-al_2023_JAP.pdf">mindset shift</a> towards believing work isn’t a necessary evil couldn’t hurt.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/222492/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Scott Schieman receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. </span></em></p>Could the adverse effects of anti-work rhetoric spread beyond one’s own job perception? A sociologist’s recent research sheds light on the question.Scott Schieman, Professor of Sociology and Canada Research Chair, University of TorontoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2216922024-02-08T16:28:09Z2024-02-08T16:28:09ZHave Conservative councils started placing more children in care each year than Labour councils? New analysis<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573757/original/file-20240206-20-u3h0ip.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=17%2C0%2C5734%2C3828&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/schoolchildren-crossing-road-on-their-way-1089516491">Studio Peace/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In England, over 80,000 children are now in care, an increase of <a href="https://explore-education-statistics.service.gov.uk/find-statistics/children-looked-after-in-england-including-adoptions/2023">nearly one third</a> since 2010. <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0145213423005781?via%3Dihub">We’ve discovered</a> that local party politics is a factor in this. Our analysis shows that, between 2015 and 2021, six or seven more children each year were taken into care in an average sized Conservative council than in an equivalent Labour council.</p>
<p>There have been big inequalities between local authorities in the rise in the numbers of children in care since the start of the Cameron-Clegg, Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in 2010. In the north-east of England they have increased by over 60%, while in inner London they’re <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/statistics-looked-after-children">down almost 20%</a>. </p>
<p><a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1468017318793479">Previous evidence shows</a> that the key factor is economics. Children in the most deprived 10% of small neighbourhoods are over <a href="https://pure.hud.ac.uk/ws/files/21398145/CWIP_Final_Report.pdf">ten times more likely</a> to be in care than in the least deprived 10%. </p>
<p>But, despite talk about levelling up, child poverty has risen much faster in Labour councils than in Conservative ones. This means that we would expect the number of children being placed into care in Labour councils to rise more quickly. But the actual numbers of children going into care in Labour and Conservative councils each year is more or less the same. </p>
<p>Our research controlled for poverty. We found that if two average-sized local authorities were the same in terms of poverty, income and expenditure, over five years, a Conservative council would take over 30 more children into care than a Labour council. </p>
<h2>What we did</h2>
<p>We investigated whether rates of children in care have been growing or falling across all English local authorities according to their party political leadership. </p>
<p>We then used a statistical model to predict what these trends would be likely to look like were we to imagine that child poverty, average household income, and council spending on services to prevent children being taken into care had stayed the same throughout 2015-2021, rather than growing at different rates across the country. This allowed us to focus in on the specific relationship between care rates and local party political control.</p>
<p>By focusing on differences in these trends, rather than overall numbers, we are able to isolate factors that can explain the recent dramatic increase in numbers of children in care from factors associated with longstanding differences between local authorities. </p>
<p>Once again, we found that <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/children-in-low-income-families-local-area-statistics">child poverty</a> was by far the most significant factor behind the upward trend. The greater the local increase in child poverty, the steeper the upward trend in children in care. This is, of course, mainly influenced by national policies affecting employment, wages, housing costs, benefit levels and so on. Local councils have little control over those. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Young boy looking out of window" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Child poverty is the most important factor in the rise in numbers of children being placed in care.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/small-boy-sitting-near-window-thinking-248899603">spixel/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Then we analysed changes to care numbers in more detail. In an average sized local authority, the numbers of children in care increased by around seven or eight per year between 2015 and 2021. Before controlling for child poverty, Labour and Conservative councils’ growing rates of children in care appear virtually indistinguishable. </p>
<p>However, because child poverty rose almost twice as fast in Labour councils than Conservative ones, this masked a real contrast between local authorities led by the two parties. </p>
<p>That means that, in an average size local authority, after five years we would expect over 30 more children in care in a Conservative council than a Labour council, holding trends in poverty, income and expenditure constant. Thirty additional children in care would cost a typical authority £2.5m more per year. That’s money that we think would be better spent keeping families together.</p>
<h2>Looking for explanations</h2>
<p>Three reasons might explain the difference between Labour and Conservative councils. First, Conservative and Labour councils may have different approaches to supporting families and protecting children. There may be a greater emphasis in Conservative councils on removing children at risk rather than providing support to families to prevent or mitigate risks.</p>
<p>This was the view taken by Michael Gove, when he was education secretary with responsibility for children’s services. <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/the-failure-of-child-protection-and-the-need-for-a-fresh-start">In a 2012 speech</a> he argued that children were being left for too long in homes where they were experiencing neglect and abuse. “More children should be taken into care more quickly”, he said.</p>
<p>Second, as a result, Conservative councils may allocate a smaller proportion of their budget to family support services, or may fund different kinds of preventative services. </p>
<p>Third, it may be that Conservative councils allocate proportionately less funding to the most deprived areas within their local authority than Labour councils, resulting in less support for families and children in greatest need.</p>
<p>All these hypotheses require testing.</p>
<p>We aren’t saying that Conservative councillors want more children in care. Most councils are under huge pressures because of the rising costs of both children’s and adult social care services, driving several to bankruptcy. </p>
<p>Research shows that the steep upward trend in the numbers of children in care results mainly from national policies affecting families. It is increasingly clear that reducing child poverty, especially deep and persistent poverty, and insecure housing and low income, is the key to reducing the numbers of children in care.</p>
<p>But local actions matter too. Local councils cannot control national economic trends, but they can poverty-proof local services, make sure that the services focus on areas of greatest need and that services respond directly to family poverty by offering concrete help.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221692/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>I receive funding from the Wellcome Trust for my contribution to a separate research programme. I have previously been funded by the Nuffield Foundation and the Joseph Rowntree Foundation for work on children's services, poverty and inequality.
I am a member of the Labour Party </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Calum Webb receives funding from the British Academy PF21\210024; he has previously been funded by the ESRC and the Nuffield Foundation. He was formerly a member of the Labour Party.</span></em></p>We investigated whether rates of children in care have been growing or falling across all English local authorities according to their party political leadership.Paul Bywaters, Professor of Social Work, University of HuddersfieldCalum Webb, Lecturer in Quantitative Social Science, University of SheffieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2202072024-02-06T21:56:31Z2024-02-06T21:56:31ZThe motherhood pay gap: Why women’s earnings decline after having children<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/572551/original/file-20240131-19-fg2aeg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=760%2C416%2C7407%2C5003&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The birth of children results in large earnings losses that are not equally distributed within heterosexual couples.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Inequalities between men and women persist in many areas, with <a href="https://doi.org/10.1787/4ead40c7-en">women still earning less than men on average</a>. An even more striking difference is the “motherhood pay gap” that happens when women have children. Also known as the “family gap” or <a href="https://doi.org/10.1257/app.20180010">child penalties</a>, women’s earnings plummet after the birth of a child, while men’s barely budge.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.12.1.137">Many studies</a> have investigated the causes of gender inequalities and concluded that women have been unable to catch up to the earnings level of men in part <a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/684851">because of parenting responsibilities</a>. </p>
<p>Why does this happen? Children have a negative effect on women’s productivity in the labour market by substantially reducing their <a href="https://www.britannica.com/money/human-capital">human capital</a>, which translates into a significant <a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/260293">decrease in their earnings</a>. </p>
<p>After the birth of children, mothers tend to turn towards part-time jobs, roles with flexible working hours or positions that offer work conditions more favourable to family life — all of which tend to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/cje/23.5.543">pay lower wages</a>.</p>
<p>Employers, in return, may see part-time employees as less committed and productive, especially when relying on <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/basics/heuristics">heuristics</a> — mental shortcuts for solving problems — to judge worker quality, as opposed to actual information about their performance. This can result in <a href="https://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2911397">fewer bonuses and promotions</a> for these employees. </p>
<h2>The effects of parenthood</h2>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1257/app.20180010">Evidence from Denmark</a>, one of the most egalitarian countries in the world, points to a long-term child penalty of around 20 per cent in earnings. </p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.3138/cpp.2023-015">Our research</a> reveals a similar situation in Canada. We used data from Statistics Canada’s Longitudinal and International Study of Adults coupled with historical administrative records from 1982 to 2018. </p>
<p>We compared what happened to men’s and women’s earnings after the birth of their first child for Canadians who had their first child between 1987 and 2009. Using an event study methodology, we followed individuals’ employment income over a period of five years before the birth of the child to 10 years after.</p>
<p>We observed large and persistent negative effects of parenthood for mothers, but not fathers. Mothers’ earnings decrease by 49 per cent the year of birth, with a penalty of 34.3 per cent 10 years after. Fathers’ earnings appear largely unaffected.</p>
<h2>Unequal effects of children</h2>
<p>The birth of children results in large earnings losses that are not equally distributed within heterosexual couples. Fathers stay on the same earnings track, while women experience penalties that persist over the years. This is especially true for <a href="https://doi.org/10.3138/cpp.2023-015">mothers of multiple children or those with a lower education level</a>. </p>
<p>This impoverishment triggered by the birth of a child can have significant economic impacts <a href="https://espace.inrs.ca/id/eprint/13576">should the couple separate</a>. In Canada, nearly <a href="https://doi.org/10.25318/3910005101-eng">one-third of marriages</a> end in divorce. </p>
<p>Women are typically <a href="https://doi.org/10.4054/DemRes.2016.35.50">financially disadvantaged</a> following a separation. This disadvantage may be attributable to pre-separation factors, such as the unequal division of labour during the marriage and lower earnings for women, but also to women’s prolonged absences from the labour force due to family responsibilities.</p>
<h2>Equal pay for equal work</h2>
<p>In this context, it’s crucial to ask ourselves if there are measures that could eliminate, or at least reduce, the economic impact associated with family responsibilities on mothers’ earnings and employment. </p>
<p>We investigated the role of family policies, since they were in part designed to encourage maternal employment and promote more equal sharing of parenting responsibilities between partners. </p>
<p>Specifically, we focused on the extension of parental leaves in Canada and the introduction of <a href="https://www.mfa.gouv.qc.ca/en/services-de-garde/programme-contribution-reduite/Pages/index.aspx">reduced contribution child-care services for families in Québec</a>. We found suggestive evidence that these policies can help reduce child penalties. </p>
<p>“Equal pay for equal work” policies, such as the federal government’s <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/jobs/workplace/human-rights/overview-pay-equity-act.html">Pay Equity Act</a>, also have the potential to make a substantial difference. These policies can raise the fairness and attractiveness of the labour market for women and reduce the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1257/jel.20160995">potentially negative impact of experience-based pay</a> for mothers. </p>
<h2>More benefits down the line</h2>
<p>In addition to having a positive effect on the economic situation of women, encouraging employment for mothers could help eliminate the stigma around the division of labour within couples by exposing children to a more symmetrical model of remunerated and unpaid work. </p>
<p>A <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0950017018760167">recent study</a> using data from 29 countries showed that employed mothers were more likely to transmit egalitarian values to their children both at work and at home. Girls with employed mothers ended up working more themselves: they worked more hours, were better paid and held supervisory positions more often than girls with stay-at-home mothers. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A toddler sits on the lap of a women, presumably her mother, in front of a desk. She is smiling and touching a laptop while her mother smiles down at her." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573140/original/file-20240202-17-6ybyzo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573140/original/file-20240202-17-6ybyzo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573140/original/file-20240202-17-6ybyzo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573140/original/file-20240202-17-6ybyzo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573140/original/file-20240202-17-6ybyzo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573140/original/file-20240202-17-6ybyzo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573140/original/file-20240202-17-6ybyzo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Employed mothers are more likely to transmit egalitarian values to their children both at work and at home.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
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<p>The result was not observed in boys. However, boys who grew up with employed mothers were more involved in family and domestic responsibilities as adults than men whose mothers were not in the labour market. The girls also spent less time doing household chores. </p>
<p>Working mothers appear to have an intergenerational impact favouring gender equality, both within the family and in the labour market.</p>
<p>We all know raising children is time-consuming. Children, of course, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/675070">benefit from this parental time investment</a>. But bringing up children is also costly. Our research quantified one kind of cost: the lower earnings trajectory. Knowing how these costs are shared among the two parents is key to enable better decision making, for policymakers, but ultimately, for parents, future parents and their children.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220207/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marie Connolly received funding from the Fonds de recherche du Québec - Société et culture and CIRANO. The analysis in this article was conducted at the Quebec Inter-university Centre for Social Statistics, which is supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, the Canada Foundation for Innovation, Statistics Canada, the Fonds de recherche du Québec - Société et culture, the Fonds de recherche du Québec - Santé and Québec universities.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Catherine Haeck received funding from the Fonds de recherche du Québec - Société et culture and CIRANO. The analysis in this article was conducted at the Quebec Inter-university Centre for Social Statistics, which is supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, the Canada Foundation for Innovation, Statistics Canada, the Fonds de recherche du Québec - Société et culture, the Fonds de recherche du Québec - Santé and Québec universities.</span></em></p>New research shows that women’s earnings are negatively impacted by having children, while men’s aren’t. The effects can be long-lasting and contribute to the gender pay gap.Marie Connolly, Professor of Economics, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)Catherine Haeck, Full Professor, Economics Department, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2203632024-02-01T22:06:59Z2024-02-01T22:06:59ZQuébec’s teacher strike offers lessons on the urgent need to support public education<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/quebecs-teacher-strike-offers-lessons-on-the-urgent-need-to-support-public-education" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>The doors of <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/10184999/concerns-mounting-over-childrens-welfare-as-quebec-teachers-strike-drags-on/">around 800</a> Québec public schools were closed due to the strike action of <a href="https://www.lafae.qc.ca/public/file/communique-entente-principe-28dec2023.pdf">the Fédération autonome de l’enseignement</a> (FAE) from Nov. 23 through Jan. 8. </p>
<p>During this strike period, <a href="https://ici.radio-canada.ca/rci/en/news/2037932/common-front-and-quebec-reach-tentative-agreement-over-pay-for-public-sector-workers">368,000 students</a> missed 22 days of school while teachers also lost the same number of <a href="https://theconversation.com/curious-kids-do-teachers-get-paid-when-they-go-on-strike-130158">days in pay</a>.</p>
<p>Additionally, teachers in unions represented by the <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/common-front-voting-begins-1.7083702">Common Front</a> were on strike for 11 days. </p>
<p>The strikes impacted public school teachers, students and parents across Québec at multiple levels including primary, secondary and adult education. </p>
<p>The consequences both in the short- and long-term are potentially devastating. The strike offers lessons about the urgent need to support teachers and address issues in public education. </p>
<p>Failing to do so will continue to negatively affect teacher morale, burnout and attrition. It will also risk further corroding the critical role of public schooling in supporting our communities. </p>
<h2>Understanding demands, uplifting teacher voices</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://www.lafae.qc.ca/negociation-nationale">demands</a> of the FAE were extended beyond pay, including better recognition (including improved pension plans and parental rights), better family-work-life balance, better class composition, a reduction in the workload, new provisions regarding grievances and arbitration, better treatment of teachers with precarious status and a healthy workplace. </p>
<p>These demands cover finances, classroom practices and teacher well-being.</p>
<p>Given the current social and educational climate, including <a href="https://theconversation.com/end-of-topsy-turvy-school-year-5-education-issues-exposed-by-the-covid-19-pandemic-161145">post-pandemic educational challenges</a>, supporting teachers and policy changes is of the utmost importance. </p>
<p>Mitigating current challenges by accepting teacher demands is crucial because healthy and well-supported teachers are paramount for <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.689628">successful student learning</a>. </p>
<p>The role of teacher well-being is particularly critical due to the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02607476.2020.1797439">continuing impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic</a> in Canada.</p>
<h2>Must change systemic problems</h2>
<p>The lack of resources and support that teachers receive can lead to several consequences, ranging from increased stress and exhaustion to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/13621688231151787">burnout</a>.</p>
<p>While teachers are proven to be <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2006.06.006">resilient</a> in the face of these challenges, the concept of resilience itself is a <a href="https://www.toronto.com/opinion/don-t-call-me-resilient----it-covers-up-systemic-racism/article_e79cedf4-c81e-5999-bff6-fee793feacbb.html">contested one</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/listen-to-dont-call-me-resilient-our-podcast-about-race-149692">Listen to 'Don't Call Me Resilient': Our podcast about race</a>
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<p>Teachers should not need to be resilient because of policies and practices that do not provide a healthy, positive working environment. </p>
<p>Asking teachers to endure sub-optimal working conditions shifts the burden of addressing structural and systemic issues away from governmental responsibility for public education reforms. </p>
<p>It also places an undue strain on the relationships between teachers, students and parents, whose interests should be aligned. There is a <a href="https://doi.org/10.53841/bpsecp.2012.29.4.8">clear relationship</a> between student and teacher well-being. When the well-being of teachers is prioritized, <a href="http://www.iier.org.au/iier29/turner2.pdf">students’ work and learning flourishes</a> in schools.</p>
<h2>Serious attrition rates</h2>
<p>The prolonged strike and the unwillingness of the government to address union demands in a timely manner may have further reduced teacher morale. It may also exacerbate the already high <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/14623943.2014.900009">teacher attrition</a> rates in Québec. </p>
<p>In fact, it points to the lack of concern for teachers who cite <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13540602.2012.696044">psychological and interpersonal reasons</a> for leaving their roles. </p>
<p>Through policy and practice, teachers need to be valued as essential workers in education. Priority needs to be placed on not just bringing new professionals to the field, but keeping them. </p>
<h2>Consequences for students, families</h2>
<p>The prolonged strike will not just impact teacher morale: students will also bear the long-term consequences. </p>
<p>Students will have experienced learning loss, the stalling of academic gains, and social and psychological disruptions. </p>
<p>Although the Québec government has allocated <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/quebec-announces-300-million-catch-up-plan-for-students-after-weeks-of-strike-1.6717307">$300 million</a> on a catch-up plan designed to help students who have fallen behind with free tutoring and summer camps for high schoolers who are at risk of dropping out, the reverberations of the strike will last for years to come. </p>
<p>Studies have demonstrated that strike actions impact <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-06050-9">educational achievements</a> and even <a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1086/703134#_i37">employment and labour market earnings</a>. </p>
<p>Parents and families, especially mothers, will be <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2021.102679">impacted financially</a>.</p>
<h2>Uneven effects</h2>
<p>We must also consider larger connections between this educational labour issue and class struggles because the impacts of the strikes are certainly uneven. Hundreds of thousands of students in the public system will be racing to catch up on missed time while students in private schools <a href="https://montreal.citynews.ca/2024/01/07/quebec-teachers-hopeful-after-strikes/">did not miss</a> a day. </p>
<p>These students will compete on the same ministerial examinations and for places at <a href="https://www.cegepsquebec.ca/en/cegeps/presentation/what-is-a-cegep/">CEGEPs — colleges in Québec offering the first level of post-secondary education — which</a> have become increasingly competitive. </p>
<p>During the strike, parents and caregivers were forced to manage child care alongside their own daily responsibilities, and many did not have the financial means for private tutoring or other ways to supplement learning loss. </p>
<p>Teachers from various backgrounds and economic statuses were also unpaid during this time; an unexpected loss of income can drastically influence one’s livelihood.</p>
<h2>Deeper reflection needed</h2>
<p>The strike is indicative of deeply entrenched problems in Québec’s public schools and <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatoon/sask-teachers-federation-announces-full-day-rotating-strikes-1.7097861">reverberates with</a> <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/10105600/ontario-elementary-teachers-reach-contract-deal/">problems seen across</a> the country.</p>
