tag:theconversation.com,2011:/ca/topics/indi-6862/articlesIndi – The Conversation2019-09-11T04:38:24Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1233472019-09-11T04:38:24Z2019-09-11T04:38:24ZPolitics with Michelle Grattan: Independent MP Helen Haines on using ‘soft power’<p>Helen Haines, MP for the Victorian regional seat Indi, made history at the election as the first federal independent to succeed another independent. </p>
<p>She was backed by grassroots campaigners, Voices for Indi, who had earlier helped her predecessor, Cathy McGowan, into parliament. But while McGowan towards the end of her time in the House of Representatives shared real legislative power after the Coalition fell into minority government, the same power does not lie with the lower house crossbench today.</p>
<p>Still, Haines believes she has what she calls “soft power” as she has focused on relationship building during the first few months into her term. </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Building relationships is key to getting things done and it’s key to establishing an environment that is less an environment of conflict and less an environment of bringing people down. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>On current legislation, Haines is in favour of the government’s push to stop animal-rights activists from publishing farmers’ personal information.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Many people have contacted my office deeply concerned about this and I’m very supportive of bringing their views to the house on this. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>But she’s a trenchant critic of the government proposal for trials to drug test people on Newstart and Youth Allowance. She says “the evidence is not there to support” the move. </p>
<p>In Indi, she points to mental health and aged care as frontline issues, which she will seek to work with the government on.</p>
<h2>New to podcasts?</h2>
<p>Podcasts are often best enjoyed using a podcast app. All iPhones come with the Apple Podcasts app already installed, or you may want to listen and subscribe on another app such as Pocket Casts (click <a href="http://pca.st/BVa3#t=3m34s">here</a> to listen to Politics with Michelle Grattan on Pocket Casts).</p>
<p>You can also hear it on Stitcher, Spotify or any of the apps below. Just pick a service from one of those listed below and click on the icon to find Politics with Michelle Grattan.</p>
<p><a href="https://itunes.apple.com/au/podcast/politics-with-michelle-grattan/id703425900?mt=2"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233721/original/file-20180827-75984-1gfuvlr.png" alt="Listen on Apple Podcasts" width="268" height="68"></a> <a href="https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly90aGVjb252ZXJzYXRpb24uY29tL2F1L3BvZGNhc3RzL3BvbGl0aWNzLXdpdGgtbWljaGVsbGUtZ3JhdHRhbi5yc3M"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233720/original/file-20180827-75978-3mdxcf.png" alt="" width="268" height="68"></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/the-conversation-4/politics-with-michelle-grattan"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233716/original/file-20180827-75981-pdp50i.png" alt="Stitcher" width="300" height="88"></a> <a href="https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/Politics-with-Michelle-Grattan-p227852/"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233723/original/file-20180827-75984-f0y2gb.png" alt="Listen on TuneIn" width="318" height="125"></a></p>
<p><a href="https://radiopublic.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-WRElBZ"><img class="alignnone size-medium wp-image-152" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233717/original/file-20180827-75990-86y5tg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=268&fit=clip" alt="Listen on RadioPublic" width="268" height="87"></a> <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/5NkaSQoUERalaLBQAqUOcC"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/237984/original/file-20180925-149976-1ks72uy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=268&fit=clip" width="268" height="82"></a> </p>
<h2>Additional audio</h2>
<p><a href="http://freemusicarchive.org/music/Lee_Rosevere/The_Big_Loop_-_FML_original_podcast_score/Lee_Rosevere_-_The_Big_Loop_-_FML_original_podcast_score_-_10_A_List_of_Ways_to_Die">A List of Ways to Die</a>, Lee Rosevere, from Free Music Archive.</p>
<p><strong>Image:</strong></p>
<p>AAP/ Mick Tsikas</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/123347/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Helen Haines, who does not have the real legislative power her predecessor, Cathy McGowan shared after the Coalition fell into minority government, says "building relationships is key to getting things done".Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/618262016-06-29T12:21:05Z2016-06-29T12:21:05ZThere’ll be a lot more besides Turnbull versus Shorten to watch on Saturday<p>Apart from the main game, watch for the drawcard contests on Saturday night.</p>
<p>Among them will be the performance of the Nick Xenophon Team (NXT), the battles in the Nationals’ seats of New England and Cowper, where high-profile players from the Gillard hung parliament are trying to come back, and the fate of Labor frontbencher David Feeney, being pressed by the Greens in Batman.</p>
