Trump formally pulled out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and signaled his intention to begin renegotiating NAFTA. Here’s some context.
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Far from ‘making America great again’, Donald Trump’s sloganeering will deepen mistrust of US motives and irreparably damage any prospect of co-existence, let alone a more co-operative world order.
Xi Jinping is the first Chinese leader to attend the World Economic Forum and used his speech to denounce protectionism. But China’s trade liberalisation has stalled recently.
The PM is overestimating Brexit Britain’s place in the world as she boldly strides out of the single market.
We could be witnessing the beginning of globalisation going in reverse.
As Europe discusses the reasons behind and reaction to the Brexit thunderclap, some in the UK are already seeing business opportunities – through the free ports, a notion abandoned by the EU.
The gains reported in 2016 went hand in hand with overall growth in Africa over the last two decades.
The main arguments in favor of the TPP were economic. But there’s another reason the Trump administration should rethink its promise to nix it: Its demise will weaken US national security.
Financial crises and soaring inequality fueled the populist backlashes that threaten neoliberalism’s core principles of free markets and free people. The world needs a new narrative to counteract it.
Globalization in its present form has generated economic inequalities, political uncertainties and cultural anxiety. Is there a way to move forward that benefits more people?
China’s goods are everywhere, thanks to the gains China has made from trade and foreign investment. Now that China wants to return the favor, the US may risk losing out if it chooses to turn inward.
A stalled Trans-Pacific Partnership opens the way for China, which was excluded from the agreement, to assume leadership in regional economic integration efforts in the Asia-Pacific.
Understandably, there is considerable global confusion, and some concern, as to just how Trump will govern.
Many of the US’s current and mooted free trade negotiations are now dead in the water, but that doesn’t mean it’s game over for free trade.
America appears as divided over key aspects of foreign policy as it is at home. So how does President-elect Trump hope to handle that divide, and what will be the major issues facing him?
There is no precedent for Brexit, meaning the UK will probably be forced back to the WTO negotiating table before making any new trade deal.
The CETA crisis will be resolved before long but the lessons of Wallonia point to a bigger European crisis.
Trade adjustment assistance, dubbed ‘burial insurance’ by those it’s supposed to help, needs to be significantly reformed so that future trade deals don’t have so many workers feeling left behind.
The facts contradict Donald Trump’s anti-Mexican rhetoric, but US mischaracterisation of its southern neighbor isn’t new to this election season - nor will it end in November.
Trump’s economic “plan” has a good chance of sending the US economy back to the Fred Flintstone era.
Top contributors
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Associate Professor of Political Science, Georgia State University
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Assistant Professor of Economics, University of California, Merced
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School of Social Sciences, Monash University
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Director and Professor, Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI), University of Technology Sydney
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Lecturer of international trade law, Monash Business School, Monash University
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Industry Professor and Chief Economist, University of Technology Sydney
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Regents Professor of Law and Communication and Director of the Center for Law and Intellectual Property, Texas A&M University
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Lecturer in History, University of Exeter
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Distinguished Professor, Arthur J. Gosnell Professor of Economics, & Interim Head, Department of Sustainability, Rochester Institute of Technology
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Research Director, The University of Western Australia
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Professor of Economics, UNSW Sydney
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Associate Professor of Economics, University of South Carolina
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Director of the Center for Latin American Studies and Professor of Letters and Science, University of California, Berkeley
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Professor of Practice, NYU Shanghai and Fundação Dom Cabral, NYU Shanghai
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Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Arizona