<p>Now that these strike actions are over, an opening is created for deeper reflection and work on transforming education and restoring the teaching profession to one that is highly valued and respected. </p>
<p>The success of students, the education system and the future of our communities depend on the learning that children receive in schools today.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220363/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>R. Nanre Nafziger receives funding from Spencer Foundation, Russell Sage Foundation and McGill University.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Safeera Jaffer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The success of students, the education system and the future of our communities depend on the learning that children receive in schools today.Safeera Jaffer, Research Assistant, Department of Integrated Studies in Education, McGill UniversityR. Nanre Nafziger, Assistant Professor, African/Black Studies in Education, McGill UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2200222024-01-24T20:58:25Z2024-01-24T20:58:25ZCanada lags behind on efforts to address human rights abuses in seafood supply chains<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/canada-lags-behind-on-efforts-to-address-human-rights-abuses-in-seafood-supply-chains" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Seafood has become a source of concern for consumers who pay attention to the environmental and social impacts of what they buy. Climate change is <a href="https://theconversation.com/climate-change-challenges-marine-conservation-efforts-in-atlantic-canada-211580">adversely affecting ocean ecosystems</a>, and a series of <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.2016.02.009">widely publicized scandals</a> have exposed <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-022-28916-2">widespread illegal fishing</a> and awful working conditions in both fishing and seafood processing.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.2021.104796">Seafarers in fishing</a> often work 18 hours a day in <a href="https://www.the-human-cost-of-fishing.org/">what is widely considered to be the world’s most dangerous profession</a>. Many are at sea for months or even years at a time, and most have <a href="https://globallaborjustice.org/wifinowforfishersrights/">no access to Wi-Fi</a>. <a href="https://www.law.georgetown.edu/human-rights-institute/wp-content/uploads/sites/7/2019/05/Georgetown-THE-PRICE-OF-PARADISE-5-4-19-WEB-2.pdf">They are often excluded from labour laws</a> and <a href="https://bristoluniversitypressdigital.com/gsc/view/journals/gscj/2/2/article-p146.xml">all are paid very low wages</a>, despite producing food for high-income consumers. </p>
<p>Similarly, those working in seafood processing are also poorly paid, and <a href="https://www.dal.ca/news/2023/03/01/migrant-workers-new-brunswick-conditions.html">many are migrant workers</a> who lack basic labour rights.</p>
<p>In response to these concerns, governments in many seafood importing countries have taken action. The <a href="https://oceans-and-fisheries.ec.europa.eu/fisheries/rules/illegal-fishing_en">European Union</a> and <a href="https://www.seafoodsource.com/news/supply-trade/japanese-legislature-passes-law-to-curb-iuu-fishing">Japanese government</a> have banned imports of seafood produced by illegal fishing, while the <a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/ilab/comply-chain/steps-to-a-social-compliance-system/step-6-remediate-violations/key-topic-information-and-resources-on-withhold-release-orders-wros">United States’ program to ban imports produced by forced labour</a> includes seafood. </p>
<p>The EU is also instituting a <a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20231205IPR15689/corporate-due-diligence-rules-agreed-to-safeguard-human-rights-and-environment">corporate due diligence</a> approach that holds corporations accountable for human rights abuses and environmental impacts in their supply chains.</p>
<p>The Canadian government has yet to implement similar policies for seafood sold in Canada and is an outlier in its failure to hold buyers and retailers accountable for labour abuse in seafood supply chains. In the meantime, many Canadian seafood buyers and retailers have turned to private schemes that certify for sustainability, and less commonly for worker rights.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.loblaw.ca/en/loblaws-journey-to-a-sustainable-seafood-future/">Loblaws</a>, for example, is prioritizing wild-caught seafood that is sourced from fisheries that are certified by the <a href="https://www.msc.org/en-us?gad_source=1&gclid=CjwKCAiA44OtBhAOEiwAj4gpObPhf7KMXOD6_yH6enKQvw-0LvkGx1BqbUbvBTHwBi6VpXEH0k0RSRoCUnUQAvD_BwE">Marine Stewardship Council (MSC)</a>, as well as organic standards or fisheries making progress toward these or other private standards.</p>
<p>The MSC is the world’s premier sustainability certification for fishing, <a href="https://www.seachoice.org/certification-verification-or-fabrication-a-seachoice-report/">praised by ocean conservation groups</a>. What Canadian seafood consumers do not know is that evidence is mounting that even gold standard certifications like MSC fail to address terrible working conditions in seafood supply chains.</p>
<h2>Seafood supply chains</h2>
<p>To start, we need to recognize seafood supply chain complexity. The freezer sections in Canadian supermarkets are full of frozen seafood labelled “product of China,” while in the canned seafood section, most tuna is labelled as a “product of Thailand.” </p>
<p>In reality, most of this seafood is caught by fisheries around the world and shipped to China, Thailand or other seafood processing hubs, where it is transformed into seafood products and exported — mostly to higher income countries.</p>
<p>China is the world’s <a href="https://www.fao.org/3/cc0461en/online/sofia/2022/trade-of-aquatic-products.html">largest seafood processing hub</a>, importing, transforming and exporting <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abl4756">pollack, cod, shrimp, salmon, herring</a> and other species, as well as processing raw material caught by Chinese fishing vessels. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.theoutlawocean.com/investigations/china-the-superpower-of-seafood/reach/#the-globe-and-mail">Investigative journalism</a> by the non-profit <a href="https://www.theoutlawocean.com">Outlaw Ocean Project</a> has revealed the use of <a href="https://www.seafoodsource.com/news/supply-trade/bombshell-outlaw-ocean-report-finds-evidence-of-seafood-processed-by-forced-labor-in-us-supply-chain">forced Uyghur labour in many of China’s seafood processing facilities</a>, as well as human rights violations and illegal fishing in <a href="https://www.theoutlawocean.com/investigations/china-the-superpower-of-seafood/findings/">China’s global squid fishery</a>. </p>
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<p>Many of the seafarers who work in this fishery are from Indonesia and the Philippines. They are paid a few hundred dollars a month to work under conditions that would be considered unacceptable on land.</p>
<p>Outlaw Ocean investigators found that many Chinese seafood factories had been audited for labour standards, and that importers were relying on these audits to assure consumers that the seafood was ethical.</p>
<p>But these audits — including the independent audits <a href="https://www.theoutlawocean.com/investigations/china-the-superpower-of-seafood/discussion/#marine-stewardship-council">required by MSC for its sustainability certified seafood</a> — failed to detect the use of forced labour found by the Outlaw Ocean Project.</p>
<p>The Outlaw Ocean’s <a href="https://www.theoutlawocean.com/investigations/china-the-superpower-of-seafood/bait-to-plate/#!">Bait-to-Plate tracing tool</a> has identified many <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-canadian-seafood-company-high-liner-cuts-ties-with-supplier-following/">Canadian seafood importers</a> and supermarkets that source from processing plants accused by the Outlaw Ocean of using forced labour.</p>
<h2>Poor working conditions worldwide</h2>
<p>These findings are not unique to China. Our <a href="https://workatsea.info.yorku.ca/">Work at Sea</a> project has found that unacceptable working conditions are ubiquitous in transnational seafood supply chains. This includes Thailand’s tuna canning industry, which is the world’s <a href="https://www.fao.org/3/cc7781en/cc7781en.pdf">largest</a>. </p>
<p>Thailand’s seafood processing industry relies on <a href="https://thailand.iom.int/news/new-report-highlights-opportunities-protect-migrant-workers-thailands-fishing-and-seafood-processing-sector">over 160,000 migrant workers</a> from Myanmar and Cambodia. Workers are not guaranteed a minimum number of working days per month, meaning they are more likely to work excessive overtime hours and/or fall into debt. </p>
<p>This situation is made worse by <a href="https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_848445.pdf">inadequate labour inspections</a> and <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/06/10/mscs-revised-chain-custody-certification-fails-adequately-address-forced-labor-and">audits</a>, <a href="https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_848445.pdf">ineffective grievance mechanisms</a> and the lack of unions. It is <a href="https://mekongmigration.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Book_Agents-of-Change.pdf">illegal in Thailand</a> for migrant workers to participate in organizing unions, although they can be members of unions.</p>
<p>The raw materials for Thailand’s canned tuna industry are imported as frozen whole fish from fisheries across the Pacific and Indian Ocean. The vessels are owned and operated from Taiwan and other East Asian countries, and are mostly crewed by workers from the Philippines and Indonesia. </p>
<p>These seafarers have told our research team that work on Taiwanese vessels is preferable to Chinese vessels, partly because their pay, at a minimum of US$550 per month minus agency fees, is better.</p>
<p>But <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.2021.104685">working conditions still fall short of standards</a> set out in private certifications schemes, government fishing labour regulations or the <a href="https://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C188">Work in Fishing Convention</a>, which is meant to ensure fishers have decent working conditions. The reality of this transnational supply chain is not visible on canned tuna labels.</p>
<h2>Canada is lagging behind</h2>
<p>Canada is falling behind in addressing labour abuse and sustainability in seafood supply chains. Although the <a href="https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/cntrng-crm/frcd-lbr-cndn-spply-chns/index-en.aspx">Forced Labour and Supply Chain Reporting Law</a> came into effect in January 2024, this law has been <a href="https://cnca-rcrce.ca/2023/05/03/canadas-new-law-on-forced-and-child-labour-in-supply-chains-wont-work/">criticized for serving as a mere checkbox exercise</a> for companies and lacking effectiveness in <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-why-canada-will-continue-to-be-a-dumping-ground-of-products-made-with/">curbing forced labour in Canadian supply chains</a>. </p>
<p>To address these shortcomings, Canada needs human rights and environmental <a href="https://cnca-rcrce.ca/campaigns/mhredd/">due diligence legislation</a> — policy that mandates Canadian companies to substantially address human rights abuses and environmental harm in their supply chains.</p>
<p>It is also critical that Canada go beyond private audits and government inspections to work with international institutions to help create a robust system that monitors and enforces standards for work in global fishing, one that meaningfully involves workers. </p>
<p>Canada has not even ratified the International Labour Organization’s <a href="https://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C188">Work in Fishing Convention </a> — that would be a good start. For inspection and monitoring, the <a href="https://www.itfseafarers.org/en/focs/about-the-inspectorate">ITF inspectorate</a>, working in some 140 ports around the world to monitor working conditions in the shipping sector, is a potential model.</p>
<p>By taking these steps, Canada can play a pivotal role in fostering ethical and sustainable practices in its seafood supply chains, ensuring the well-being of workers and the environment.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220022/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Peter Vandergeest receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Carli Melo receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the York Centre for Asian Research.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Melissa Marschke receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.</span></em></p>Canada is an outlier in its failure to hold buyers and retailers accountable for labour abuse in seafood supply chains.Peter Vandergeest, Emeritus Professor, Geography, York University, CanadaCarli Melo, PhD Candidate in Geography, York University, CanadaMelissa Marschke, Professor, School of International Development and Global Studies, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of OttawaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2205272024-01-18T20:47:15Z2024-01-18T20:47:15ZEmployers should use skill-based hiring to find hidden talent and address labour challenges<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/568966/original/file-20240111-21-gkyv31.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=62%2C26%2C5928%2C3961&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Employers can address qualification inflation by implementing skill-based recruitment and selection practices.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/employers-should-use-skill-based-hiring-to-find-hidden-talent-and-address-labour-challenges" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>A concerning trend known as qualification inflation has been plaguing hiring practices for years. Qualification inflation — also known as degree inflation — refers to the growing number of employers requiring degrees and extensive experience for jobs.</p>
<p>As highlighted in a <a href="https://www.hbs.edu/managing-the-future-of-work/Documents/dismissed-by-degrees.pdf">2017 Harvard study</a>, job listings now often demand that applicants have degrees and experiences that were previously unnecessary, with some job requirements even surpassing the qualifications of current employees.</p>
<p>Of the 11.6 million jobs created between 2010 and 2016, three out of four required a bachelor’s degree or higher, and one out of every 100 required a high school diploma or less.</p>
<p>This qualification inflation increases employer costs through longer recruitment times and wage premiums, and makes it more difficult to create diverse workplaces, <a href="https://www.hbs.edu/managing-the-future-of-work/Documents/research/hiddenworkers09032021.pdf">another Harvard study</a> found. This study showed that marginalized people, women and younger people were less likely to have the required degrees and experience. </p>
<p>In addition, <a href="https://hbr.org/2014/08/why-women-dont-apply-for-jobs-unless-theyre-100-qualified">women are less likely to apply</a> for jobs if they don’t have all of the listed qualifications. Because of this, having unnecessary requirements may disproportionately discourage them from applying to jobs.</p>
<p>The origins of qualification inflation can be traced back to the rise of online application platforms and <a href="https://hbr.org/2022/02/skills-based-hiring-is-on-the-rise">the 2008-09 financial crisis</a>, both of which resulted in larger job applicant pools. Economic and <a href="https://www.hbs.edu/managing-the-future-of-work/Documents/research/hiddenworkers09032021.pdf">technological shifts</a> have also given rise to new roles that require unique skills. </p>
<p>Some employers adapted to these changes by adding qualifications to job listings without removing outdated ones, leading to qualification inflation. While this has been an ongoing issue for years, it is becoming increasingly urgent as <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-621-m/11-621-m2023009-eng.htm">many Canadian businesses are reportedly grappling with</a> recruitment and retention challenges.</p>
<h2>Job analysis and advertising</h2>
<p>There are ways for employers to address qualification inflation, namely by implementing skill-based recruitment and selection practices to hire qualified and diverse employees. To begin with, organizations should conduct thorough job analyses before posting listings by determining a job’s core skills and characteristics.</p>
<p>Open-source resources like <a href="https://www.onetonline.org/">the Occupational Information Network</a> and <a href="https://noc.esdc.gc.ca/">the National Occupational Classification</a> can provide a good starting point for companies. However, manager and employee involvement is also necessary to ensure jobs are aligned with organizational needs.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A magnifying glass hovering over a newspaper page that says 'Jobs Wanted.'" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/569674/original/file-20240116-15-rv23m2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/569674/original/file-20240116-15-rv23m2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569674/original/file-20240116-15-rv23m2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569674/original/file-20240116-15-rv23m2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569674/original/file-20240116-15-rv23m2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569674/original/file-20240116-15-rv23m2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569674/original/file-20240116-15-rv23m2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Organizations should conduct thorough job analyses before posting listings by determining a job’s core skills and characteristics.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>To create a compelling job advertisement that also incorporates accurate skill and qualification needs from job analyses, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10869-014-9353-x">our research</a> shows that ads should explain how the job will meet applicants’ psychological needs (autonomy, variety and purpose). </p>
<p>We also recommend job postings state that applicants will be considered if they have transferable skills from different job families or industries. Providing a list of example job titles with potentially transferable skills is a helpful addition.</p>
<h2>Skill-based screening</h2>
<p>Another way employers can address qualification inflation is by using skill-based screening. These assessments are designed to evaluate the skills of a job applicant to determine if they are the right fit for a role.</p>
<p>Asking applicants to self-report their proficiency levels for certain skills during the application process is one screening approach employers can take, but it should be managed cautiously. As <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10869-022-09847-7">our research shows</a>, some applicants may exaggerate their skill level if they are in the midst of a lengthy job search.</p>
<p>We found that applicants inflated their self-assessments of behavioural skills (e.g., customer service) compared to technical skills (e.g., programming) because behavioural skills can be difficult to verify. Because of this, focusing self-reports on technical skills may mitigate applicant exaggeration and help identify talented applicants without degrees.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A person holds two resumes up beside one another" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/569671/original/file-20240116-17-67v872.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/569671/original/file-20240116-17-67v872.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569671/original/file-20240116-17-67v872.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569671/original/file-20240116-17-67v872.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569671/original/file-20240116-17-67v872.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569671/original/file-20240116-17-67v872.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569671/original/file-20240116-17-67v872.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Skill-based assessments are designed to evaluate the skills of an applicant to determine if they are the right fit for a role.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
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</figure>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/apl0000463">Our research</a> also shows that overclaiming assessments — a type of questionnaire that asks applicants to rate their familiarity with both real and fictitious skills — can identify applicants who are faking responses, as well as those who are providing more accurate self-assessments.</p>
<p>Forced-choice competency and skill assessments, which usually require applicants to rank equally-desirable statements about their job-relevant skills, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/apl0001099">can also reduce faking and exaggeration</a>.</p>
<h2>Skill-based hiring</h2>
<p>After identifying a shortlist of qualified applicants, employers can then use more in-depth assessments. The first type of assessments are job knowledge or skill tests. Many off-the-shelf tests have been developed for a wide variety of technical skills, ranging from knowledge of Microsoft Word to contract law.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/apl0000994">Research shows that work sample assessments</a> — providing applicants with a sample of the actual work performed on the job — are one of the most valid selection procedures. However, employers should ensure assessments are not too time-consuming so applicants don’t feel like they’re doing free work for the company.</p>
<p>Personality assessments can provide a more holistic picture of the applicant. Validated, forced-choice personality assessments can reduce applicant faking or exaggeration, which is a significant concern when applicants are responding to a personality assessment for a job they really want.</p>
<p>Finally, structured interviews, where the same set of job-relevant questions are posed to each candidate and detailed scoring guides allow interviewers to reliably assess candidate responses, can provide valid information about the candidate’s skills. </p>
<p>Interviews are probably <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-9010.86.5.897">best suited to evaluate behavioural skills</a>. If an interviewer has already used some of the technical skill assessments suggested in this piece, they can devote most of the interview to assessing an applicant’s behavioural and social competencies.</p>
<p>Skill-based hiring can help address problems associated with qualification inflation, while revealing previously hidden talent and providing diverse applicants with access to quality jobs that were once out of reach.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220527/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Joseph Schmidt receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Joshua Bourdage receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. </span></em></p>Job listings now often demand that applicants have degrees and experiences that were previously unnecessary, with some job requirements even surpassing the qualifications of current employees.Joseph Schmidt, Professor of Human Resources and Organizational Behaviour, University of SaskatchewanJoshua Bourdage, Associate Professor, Department of Psychology, University of CalgaryLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2210952024-01-16T17:45:20Z2024-01-16T17:45:20ZSaskatchewan teacher strike: It’s about bargaining for the common good<p>For the first time in more than a decade and for only the <a href="https://leaderpost.com/news/saskatchewan/explainer-a-brief-history-of-teachers-strikes-in-saskatchewan">fourth time since 1973</a>, people in Saskatchewan are facing interruptions to schooling due to teacher labour unrest.</p>
<p>While a <a href="https://regina.ctvnews.ca/teachers-hit-the-picket-line-as-saskatchewan-deep-freeze-continues-1.6726764">Jan. 16 province-wide teachers’ strike</a> means only <a href="https://regina.ctvnews.ca/no-teacher-wanted-this-stf-president-says-5-day-strike-notice-was-about-giving-sask-parents-time-1.6723525">a single day</a> of job action, there is a real possibility strike actions could escalate over the next few weeks. </p>
<p>That’s particularly the case with 90 per cent of Saskatchewan Teachers’ Federation (STF) members having participated in an October vote about job action against the government — and
<a href="https://saskatoon.ctvnews.ca/buckle-up-sask-teachers-union-votes-95-in-favour-of-potential-job-action-1.6619971">95 per cent of those voting teachers</a> backing job action. </p>
<p>The strike follows early December news that conciliation talks between the STF and the Government of Saskatchewan had broken off. </p>
<p>According to the teachers’ union, the <a href="https://www.stf.sk.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/12-13-2023_STF-Message-to-Saskatchewan-Parents-and-Students.pdf">central issues</a> in this dispute are <a href="https://leaderpost.com/news/saskatchewan/teachers-union-frustrated-with-province-not-addressing-growing-class-sizes">class size</a>, “classroom complexity” (<a href="https://leaderpost.com/news/what-is-classroom-complexity-and-why-does-it-matter-to-the-stf">the diversity of student needs in any one classroom,</a>), <a href="https://leaderpost.com/news/saskatchewan/stf-bargaining-update">related support for students</a>, <a href="https://leaderpost.com/news/stf-says-job-action-virtually-inevitable-after-failed-talks-with-province">workplace violence</a>, meaningful actions to <a href="https://saskatoon.ctvnews.ca/sask-teachers-union-province-at-odds-on-key-issues-as-contract-talks-languish-1.6672626">reconciliation education</a> and other in-class issues. </p>
<p>For their part, teachers have not made their wage demands public, suggesting that for them, wages are not the central issue in this round of bargaining.</p>
<p>Both <a href="https://x.com/evanbrayshow/status/1735045295543669098?s=20">conservative commentators</a> <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/10180136/saskatchewan-premier-scott-moe-state-of-education/">and the premier</a> have argued the bargaining table is not the place for teachers to negotiate concerns about classroom issues. </p>