<p>Nick Xenophon is looking at getting three South Australian senators and possibly one from some other state.</p>
<p>The big question is whether NXT will be able to break into the House of Representatives. Newspoll has NXT in South Australia at 27%, just behind Labor’s 28%, with the Coalition on 32%, while a poll done for the party has it at 24%, Labor on 26% and the Liberals at 36%.</p>
<p>NXT has been breathing down the neck of former minister Jamie Briggs, who had to quit the frontbench over an incident in a Hong Kong bar involving a public servant, and it is also doing well in the sprawling Liberal seat of Grey. With such high state-wide numbers, NXT is a potential threat in other seats.</p>
<p>If NXT did take Mayo or Grey it would be eroding the Coalition’s numbers, giving the government less of a buffer against Labor. A lower house win would mean NXT would become a player in negotiations in the event of a hung parliament.</p>
<p>In New England, Deputy Prime Minister Barnaby Joyce is the favourite against former independent member Tony Windsor.</p>
<p>The stakes for the Nationals in this seat are extraordinarily high. The strength of the minor partner in the Coalition depends substantially on the personal clout of the leader. So, if disaster struck Joyce, the party would be in serious disarray. Joyce only recently took over the leadership; there is no trained-up understudy waiting in the wings.</p>
<p>The New England contest has become willing and dirty. Windsor declared his wife was “deeply upset” by a Nationals ad that, he claimed, suggested he was having an affair (it didn’t, unless you had a pretty strange mind). The Australian reported someone he went to school with accusing Windsor of whipping him with a riding crop. </p>
<p>Earlier, Windsor sought to explain comments from a one-time supporter, who is now backing Joyce, by alluding to the man’s Vietnam war-related breakdown (subsequently Windsor apologised to the man).</p>
<p>The fight has become a honeypot for activists – from GetUp!, the maritime, teachers and nurses unions as well as the CFMEU, Animals Australia, and opponents of coal seam gas.</p>
<p>Joyce, who as leader has had to split his campaigning inside and outside the electorate, is spending most of the final week there.</p>
<p>Windsor announced his New England challenge early. His close ally in the hung parliament, Rob Oakeshott, left his declaration that he would run in Cowper until the very last minute. </p>
<p>Oakeshott, also an independent, was formerly the member for Lyne; like Windsor, he did not stand in 2013. He has followed the transfer of his home town of Port Macquarie to Cowper. The Nationals sitting member Luke Hartsuyker hasn’t been helped by being dumped from the ministry earlier this year.</p>
<p>At first Oakeshott’s candidacy was brushed aside, with some suggesting he was just lured by the public funding. But on recent polling the Nationals, given Oakeshott will get a good flow of preferences, are taking it seriously.</p>
<p>The Victorian regional electorate of Murray, vacated by the Liberals’ Sharman Stone, is a contest between the Liberals and Nationals. The Nationals are running former footballer Damian Drum, who left the Victorian parliament to contest the seat; the Liberal candidate, Duncan McGauchie, is a former adviser to the Baillieu government.</p>
<p>The neighbouring Indi, which former Liberal member Sophie Mirabella is attempting to reclaim, is generally regarded as safe for the incumbent, independent Cathy McGowan.</p>
<p>In the early part of this campaign a lot of attention centred on the Greens threat to a handful of Labor seats. Now that the Liberals are directing their preferences to Labor, the ALP seats are shored up. But Feeney’s Batman is considered still in play. The Greens already hold Melbourne.</p>
<p>Also worth watching out for on Saturday is the NSW seat of Eden-Monaro, which borders the ACT. Liberal Peter Hendy, one of those at the centre of the Turnbull coup – last-minute number-counting was done at a meeting in his Queanbeyan home – is trying to fend off Labor former member Mike Kelly. Eden-Monaro has been in the hands of the government of the day at every election since 1972, but there is speculation this could be the election when it loses that prized “bellwether” status.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/61826/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
Apart from the main game, watch for the drawcard contests on Saturday night. Among them will be the performance of the Nick Xenophon Team (NXT), the battles in the Nationals’ seats of New England and Cowper…Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/616722016-06-27T10:36:20Z2016-06-27T10:36:20ZThe Indi Project: ‘Soft’ voters trust Turnbull over Shorten to run the country<p>Malcolm Turnbull is overwhelmingly more trusted than Bill Shorten to lead the country, and also is seen as the better campaigner, in the final round of Indi focus group research among “soft” voters in the seat.</p>
<p>Despite the major parties being out of favour with many of these “soft” voters, people are impressed with Turnbull’s charisma, previous business acumen and moderate personal views on issues such as same-sex marriage and climate change.</p>