<p>The province, focused on wages, has tabled an offer that keeps wages at below inflation <a href="https://www.saskatchewan.ca/government/news-and-media/2023/june/29/government-trustee-bargaining-committee-tables-fair-deal-for-teachers">levels for the next three years</a>. </p>
<p>In other provinces, teachers’ unions have successfully argued that classroom size is directly related to workload, which has always been a collective bargaining matter. </p>
<p>Although bargaining is sometimes interpreted narrowly as a discussion over wages and benefits it is not, by its nature, limited to that. Bargaining can — and has — acted as a democratic tool to expand public resources to areas beyond workplace compensation.</p>
<h2>Bargaining classroom size</h2>
<p>In Ontario, the <a href="https://www.pssbp.ca/wp-content/uploads/Teachers-Meshed-Agreement-2019-2022-FINAL-emailed-for-signatures-March-1-2021-PDF.pdf">Elementary Teachers’ Federation of Ontario</a> has negotiated that the boards and government provide ongoing classroom size data to the union in order to determine future classroom ratios. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://osstftoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/HotLinked-2019-2022-OSSTF-Collective-Agreement-Finalised-with-All-Signatures-1.pdf">Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation</a> has language on class size in its collective agreements with specific classroom ratios. </p>
<p>Similar negotiations have occurred in Québec over <a href="https://cpn.gouv.qc.ca/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2023/03/CPNCA_APEQ_E5_CC-ang_consolide_2023-03-15_V2.pdf">workload issues</a>. </p>
<p>The British Columbia Teachers’ Federation won a <a href="https://scc-csc.lexum.com/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/16241/index.do">dramatic ruling</a> before the Supreme Court of Canada in 2016. The court ruled the government’s decision to unilaterally prevent teachers <a href="https://canliiconnects.org/en/commentaries/44636">from bargaining classroom size and composition</a> was a violation of their constitutional rights to bargaining collectively. </p>
<p>The decision resulted in hiring hundreds of new teachers to address chronically underfunded classrooms in that province.</p>
<h2>Cuts to education</h2>
<p>The dispute in Saskatchewan did not come out of nowhere. </p>
<p>There has been a 10 per cent drop in <a href="https://www.stf.sk.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/Education-in-Saskatchewan-Facts-and-Statistics_11-Oct-2023.pdf">per-student funding since 2012-2013</a>. </p>
<p>In 2017, the Saskatchewan Party government <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/saskatchewan-government-decides-not-to-amalgamate-school-boards-1.4035499">cut funding to public education</a> by $22 million from the previous fiscal year. In the same period, <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/10027832/saskatoon-schools-enrolment-spikes/#">enrolments have risen to record numbers</a>. </p>
<p>These issues pushed teachers to a collective bargaining dispute in <a href="https://thestarphoenix.com/news/local-news/top-stories-of-2020-teachers-strike-avoided-as-pandemic-surged-into-saskatchewan">2019, but it was interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic</a>. </p>
<h2>Staffing crises</h2>
<p>Post-pandemic, teacher morale and turnover have reached crisis levels. </p>
<p>Samantha Becotte, the STF’s president, noted there has been a general crisis in <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9940451/canada-teacher-shortage">education across the country</a> evident in teacher shortages, with <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9848620/saskatchewan-teachers-contract-talks/#">an attrition rate of about 40 per cent among educators in the first five years of their careers</a>.</p>
<p>Becotte’s comments align with research showing attrition rates have hovered <a href="https://archipel.uqam.ca/12263/1/2013_Karsenti%2C%20T%20et%20Collin%2C%20S_Education.pdf">at close to 50 per cent</a> over about the last decade. </p>
<p>Government underfunding has also led to creeping <a href="https://leaderpost.com/opinion/heather-ganshorn-medeana-moussa-beware-privatization-creep-in-education-system">privatization</a>. </p>
<p>Squeezed board budgets have meant an increase in fees to some Saskatoon and Regina parents <a href="https://leaderpost.com/news/saskatchewan/upped-lunch-hour-supervision-fees-for-sask-parents-as-school-resumes">for lunch-time supervision</a>.</p>
<p>These cuts have also resulted in <a href="https://www.stf.sk.ca/about-stf/news/bargaining-impasse-declared-teachers-to-hold-sanctions-vote/#">dramatic declines in classroom supports</a>. Numbers have dropped for many educational roles, including for <a href="https://pubsaskdev.blob.core.windows.net/pubsask-prod/90049/2022-23%252BEducation%252BSector%252BStaffing%252BProfile%252B-%252Bprov.pdf">educational assistants, English as an additional language teachers, counsellors, librarians, psychologists and other pathologists</a>. </p>
<h2>‘Parents rights’ issues</h2>
<p>On top of this, the government called a special session of the legislature in September 2023 to bring in a hastily drafted bill to <a href="https://theconversation.com/saskatchewan-naming-and-pronoun-policy-the-best-interests-of-children-must-guide-provincial-parental-consent-rules-212431">restrict the ability of transgender and gender-diverse children from</a> being able to identify with their preferred pronouns at school. </p>
<p>The government said this was an issue <a href="https://regina.ctvnews.ca/parents-bill-of-rights-officially-introduced-in-sask-legislature-beginning-pronoun-policy-s-push-into-law-1.6598701">of parents’ rights</a>. Yet many others interpreted it as an attack on the ability of teachers to provide necessary support and guidance to kids in a safe and supportive environment. </p>
<p>For some, it speaks to a hostile position of the government towards teachers, since the <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/sask-name-pronoun-policy-new-school-year-1.6956559">STF has opposed the policy and pledged support for teachers who refuse to abide by it</a>.</p>
<h2>Bargaining as important tool</h2>
<p>Trying to prevent teachers from including issues surrounding unmet student needs in bargaining is to effectively leave the public in the dark on the conditions of our schools and render governments largely unaccountable. </p>
<p>The most important tool that all unionized workers have at their disposal is their ability to collectively bargain. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-teachers-union-activism-helped-shift-the-u-s-election-debate-on-education-147620">How teachers' union activism helped shift the U.S. election debate on education</a>
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<p>As researchers with the Center for Innovation in Worker Organization at Rutgers University have documented, unions across North America have leveraged broad public support to <a href="https://smlr.rutgers.edu/faculty-research-engagement/center-innovation-worker-organization-ciwo/bargaining-common-good">bargain for issues related to the common good</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://smlr.rutgers.edu/sites/default/files/Documents/Centers/CIWO/ciwo_bcg-memo.pdf">Many of these campaigns</a> have been waged by teachers’ unions. Unions have bargained for many things, including linguistic and cultural resources for teachers, more diverse staffing, anti-racism education, green education — and importantly for teachers in Saskatchewan — smaller classroom sizes. </p>
<h2>Unions driving change</h2>
<p>Unions beyond the education sector <a href="https://archives.nupge.ca/sites/default/files/documents/New-Forms-of-Privatization-2016.pdf">in Canada</a> have <a href="https://cupe.ca/sites/cupe/files/bargaining_and_privatization_guide_en.pdf">made similar gains</a>. </p>
<p>For example, in 1981-1982, the <a href="http://www.justlabour.yorku.ca/volume19/pdfs/04_nichols_press.pdf">Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW)</a> waged a strike to extend paid maternity leave benefits to workers. CUPW’s success encouraged other unions to take a similar position and today public maternity/paternity leave is a universal <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/services/benefits/ei/ei-maternity-parental.html">public program</a>. </p>
<p>Unions and their members have real power when they use the tools available to them to seek real workplace and community change.</p>
<h2>Bargaining about trade-offs</h2>
<p>To be sure, bargaining is about trade-offs. Prioritizing issues related to what unions identify as key “common good” themes might mean that other issues cannot be highlighted. </p>
<p>Workers might forego larger wage increases for smaller classroom sizes or for increased resources for issues like reconciliation with Indigenous nations.</p>
<p>But that is a choice workers will democratically make through their union. In the case of Saskatchewan teachers, the numbers do not lie. While salaries and benefits will always be an issue, there is overwhelming teacher support for existing bargaining proposals. </p>
<p>We believe this democratic mandate is significant — and one that could lead to safer and more just educational experiences for workers and students across the province.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221095/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Simon Enoch is a member of the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Charles Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Chronically underfunded classrooms with fewer supports to meet student needs is a core issue for Saskatchewan teachers.Charles Smith, Associate Professor, Political Studies, University of SaskatchewanSimon Enoch, Adjunct professor, Department of Politics and International Studies, University of ReginaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2178032023-12-18T23:18:02Z2023-12-18T23:18:02ZWomen want to see the same health provider during pregnancy, birth and beyond<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566233/original/file-20231218-17-b7lsjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=8%2C146%2C5742%2C3578&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/mid-adult-female-nurse-comforting-tensed-228783766">Tyler Olson/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In theory, pregnant women in Australia <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-are-womens-options-for-giving-birth-55133">can choose</a> the type of health provider they see during pregnancy, labour and after they give birth. But this is often dependent on where you live and how much you can afford in out-of-pocket costs. </p>
<p>While standard public hospital care is the <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/mothers-babies/maternity-models-of-care/contents/about">most common</a> in Australia, accounting for 40.9% of births, the other main options are: </p>
<ul>
<li>GP shared care, where the woman sees her GP for some appointments (15% of births)</li>
<li>midwifery continuity of care in the public system, often called <a href="https://theconversation.com/call-the-midwife-playing-catch-up-with-australias-maternity-care-22544">midwifery group practice</a> or caseload care, where the woman sees the same midwife of team of midwives (14%)</li>
<li>private obstetrician care (10.6%)</li>
<li>private midwifery care (1.9%). </li>
</ul>
<p>Given the choice, which model would women prefer?</p>
<p>Our <a href="https://bmcpregnancychildbirth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12884-023-06130-2">new research</a>, published BMC Pregnancy and Childbirth, found women favoured seeing the same health provider throughout pregnancy, in labour and after they have their baby – whether that’s via midwifery group practice, a private midwife or a private obstetrician. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/more-than-6-000-women-told-us-what-they-wanted-for-their-next-pregnancy-and-birth-heres-what-they-said-211435">More than 6,000 women told us what they wanted for their next pregnancy and birth. Here's what they said</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Assessing strengths and limitations</h2>
<p>We surveyed 8,804 Australian women for the Birth Experience Study (BESt) and 2,909 provided additional comments about their model of maternity care. The respondents were representative of state and territory population breakdowns, however fewer respondents were First Nations or from culturally or linguistically diverse backgrounds.</p>
<p>We analysed these comments in six categories – standard maternity care, high-risk maternity care, GP shared care, midwifery group practice, private obstetric care and private midwifery care – based on the perceived strengths and limitations for each model of care.</p>
<p>Overall, we found models of care that were fragmented and didn’t provide continuity through the pregnancy, birth and postnatal period (standard care, high risk care and GP shared care) were more likely to be described negatively, with more comments about limitations than strengths. </p>
<h2>What women thought of standard maternity care in hospitals</h2>
<p>Women who experienced standard maternity care, where they saw many different health care providers, were disappointed about having to retell their story at every appointment and said they would have preferred continuity of midwifery care. </p>
<p>Positive comments about this model of care were often about a midwife or doctor who went above and beyond and gave extra care within the constraints of a fragmented system. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Baby being cleaned after birth" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566239/original/file-20231218-29-ls16h5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566239/original/file-20231218-29-ls16h5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=397&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566239/original/file-20231218-29-ls16h5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=397&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566239/original/file-20231218-29-ls16h5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=397&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566239/original/file-20231218-29-ls16h5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=499&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566239/original/file-20231218-29-ls16h5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=499&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566239/original/file-20231218-29-ls16h5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=499&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Sometimes midwives and doctors in the public system exceeded expectations.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/baby-being-cleaned-assessed-by-paediatrician-1118249573">Inez Carter/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The model of care with the highest number of comments about limitations was high-risk maternity care. For women with pregnancy complications who have their baby in the public system, this means seeing different doctors on different days. </p>
<p>Some respondents received conflicting advice from different doctors, and said the focus was on their complications instead of their pregnancy journey. One woman in high-risk care noted:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The experience was very impersonal, their focus was my cervix, not preparing me for birth.</p>
</blockquote>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/1-in-10-women-report-disrespectful-or-abusive-care-in-childbirth-186827">1 in 10 women report disrespectful or abusive care in childbirth</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Why women favoured continuity of care</h2>
<p>Overall, there were more positive comments about models of care that provided continuity of care: private midwifery care, private obstetric care and midwifery group practice in public hospitals. </p>
<p>Women recognised the benefits of continuity and how this included informed decision-making and supported their choices.</p>
<p>The model of care with the highest number of positive comments was care from a privately practising midwife. Women felt they received the “gold standard of maternity care” when they had this model. One woman described her care as:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Extremely personable! Home visits were like having tea with a friend but very professional. Her knowledge and empathy made me feel safe and protected. She respected all of my decisions. She reminded me often that I didn’t need her help when it came to birthing my child, but she was there if I wanted it (or did need it).</p>
</blockquote>
<p>However, this is a private model of care and women need to pay for it. So there are barriers in accessing this model of care due to the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wombi.2020.06.001">cost</a> and the small numbers working in Australia, particularly in <a href="https://www.ruralhealth.org.au/sites/default/files/publications/fact-sheet-midwives.pdf">regional, rural and remote areas</a>, among other barriers.</p>
<p>Women who had private obstetricians were also positive about their care, especially among women with medical or pregnancy complications – this type of care had the second-highest number of positive comments. </p>
<p>This was followed by women who had continuity of care from midwives in the public system, which was described as respectful and supportive. </p>
<p><iframe id="iRWBu" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/iRWBu/2/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<p>However, one of the limitations about continuity models of care is when the woman doesn’t feel connected to her midwife or doctor. Some women who experienced this wished they had the opportunity to choose a different midwife or doctor. </p>
<h2>What about shared care with a GP?</h2>
<p>While shared care between the <a href="https://raisingchildren.net.au/pregnancy/health-wellbeing/tests-appointments/gps-shared-care-pregnancy">GP</a> and hospital model of care is widely promoted in the public maternity care system as providing continuity, it had a similar number of negative comments to those who had fragmented standard hospital care. </p>
<p>Considering there is strong evidence about the <a href="https://www.cochranelibrary.com/cdsr/doi/10.1002/14651858.CD004667.pub5/full">benefits of midwifery continuity of care</a>, and this model of care appears to be most acceptable to women, it’s time to expand access so all Australian women can access continuity of care, regardless of their location or ability to pay. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/birthing-on-country-services-centre-first-nations-cultures-and-empower-women-in-pregnancy-and-childbirth-170641">Birthing on Country services centre First Nations cultures and empower women in pregnancy and childbirth</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/217803/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hazel Keedle is affiliated with the Australian College of Midwives. Funding for this study was from a School of Nursing and Midwifery Partnership Grant through Western Sydney University, The Qiara Vincent Thiang Memorial Award and Maridulu Budyari Gumal SPHERE Maternal, Newborn and Women’s Clinical Academic Group funding.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hannah Dahlen has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Commission, the Australian Research Council, the Medical Research Future Fund (funding and for this study and funding from a School of Nursing and Midwifery Partnership Grant through Western Sydney University), The Qiara Vincent Thiang Memorial Award and Maridulu Budyari Gumal SPHERE Maternal, Newborn and Women’s Clinical Academic Group funding.</span></em></p>Women favour seeing the same health provider throughout pregnancy, in labour and after they have their baby – whether that’s via midwifery group practice, a private midwife or a private obstetrician.Hazel Keedle, Senior Lecturer of Midwifery, Western Sydney UniversityHannah Dahlen, Professor of Midwifery, Associate Dean Research and HDR, Midwifery Discipline Leader, Western Sydney UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2155872023-11-26T20:36:17Z2023-11-26T20:36:17ZHere’s why union support is so high right now<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/heres-why-union-support-is-so-high-right-now" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Over 65,000 teachers in Québec <a href="https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/quebec-teachers-strike-staff-may-be-on-strike-until-christmas-says-union-vice-president-1.6661466">could remain on strike until Christmas</a> if a deal isn’t reached, their union said on Sunday. The warning comes amid widespread labour unrest in the province, including nearly <a href="https://montrealgazette.com/news/local-news/nearly-570000-of-quebecs-public-sector-workers-are-on-strike-thursday">570,000 workers on strike at the same time</a> last week.</p>
<p>These collective actions are on the heels of the recent “<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/business/union-labour-summer-of-strikes-1.6970861">summer of strikes</a>,” that saw a number of labour actions take place, including the <a href="https://theconversation.com/actors-are-demanding-that-hollywood-catch-up-with-technological-changes-in-a-sequel-to-a-1960-strike-209829">Hollywood writers’ and actors’ strikes</a>, the <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-the-uaw-unions-tough-bargaining-strategy-is-working-214679">United Auto Workers’ strike</a> and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/retail-consumer/starbucks-workers-over-150-stores-strike-over-pride-decor-row-2023-06-23/">a number of Starbucks strikes</a>. In Canada, <a href="https://theconversation.com/b-c-labour-dispute-its-time-for-an-industrial-inquiry-commission-into-ports-and-automation-210779">port workers in British Columbia</a>, <a href="https://toronto.ctvnews.ca/workers-at-ontario-s-public-broadcaster-walk-off-the-job-1.6527764">workers from Ontario’s public broadcaster,</a> and <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/new-brunswick/sj-inside-workers-agreement-1.6990304">city workers in Saint John</a> also held strikes.</p>
<p>One of the reasons strikes seem to have increased in popularity and publicity is the record high support for workers’ unions. According to a <a href="https://news.gallup.com/poll/398303/approval-labor-unions-highest-point-1965.aspx">recent Gallup poll</a>, 71 per cent of Americans are supportive of labour unions — the highest rate since 1965. A recent <a href="https://angusreid.org/unions-strike-labour-canada-ndp-conservatives-liberals/">Angus Reid survey</a> found three-in-five Canadians believe unions have had a positive impact for workers.</p>
<p>Why is this support so high now? <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/Business/technologies-helping-shape-surge-worker-strikes-us/story?id=102994468">Some have argued</a> that worsening working conditions, wages falling out of step with inflation and the increasing use of artificial intelligence across industries are contributing to workers’ collective action. </p>
<p>However, this is only part of the picture. More important than these conditions are the workers’ <em>perceptions</em> of these conditions. The rise in union support may be better explained by the general rise in people’s acknowledgement of their own disadvantages, and their negative emotional reactions to that disadvantage.</p>
<h2>Importance of perception</h2>
<p>Research shows that recognizing one’s disadvantage, coupled with experiencing an emotional reaction to it — usually anger — is an important predictor of taking part in collective actions like protesting, striking or joining a union. This is true <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1177/1088868311430825">even when accounting for objective measures of disadvantage</a>, like social class, income and education. </p>
<p>When it comes to support for unions specifically, a <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/27767155">1991 study found</a> people’s feelings about their perceived social status were more important in predicting union support than their objective social standing, which is determined by factors like income, education and class. In other words, people’s perceptions determined union support.</p>
<p>This perspective also explains why union support hasn’t risen in times when working conditions have worsened. The years following the 2008 recession, for example, brought about many labour issues, including <a href="https://www.kansascityfed.org/Jackson%20Hole/documents/4547/2014vonWachter.pdf">widespread unemployment</a>, <a href="https://u.demog.berkeley.edu/%7Ejrw/Biblio/Eprints/PRB/files/65.1unitedstates.pdf">declining household wages</a> and <a href="https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/podcast/knowledge-at-wharton-podcast/great-recession-american-dream/">increased levels of temporary and precarious work</a>. </p>
<p>Despite this, <a href="https://news.gallup.com/poll/398303/approval-labor-unions-highest-point-1965.aspx">union support among Americans was at a historical low</a> around that time. While no statistics exist for the Canadian context, <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.18740/S4M887">evidence suggests</a> unions were equally unpopular in Canada after the Great Recession. </p>
<h2>The COVID-19 pandemic’s role</h2>
<p>The COVID-19 pandemic profoundly impacted how we view our lives. Recent studies suggest people are now <a href="https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/pandemics-make-us-more-averse-inequality">more aware of the inequalities present in our societies</a> and are <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.jesp.2022.104400">more willing to do something about it</a>, compared to the pre-COVID era. </p>
<p>An awareness of the unjust systems that influence our behaviours has been shown to <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1177/1088868311430825">be a prerequisite for the anger</a> that drives collective action. Essentially, the more we recognize injustice, the <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1080/00224545.1987.9713692">more likely we are to engage in collective action</a>.</p>
<p>The height of the COVID-19 pandemic coincided with several union strikes that reveal this pattern. For instance, the <a href="https://www.thestar.com/business/the-pandemic-has-caused-a-surprising-rebound-for-the-unions-participation-is-now-higher-than/article_04de56b9-3a88-539c-94ef-c1b1f68793d6.html">2020 Dominion grocery store workers’ strikes in Newfoundland</a> were driven by a growing awareness of the disparities between top executives, who earned millions during the pandemic, and front-line workers who saw little to no wage increases. </p>