<p>Two focus groups were held in Wodonga on June 21, the campaign’s penultimate week, with people from various locations. One group had eight voters aged 60-77; the other, ten people aged 23-53. Some participants had been in one or both previous tranches of the study done for the University of Canberra’s Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis by Landscape Research. Soft voters were defined as people who had not definitely decided their vote.</p>
<p>While there was division among older voters about the leaders’ performance in the campaign (a 4-4 split on who had performed best), younger voters mostly gave it to Turnbull (7-3).</p>
<p>Older people regarded Turnbull as the more charismatic, but felt Shorten was “more for the regular Joe” – not that these voters have had any opportunity to see either leader in the flesh during the campaign.</p>
<p>Nobody would have expected Shorten to go to Indi, because Labor is a minor player there. But Turnbull’s absence is notable – reflecting in part the Liberals’ judgement about the prospects of their candidate Sophie Mirabella, who lost the seat to independent Cathy McGowan in 2013 and is now fighting what is considered a doomed battle to come back.</p>
<p>“It all comes down to this confidence, this savoir faire,” said an older voter of Turnbull. Another said: “He’s certainly more charismatic and more capable than Shorten of expressing an opinion”. </p>
<p>Comments in the younger group included: “Turnbull dressed to impress”; “Turnbull seems like he’s more financially savvy and has a longer-term view - more articulate”; “bit more positive than Shorten”.</p>
<p>After more than six weeks of the campaign Shorten was still an unknown quantity for some, particularly older voters. “Out of a line-up I could tell you who Turnbull was – I couldn’t pick Shorten, unless it was a line-up of two and Turnbull was the other one,” said an older voter; another said “You just don’t know what you’re going to get with him”. A younger voter couldn’t “even picture Shorten”.</p>
<p>His union background was among other negatives about Shorten, including one specific local instance. “He was involved in [a union intervention] down in Cobram [in the Murray electorate] a few years ago and he messed it up and it’s still messed up.”</p>
<p>A 77-year-old retired truck driver from Wodonga said: “I don’t go much for Shorten. I’ve been a union man all my life but I sort of can’t trust what I see of him … I’ve voted Labor all my life but I’m changing this year”.</p>
<p>When they discussed who they trusted more to lead the country the older voters broke 5-3 for Turnbull, while the split in the younger group was 8-2, making a total of 13-5 in support of Turnbull.</p>
<p>Turnbull was “more calm and well-spoken [with] longer-term thinking,” said one in the younger group; another found him “a bit more honest and transparent”. Those who said they would trust Shorten more to lead said they’d like him given “a go” and they felt he was more in touch with average Australians. “Shorten comes across as straightforward and honest.”</p>
<p>The focus groups met before the Brexit decision but when Shorten was ramping up his claims that a Liberal government would privatise Medicare. This was cutting through with these voters, just as they were starting to take notice of some issues in the campaign.</p>
<p>Many thought Shorten’s proposition was plausible, especially because of the Liberals’ perceived past “form”. “Medicare Locals are all gone … They said they weren’t going to shut those down”; “Turnbull’s come out and said he wouldn’t privatise Medicare, but he hasn’t said he wouldn’t privatise aspects of it. I think that’s the issue.”</p>
<p>Some questioned the logic and practicality of privatisation, thinking this was just a Labor scare campaign, or dismissing it because it would be suicidal for the Liberals. “Which company’s going to take on Medicare anyway? Isn’t it a drain on the country?”; “on balance I don’t think the Coalition would be brave enough to privatise Medicare”.</p>
<p>The groups canvassed same-sex marriage – on which the government promises a plebiscite while the opposition pledges to legalise it in a Labor government’s first 100 days. Mostly the issue has remained on the fringes of the campaign. In both groups there was some confusion about the difference between a “plebiscite” and a “referendum”, but other participants were able to explain the distinction to those who didn’t know.</p>
<p>Younger voters were generally in favour of same-sex marriage, and so didn’t see the need for a plebiscite. “Just do it”; “it’s the way of the future”; “[the plebiscite is] a very expensive way of addressing something that I see as inevitable.”</p>
<p>Among soft older voters, some agree with same-sex marriage, some are totally opposed on religious grounds, while others want to have a voice. “I don’t want just the politicians to decide. It’s such a big change to our social fabric, that I want to have a say.”</p>
<p>Some older voters opposed a plebiscite, feeling the politicians should sort the issue. Others felt a plebiscite was a waste because politicians could still vote any way they wanted. Later in the week, a debate broke out nationally when Turnbull said that if the plebiscite was carried cabinet ministers would have a free vote on the enabling legislation (although he was confident it would be overwhelmingly passed).</p>
<p>Among older voters, there was a recognition a plebiscite was a solution to Turnbull’s bind – in being caught between those opponents of same-sex marriage in Liberal ranks and his own support for it.</p>