<p>Although this divide <a href="https://policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2022/01/Another%20year%20in%20paradise.pdf">had been widening for years</a>, the pandemic accentuated it. <a href="https://nursesunions.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/a_time_of_fear_possamai_final_book_digital.pdf">Union statements during the strikes</a> emphasized that the issues faced by workers were exposed by the pandemic, rather than being created by it. </p>
<p>The pandemic has helped create an environment where workers are more likely to feel disadvantaged and angry. Until public perception and awareness of inequality changes, we will likely continue to see an increased number of strikes and other forms of collective action. </p>
<h2>What should employers do?</h2>
<p>Employers have a crucial role to play in all this. If they wish to avoid their workers taking collective action against them, they should demonstrate their support of their employees by attending to their needs. Issues like <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-businesses-can-best-help-employees-disconnect-from-work-174522">work-life balance</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/employers-need-to-prioritize-employee-mental-health-if-they-want-to-attract-new-talent-205738">mental health support</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/diversity-in-the-workplace-isnt-enough-businesses-need-to-work-toward-inclusion-194136">diversity and inclusion</a> are top of mind for employees.</p>
<p>When employees’ needs are met, they are less likely to perceive disadvantages in the workplace and harbour resentment. A <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.2147/PRBM.S321689">recent study found</a> that employees who believed they were being fairly paid for positive workplace behaviours — like co-operating with others and coming in to work early — felt less resentment towards those they considered more advantaged. </p>
<p>Effective communication with workers, fostering participative leadership and encouraging co-operation between workers have also been shown to <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1177/08863680122098298">reduce angry feelings</a> stemming from an employee’s negative workplace comparisons. </p>
<p>These approaches work because they encourage constructive solutions to employee issues. In the end, the link between people’s perceptions of their own lives and their support for unions highlights just how important it is for employers to take their employees’ needs into account.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/215587/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nabhan Refaie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The rise in union support can be explained by the growing recognition people are having of their own disadvantages, and the anger they feel about it.Nabhan Refaie, PhD Candidate in Management (Organizational Behaviour), University of GuelphLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2170382023-11-15T19:58:53Z2023-11-15T19:58:53ZLong hours and low wages: the human labour powering AI’s development<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/558423/original/file-20231108-27-4dr4yx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=157%2C22%2C7331%2C4468&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Data labellers across the world are keeping AI on track, but struggling to make ends meet themselves. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Pexels/Google DeepMind)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/long-hours-and-low-wages-the-human-labour-powering-ais-development" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>The Finnish tech firm Metroc <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/prisoners-training-ai-finland/">recently began using prison labour to train a large language model to improve artificial intelligence (AI) technology</a>. For 1.54 euros an hour prisoners answer simple questions about snippets of text in a process known as data labelling.</p>
<p>Data labelling is often outsourced to labour markets in the Global South where companies can find workers who are fluent in English and willing to work for low wages.</p>
<p>Due to the lack of Finnish speakers in these countries, however, Metroc has tapped into a local source of cheap labour. Were it not for the prison labour program, Metroc would likely be hard-pressed to find Finns willing to take data-labelling jobs that pay a fraction of <a href="https://www.oecdbetterlifeindex.org/countries/finland/">the average salary in Finland</a>.</p>
<p>These cost-cutting strategies not only highlight the significant amount of human labour still required to fine tune AI, but they also raise important questions about the long-term sustainability of such business models and practices.</p>
<h2>AI’s labour problem</h2>
<p>The ethical ambiguity of prison labour-sourced AI is part of a larger story about the <a href="https://www.theverge.com/features/23764584/ai-artificial-intelligence-data-notation-labor-scale-surge-remotasks-openai-chatbots">human cost behind AI’s significant growth</a> in recent years. One issue that has become more evident over the past year revolves around the <a href="https://www.noemamag.com/the-exploited-labor-behind-artificial-intelligence/">question of labour</a>.</p>
<p>Leading AI firms are not denying their use of outsourced and low-wage labour to do work like <a href="https://www.ibm.com/topics/data-labeling">data labelling</a>. However, the hype around tools like OpenAI’s ChatGPT has drawn attention away from <a href="https://fair.work/en/fw/publications/fairwork-cloudwork-ratings-2023-work-in-the-planetary-labour-market/">this aspect of the technology’s development</a>.</p>
<p>As researchers, including myself, are trying to understand <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-study-buddy-that-raises-serious-questions-how-uni-students-approached-ai-in-their-first-semester-with-chatgpt-207915">the perceptions and use of AI in higher education</a>, the ethical problems associated with current AI models continue to pile up. These include the <a href="https://theconversation.com/eliminating-bias-in-ai-may-be-impossible-a-computer-scientist-explains-how-to-tame-it-instead-208611">biases that AI is prone to reproducing</a>, the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.joule.2023.09.004">environmental impact of AI data centres</a>, and <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/ai-chatbots-can-guess-your-personal-information/">privacy and security concerns</a>.</p>
<p>Current practices of outsourcing data labelling work expose <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2023/01/davos23-ai-divide-global-north-global-south/">an uneven global distribution of AI’s costs and benefits</a>, with few proposed solutions.</p>
<p>The implications of this situation are twofold.</p>
<p>First, the massive amount of human labour that is still required to shape the “intelligence” of AI tools should give users pause when evaluating the outputs of these tools.</p>
<p>Second, until AI firms take serious steps to address their exploitative labour practices, users and institutions may want to reconsider the so-called values or benefits of AI tools. </p>
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</figure>
<h2>What is data labelling?</h2>
<p>The “intelligence” component of AI still requires significant human input to develop its data processing capabilities. Popular chatbots like ChatGPT are pre-trained (hence, the PT in GPT). A critical phase in the pre-training process consists of <a href="https://www.ibm.com/topics/supervised-learning">supervised learning</a>.</p>
<p>During supervised learning, AI models learn how to generate outputs from data sets that are labelled by humans. Data labellers, like the Finnish prisoners, perform different tasks. For example, labellers might need to confirm whether an image contains a certain feature or to flag offensive language.</p>
<p>In addition to improving accuracy, data labelling is necessary to improve the “safety” of AI systems. Safety is defined according to the goals and principles of each AI firm. A “safe” model for one company might mean <a href="https://hbr.org/2023/04/generative-ai-has-an-intellectual-property-problem">avoiding the risk of copyright infringement</a>. For another, it might entail minimizing false information or <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2023-generative-ai-bias/">biased content and stereotypes</a>.</p>
<p>For most popular models, safety means that the model should not generate content based on prejudiced ideologies. This is partly achieved through a properly labelled training data set.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/559720/original/file-20231115-29-fudzxj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A hand using a computer mouse." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/559720/original/file-20231115-29-fudzxj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/559720/original/file-20231115-29-fudzxj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/559720/original/file-20231115-29-fudzxj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/559720/original/file-20231115-29-fudzxj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/559720/original/file-20231115-29-fudzxj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/559720/original/file-20231115-29-fudzxj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/559720/original/file-20231115-29-fudzxj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Tech companies rely on low-wage labour around the world to develop the programs that power their AI systems.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Who are data labellers?</h2>
<p>The job of combing through thousands of potentially graphic images and snippets of text has fallen on data labellers largely concentrated in the Global South.</p>
<p>In early 2023, <a href="https://time.com/6247678/openai-chatgpt-kenya-workers/"><em>TIME</em> magazine reported on OpenAI’s contract</a> with Sama, a data labelling firm based in San Francisco. The report revealed that employees at a Kenyan satellite office were paid as little as US$1.32 per hour to read text that “appeared to have been pulled from the darkest recesses of the internet.”</p>
<p><a href="https://www.wired.com/story/millions-of-workers-are-training-ai-models-for-pennies/"><em>WIRED</em> also investigated the global economic realities of data labellers</a> in South America and East Asia, some of whom worked more than 18 hours per day to earn less than their country’s minimum wage.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/08/28/scale-ai-remotasks-philippines-artificial-intelligence/"><em>Washington Post</em> has taken a close look at ScaleAI</a> which employs at least 10,000 workers in the Philippines. The newspaper revealed the San Francisco-based company “paid workers at extremely low rates, routinely delayed or withheld payments and provided few channels for workers to seek recourse.” </p>
<p>The data labelling industry and its required workforce <a href="https://finance.yahoo.com/news/data-collection-labeling-market-worth-070000709.html">is set to expand drastically in the coming years</a>. Consumers who increasingly use AI systems need to know how they are built as well as the harm and inequities being perpetuated.</p>
<h2>Transparency needed</h2>
<p>From prisoners to gig workers, the potential for exploitation is real for all entwined in big AI’s thirst for data to fuel <a href="https://doi.org/10.1145/3442188.3445922">bigger (and possibly more unpredictable) models</a>.</p>
<p>As institutions and individuals are swept up by the momentum of AI and all of its promises, the public tends to pay less attention to ethical aspects of the technology’s development.</p>
<p>Researchers at Stanford University recently launched a <a href="https://crfm.stanford.edu/fmti/">website showcasing their Foundation Model Transparency Index</a>. The index provides metrics on measures of transparency for the most widely used AI models. These metrics range from how transparent companies are about where they source their data to how clear they are on the potential risks of their models. </p>
<p>Ten AI models were examined based on criteria of how transparent the company that operates them is about its labour practices. The index shows that tech companies have much work to do to improve transparency.</p>
<p>AI is becoming a growing part of our increasingly digital lives. That is why we must remain critical of a set of technologies that, unchecked and unexamined, may cause more problems than they solve and deepen divides in the world rather than eliminate them.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/217038/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ben Lee Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Tech firms are relying on low-wage workers to power their AI models. That raises serious ethical questions about how the technology is being developed.Ben Lee Taylor, Postdoctoral Fellow in Research on Teaching and Learning, McMaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2173412023-11-13T16:26:27Z2023-11-13T16:26:27ZLevelling the playing field: The case for a federal ‘anti-scab’ law<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/levelling-the-playing-field-the-case-for-a-federal-anti-scab-law" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>The federal government has just <a href="https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/bill/C-58/first-reading">introduced Bill C-58</a>, its much anticipated <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/10081053/canada-anti-scab-legislation/">“anti-scab” legislation</a>. If adopted, the law will prohibit the use of replacement workers in the event of a strike or lockout in any federally regulated industry.</p>
<p>The legislation will also require the parties to negotiate a <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/anti-scab-labour-federally-regulated-workplaces-1.7023020">maintenance of activities agreement</a> in advance of a labour dispute to allow for the undertaking of maintenance work to protect the integrity and safety of the workplace.</p>
<p>The bill, a product of the Liberal and NDP <a href="https://www.pm.gc.ca/en/news/news-releases/2022/03/22/delivering-canadians-now">confidence-and-supply agreement</a>, represents the first time a federal government has committed to an anti-scab law.</p>
<p><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/8717920/ndp-unions-liberals-strikes-anti-scab-law/">Unions have long</a> <a href="https://canadianlabour.ca/canadas-unions-welcome-anti-scab-legislation/">advocated for a ban</a> on replacement workers, arguing their use unduly shifts power to employers and gives the boss an unfair advantage in collective bargaining. </p>
<p>In particular, union leaders justify the need for a ban by pointing to instances where employers chose to <a href="https://www.unifor.org/news/all-news/why-we-need-anti-scab-legislation">lock out</a> workers and “starve them out” while continuing to operate with scab labour. </p>
<p>Business organizations, on the other hand, frame their opposition to anti-scab laws by focusing on the potential for economic disruption. They argue that a ban on replacement workers would give unions <a href="https://torontosun.com/news/national/urgent-need-to-rethink-labour-laws-after-b-c-port-strike-cfib">too much power</a>, <a href="https://www.cfib-fcei.ca/en/media/a-ban-on-replacement-workers-is-a-threat-to-small-businesses-and-the-economy">threaten the survival of small businesses</a> and make Canada <a href="https://www.iedm.org/uploaded/pdf/janv05_en.pdf">less competitive</a>. </p>
<h2>Assessing the arguments</h2>
<p>Making sense of these competing perspectives can be tricky because there is no expert consensus on the economic effects of anti-scab laws. The studies that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-232X.1996.tb00405.x">do exist</a> offer contradictory evidence based on <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/227383030_The_Laws_of_Unintended_Consequence_The_Effect_of_Labour_Legislation_on_Wages_and_Strikes">different statistical methods</a>, <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cpp.35.1.99">assumptions, time spans</a> and the inclusion or exclusion of certain sectors of the economy. </p>
<p>Opponents of the legislation tend to selectively rely on <a href="https://www.fraserinstitute.org/sites/default/files/economic-effects-of-banning-temporary-replacement-workers.pdf">corporate-funded research</a> by right-wing think tanks to make the case that a ban on scab labour will drive away business and wreak havoc more generally. </p>
<p>For example, a <a href="https://medicinehatnews.com/commentary/opinions/2022/11/17/for-what-its-worth-anti-scab-legislation-gives-advantage-to-unions-they-shouldnt-have/">common argument</a> is that if employers can’t use replacement workers, businesses may not be able to operate during a labour dispute and will lose revenue as a result. This outcome would theoretically jeopardize the business and the future job security of the striking workers. </p>
<p>The reality, however, is that <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/majority-of-liberal-mps-join-conservatives-to-vote-down-anti-scab-bill/article1072069/">no union leader</a> is interested in negotiating employers out of business or putting the jobs of their members at risk.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1722744670663455093"}"></div></p>
<p>Despite <a href="https://chamber.ca/news/statement-from-the-canadian-chamber-of-commerce-regarding-anti-replacement-worker-legislation/">corporate objections</a> to the contrary, anti-scab laws can play an integral role in improving union-management relations. At some point, almost all work stoppages end, and workers return to their jobs. </p>
<p>The resentment caused by the use of scab labour lingers, however, poisoning labour relations and leading to <a href="https://www.hrreporter.com/news/hr-news/the-aftermath-of-replacement-workers-can-linger-long-after-the-strike-is-over/310485">lower workplace morale</a>. This is especially true in the case of contentious labour disputes where the use of replacement workers triggered <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/newsinteractives/features/giant-mine-explosion">picket line violence</a> <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/frustration-grows-as-videotron-strike-continues-in-quebec-1.312994">or vandalism</a>.</p>
<p>Such incidents are far <a href="https://www.unifor.org/sites/default/files/documents/fairness_on_the_line_final%20web.pdf">less likely</a> to occur if scab labour is taken out of the equation. </p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/striking-a-balance-how-the-law-regulates-picket-lines-213111">Striking a balance: How the law regulates picket lines</a>
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</em>
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<h2>Negotiated settlements</h2>
<p>The other benefit of an anti-scab law is that it would force employers to <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/point-counterpoint-anti-scab-smith-1.5531736">focus on reaching negotiated settlements</a> rather than strategizing over how to best undermine and antagonize union members exercising their right to strike. </p>
<p>This levels the playing field and brings the focus back to the bargaining table where deals are made.</p>
<p>The business lobby’s argument that a ban on replacement workers would <a href="https://www.simcoe.com/business/federal-private-member-s-bill-tips-the-scales-toward-unions-in-labour-negotiations-barrie-chamber/article_7312d7ab-1837-54fe-8a16-aed1e99228c4.html">render unions more difficult</a> in bargaining is belied by the fact that anti-scab legislation at the provincial level has not produced “strike-happy” unions. </p>
<p>Québec and British Columbia have had legislative bans on replacement workers in provincially regulated industries for decades. <a href="http://www.justlabour.yorku.ca/volume13/pdfs/02_savage_butovsky_press.pdf">Neither jurisdiction</a> experienced escalating wage demands, dramatic increases in strike activity, or economic collapse as a result. </p>
<p>Why then should we expect different outcomes as a result of a federal anti-scab law? </p>
<h2>Politics of labour law reform</h2>
<p>It’s worth remembering that corporations have <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/highlights-in-canadian-labour-history-1.850282">resisted virtually every single improvement</a> to workers’ rights since the 1800s. </p>
<p>This includes opposition to union recognition, the right to strike, the shorter work week and improved employment standards. Given this history, it shouldn’t surprise anyone that the business lobby is keen to defeat or water down Bill C-58.</p>
<p>At a <a href="https://www.cpac.ca/episode?id=09e7f3fe-e565-449d-b458-d30d7d5795b4">recent news conference</a>, Federal Labour Minister Seamus O’Regan indicated the law would not take effect until 18 months after receiving Royal Assent. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1722645425302249848"}"></div></p>
<p>That’s an eternity in politics and provides the business lobby with ample time to <a href="https://thetyee.ca/News/2023/11/13/Unions-Get-More-Power-Replacement-Worker-Ban/">change the government’s mind or pressure it to run out the clock</a> in advance of the next federal election. </p>
<p>In the meantime, unions and their allies are not sitting idle. We can expect unions to continue <a href="https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20230918460175/en/Demonstration-With-the-NDP-and-CLC-in-Support-of-Anti-Scab-Legislation">organizing rallies</a> <a href="https://canadianlabour.ca/campaigns/we-need-pro-worker-legislation/">and actions</a> to pressure the government to deliver on its commitment.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.socialistproject.ca/relay/relay17_harden.pdf">Previous attempts</a> to win anti-scab legislation through opposition-led bills have usually faltered because Liberal MPs got cold feet and switched their votes on second or third reading under pressure from the business community. </p>
<p>The dynamics are different this time as a result of the confidence-and-supply agreement with the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-ndp-turns-60-its-never-truly-been-the-political-arm-of-organized-labour-161964">union-friendly NDP</a> and the government’s desire to use the legislation as a wedge issue to <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/poilievre-caucus-speech-canadians-hurting-1.6580001">undermine recent Conservative efforts</a> to gain support from blue-collar union members.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/pierre-poilievre-is-popular-among-union-members-whats-it-really-all-about-201547">Pierre Poilievre is popular among union members. What's it really all about?</a>
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</em>
</p>
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<p>Whether the legislation will serve that purpose remains an open question.</p>
<p>But that should not distract from the policy goal of reforming labour laws in ways that promote collective bargaining, protect workers’ rights and level the playing field between unions and employers.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/217341/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Larry Savage receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.</span></em></p>Unions have long advocated for a ban on replacement workers, arguing their use unduly shifts power to employers and gives the boss an unfair advantage in collective bargaining.Larry Savage, Professor, Labour Studies, Brock UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2148062023-10-18T16:02:41Z2023-10-18T16:02:41ZMost secondary schools don’t have to teach the national curriculum. It should be revised and restored – or discarded<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/554325/original/file-20231017-28-r8dcxu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C5754%2C3045&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/classmate-educate-friend-knowledge-lesson-concept-430201606">Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Each year, when new <a href="https://www.bristol.ac.uk/education/study/initial-teacher-education/subjects/english-pgce/">PGCE students</a> arrive at the University of Bristol to start their journey towards becoming English teachers, I ask them to study the national curriculum. This is the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/national-curriculum">statutory document</a> prescribing what children aged from five to 16 are taught at school. </p>
<p>I do this despite that curriculum appearing increasingly irrelevant. It is rarely – if ever – seen in the schools in which our student teachers train, despite it being the only document mandating what <a href="https://www.schoolsmith.co.uk/independent-school-maintained-school-or-academy/">council-maintained</a> schools “<a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/national-curriculum">must teach</a>”. </p>
<p>Academies – self-governing schools receiving direct government funding, rather than being council-maintained – are exempt from the curriculum. As of <a href="https://explore-education-statistics.service.gov.uk/find-statistics/school-pupils-and-their-characteristics">January 2023</a>, 80.4% of secondary schools are academies or free schools, accounting for 80.2% of secondary school pupils. </p>
<p>The importance of the curriculum will change if a Labour government comes to power at the next general election. The party has <a href="https://labour.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Mission-breaking-down-barriers.pdf">promised a review</a> of curriculum and assessment – and that all state schools, including academies, will be required to follow the “core national curriculum”. </p>
<p>It may be, though, that the national curriculum has outlived its usefulness. A more radical approach could be to dispense with it altogether. </p>
<h2>Limits of the curriculum</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://education-uk.org/documents/cox1989/cox89.html">original curriculum</a> only ever covered England and Wales, and iterations published after Welsh devolution in 1998 were solely for England. Scotland and Northern Ireland have their own systems. Furthermore, the curriculum has only ever applied to state-funded schools, not independents.</p>
<p>The notion of a “national” curriculum was further undermined when Tony Blair’s government introduced the academies programme. Ironically, it was the lure of independence from the curriculum that encouraged some of the earliest schools to convert. Gordon Brown later <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2008/feb/10/gordonbrown.education">promoted academies</a> as “engines in disadvantaged areas for social mobility and social justice”, perhaps implying that the curriculum was incapable of achieving this. </p>
<p>Since 2010, the Conservative government has enthusiastically embraced academisation, and schools that do not perform well in Ofsted inspections can be <a href="https://educationhub.blog.gov.uk/2023/05/02/what-are-academy-schools-and-what-is-forced-academisation/">compelled to become academies</a>. This is despite claims that academies do not necessarily <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/education/2022/mar/31/education-union-criticises-badly-flawed-evidence-behind-academy-drive">perform better</a> than the maintained schools they replace.</p>
<p>Yet despite their apparent freedom from the national curriculum, the programmes of study offered in most academies are remarkably similar. This is the result of an accountability-heavy, performance-centric system, which judges and ranks schools on <a href="https://www.teachingtimes.com/exam-factories_130715/#:%7E:text=This%20report%2C%20commissioned%20by%20The%20National%20Union%20of,pupils%20are%20developing%20stress-related%20conditions%20linked%20to%20testing">exam results</a>. The GCSE exam specifications have become the new national curriculum. </p>
<h2>Teaching to the test</h2>
<p>The pressure of GCSE success in English is such that many schools begin preparing their students for the exams during key stage three (studied by children aged 11 to 14), well before when GCSE study is intended to start. </p>
<p>Research has found that <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/04250494.2022.2085550">key stage three</a> teaching is often influenced by GCSE requirements, such as the study of <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1358684X.2021.1957669">the Victorian novel</a> – a component of GCSE English Literature. This insular literary diet means that pupils lack the opportunity to study a wide range of diverse and contemporary texts, such as the “seminal world literature” that the national curriculum requires.</p>
<p>If schools do make changes to what they teach, they may be prompted more by external influences than a will to adhere to the curriculum. They could be, for instance, responding to issues raised by the Black Lives Matter movement by using resources and reading lists such as <a href="https://litincolour.penguin.co.uk/">Lit in Colour</a> to address the lack of diversity in English Literature. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1710611426178634028"}"></div></p>
<p>It’s possible that <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/national-curriculum">the current curriculum</a> is well past its sell-by date anyway. All five previous iterations (1989, 1995, 1999, 2004, 2007) enjoyed a much shorter shelf life. Today’s curriculum is a decade old.</p>
<p>This milestone is unlikely to be celebrated – at least among English teachers. In contrast to the 1989 original, which was largely welcomed by the profession, today’s curriculum has faced accusations of being devised with <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/education/2012/nov/12/primary-national-curriculum-review">only token consultation</a> of the people who would end up teaching it. </p>
<p>Given the extent of the curriculum’s decline, both in reach and in determining what is taught, it is interesting that it remains frequently cited in government documents, such as the new Department for Education <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1186732/The_reading_framework.pdf">reading framework</a>. </p>
<p>It is used as a standard by Ofsted in inspections: schools must teach a broad range of subjects, as “exemplified by the national curriculum”. But for the majority of schools, it is simply an example of what to teach, not a requirement.</p>
<p>If the national curriculum is to survive, it requires revision. To have a positive impact on learning, that revision should involve a spectrum of educational experts and be open to national debate. And academies should be required to teach it. It is hardly worth revising for a small and dwindling number of schools.</p>
<p>More radically, it could be dropped altogether. <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1478210320967816">Finland</a> and New Zealand have successfully introduced a part-local curriculum, allowing teachers <a href="https://nzcurriculum.tki.org.nz/Strengthening-local-curriculum/Leading-local-curriculum-guide-series/Local-curriculum#local_curriculum">opportunities to cover</a> topics that respond to the issues and needs of their communities.</p>
<p>One problem, though, is that this would require a complete overhaul of the examination system in England – and so is unlikely to garner political support.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214806/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lorna Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Over 80% of secondary schools are academies, which don’t have to teach the national curriculum.Lorna Smith, Associate Professor in Education, University of BristolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2154982023-10-16T15:50:09Z2023-10-16T15:50:09ZLabour’s plan to focus on early maths is solid – gaps in achievement start even before primary school<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/554005/original/file-20231016-17-smaari.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=20%2C0%2C6689%2C4466&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/little-girl-learning-numbers-shapes-play-1059608915">NadyaEugene/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Politicians in the UK have maths on the mind. The Conservatives intend to extend compulsory maths education for young people until 18. </p>
<p>And at the Labour party conference, shadow education secretary <a href="https://www.bridgetphillipson.com/speeches/2023/10/11/bridget-phillipsons-speech-at-the-labour-partys-2023-conference/">Bridget Phillipson announced</a> the opposition’s plans to improve maths skills across the country: a focus on primary school and pre-school education rather than post-16, with an emphasis on children learning the maths they will need for everyday life. </p>
<p>Paying attention to young children’s maths is a good idea. Evidence from the UK and beyond shows that children start primary school with <a href="https://repec-cepeo.ucl.ac.uk/cepeow/cepeowp22-06.pdf">varying levels</a> of mathematical skills – and disadvantage gaps are already evident at this point, meaning that children from poorer backgrounds may not have skills at the same level as their more well-off peers. </p>
<p>The differences between children’s maths skills then remain remarkably <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/icd.2281">stable over time</a>. Children who start primary school with mathematical abilities behind the level of their peers will typically remain behind their peers throughout school. </p>
<p>To reduce these gaps, we need to act early. But positive change won’t be achieved simply by adding more content to the primary or early years mathematics curriculums. Neither is it helpful to push children to learn more complex mathematics earlier. These approaches might lead to children learning maths in a superficial and rote manner, rather than understanding the underlying ideas.</p>
<h2>Primary focus</h2>
<p>Labour has <a href="https://labour.org.uk/updates/press-releases/labour-to-unveil-real-world-primary-maths-teaching-to-encourage-stronger-lifelong-numeracy/">raised the prospect</a> of creating a “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/oct/10/labour-announces-phonics-for-maths-scheme-in-planned-curriculum-review">phonics for maths</a>”. Phonics is a <a href="https://educationhub.blog.gov.uk/2023/10/12/everything-you-need-to-know-about-phonics-in-schools/">method of learning to read</a> that teaches children the sounds that letters and combinations of letters make. It is required in primary schools, and pupils take a phonics screening check in year one to assess their progress. </p>
<p>Although not universally supported, phonics has been linked to improvements in reading levels among children in <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1156633/PIRLS_2021_-_national_report_for_England__May_2023.pdf">England</a>. </p>
<p>However, phonics is a specific technique for teaching word reading, while mathematics is incredibly broad. It involves multiple skills as well as different types of knowledge and understanding. </p>
<p>Even in early primary school, mathematics is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/17470218231175325">complex</a>. Children need to understand quantities and their relationships, to recognise digits and understand place value, to carry out arithmetic procedures, to identify patterns in numbers and shapes, and much more. It is unlikely that a single technique, as phonics is, can underpin this breadth of knowledge and understanding. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1711978621751947728"}"></div></p>
<p>But in another sense, the parallel with phonics is encouraging. The phonics revolution was informed by <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1529100618772271">research</a> and developed from a better understanding of how children learn to read. This can and should be emulated for mathematics. Research evidence on the early stages of learning maths can help build a solid approach to teaching mathematical skills to young children.</p>
<p>Another feature of Labour’s plans is their aim to “<a href="https://www.bridgetphillipson.com/speeches/2023/10/11/bridget-phillipsons-speech-at-the-labour-partys-2023-conference/">bring maths to life</a>” by using <a href="https://labour.org.uk/updates/press-releases/labour-to-unveil-real-world-primary-maths-teaching-to-encourage-stronger-lifelong-numeracy/">real-world examples</a>: budgeting, exchange rates, sports league tables. </p>
<p>A desire to give meaning to numbers and mathematics by building on children’s experiences is a good ambition. This can be achieved through play-based and hands-on activities, which involve children manipulating objects such as counters and cards to better understand mathematical ideas and relationships. It is also important to help children see numbers and mathematical patterns in the world around them: the number of red cars on the street or the shapes of windows and doors, for instance.</p>
<p>These approaches may provide a <a href="https://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/education-evidence/evidence-reviews/early-years-and-key-stage-1-mathematics-teaching">stronger foundation</a> for future learning than focusing on using written digits or learning mathematical facts (such as 2 + 3 = 5) too early.</p>
<h2>Taking care</h2>
<p>But care is needed to ensure that bringing maths to life truly reflects children’s experiences and doesn’t become a gimmick. It could even increase disadvantage gaps due to differences in children’s experiences, for example, for children from families who lack access to bank accounts or have never had the experience of travelling abroad and using different currency. </p>
<p>There are already good examples out there of how to teach in this way – such as the <a href="https://www.ncetm.org.uk/maths-hubs-projects/mastering-number-at-reception-and-ks1/">Mastering Number programme</a>. Any curriculum changes need to be properly funded and developed in collaboration with experts in the field.</p>
<p>Giving children better mathematical foundations through engaging and meaningful activities can set them up for success throughout school and beyond. This would not only positively affect children’s achievement but could also change attitudes to mathematics for the better. </p>
<p>Changing attitudes to mathematics from the foundations upwards can help children and young people feel confident and engaged with the subject and see its value in their life, leading to more wanting to study the subject.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/215498/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Camilla Gilmore receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council and Research England. </span></em></p>Changing attitudes to maths from the start of education can lead to more success later on.Camilla Gilmore, Professor of Mathematical Cognition, Loughborough UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2150472023-10-15T12:27:49Z2023-10-15T12:27:49ZThe impact of work on well-being: 6 factors that will affect the future of work and health inequalities<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553696/original/file-20231013-21-iobxz7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1140%2C729%2C4035%2C2661&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">If public health bodies and policymakers put greater focus on improving the work environment, it could achieve major gains in population health and reduce health inequities.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/the-impact-of-work-on-well-being-6-factors-that-will-affect-the-future-of-work-and-health-inequalities" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Work has long been considered a <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/health-promotion/population-health/what-determines-health.html">social determinant of health</a>. Like housing, education, income security and other matters of economic and social policy, work can be a key factor in creating, maintaining or exacerbating unequal health outcomes across different societal groups. </p>
<p>But if work is already understood to be a social determinant of health by regulators and policymakers, it has been underused as a lever to address health inequities. That’s the main case we — an international group of work and health researchers — have made in a series of articles on the relationships between work and health <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/series/work-and-health">recently published in <em>The Lancet</em></a>. </p>
<p>In these articles, we suggest that if public health bodies and policymakers put greater focus on improving the work environment, it could achieve major gains in population health and reduce health inequities. </p>
<p>There are historical examples that demonstrate this is possible — such as the <a href="https://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C001">1919 Hours of Work Convention</a>, where International Labour Organization member states agreed to limit working hours to improve health — but they remain infrequent. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Three construction workers in hardhats and orange vests seen from above" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553697/original/file-20231013-28-yirgbv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553697/original/file-20231013-28-yirgbv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553697/original/file-20231013-28-yirgbv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553697/original/file-20231013-28-yirgbv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553697/original/file-20231013-28-yirgbv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553697/original/file-20231013-28-yirgbv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553697/original/file-20231013-28-yirgbv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Not enough attention is paid to the role that work conditions and environments play in creating, worsening or even alleviating health inequities.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Instead, occupational health tends to be siloed from broader population health, and occupational health and safety activity tends to focus on visible work hazards related to injuries and illnesses. Less attention is paid to the role that work conditions and environments play in creating, worsening or even alleviating health inequities. </p>
<p>Yet, broader societal factors such as immigration, affordable daycare, education and training, and disability policy impact the availability and nature of work; and work conditions also have reciprocal impacts on these societal factors.</p>
<h2>Work and health</h2>
<p>The unequal distribution of diseases across occupational groups has been <a href="https://doi.org/10.2105%2FAJPH.91.9.1382">documented since the 1700s</a>. However, it wasn’t until the 1980s, with studies using large employer cohorts, such as the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyh372">Whitehall cohorts</a>, that modern research methods of epidemiology (causes and distribution of diseases and health) were used to break down the contributions of specific lifestyle, biomedical and work-related factors on differences in worker health.</p>
<p>The Whitehall studies on white-collar civil servants — occupations historically considered safe — highlighted that <a href="https://reflexus.org/wp-content/uploads/wii-booklet.pdf">factors such as low control over one’s work</a> were related to leading causes of disease. </p>
<p>In the decades since, research methods and opportunities to link data have evolved. Large multinational cohorts, including hundreds of thousands of participants linked to administrative health service data, <a href="https://doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.3485">are now possible</a>. </p>
<p>These advances in data and quantitative methods increasingly allow us to ask more policy-relevant <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oemed-2023-109085">“what if” questions</a> about the broader health impacts of changes to specific aspects of the work environment. </p>
<h2>Factors that will affect work and health inequity</h2>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Agricultural workers in a field" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553612/original/file-20231013-23-xynr1k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553612/original/file-20231013-23-xynr1k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553612/original/file-20231013-23-xynr1k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553612/original/file-20231013-23-xynr1k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553612/original/file-20231013-23-xynr1k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553612/original/file-20231013-23-xynr1k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553612/original/file-20231013-23-xynr1k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Policymakers need to pay attention to the distinctive patterns of health inequities experienced by different groups of migrant workers and provide tailored protective measures for each group.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/series/work-and-health"><em>Lancet</em> series</a> includes a paper that analyzes evidence and provides recommendations on <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(23)00869-3">workplace mental health</a>, and another that focuses on <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(23)00868-1">labour market inclusion</a>. </p>
<p>In addition to these areas, we also prioritize <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(23)00871-1">six factors that will impact work and health inequities</a> into the future. These are: </p>
<ol>
<li><p><strong>Telework</strong>. The rise in telework or remote work can lead to reduced psychosocial support from colleagues and greater social isolation. It may also erode responsibility by both employers and regulators for ensuring health and safety of those working from home.</p></li>
<li><p><strong>International migrant workers</strong>. Refugees, immigrant and temporary migrant workers experience different labour market and <a href="https://doi.org/10.25318/82-003-x201900400001-eng">health trajectories</a> after arrival in Canada. Policymakers need to pay attention to the distinctive patterns of health inequities experienced by different groups of migrant workers and provide tailored protective measures for each group. </p></li>
<li><p><strong>Intersections between gender, age, race, ethnicity and social class</strong>. We need to pay attention to the compounding effects that different social stratifiers have on the types of jobs (and subsequent differences in physical and psychological exposures at work) available to different groups in society, and identify opportunities to address these differences. </p></li>
<li><p><strong>Precarious employment</strong>. With the continued erosion of full-time, permanent jobs and the rise of platform-based gig work, precarious work continues to spread across the global labour force. While precarious work is associated with <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/ajim.22535">greater workplace hazards and fewer protections</a>, there is no reason this needs to be the case. We need to develop and implement innovative approaches, such as portable benefits, to make this type of work relationship safer.</p></li>
<li><p><strong>Long and irregular work hours</strong>. Working long or irregular hours is associated with higher risks of <a href="https://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/newsroom/news/WCMS_792131/lang--en/index.htm">stroke and heart disease</a>, greater alcohol use and work injuries. Regulations on working time are a central theme of labour rights and labour protections, but the relationship between working time and worker health depends on social context. While those in secure and stable work may see health benefits from working fewer hours, for those in freelance, contract, self-employed and other similar arrangements, reduced hours means less income security. </p></li>
<li><p><strong>Climate change</strong>. The effects of climate change on work are difficult to predict, though potentially severe. While it is clear that increased ambient temperature, air pollution, ultraviolet radiation exposure, extreme weather and the spread of vector-borne diseases will directly <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15459624.2016.1179388">impact some industries and occupations</a>, the flow-on effects across the labour market are less clear. We need to ensure these effects are not disproportionately impacting those in the lowest-paid jobs, who likely have the least resources to withstand the challenges. </p></li>
</ol>
<h2>Reducing health inequities</h2>
<p>In the face of these emerging challenges, there is a need to develop and test interventions to reduce work-related determinants of unequal health.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="People in white chef uniforms working in a restaurant kitchen" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553698/original/file-20231013-19-igp16f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553698/original/file-20231013-19-igp16f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553698/original/file-20231013-19-igp16f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553698/original/file-20231013-19-igp16f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553698/original/file-20231013-19-igp16f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553698/original/file-20231013-19-igp16f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553698/original/file-20231013-19-igp16f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Regulations about hazards at work have been the exclusive domain of occupational health and safety specialists for too long.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>These interventions can target individual workers when appropriate, but to be most effective, they should focus more broadly on changes at the organizational level, such as workplaces, and at sectoral and societal levels, including provincial, territorial and national policies that affect workplaces. This will only be possible with greater collaboration across both research and professional disciplines, as well as provincial and federal ministries. </p>
<p>Regulations about hazards at work have been the exclusive domain of occupational health and safety specialists for too long. Addressing the broader aspects of work and working conditions that are social determinants of health will need greater involvement from other fields, including economists, legal scholars, and social and political scientists. </p>
<p>Occupational health needs to work hand-in-hand with other sectors — including but not limited to public health — to develop, implement and evaluate policy solutions that will help make the work people do, and the environments they work in, healthier and more equitable.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/215047/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Peter Smith receives funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, WorkSafeBC and the Ontario Workplace Safety & Insurance Board. The Institute for Work & Health is supported in part through funding from the Ontario Ministry of Labour, Immigration, Training and Skills Development. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Arjumand Siddiqi receives funding from the Canadian Institute of Health Research and the Government of Canada's Canada Research Chairs Program. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Cameron Mustard receives funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research. The Institute for Work & Health is supported in part through funding from the Ontario Ministry of Labour, Immigration, Training and Skills Development.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>John William Frank has only ever received research funding from public sector research funding agencies in Canada, the U.S. and the U.K. - many millions of dollars over the last 40 years. All of that funding terminated in 2021, as he is now largely retired. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Reiner Rugulies is employed at the National Research Centre for the Working Environment, Copenhagen, Denmark (NFA), which is a Danish governmental sector research institute under the ministry of employment. Rugulies’s work at NFA is funded by several research grants from public funding agencies, including the Danish Working Environment Research Fund, the European Union Horizon 2020 Research Programme and the European Union Horizon Europe Research Programme.</span></em></p>The work environment is a social determinant of health. However, work has been underused as a lever to address health inequalities.Peter Smith, Senior Scientist, Institute for Work & Health. Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of TorontoArjumand Siddiqi, Professor and Canada Research Chair in Population Health Equity, University of TorontoCameron Mustard, Professor of Epidemiology (Emeritis), University of TorontoJohn William Frank, Professorial Fellow, Usher Institute of Population Health Sciences and Informatics, The University of EdinburghReiner Rugulies, Adjunct Professor, Psychosocial Medicine, Section of Epidemiology, Department of Public Health, University of CopenhagenLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2139232023-10-11T11:38:27Z2023-10-11T11:38:27ZLabour’s immigration policy: will focus on ‘security’ win an election?<p>Labour’s immigration policy is starting to take shape. Migration, historically, has been a <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-64692-3">tricky issue for the party</a>. So it’s perhaps not surprising that they are taking a leaf from the Conservative playbook by focusing on border security. But Labour has shifted the villain from asylum seekers to smuggling gangs. </p>