<p>In this campaign Turnbull has unrelentingly made “jobs and growth” his mantra. By the second last week the Indi soft voters were aware of it but thought it lacked meat, wondering how the jobs were going to be created. Labor’s policy of offering businesses assistance to take on an unemployed person got some attention from older soft voters, with some sceptical that it would create jobs.</p>
<p>Older voters noticed the Labor launch, which had been held in Sydney at the start of the week. “I had a bloody good laugh,” said a semi-retired woman from Beechworth. “In what world has the Labor party ever been united in the last five years? I mean, they’re spruiking unity? Pl-ease. My goodness, all of a sudden they love each other?”</p>
<p>The environment, education and retirement income were issues that older voters had expected to hear about during the campaign but little had registered with them. This is despite education in particular being at the heart of the Shorten pitch. It’s likely that different segments of the population tune into particular issues of relevance to them; also, a lot of propaganda is very targeted in modern campaigns, now that parties have so much data about individual voters.</p>
<p>When asked who would win the election, many of these voters predicted a hung parliament. Pushed for a winner, all but one of the older participants thought the Coalition more likely than Labor, while the younger ones split evenly.</p>
<p>McGowan’s refusal to say who she would support if the parliament were hung polarised these soft voters. They were divided over who she should side with, if the situation arose; some said it should be the Coalition because of the generally conservative nature of Indi; others said the ALP (“Cathy seems a bit more aligned with Labor”). </p>
<p>Some thought she was just like other politicians, in keeping things close to her chest to get more votes from people who mightn’t like her leaning. Others believed it was a good thing because she was waiting to see the result.</p>
<p>These voters are not thinking in terms of how their futures would be affected by a change of government. There is a sense that they expect “business as usual” whoever wins. “In spite of their deep cynicism about politicians and party politics, soft Indi voters actually implicitly trust the Australian democratic process to deliver a ‘stable’ outcome – so much so that for many it doesn’t matter who wins,” the researcher said in her report on the discussions.</p>
<p>But there is a desire among some for whoever wins to get control of the Senate. In this, Indi voters probably differ from electors elsewhere, given the high support in recent polls for “micro” players. The Indi voters seem to be balancing their backing for an independent in the House of Representatives with a wish for stability, reflected in their thinking about the Senate.</p>
<p>As previously, participants were asked who they would vote for. This time they filled out a full mock ballot paper. The results in this qualitative research have no statistical validity but once again indicate interesting points. “To some degree, voting in Indi is being driven by who soft voters know they DON’T want to vote for,” the researcher said. “Many participants actually started voting from number ten [there are ten candidates] and eliminated those they felt they didn’t want to vote for.”</p>
<p>Mirabella was placed tenth by five of the 18 voters in the groups, and first by just three. The first preference choices were: McGowan 12 (67%), Mirabella three (17%), the Nationals’ Marty Corboy two (11%), with a minor candidate receiving the other vote. Over the three tranches McGowan has strengthened her position among focus group participants, especially between the first and second rounds.</p>
<p>When people were asked for second preferences, the results were: McGowan two, Mirabella two, Corboy one, the Greens’ Jenny O'Connor five, Labor’s Eric Kerr two, with the rest scattered among minor candidates.</p>
<p>On all the present indications, McGowan is expected to comfortably retain Indi, after preferences.</p>
<p>The researcher summed up the nature of this contest: “Indi is a race of personality, of incidents around the personalities, of who’s been seen out and about. There is little in the way of policy or issues that is captivating voters.”</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/61672/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Malcolm Turnbull is overwhelmingly more trusted than Bill Shorten to lead the country in the final round of Indi focus group research among ‘soft’ voters in the seat.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/612222016-06-22T00:43:19Z2016-06-22T00:43:19ZThe Indi Project: who do Indi voters trust to run the country?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127229/original/image-20160620-11089-l2153h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Cathy McGowan is a community-minded representative who seeks to build her electorate’s capacity to respond to rural challenges. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Tracey Nearmy</span></span></figcaption></figure><blockquote>