<p>Speaking at Labour party conference, the shadow home secretary, Yvette Cooper, announced a new cross-border unit of hundreds of police officers to go after smugglers. Labour leader Keir Starmer has vowed to <a href="https://www.channel4.com/news/keir-starmer-promises-to-smash-people-smuggling-gangs">“smash the gangs”</a>, to treat people smuggling on par with terrorism and to use serious crime orders to freeze smugglers’ assets and restrict their movement. </p>
<p>Starmer and Cooper also recently travelled to The Hague for talks with Europol (the EU’s law enforcement agency) about sharing criminal data – something that ended after Brexit. And noises have been made about <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/sep/14/labour-will-treat-channel-people-smugglers-as-terrorists-says-starmer">cooperating with Europe</a> on a returns agreement, where the UK would accept a quota of asylum seekers who arrive in the EU, in exchange for being able to return people who cross the channel. </p>
<p>While not the inflammatory comments of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/suella-braverman-warns-of-unmanageable-numbers-of-asylum-seekers-the-data-shows-we-hardly-take-any-214014">current home secretary, Suella Braverman</a>, Labour’s rhetoric so far still squarely frames asylum as a security issue. This is not the progressive approach some on the left will be hoping for. It feeds into the populist idea that migration is always a crisis, and has an element of inhumanity and utilitarianism – migrants are people, not trade agreements.</p>
<p>But given the public’s current attitudes on migration (nuanced) and trust in the Conservatives on the issue (low), it’s an electorally safe approach.</p>
<p>The suggestion of working with Europe, which gives the Conservatives ammunition to frame Labour as wanting to rejoin the EU, isn’t much of a risk. Brexit and the topic of Europe are arguably <a href="https://yougov.co.uk/politics/articles/45910-britons-would-vote-rejoin-eu?redirect_from=%2Ftopics%2Fpolitics%2Farticles-reports%2F2023%2F07%2F18%2Fbritons-would-vote-rejoin-eu">less divisive</a> than in the last election. </p>
<h2>Who is this approach for?</h2>
<p>The focus on security is a bid to win back key “red wall” voters who fled to the Conservatives in 2019, and <a href="https://yougov.co.uk/politics/articles/45511-will-focus-immigration-help-conservatives-among-th">care slightly more</a> about immigration than other groups. This is evident in Starmer’s recent statement that those who oppose his proposals on migration are <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/sep/14/labour-will-treat-channel-people-smugglers-as-terrorists-says-starmer">“unbritish”</a> – a dog-whistle to precisely these “patriotic left” voters. </p>
<p>But the characterisation of red wall voters as <a href="https://yougov.co.uk/politics/articles/35893-stereotypical-image-red-wall-residents-accurate?redirect_from=%2Ftopics%2Fpolitics%2Farticles-reports%2F2021%2F05%2F17%2Fstereotypical-image-red-wall-residents-accurate">simply anti-migrant isn’t accurate</a>. While migration is a priority, it still sits behind more pressing concerns like the <a href="https://www.labourtogether.uk/all-reports/red-shift">cost of living crisis</a>. Focusing too much, or taking too hard a line on immigration won’t win them voters and could lose some younger left-wing voters who <a href="https://www.labourtogether.uk/all-reports/red-shift">favour increased immigration</a>. </p>
<p>To that end, Starmer has also confirmed that Labour would overturn the new law that stops cross-Channel migrants <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/4b7f862e-3c81-4f34-8013-12f51fe32b01">claiming asylum in Britain</a>, scrap the policy to <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/keir-starmer-says-he-would-scrap-the-rwanda-scheme-even-if-it-is-legal-and-working_uk_6522972de4b0a32c15bee9df">deport people to Rwanda</a> and end the use of barges and hotels to house asylum seekers. </p>
<p>These are all positive developments for those wanting a more progressive policy, and would at least fracture the current system, which is inhumane and unworkable.</p>
<p>Public attitudes on immigration have <a href="https://www.ippr.org/files/2022-11/a-new-consensus-november-22.pdf">shifted dramatically in the last decade</a>. On the whole, evidence suggests that attitudes have <a href="https://migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/resources/briefings/uk-public-opinion-toward-immigration-overall-attitudes-and-level-of-concern/">softened</a> and the UK public now has among the <a href="https://www.kcl.ac.uk/news/uk-attitudes-to-immigration-among-most-positive-internationally-1018742-pub01-115">most positive attitudes</a> towards immigration internationally. </p>
<p>At the same time, the public <a href="https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/infographics/migration-eurobarometer-2018/">overestimate</a> both the number of asylum seekers as a <a href="https://migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/resources/reports/thinking-behind-the-numbers-understanding-public-opinion-on-immigration-in-britain/">proportion of immigration</a> and the number of migrants overall. Focusing heavily on asylum seekers or net migration targets will only feed into these misconceptions.</p>
<p>One area where we haven’t heard much from Labour is on labour migration, arguably the more pressing issue in terms of Britain’s economic security. Starmer <a href="https://theconversation.com/labour-sounds-like-the-tories-on-immigration-but-its-policy-goes-back-to-its-trade-union-roots-195221">suggested last autumn</a> that future policy would involve trade unions. If Labour gets the balance right they could craft a more progressive policy that treats migrants respectfully while also gaining support from unions and a disgruntled business sector. </p>
<h2>Will this strategy work?</h2>
<p>The public already <a href="https://yougov.co.uk/politics/articles/45511-will-focus-immigration-help-conservatives-among-th">trusts Labour more on immigration</a>, and has little faith in the current government to <a href="https://www.ipsos.com/en-uk/trust-conservative-government-have-right-immigration-policies-down-7ppts-march-braverman">deliver on their promises</a>.</p>
<p>Targeting criminal gangs as the security threat on the border might be electorally rational. Labour can talk tough to appease the voters it needs to win back, while keeping with a more ideologically coherent position that doesn’t paint migrants themselves as a problem. As we know from the reaction to Ed Miliband’s <a href="https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/what-starmer-can-learn-from-miliband-s-mug/">“Controls on immigration” mug</a> in 2015, anti-migrant sentiment does not play well for Labour.</p>
<p>As the election nears, Braverman is going to keep talking about asylum seekers, which will <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13501763.2018.1531909">ramp the issue up the agenda</a>. But this is a <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-uks-unworkable-immigration-plans-allow-the-government-to-blame-others-for-its-failure-202207">distraction</a> from her own party’s failures on the issue – and more a bid for party leadership than a stance as home secretary.</p>
<p>The general public’s attitudes on migration are more nuanced than Braverman’s rhetoric would suggest. Labour’s security focus might make electoral sense, but it still pulls from <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/secure-borders-safe-haven-integration-with-diversity-in-modern-britain">old playbooks</a>, both Labour and Conservative. </p>
<p>Starmer could take this opportunity to tell a more positive story about immigration, carve a clear progressive position for Labour and move the discussion away from numbers – a strategy that will never deliver. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/net-migration-how-an-unreachable-target-came-to-shape-britain-206430">Net migration: how an unreachable target came to shape Britain</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/213923/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Erica Consterdine does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Labour has vowed to crack down on smuggling gangs.Erica Consterdine, Senior Lecturer in Public Policy, Lancaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2140512023-10-01T15:12:15Z2023-10-01T15:12:15ZSafety on the line: Drivers who juggle multiple jobs are more likely to take risks on the road<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550774/original/file-20230927-15-dqt564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C250%2C4581%2C2840&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Drivers that juggle driving with another job were more likely to run red lights and carry weapons, such as knives, for safety reasons. These behaviours pose risks not only to drivers, but also to the public.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Paul Hanaoka/Unsplash)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/safety-on-the-line-drivers-who-juggle-multiple-jobs-are-more-likely-to-take-risks-on-the-road" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>The <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/04/06/business/uber-lyft-driver-deaths.html">driving profession is unsafe</a>. Taxi drivers and ride-hail drivers, who drive for apps like Uber and Lyft, face many safety risks on the road, from <a href="https://www.ilo.org/global/research/global-reports/weso/2021/WCMS_771749/lang--en/index.htm">accidents and injuries</a> to <a href="https://www.benefitnews.com/news/why-two-thirds-of-uber-lyft-drivers-didnt-feel-safe-at-work-last-year">harassment</a> and <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9048681/fatal-shooting-surrey-tuesday/">violence</a>. </p>
<p>In fact, <a href="https://www.ilo.org/global/research/global-reports/weso/2021/WCMS_771749/lang--en/index.htm">83 per cent of ride-hail drivers from around the world</a> feel their work is unsafe. As a result, <a href="https://therideshareguy.com/uber-driver-survey/#uber-surveys-drivers">22 per cent of American drivers carry weapons</a> in their vehicles to protect themselves.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/09500170231185212">Our recent research study aimed to examine</a> whether low income, lack of rest and few breaks lead to unsafe behaviour in drivers. We compared the driving behaviours of multi-job professional drivers — those who drive for taxi companies or ride-hail apps and also have another job — with those whose only job is driving. </p>
<p>We found that multi-job professional drivers took the most risks. These drivers were more likely to run red lights and carry weapons, such as knives, for safety reasons. These behaviours pose risks not only to drivers, but also to the public.</p>
<h2>Multiple job holders</h2>
<p>More than <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/14-28-0001/2020001/article/00011-eng.htm">five per cent of Canadians had several jobs at the same time in 2021</a> — nearly two and a half times higher than in 1976. Most Canadians hold multiple jobs because they <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/71-222-x/71-222-x2019003-eng.htm">don’t make enough money to cover their expenses</a> with one job alone.</p>
<p>To <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/01/12/nyregion/cab-uber-lyft-drivers.html">increase their income</a>, many drivers <a href="https://www.ridester.com/drive-for-uber-and-lyft-at-the-same-time/">work on several driving platforms at once</a> or drive for both taxi and ride-hail companies. Some drivers even work for taxi and ride-hail companies while holding another job. Our research suggests these multi-job professional drivers may face the greatest safety risks. </p>
<p>Multi-job holders deal with <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/markcperna/2023/01/17/working-multiple-jobs-here-are-some-reminders-to-save-your-sanity/?sh=17a6249e7cbc">sleep deprivation, stress and reduced performance</a>. Multi-job professional drivers may also be at greater risk of <a href="https://doi.org/10.5664/jcsm.7072">drowsy driving accidents</a> and may be more likely to deal with <a href="https://doi.org/10.1145/3359319">intoxicated passengers while driving late at night</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A man rubs his eyes while sitting behind the steering wheel of a vehicle" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550771/original/file-20230927-29-fkubx7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550771/original/file-20230927-29-fkubx7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550771/original/file-20230927-29-fkubx7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550771/original/file-20230927-29-fkubx7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550771/original/file-20230927-29-fkubx7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550771/original/file-20230927-29-fkubx7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550771/original/file-20230927-29-fkubx7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Multi-job professional drivers are at greater risk of drowsy driving accidents because they often end up driving at night or after working long hours at another job.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Why do these drivers take more risks?</h2>
<p>Multi-job professional drivers face a number of challenges that can lead them to take more risks while on the road. First, <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4071315">they often have unsteady income due to working multiple low-paying jobs</a> without the safety nets provided by traditional employment. As a result, these drivers are more likely to take risks to complete fares quickly and earn more money.</p>
<p>Drivers <a href="https://www.jobbank.gc.ca/marketreport/wages-occupation/10557/ca">often make at</a> or <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/article-uber-drivers-pay-toronto/">below minimum wage</a> and are paid per fare completed, rather than per hour. This means drivers feel pressured to get to destinations quickly, so they are more likely to make <a href="https://www.cantaxi.ca/wp-content/uploads/Toronto-Taxi-Review-Final-Report.pdf">illegal U-turns</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jth.2019.02.007">speed</a> or <a href="https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2021.1557">run yellow lights</a>.</p>
<p>Second, multi-job professional drivers are more likely to <a href="https://doi.org/10.2105%2FAJPH.2013.301431">work evening shifts and at odd hours</a> due to their complicated schedules. Drivers believe this increases their chances of <a href="https://www.uberpeople.net/threads/driving-night.152420/#post-2274634">picking up unpredictable, intoxicated or dangerous passengers</a>. As a result, multi-job professional drivers are more likely to carry weapons to protect themselves.</p>
<p>Lastly, <a href="https://doi.org/10.3109%2F07420528.2016.1167717">multi-job holders sleep less than single job holders</a> because they work longer hours and at times when they would otherwise be resting. Their lack of sleep often results in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1055%2Fs-0029-1237117">decreased attention and awareness</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.5664/jcsm.7072">makes them more prone to accidents</a>, and as our findings suggest, leads to road safety violations.</p>
<h2>Reducing risk to drivers and the public</h2>
<p>Addressing the challenges faced by drivers and mitigating safety risks for both drivers and the public involves several key considerations. </p>
<p><strong>1. Better wages.</strong> <a href="https://theconversation.com/uber-drivers-report-80-plus-hour-workweeks-and-a-lot-of-waiting-115782">Drivers have reported</a> that they waste half of their shifts waiting for fares; this is time spent not making any money. Government enforcement of <a href="https://www.ola.org/en/legislative-business/bills/parliament-42/session-2/bill-88#Sched13">hourly minimum wages</a> may be an effective solution to increase driver pay, as long as wages <a href="https://www.epi.org/press/uber-drivers-should-be-paid-for-time-spent-waiting-for-fares-facts-of-being-an-uber-driver-reveal-no-need-to-create-a-third-category-of-worker/">take waiting times into account</a>. </p>
<p>Better wages may discourage drivers from running red lights or taking other risks to get to destinations quickly. It may also give drivers the ability to refuse ride requests that they feel are unsafe.</p>
<p><strong>2. Mandatory paid breaks.</strong> Some drivers <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/heapro/dax082">don’t take breaks during or between shifts</a> because they fear missing out on any potential fares or being <a href="https://www.toronto.ca/services-payments/permits-licences-bylaws/vehicle-for-hire-set-fines/">fined by bylaw officers for leaving their vehicles unattended</a>. In addition to better wages, policymakers should consider the negative impact of these bylaws on the well-being of drivers. Mandatory paid breaks, which signal the importance of rest, may be a start.</p>
<p><strong>3. Greater safety protections.</strong> Many multiple job holders choose to work as ride-hail drivers because these jobs are the ones that are available to them, and they are drawn to the supposed <a href="https://fortune.com/2022/08/17/full-time-lyft-driver-flexibility-choice-act-underpaid-gig-work-pay-workers-rideshare-mike-robinson/">flexibility and choice</a> this work offers. The reality is that drivers are managed by algorithms <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/science/pringle-uber-doordash-gig-economy-1.5238726">instead of human managers</a> who would normally control things like driver pay and performance, and address safety concerns.</p>
<p>Drivers have reported that they get <a href="https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2635">automated email responses</a> when reporting safety incidents. In cases when passengers have assaulted drivers, drivers are often only told <a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520324800/uberland">they will not be matched up with that passenger again</a>. </p>
<p>While <a href="https://www.uber.com/ca/en/drive/driver-app/phone-support/">Uber</a> and <a href="https://www.lyft.com/safety/driver#help-from-real-humans">Lyft</a> now offer drivers access to phone support, drivers have reported that <a href="https://www.uberpeople.net/threads/customer-support-vs-bots.470266/#post-7526680">support representatives rely on the same automated responses</a>. Drivers should have access to more individualized support <a href="https://hbr.org/2019/08/what-people-hate-about-being-managed-by-algorithms-according-to-a-study-of-uber-drivers">so they feel less like they are talking to machines</a>.</p>
<h2>More support needed</h2>
<p>While ride-hail apps have put some safety measures into effect to support drivers, more help is needed. <a href="https://help.lyft.com/hc/en-ca/all/articles/115012926787-Taking-breaks-and-time-limits-in-driver-mode">Lyft has implemented a mandatory break rule</a>, whereby after using the app for 12 hours, drivers are not able to go online for six hours. This is a start to ensure drivers take breaks. However, drivers may just log into another ride-hail app and keep driving.</p>
<p>The Uber app also <a href="https://www.uber.com/ca/en/drive/safety/?uclick_id=2885d49f-8ef1-4ab6-a5b0-901b52af1d71">reminds drivers to stay within the posted speed limit and to take breaks</a>. However, a recent survey from the non-profit Insurance Institute for Highway Safety found that ride-hail drivers are <a href="https://www.iihs.org/news/detail/smartphone-apps-drive-gig-workers-parents-to-distraction">four times more likely to drive distractedly</a> compared to other drivers, increasing the risk of an accident. Receiving alerts from Uber while driving likely distracts drivers even more.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/uber-drivers-working-conditions-1.6824946">Driver safety must become a greater priority</a> for ride-hail companies. Companies like Uber and Lyft have a long way to go in improving worker safety to ensure both drivers and passengers feel safe on the road.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214051/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Catherine E. Connelly receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Canada Research Chair program. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alexandra D. Lefcoe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Companies like Uber and Lyft have a long way to go in improving worker safety to ensure both drivers and passengers feel safe on the road.Alexandra D. Lefcoe, PhD Candidate, Management of Organizational Behaviour and Human Resources, McMaster UniversityCatherine E. Connelly, Canada Research Chair and Professor of Organizational Behaviour, McMaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2141982023-09-27T21:34:26Z2023-09-27T21:34:26ZHidden in plain sight: Women face subtle forms of discrimination and bias in the workplace<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550442/original/file-20230926-19-ovbqmb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C8%2C5472%2C3628&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The subtler, more insidious forms of discrimination that women face at work often go unnoticed.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/hidden-in-plain-sight-women-face-subtle-forms-of-discrimination-and-bias-in-the-workplace" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Gender discrimination remains a <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2017/12/14/gender-discrimination-comes-in-many-forms-for-todays-working-women/">pervasive issue</a> in <a href="https://www.canada.ca/en/employment-social-development/corporate/reports/women-symposium.html">the workplace</a>. While obvious cases of discrimination against women — like <a href="https://www.thestar.com/podcasts/this-matters/a-toronto-police-officer-shares-her-story-of-surviving-workplace-sexual-harassment/article_1a600227-7864-5388-bdcf-521010066b89.html">sexist comments</a> or <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/2199225923548">the systematic underpayment of women</a> — dominate headlines, there are subtler, more insidious forms of discrimination that often go unnoticed.</p>
<p>Take Kelly, for example, a seasoned marketing manager we recently interviewed as part of a workplace discrimination project. Kelly had diligently worked towards a promotion, only to witness her junior colleague, Mark, receive it instead. This led her to wonder if Mark genuinely outperformed her, or if there was something more nefarious at play.</p>
<p>Kelly’s quandary isn’t unique. It reflects a pervasive, subtle challenge faced by women in many fields: incidents tinged with potential gender bias, yet ambiguous enough to defy clear categorization as discrimination.</p>
<p>It’s easy to condemn blatant discrimination because of how obvious it is. But discrimination doesn’t always reveal itself so openly; instead, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/19/us/was-that-racist.html">it can be a spectre</a> looming uncertainly in the background. </p>
<h2>Examining ambiguous incidents</h2>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.15195/v10.a18">Our recent research</a> aimed to investigate women’s experiences of ambiguous incidents in the workplace. Seeking to understand the issue from multiple angles, we conducted interviews, a survey and an experiment.</p>
<p>The project uncovered myriad tales of women grappling with incidents that might have been driven by bias, but were cloaked in uncertainty. Their stories encompassed a wide spectrum of experiences, ranging from daily microaggressions, such as being ignored during meetings, to significant career milestones, like missing out on promotions. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A forlorn-looking woman stands with her arms folded while two men shake hands in the background" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550439/original/file-20230926-15-1v6b7y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550439/original/file-20230926-15-1v6b7y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550439/original/file-20230926-15-1v6b7y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550439/original/file-20230926-15-1v6b7y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550439/original/file-20230926-15-1v6b7y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550439/original/file-20230926-15-1v6b7y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550439/original/file-20230926-15-1v6b7y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The experiences of women in the workplace range from daily microaggressions, such as being ignored during meetings, to significant career milestones, like missing out on promotions.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Most of the women we interviewed wrestled more with ambiguous incidents than with overt discrimination. As Kelly put it: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>“I think I would feel better if it was overtly gender discrimination, because at least you would feel somewhat validated in your perception, whereas you always question, like, maybe I’m not seeing things right, maybe I’m biased.”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Like Kelly, 74 per cent of the women we surveyed reported that they had struggled with such ambiguities in the past year. Only 64 per cent said they had faced clear-cut discrimination. These aren’t just numbers; they represent the silent battles and moments of self-doubt that many women experience.</p>
<h2>Responding to possible discrimination</h2>
<p>Following ambiguous incidents, many women reported feeling confused or frustrated, often ruminating over their experiences and struggling to make sense of them. But, as we found, ambiguous incidents had more than just emotional impacts. </p>
<p>We designed an experiment in which participants were exposed to the same discrimination incident, but at different levels of ambiguity. Some participants experienced the incident as clear-cut discrimination, whereas others experienced it as ambiguous. </p>