<p>At the moment a lot of politicians go into politics for advancement rather than service. Turning out clones of media-savvy people with soundbites and platitudes not genuine responses. It feels like they’re manufactured. – Indi citizen</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Only 42% of Australians are presently satisfied with the way democracy works. Trust in our politicians and the political process are at the lowest level than at any time since 1994. And the majority of citizens describe the standards of honesty and integrity in Australia as low. The proportion of those disaffected increases with age. </p>
<p>At the same time, more Australians than ever before are undecided on how to vote at the forthcoming election.</p>
<p>These observations of democratic decline are <a href="https://theconversation.com/now-for-the-big-question-who-do-you-trust-to-run-the-country-58723">just a snapshot</a> of the views of 1,444 Australians reported in a survey designed by the Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis (IGPA) at the University of Canberra and the Museum of Australian Democracy.</p>
<p>To explore these findings in more detail, the IGPA research team is conducting focus groups with different groups throughout Australia.</p>
<p>The first stop has been <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/federal-election-2016/guide/indi/">Indi</a> in northeastern Victoria. Indi was selected for two reasons:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>it is experiencing demographic, economic and social challenges that are fairly typical in rural communities; and </p></li>
<li><p>its incumbent MP, Cathy McGowan, is an independent. She usurped Sophie Mirabella, who is attempting to reclaim the seat in 2016, in spectacular fashion at the last election. This suggests Indi has a potentially large number of floating voters at the local scale, mirroring the situation nationally.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>These are two politicians that represent very distinctive styles of politics. Mirabella is a seasoned party woman – a career politician once tipped for the frontbench who exercises some influence both in her party and in Canberra. McGowan is a community-minded representative who seeks to build her electorate’s capacity to respond to rural challenges. </p>
<p>Mirabella approaches politics like a blood sport and has significant skill in engaging in adversarial politics. McGowan appears empathetic, concerned and responsive, and is immediately likeable. So what do the people of Indi think about issues of trust?</p>
<h2>What are the characteristics of Indi’s ideal politician?</h2>
<p>Although Indi voters cite standard characteristics that we would expect when asked to describe their “ideal” MP (such as honesty, trustworthy, ethical, local identity – “knows the area”), there are some additional features they are looking for. These appear to correlate strongly with experiences of their immediate past and current federal MPs.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>Q: How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statements?</strong> </p>
<p><em>A: Politicians are in it just for themselves.</em></p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127215/original/image-20160620-11089-907rmb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127215/original/image-20160620-11089-907rmb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127215/original/image-20160620-11089-907rmb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127215/original/image-20160620-11089-907rmb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127215/original/image-20160620-11089-907rmb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127215/original/image-20160620-11089-907rmb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127215/original/image-20160620-11089-907rmb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127215/original/image-20160620-11089-907rmb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Perceptions of political self-interest by age cohort in Australia (2016).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>Indi voters desire someone who is “approachable and accessible”, “who listens to them”, who “communicates and follows up”, who “fights for them”, and who “has influence in government to get things done”.</p>
<h2>What do they trust politicians to do?</h2>
<p>Younger Indi voters particularly are highly sceptical of the discussion around jobs, and feel the numbers thrown around in that discussion are slippery.</p>
<p>They doubt whether the job creation promised will be delivered, and think the job prospects are likely to be short-term, part-time or casual positions, when they are looking for long-term, meaningful employment.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>Q: Please indicate how concerned you are about the following activities by elected politicians in Australia today.</strong></p>
<p><em>A: Making promises they know they can’t keep.</em></p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127217/original/image-20160620-11112-11wztsj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127217/original/image-20160620-11112-11wztsj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127217/original/image-20160620-11112-11wztsj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127217/original/image-20160620-11112-11wztsj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127217/original/image-20160620-11112-11wztsj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127217/original/image-20160620-11112-11wztsj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127217/original/image-20160620-11112-11wztsj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127217/original/image-20160620-11112-11wztsj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Concern about false promises by age cohort in Australia (2016).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>Younger voters’ disappointment in their political representatives is manifest. They see their lack of faith as justified by the ubiquitous “broken promises” of politicians of all persuasions.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>Q: Please indicate how concerned you are about the following activities by elected politicians in Australia today.</strong></p>
<p><em>A: Breaking promises.</em></p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127218/original/image-20160620-11120-4g0uyy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127218/original/image-20160620-11120-4g0uyy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127218/original/image-20160620-11120-4g0uyy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127218/original/image-20160620-11120-4g0uyy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127218/original/image-20160620-11120-4g0uyy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127218/original/image-20160620-11120-4g0uyy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127218/original/image-20160620-11120-4g0uyy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127218/original/image-20160620-11120-4g0uyy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Concern about promise breaking by age cohort in Australia (2016).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>Older voters don’t trust governments in general. However, they make some dispensations for local government – which they see as somewhat more accessible and accountable because of its proximity to citizens.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>Q: In general, would you say that federal governments are typically run by a few big interests looking out for themselves, or that it is run for the benefit of all people?</strong></p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127219/original/image-20160620-11112-1gs9jtz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127219/original/image-20160620-11112-1gs9jtz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127219/original/image-20160620-11112-1gs9jtz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=371&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127219/original/image-20160620-11112-1gs9jtz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=371&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127219/original/image-20160620-11112-1gs9jtz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=371&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127219/original/image-20160620-11112-1gs9jtz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127219/original/image-20160620-11112-1gs9jtz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127219/original/image-20160620-11112-1gs9jtz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Perceptions of the motivations of politicians by age cohort in Australia (2016).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<h2>What does trust mean to Indi citizens?</h2>
<p>Indi soft voters were asked to define what trust meant to them. While there was a wide range of responses, several key themes emerged.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Trust means that I know that someone’s being real and honest with me, not pleasing my ears with sweet talk while holding a gun under the table.</p>
<p>Trustworthiness is earned by following through with promises without betrayal, and in regards to politics (or just being in the global community) for me it means feeling that a person is being who they really are, not just putting on an act when the cameras are on.</p>
</blockquote>
<hr>
<p><strong>Q: How much do you personally trust each of the following?</strong></p>
<p><em>A: MPs in general.</em></p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127220/original/image-20160620-11092-ocaptz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127220/original/image-20160620-11092-ocaptz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127220/original/image-20160620-11092-ocaptz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=376&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127220/original/image-20160620-11092-ocaptz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=376&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127220/original/image-20160620-11092-ocaptz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=376&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127220/original/image-20160620-11092-ocaptz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=472&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127220/original/image-20160620-11092-ocaptz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=472&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127220/original/image-20160620-11092-ocaptz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=472&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Perceptions of the level of political honesty and integrity for MPs in Australia by age cohort (2016).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p><strong>Q: How much do you personally trust each of the following?</strong></p>