<p>The experiment revealed that when a situation is clearly discriminatory, women are more likely to turn outwards by speaking to human resources, consulting with supervisors or seeking advice from diversity and inclusion groups. This sort of action not only addresses the issue at hand, but also sets the stage for organizational change.</p>
<p>But when an incident is ambiguous, women tend to turn inwards. They try to adopt a more formal communication style, work harder or draw more attention to their achievements. While this may help them navigate discrimination in the short term, it does little to catalyze the kind of systemic change necessary to foster gender equality.</p>
<h2>A call to leaders and allies</h2>
<p>What can leaders and allies do to help? </p>
<p>First, we all need to shatter the silence that surrounds these incidents. Ambiguity thrives when communication is stifled. Creating an environment where whispers of concern are welcomed, not shunned, is paramount. This goes beyond just having an <a href="https://doi.org/10.5465/amj.2007.26279183">open-door policy</a>; it’s about building trust so that people know those doors lead to empathetic listeners.</p>
<p><a href="https://hbr.org/2022/11/7-ways-to-practice-active-allyship">Allies can also play a powerful role</a>. When someone stands up and acknowledges these subtle biases, it doesn’t just validate feelings, but also builds bridges. When colleagues and managers notice ambiguous discrimination, they should take the initiative to engage in private discussions with the affected women. A simple acknowledgement or private conversation can shift the narrative from doubt to trust. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Two women have a conversation at a desk. One woman has her back to the camera." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550440/original/file-20230926-15-fsn084.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550440/original/file-20230926-15-fsn084.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550440/original/file-20230926-15-fsn084.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550440/original/file-20230926-15-fsn084.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550440/original/file-20230926-15-fsn084.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550440/original/file-20230926-15-fsn084.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/550440/original/file-20230926-15-fsn084.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">When colleagues and managers notice ambiguous discrimination, they should take the initiative to engage in private discussions with affected women.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>However, it’s essential to exercise caution. While it’s important to listen, it’s equally critical to distinguish between unintentional missteps and genuine bias. Colleagues and managers must take concerns seriously without unfairly penalizing people whose actions were ambiguous, but not biased. </p>
<p>To navigate this fine line, we must adopt a prudent approach. This involves seeking multiple perspectives, conducting thorough investigations and thoughtfully considering the context in which incidents occurred. </p>
<p>Lastly, as women start sharing their ambiguous experiences, their managers and colleagues should look for recurring themes. A single event may be an aberration, but a pattern is a cause for alarm. It signals systemic problems that require attention. </p>
<p>It’s vital to recognize that, in the journey towards diversity and inclusion, it’s not just the visible mountains we need to climb. Often, it’s the foggy valleys of ambiguity that prove the most challenging to traverse.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214198/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Laura Doering receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>András Tilcsik receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jan Doering receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.</span></em></p>While blatant discrimination is easy to condemn because of how obvious it is, there are subtler, more insidious forms that also need to be rooted out.Laura Doering, Associate Professor of Strategic Management, University of TorontoAndrás Tilcsik, Professor of Strategic Management, University of TorontoJan Doering, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of TorontoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2118682023-09-24T12:10:18Z2023-09-24T12:10:18ZSocial media is a double-edged sword for the public image of Canadian labour unions<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548901/original/file-20230918-17-fektcb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=24%2C30%2C3426%2C2176&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">There is hope that social media can breathe new life into the labour movement.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/social-media-is-a-double-edged-sword-for-the-public-image-of-canadian-labour-unions" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Union membership in Canada <a href="https://doi.org/10.25318/36280001202201100001-eng">has been declining over the past four decades</a>. In 2022, the percentage of employees who are union members fell to 29 per cent from 38 per cent in 1981. This decline has been partly attributed to the stagnant or outdated image of unions, which makes it <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/102425890701300204">difficult for some workers to relate to these organizations</a>.</p>
<p>There is hope that social media can <a href="https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_dialogue/---actrav/documents/publication/wcms_875935.pdf">breathe new life into the labour movement</a>. Social media platforms offer unions the opportunity to communicate with their members, advocate for their causes, address grievances and rally public support swiftly and efficiently.</p>
<p>However, social media is not a panacea for the challenges facing unions. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/00221856231192322">Our recent research reveals</a> that rather than revitalize the public image of unions, social media can sometimes have the opposite effect, underscoring a serious concern: the potential for unions to become invisible online.</p>
<h2>Widening the divide</h2>
<p>Our research has identified four ways in which social media can distort the image of unions. First, it can increase the “us versus them” divide between unions and entities like companies, employers or governments. This growing divide can be partly attributed to the <a href="https://theconversation.com/its-not-just-bad-behavior-why-social-media-design-makes-it-hard-to-have-constructive-disagreements-online-161337">normalization of vehement or abrasive disagreements online</a>.</p>
<p>This effect is reminiscent of the <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2014/06/12/political-polarization-in-the-american-public/">heightened political polarization</a> we are witnessing today with the widening chasm between left- and right-leaning groups. Social media has played a role in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2021.1976070">exacerbating this type of polarization</a>.</p>
<p>According to the union communication managers we spoke to, there is a higher tolerance for aggressive communication online. This phenomenon is fuelled by the fierce competition among organizations vying for the fleeting attention of social media users.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Images of social media likes, follows, and comments float above a hand scrolling on a cell phone screen" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548897/original/file-20230918-21-ek67qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548897/original/file-20230918-21-ek67qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548897/original/file-20230918-21-ek67qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548897/original/file-20230918-21-ek67qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548897/original/file-20230918-21-ek67qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548897/original/file-20230918-21-ek67qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548897/original/file-20230918-21-ek67qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">An argumentative online culture and the fleeting attention of social media users have led some unions to adopt briefer, less nuanced and more assertive communication styles.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The combination of these two factors — an inherently argumentative online culture and the pursuit of attention — has led some unions to adopt briefer, less nuanced and more assertive communication styles. The fervour generated by such polarizing content can rally supporters and drive conversations that amplify the union’s message.</p>
<p>Importantly, not all unions experience this effect to the same degree. Our findings indicate that unions with an activist background are more likely to be polarized online.</p>
<h2>Self-centeredness</h2>
<p>The second way social media can distort the online image of unions is by fostering self-centred behaviour. Social media has been shown to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000137">encourage narcissistic behaviour in its users</a> and our research suggests this also applies to organizations like unions.</p>
<p>Unions can unintentionally distort their online image by portraying their members in an overly positive way. Our research found that content praising union members tended to generate more engagement, such as likes, comments or shares. As a result, some communication managers gravitated towards this type of content to increase online engagement.</p>
<p>This tendency was most pronounced in unions with a homogeneous membership and strong professional identity, where fostering a sense of professional pride is easier.</p>
<h2>Becoming a caricature of themselves</h2>
<p>The third way social media can distort the online image of unions is through caricaturing, a process that exaggerates the characteristics of a union to the point of appearing absurd or grotesque.</p>
<p>This type of distortion likely stems from the pressure to maintain an active online presence by posting frequently. All the unions in our study posted between five to seven messages weekly on their Facebook pages. </p>
<p>However, not all the unions had fresh or engaging content to share regularly. As a result, their communications often became overly repetitive and focused on routine activities, such as union meetings, assemblies and the signing of collective agreements. This led to an exaggerated, caricatured online representation of the unions. </p>
<p>Unions most susceptible to self-caricaturing online were those with a more <a href="https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803110716472">bureaucratic mindset</a>, as they were less likely to have new and interesting content to share consistently.</p>
<h2>Disappearing behind the news</h2>
<p>The final way social media can distort the online image of unions is through what we call the “fading effect.” This occurs when communication managers over share news articles from external media outlets, rather than sharing news directly related to the union itself.</p>
<p>This can result in a decline in an organization’s visibility and relevance online — to the point where the identity of the union almost disappears. This effect becomes more pronounced when there is no accompanying text or references connecting the shared news articles to the union or its members. </p>
<p>Unions most susceptible to the fading effect are those with social media managers who lack expertise or those that have a <a href="https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100456590">servicing model of unionism</a> as opposed to the organizing model.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="An laptop open to a news article is seen over the shoulder of a young woman" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548903/original/file-20230918-27-77a0sh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548903/original/file-20230918-27-77a0sh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548903/original/file-20230918-27-77a0sh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548903/original/file-20230918-27-77a0sh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548903/original/file-20230918-27-77a0sh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=495&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548903/original/file-20230918-27-77a0sh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=495&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548903/original/file-20230918-27-77a0sh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=495&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Unions that only share news articles, instead of news about themselves and their members, risk fading into the background too much.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Invisibility on social media</h2>
<p>Social media can be a double-edged sword for labour unions. While certain distortion effects may yield positive outcomes, others have negative effects. Polarizing and self-centredness, for example, can be beneficial because they increase online engagement, but caricaturing and fading effects can decrease online engagement.</p>
<p>A lack of engaging online content poses a significant risk to unions, potentially rendering them algorithmically invisible. Studies have shown that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0022185620979337">caricaturing and fading effects are prevalent among unions</a>, increasing the risk of the labour movement being marginalized in the digital public sphere.</p>
<p>Since communication plays a key role in bolstering the power of unions, there is a legitimate concern that social media could weaken their ability to defend workers’ rights, instead of strengthening it. </p>
<p>Our research underscores the need for unions to think about how they can transform their images online with more effective social media communication. As the labour movement adapts to the digital age, the balance between engagement and algorithmic visibility is vital for the future of workers’ advocacy.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/211868/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christian Lévesque receives funding from Fonds de recherche du Québec - Société et culture.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marc-Antonin Hennebert and Vincent Pasquier do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>While the digital landscape offers opportunities for unions to engage and mobilize supporters, it also presents challenges, including the risk of being marginalized in the vast online world.Vincent Pasquier, Professeur en GRH et relations professionnelles, HEC MontréalChristian Lévesque, Professeur de Relations du Travail, HEC MontréalMarc-Antonin Hennebert, Professor of Human Resources Management, HEC MontréalLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2131112023-09-13T20:35:43Z2023-09-13T20:35:43ZStriking a balance: How the law regulates picket lines<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/striking-a-balance-how-the-law-regulates-picket-lines" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Picket lines are often the most visible feature of a labour dispute. And with the <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9867957/summer-strikes-canada/">recent uptick in strike action across the country</a> — from port workers in British Columbia to grocery chain employees in Toronto — Canadians have been more likely than usual to encounter one.</p>
<p>Picket lines are meant to disrupt business as usual, rally support and communicate a message — all in an effort to increase pressure on employers to reach a negotiated settlement.</p>
<p>While picketing is a legal expressive activity, how the right to picket squares with property rights and civil rights is not straightforward. </p>
<p>The common view is that while picketers may carry signs, they may not — or at least, should not — prevent others from crossing picket lines. The reality is more complicated. </p>
<h2>Legal context</h2>
<p>Picketing is almost exclusively regulated by courts. Historically, courts did <a href="https://cbr.cba.org/index.php/cbr/article/view/2368/2368">not look kindly upon picketing</a> and police forces were only too eager to enforce injunctions (court orders) or engage in other efforts to dismantle picket lines.</p>
<p>Today, courts are less keen to use the blunt instrument of an injunction to limit picketing. Intervening too quickly in a labour dispute is now seen as unfairly helping one side, namely employers. This shift in approach was heavily influenced by the connection the Supreme Court of Canada has drawn between picketing and freedom of expression. </p>
<p>According to the Supreme Court, picketing “<a href="https://scc-csc.lexum.com/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/1945/index.do">always involves expressive action</a>,” which is protected under the guarantee of freedom of expression in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. As such, the court ruled that picketing may only be limited to prevent “wrongful acts.”</p>
<p>Courts will consider criminal acts like violence and damage to property as reasons to limit picketing. But wrongful actions also include things like trespassing and nuisance (interfering with others’ lawful right to enter and exit). </p>
<p>Since the main function of a picket line is to discourage others from crossing, delaying others in order to provide the union an opportunity to convey its message is key. </p>
<p>So, how do courts find the right balance between the expressive rights of picketers and the property and civil rights of others — all while ensuring the general safety of everyone involved? Some inconvenience to employers and the public is an essential part of the equation.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A man in jeans, a T-shirt and a ball cap hands a flyer to a passerby." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/545339/original/file-20230829-28-ewe8xx.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/545339/original/file-20230829-28-ewe8xx.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/545339/original/file-20230829-28-ewe8xx.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/545339/original/file-20230829-28-ewe8xx.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/545339/original/file-20230829-28-ewe8xx.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/545339/original/file-20230829-28-ewe8xx.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/545339/original/file-20230829-28-ewe8xx.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A striking TVO employee hands out flyers on the picket line outside of TVO offices in August 2023.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Spencer Colby</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Striking a balance</h2>
<p>Because the outcomes of judicial interventions are uncertain, employers and unions can benefit from negotiating non-binding picketing protocols in advance of any dispute.</p>
<p>Where they exist, protocols govern how picket lines will operate. For example, an employer may allow picketers to come onto private property to avoid creating dangerous traffic or public safety conditions. Or the parties may agree that people attempting to cross a picket line will be delayed a given amount of time, thereby allowing the union to communicate its message.</p>
<p>In fact, a refusal to even discuss a protocol in advance <a href="https://www.canlii.org/en/on/onsc/doc/2004/2004canlii2565/2004canlii2565.html?resultIndex=1">may work against the refusing party</a> if a request for an injunction is later filed.</p>
<p>While the role of local police in labour disputes varies, it is now common for them to formally take a neutral stance and play no more than a mediating role with regard to public safety. While police are expected to keep the peace, they <a href="https://www.yrp.ca/en/about/resources/Labour_Disputes_Pamphlet.pdf">are not normally authorized to intervene on behalf of either party</a> engaged in the dispute. </p>
<p>When injunctions are issued, police do intervene to uphold court orders. But workers are generally still permitted to delay traffic, often with the proviso that <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/coop-workers-injunction-10-minutes-1.5410026">anyone who doesn’t want to hear the union’s message may proceed at will</a>.</p>
<p>Additionally, in issuing an injunction a judge may set further rules, for example, on the number of picketers or where they are permitted to picket.</p>
<p>The same balancing principles apply to <a href="https://www.cp24.com/news/metro-seeks-injunction-against-striking-workers-preventing-deliveries-to-stores-1.6535373">secondary picketing</a> (picketing against a third party to increase pressure on the struck employer). </p>
<p>For example, an <a href="https://77b90736.flowpaper.com/MetroOntarioIncvUniforanditsLocal414EndorsementdatedAugpdf/#page=1">injunction recently granted against Unifor,</a> the union representing striking Metro grocery workers in the Toronto area, restricted picketing workers from blockading the company’s distribution centres. </p>
<p>Yet the order still permitted picketers some <a href="https://77b90736.flowpaper.com/InterimOrderofJusticeChalmers/#page=1">leeway to continue stopping vehicles</a> for a prescribed amount of time. <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto-metro-workers-1.6953627">The workers recently ratified a new collective agreement after their month-long strike</a>.</p>
<h2>Emotions can run high</h2>
<p>Strikes may be inconvenient for the public. For striking workers, they can be highly emotional affairs. If a strike drags on or becomes particularly heated, negotiated protocols and even injunctions <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.ca/entry/regina-coop-refinery-lockout-unifor_ca_5e42f45bc5b6f1f57f1989fd">may be ignored out of frustration, anger or a sense of urgency</a>. </p>
<p>Besides the legal questions at play, union members also stress moral arguments for respecting picket lines. A refusal to do so can <a href="https://macleans.ca/opinion/whats-the-point-of-a-picket-line-to-stop-scabs/">feel like a betrayal</a>, especially when those crossing the line are from within union ranks.</p>
<p>That’s because crossing a picket line almost inevitably weakens the union’s bargaining position, and, ironically, may help to prolong the dispute by alleviating pressure on the employer to come to a negotiated settlement. </p>
<p>“Naming and shaming” replacement workers — known as scabs — also <a href="https://scc-csc.lexum.com/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/13334/index.do">enjoys some constitutional protection</a>. </p>
<p>In short, the politics of picket lines can be complex, especially for members of the public encountering them for the first time. </p>
<p>No one wants a strike or lockout; they are stressful and full of uncertainty. While labour stoppages are typically used as a last resort to overcome a bargaining impasse, they can become lightning rods for unions, employers and members of the public. </p>
<p>Recognizing, however, that competing rights are at play is key to understanding how the law aims to uphold civil and property rights without jeopardizing workers’ freedom of expression.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/213111/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alison Braley-Rattai receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Larry Savage receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.</span></em></p>When it comes to picket lines, courts aim to uphold civil and property rights without jeopardizing workers’ freedom of expression.Alison Braley-Rattai, Associate Professor, Labour studies, Brock UniversityLarry Savage, Professor, Labour Studies, Brock UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2107772023-09-12T22:24:31Z2023-09-12T22:24:31ZPeople with dyslexia can bring unique strengths and advantages to the workplace<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/546741/original/file-20230906-32499-rq5er9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=50%2C25%2C5523%2C3685&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Employers miss out on untapped potential when they overlook or discount abilities in the workplace.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/people-with-dyslexia-can-bring-unique-strengths-and-advantages-to-the-workplace" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Dyslexia is the <a href="https://dyslexia.yale.edu/dyslexia/dyslexia-faq/">most common learning disability</a> in the world, and up to <a href="https://dyslexiaida.org/frequently-asked-questions-2/">15 to 20 per cent of the population</a> has a language-based learning disability. If you don’t have dyslexia yourself, you likely know someone who does.</p>
<p>Dyslexia is characterized by difficulties with reading, writing and spelling. Like other learning disabilities, people with dyslexia <a href="https://ldaamerica.org/types-of-learning-disabilities/">process information and learn differently</a>. </p>
<p>Though learning disabilities are often characterized as a childhood issue, they are lifelong conditions that follow people into the workplace. People with dyslexia <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/dys.1728">find it harder to find jobs</a> and they often experience challenges once they are hired because of their learning disability. </p>
<p>Dyslexia can result in challenges with <a href="https://healthmanagement.co.uk/our-insights/articles/dyslexia-awareness/">organization, time management</a>, reading and writing, <a href="https://my.vanderbilt.edu/speds2430/2020-topics/dyslexia/">effective communication</a> and comprehending complicated instructions. These challenges can be compounded if companies don’t have accommodations in place for people with disabilities.</p>
<p>But people with dyslexia often <a href="https://hbr.org/2017/05/neurodiversity-as-a-competitive-advantage">bring unique strengths to the workplace as well</a>. Employers miss out on untapped potential when they overlook or discount their abilities in the workplace.</p>
<h2>Misconceptions and stigma</h2>
<p>Under the <a href="https://ridm.net/glossary-disability-management-terms/is-dyslexia-considered-a-disability-in-canada/">Canadian Human Rights Act</a>, individuals are protected from discrimination based on disabilities, including learning disabilities such as dyslexia. However, misconceptions and stigma can often make it difficult for people to disclose that they have dyslexia.</p>
<p>While there can be <a href="https://canadianequality.ca/invisible-disabilities-in-the-workplace/">positive impacts from self-disclosure</a>, such as receiving accommodations like text-to-speech software or <a href="https://dyslexiahelp.umich.edu/sites/default/files/good_fonts_for_dyslexia_study.pdf">dyslexia-friendly fonts</a> at work, there can also be negative impacts.</p>
<p>Self-disclosure can result in <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s13384-017-0242-y">workers feeling isolated</a>, discriminated against and receiving lowered expectations from managers and co-workers.</p>
<p>Some of this can be attributed to the stigma surrounding dyslexia. Even though dyslexia is the most common type of learning disability, it is widely misunderstood. There is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0004-0894.2004.00227.x">more discussion about mental disorders and physical disabilities</a> than learning disabilities, so <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1540-5826.00069">people tend to know less about them</a>.</p>
<p>One of the most common misconceptions about learning disabilities is that <a href="https://nildcanada.org/learning-disabilities/">having one makes you less intelligent</a>. But this isn’t true; many people with learning disabilities have <a href="https://ldaamerica.org/types-of-learning-disabilities/">average or above-average</a> intelligence.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A sad-looking woman sits in front of a desktop computer screen" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/546740/original/file-20230906-29-3tuk1m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/546740/original/file-20230906-29-3tuk1m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/546740/original/file-20230906-29-3tuk1m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/546740/original/file-20230906-29-3tuk1m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/546740/original/file-20230906-29-3tuk1m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/546740/original/file-20230906-29-3tuk1m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/546740/original/file-20230906-29-3tuk1m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Self-disclosure can result in workers feeling isolated and discriminated against.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This harmful stigma can lead to <a href="https://opus.govst.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1126&context=capstones">lower self-esteem, stress</a>, shame or isolation. It can also result in people with dyslexia <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1540-5826.00069">being seen as liabilities at work</a>.</p>
<p>Because of this, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10672-013-9227-9">many people with dyslexia choose not to disclose their condition</a>. This can discourage people from seeking accommodations or help in the workplace, and prevent them from reaching their full potential.</p>
<p>Those that don’t self-disclose must instead find ways to manage their learning disability without the company’s help. For most people with dyslexia, knowing their learning style can help them <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307/30035532">adapt and compensate for their learning disability</a>.</p>
<p>It’s crucial for people without dyslexia to learn more about it so they can better understand and support individuals who have it. This knowledge can empower people to advocate for those with dyslexia, reduce the stigma associated with it and create better, more inclusive workplaces.</p>
<h2>Advantages of dyslexic workers</h2>
<p>Because people with dyslexia process information and think differently than others, they can bring distinctive advantages to the workplace. </p>
<p>People with dyslexia tend to be visual thinkers and can often see the <a href="https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-advantages-of-dyslexia/">big picture</a>. This can help them visualize complicated scenarios and come up with <a href="https://doi.org/10.18061/dsq.v30i3/4.1268">new, original solutions to problems</a>. </p>
<p>People with dyslexia also have above-average <a href="https://www.dyslexiasupportsouth.org.nz/parent-toolkit/emotional-impact/strengths-of-dyslexia/">problem-solving skills</a>, and are skilled at <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/23311908.2016.1190309">thinking creatively</a> and coming up with <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.mehy.2009.05.034">abstract and unique ideas</a> — all of which results in a more innovative work environment.</p>
<p>In addition, people with dyslexia are often <a href="https://dyslexiaida.org/dyslexia-and-resilience-in-adults-a-psychologists-perspective/">resilient and persevering</a> because of their experience overcoming challenges and barriers. This can lead to a strong work ethic, determination and motivation towards accomplishing their goals.</p>
<h2>Building inclusive workplaces</h2>
<p>Canadian employers have a duty to provide reasonable accommodations for employees with learning disabilities to ensure they have the supports needed to perform their jobs well. </p>
<p><a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-654-x/89-654-x2019001-eng.htm">Workplaces can be more accommodating</a> by providing employees with assistive technologies like spellchecking tools, allowing flexible work schedules, modifying job tasks and training methods, and providing instructional materials in a variety of formats.</p>
<p>Support is an ongoing commitment, not a one-time effort. Employers should be ready to provide continuous assistance to their employees and be understanding and supportive towards their needs and preferences.</p>
<p>People with dyslexia can bring a great deal to the workplace. Establishing an inclusive and accommodating work environment for people with learning disabilities like dyslexia can foster a diverse workforce and improve productivity, innovation and performance. Doing this ultimately creates a more supportive and productive work environment for all.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/210777/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sarah Rahimi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Establishing an inclusive and accommodating work environment for people with dyslexia can foster a diverse workforce and improve productivity, innovation and performance.Sarah Rahimi, PhD Candidate in Business Administration and Management, Concordia UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2122272023-09-12T18:49:52Z2023-09-12T18:49:52ZAmid the Hollywood strikes, Tom Cruise’s latest ‘Mission: Impossible’ reveals what’s at stake with AI in movies<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/amid-the-hollywood-strikes-tom-cruises-latest-mission-impossible-reveals-whats-at-stake-with-ai-in-movies" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p><a href="https://variety.com/2023/tv/news/wga-strike-timeline-key-events-1235692030">The Writers Guild of America (WGA) strike</a> has been going for <a href="https://variety.com/2023/biz/news/amptp-studios-aligned-wga-strike-1235718396/">over 130 days</a>. Joined by the Screen Actors Guild-American Federation of Television and Radio Artists (SAG-AFTRA), Hollywood writers are protesting several issues. </p>
<p>Among other demands, the WGA is calling for explicit regulations on the use of AI in media production, in what <em>Time Magazine</em> called “<a href="https://time.com/6277158/writers-strike-ai-wga-screenwriting/">a pivotal moment</a>” in film history.</p>
<p>Enter Tom Cruise and cue the <a href="https://www.soundtrack.net/album/mission-impossible/"><em>Mission: Impossible</em> theme music</a>.</p>
<p>Although <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1517268/"><em>Barbie</em></a> and <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt15398776/"><em>Oppenheimer</em></a> received most attention this summer, Tom Cruise’s latest instalment in the <em>Mission: Impossible</em> series (<a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt9603212/?ref_=nv_sr_srsg_0_tt_8_nm_0_q_mission%2520impossible"><em>Dead Reckoning Part One</em></a>), reveals more about the future of movies. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/avz06PDqDbM?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">‘Mission: Impossible - Dead Reckoning’ official trailer.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Highlights threat from AI</h2>
<p>Eerily prescient to the Hollywood strikes, yet <a href="https://collider.com/mission-impossible-7-set-photo-filming-begins/">begun well before the strike</a> in 2020, this blockbuster explores <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/newsletters/2023-07-17/mission-impossible-dead-reckoning-shows-ai-is-perfect-villain">AI threats to human society and our political order</a>. </p>
<p>Cruise’s nemesis is an AI program called the Entity. Created as a cyberweapon, the Entity achieves sentience to become both agent and object in the ensuing global competition for power. </p>
<p>With computational omniscience in a digitally networked and reliant world, the Entity can manipulate digital and physical infrastructure, such as mobile phones and transit systems, and thus also control the humans who rely on digital interfaces. </p>
<p>Recognizing the Entity as a fundamental threat to humanity, Ethan Hunt (Cruise) of the Impossible Missions Force goes rogue (again) to acquire and destroy the AI.</p>
<h2>Immersive experience</h2>
<p>The film’s plot is a vivid reminder of how little agency humans have in digital environments, even as the cinematic environment relies on contemporary technologies to immerse its audience. </p>
<p>Like Cruise’s previous summer 2022 blockbuster, <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1745960/"><em>Top Gun: Maverick</em></a>, <em>Mission: Impossible — Dead Reckoning</em> is designed to be cinema as experience more than story, using drone cinematography and sophisticated sound editing. </p>
<p>Director <a href="https://collider.com/mission-impossible-tom-cruise-christopher-mcquarrie-dolby-theatrical-experience-video/">Christopher McQuarrie explained</a> his approach as dedicated to “a fully immersive big screen experience,” including high-definition video and sound technologies that allow editors to create the sensation of sound in the audience’s physical environment. </p>
<h2>Human acting, star power</h2>
<p>As a Hollywood movie star, Cruise is similarly devoted to creating visceral audience experiences. </p>
<p>Even as computer-generated imagery (CGI) and digital effects have overtaken big-budget films, <a href="https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/movies/movie-news/tom-cruise-streaming-top-gun-cannes-1235149382/">Cruise insists on doing all of his own stunts</a>. He explicitly compared his approach to classic film performances, saying: “No one asked Gene Kelly, ‘Why do you dance? Why do you do your own dancing?” </p>
<p><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/tom-cruise-most-dangerous-stunt-riding-motorcycle-off-cliff-base-jumping-mission-impossible-dead-reckoning-film-sky-diving/">Clips of his riding a motorcycle off a cliff</a> circulated online six months before the film released. </p>
<p>When <em>Mission: Impossible</em> was released in July 2023 Cruise <a href="https://evoke.ie/2023/07/13/entertainment/tom-cruise-surprise-appearance">surprised fans</a> at global premieres, <a href="https://www.insider.com/tom-cruise-mission-impossible-premiere-impressed-every-person-red-carpet-2023-6">spending time on the red carpet meeting and talking with them</a>. </p>
<p>His dedication to in-person presence recalls an earlier era of Hollywood, when movie stars could not rely on social media to connect with their fans. Despite his public support for the strike, <a href="https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/movies/movie-news/tom-cruise-lobbied-studios-sag-aftra-stunt-ai-1235538456/">he also advocated for exemptions to allow actors to promote their films</a>. </p>
<h2>No digital de-aging</h2>
<p>Unsurprisingly, McQuarrie decided against <a href="https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/movies/movie-news/mission-impossible-director-considered-de-aging-tom-cruise-1235536164/">using a digitally de-aged Cruise</a>, instead focusing attention on the physical fitness of a movie star who appears far younger than his 61 years.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/547083/original/file-20230907-11065-r9vmd9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/547083/original/file-20230907-11065-r9vmd9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=914&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/547083/original/file-20230907-11065-r9vmd9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=914&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/547083/original/file-20230907-11065-r9vmd9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=914&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/547083/original/file-20230907-11065-r9vmd9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1149&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/547083/original/file-20230907-11065-r9vmd9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1149&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/547083/original/file-20230907-11065-r9vmd9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1149&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The title of Cruise’s latest film is taken from the 1947 film with Humphrey Bogart.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Columbia Pictures)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>All of <em>Mission: Impossible – Dead Reckoning</em> recalls earlier eras of cinema. The film’s title is taken, at least in part, from the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/film/2015/feb/06/lizabeth-scott">1947 film with Humphrey Bogart</a>. </p>
<p>References to the six previous <em>Mission: Impossible</em> films abound, including the return of Canadian actor, <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/entertainment/henry-czerny-mission-impossible-dead-reckoning-interview-1.6905637">Henry Czerny as Kittridge</a>, Hunt’s adversary from <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0117060/">the franchise’s first film in 1996</a>. </p>
<p>The early desert sequence recalls big-screen desert epics like <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lawrence-of-Arabia-film-by-Lean"><em>Lawrence of Arabia</em></a> (1962), while the submarine introduction to the Entity’s power echoes <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0099810/?ref_=fn_al_tt_1"><em>The Hunt for Red October</em></a> (1990), among others. </p>
<h2>Classic car, train chases</h2>
<p>A 20-minute car chase through the streets of Rome features an imperilled baby carriage on steps, a reference to the same scenario in <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sergey-Eisenstein">director Sergei Eisenstein’s</a> influential <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0015648/"><em>Battleship Potemkin</em></a> from 1925. </p>
<p>Cruise is handcuffed to costar Hayley Atwell, a trick used in various films, including the James Bond film <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0120347/"><em>Tomorrow Never Dies</em></a> (1997), while driving a small yellow Fiat, reminiscent of both <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0064505/?ref_=fn_al_tt_2"><em>The Italian Job</em></a> (1965) and <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0258463/?ref_=nv_sr_srsg_0_tt_8_nm_0_q_bourne%2520identi"><em>The Bourne Identity</em></a> (2002). </p>
<p>There’s even an extended sequence where Hunt battles enemies <a href="https://www.cntraveler.com/story/mission-impossible-dead-reckoning-filming-locations">on top of and throughout the Orient Express</a> train, evoking everything from the films based on Agatha Christie’s novel, to <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0017925/?ref_=nv_sr_srsg_0_tt_8_nm_0_q_the%2520general">Buster Keaton’s <em>The General</em></a> (1926), to yet another James Bond film, <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0057076/?ref_=fn_al_tt_1"><em>From Russia with Love</em></a> (1963), whose plot hinged on the threat of misused cybertechnology. </p>
<p>The numerous cinematic references are to films that predate the era of streaming and social media.</p>
<h2>Physical presence: a luxury?</h2>
<p>Writers and actors are right to be worried. With so many processes in commercial media already routinized, the industry appears particularly vulnerable to generative AI. </p>
<p>The current circumstances recall earlier transitions such as the effect when films introduced sound technologies, a threat to silent-film actors dramatized in the Gene Kelly film, <a href="https://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/singin_in_the_rain"><em>Singin’ in the Rain</em></a>. More recently, movie theatres moved from celluloid to digital projection, largely eliminating projectionists. </p>
<p>Overt resistance to new technologies is rarely successful in the long term. Business professor and pundit <a href="https://www.profgalloway.com/struck/">Scott Galloway</a> has compared the writers’ strike to the 1980s National Union of Mineworkers strike in Northern England.</p>
<p>With so much digital content available, physical presence and proximity becomes rarer and therefore more of a luxury item. </p>
<h2>Return to live experiences</h2>
<p>Certainly, audiences have returned robustly to live music concerts. (Just try getting a <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/entertainment/taylor-swift-toronto-concerts-1.6931346">Taylor Swift ticket in Toronto</a>.) </p>
<p>For now, we will all have to wait and see how it ends for cinema and those who make it. Part two of <em>Mission: Impossible — Dead Reckoning</em> isn’t due out until next summer. </p>
<p>Hopefully, it will be a Hollywood ending for all of us.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/212227/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sarah Bay-Cheng does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The movie offers both Hollywood history and Cruise’s presence as weapons of human resistance to the hazards of AI in filmmaking.Sarah Bay-Cheng, Dean of the School of the Arts, Media, Performance & Design and Professor of Theatre and Performance Studies, York University, CanadaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2112442023-09-05T15:18:51Z2023-09-05T15:18:51ZThe Conservatives have seized on cars as a political wedge – it’s a bet on public turning against climate action<p>“Talking about freedom, sat in <a href="https://twitter.com/RishiSunak/status/1685582472262602752">Margaret Thatcher’s old Rover</a>” read the UK prime minister’s tweet in July 2023. Earlier that day in an interview with The Telegraph newspaper, Rishi Sunak had declared that the Conservative Party he leads are “<a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2023/07/29/rishi-sunak-on-motorists-side-review-anti-car-policies/">on the side of motorists</a>”, and he spent the days after attacking the opposition Labour Party for its supposed “anti-motorist” stance.</p>
<p>This is not the first time politicians have used cars to sell themselves to voters. In the UK, the most obvious parallel is with the 1997 general election, when both Labour and the Conservatives fought over “<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/gb/universitypress/subjects/politics-international-relations/political-economy/automobile-politics-ecology-and-cultural-political-economy?format=PB&isbn=9780521691307">Mondeo man</a>”, the archetype of a lower-middle-class and mostly male voter who both parties deemed important in swaying the outcome of elections. </p>
<p>Naming this category of voters by the car they drive is no accident. Since the early 20th century, the car has symbolised a diverse set of social values: freedom and progress, but also power and status. The cultural and economic importance of cars may have waned, but they remain important enough for politicians to use for electoral gain.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1685582472262602752"}"></div></p>
<p>Sunak has revived this notion of motorists being the voters that really count in a clear signal of the Conservatives’ campaign strategy in the 2024 general election. This throwback to 1997, when the car’s place in society was still relatively secure, is a gamble. And it reveals a new tactic from the political right to maintain relevance as the climate crisis unfolds.</p>
<h2>What’s changed since 1997?</h2>
<p>The mid-1990s saw a wave of protests <a href="https://books.google.je/books?id=qyKCAgAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false">against road building</a>. Immediately before the 1997 election, they produced their iconic figure, <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/one-week-on-swampy-comes-out-blinking-into-the-television-lights-1285963.html">Swampy</a>, who stayed for a week in an underground tunnel to prevent diggers from accessing the construction site. </p>
<p>In the lead-up to 2023, there has similarly been a lot of direct action by protesters against cars. The first Extinction Rebellion protest entailed <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2018/nov/17/thousands-gather-to-block-london-bridges-in-climate-rebellion">closing five bridges in London</a>. <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/just-stop-oil-protesters-force-parts-of-m25-to-shut-as-activists-scale-motorway-gantries-12740633">Just Stop Oil</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/insulate-britain-blocking-roads-will-alienate-some-people-but-its-still-likely-to-be-effective-168021">Insulate Britain</a> have blocked motorways.</p>
<p>Then, as now, a Conservative government lurching from crisis to crisis has sought popular issues to revive its fortunes. In 1997, the Tories were embroiled in a series of corruption scandals and nurturing an internal war over the EU. The parallels with their situation today require no explanation.</p>
<p>But there are important differences. It’s striking how little reinforcement of the “voters as car drivers” rhetoric there has been since 1997. Both parties have introduced and promoted steadily more ambitious action on climate change, in ways that have had knock-on effects for explicitly pro-car strategies. </p>
<p>Successive governments (both Labour and Conservative) have introduced:</p>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.politics.co.uk/reference/congestion-charge/">congestion</a>, then emissions, charging, first in London, then in <a href="https://www.smmt.co.uk/2021/06/uk-clean-air-zones-an-overview-of-the-countrys-actions/">other cities</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&ved=2ahUKEwim96mIlNSAAxUH0wIHHalHCuAQFnoECBoQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fassets.publishing.service.gov.uk%2Fgovernment%2Fuploads%2Fsystem%2Fuploads%2Fattachment_data%2Ffile%2F918442%2Fcycling-walking-investment-strategy.pdf&usg=AOvVaw2yVET30MuVzb-vjib2rPSk&opi=89978449">cycle networks</a> in most towns and cities</li>
<li>changes to <a href="https://www.cyclinguk.org/safer-highway-code-cyclists">highway code rules</a> that favour pedestrians and cyclists</li>
<li>regenerated <a href="https://uktram.org/systems/">trams</a> in some cities</li>
<li><a href="https://theconversation.com/are-low-traffic-neighbourhoods-greenwashing-heres-what-the-evidence-says-206432">low-traffic neighbourhoods</a>, now the object of much opposition, including from Sunak.</li>
</ul>
<p>Because of these changes, Sunak’s championing of motorists today works differently to the Mondeo man appeal in 1997. Then, both major parties agreed on the social and economic value of the car and sought to sideline and undermine the road protest campaigns. Both shored up this pro-car ideology and competed over who could best serve it. </p>
<h2>Two pro-car parties</h2>
<p>In practice, there remains little difference between the two parties on the question of cars. Both assume that society will continue to be dominated by cars, but both have introduced enough (modest) policies to limit car use and promote alternatives. To actively promote cars now requires a clearer affirmation and creates the possibility of using it as a wedge issue to attack the opposition with. </p>
<p>These attempts are largely ridiculous. Labour is more or less still as pro-car as the Tories (hence the absurdity of trying to claim Labour is on the side of <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-65839733">Just Stop Oil</a>), and partly because many of the initiatives now being attacked by Sunak were themselves developed and promoted by the Conservatives, most notably the ultra low emissions zone, which was <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/boris-johnson-mocked-for-criticising-expansion-of-road-scheme-he-set-up_uk_64a822e7e4b0e87d65542643">Boris Johnson’s idea</a>.</p>
<p>Sunak’s pro-car rhetoric is explicitly nostalgic. To reclaim the Conservatives as the party of motorists, Sunak must return to Margaret Thatcher and sit in her Rover, recalling a golden age that must be restored.</p>
<p>This rhetoric also borrows from populists undermining climate policy more generally, because the political logic of promoting cars is now one of backlash which claims “the people” have lost out from the various anti-car initiatives of both parties. Sunak takes his cues from the Net Zero Scrutiny Group and the All Party Parliamentary Group on Fair Fuel, coalitions of MPs that <a href="https://research.manchester.ac.uk/en/publications/the-rise-of-anti-net-zero-populism-in-the-uk-comparing-rhetorical">attack</a> climate action in UK politics.</p>
<p>If the Conservatives continue with this line of attack against Labour through to the next election, that poll will be about the future of Britain’s climate strategy. After all, more ambitious climate action demands <a href="https://theconversation.com/cycling-is-ten-times-more-important-than-electric-cars-for-reaching-net-zero-cities-157163">reducing reliance on cars</a>. </p>
<p>It is not clear if Sunak’s pro-car nostalgia will work. But whether or not it does will reveal a lot about the necessary conditions for attaining more aggressive climate action, which will inevitably involve changes in how people live their lives – from the transport they use and how often, as well as in many other areas.</p>
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<img alt="Imagine weekly climate newsletter" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<p><strong><em>Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?</em></strong>
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<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Matthew Paterson receives funding from the University of Manchester. He is a member of the Green Party.</span></em></p>Today, as in the past, pro-car sentiment is a backlash against nascent environmental protest.Matthew Paterson, Professor of International Politics, University of ManchesterLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.