<p><em>A: MPs (local).</em></p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127221/original/image-20160620-11107-vre3lp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127221/original/image-20160620-11107-vre3lp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127221/original/image-20160620-11107-vre3lp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=357&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127221/original/image-20160620-11107-vre3lp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=357&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127221/original/image-20160620-11107-vre3lp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=357&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127221/original/image-20160620-11107-vre3lp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=449&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127221/original/image-20160620-11107-vre3lp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=449&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127221/original/image-20160620-11107-vre3lp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=449&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Perceptions of the level of political honesty and integrity for local MPs in Australia by age cohort (2016).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>To a large extent, Indi’s floating voter is resigned to what they get.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>Q: How much do you personally trust each of the following?</strong></p>
<p><em>A: Federal government.</em></p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127222/original/image-20160620-11110-1runqvd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127222/original/image-20160620-11110-1runqvd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/127222/original/image-20160620-11110-1runqvd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127222/original/image-20160620-11110-1runqvd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127222/original/image-20160620-11110-1runqvd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127222/original/image-20160620-11110-1runqvd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127222/original/image-20160620-11110-1runqvd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/127222/original/image-20160620-11110-1runqvd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Perceptions of the level of political honesty and integrity for federal government in Australia by age cohort (2016).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>There is some recognition that governments do actually deliver decent services, but that they need to be accountable for their promises.</p>
<h2>Understanding the politics of trust</h2>
<p>The declining figures on democratic satisfaction, formal political engagement and trust in political institutions and politicians should be troubling for all political parties who have presided over a decade of democratic decline.</p>
<p>The evidence nationally and from Indi is that the key question for the majority of Australians come election time is: who do you trust to run the country? </p>
<p>For many, political parties are simply failing to capture the political imagination. This provides the space for either independents and/or minority parties to build alternative agendas around the politics of trust or a wake-up call to the major parties to reconnect with the citizenry.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>The election generally, and Indi in particular, will be <a href="https://www.trybooking.com/LWON">discussed at a forum</a> attended by Mark Evans, Michelle Grattan and others on Saturday, June 25. For a more detailed exposition of this article see the forthcoming book, <a href="https://www.echobooks.com.au/book-shop/from_abbott_to_turnbull">From Abbott to Turnbull: Australian Commonwealth Administration 2013-2016</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/61222/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mark Evans receives funding for his research from a range of governmental and non governmental organizations including research councils, foundations, international organizations, overseas governments and jurisdictions across Australia. He is committed to the production of objective, evidence based research that makes a contribution to real world problem solving.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Max Halupka does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Indi has a potentially large number of floating voters at the local scale, mirroring the situation nationally. What do the people of Indi think about issues of trust?Mark Evans, Professor of Governance and Director of the Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis and NATSEM, University of CanberraMax Halupka, Research Fellow at the Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis, University of Canberra, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/604432016-06-03T03:31:24Z2016-06-03T03:31:24ZVIDEO: Michelle Grattan on the Indi project<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/i4vxuMzxTHM?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>Passing the halfway point of the election campaign, The Conversation took an in-depth look at three key seats in Victoria. University of Canberra acting vice-chancellor Frances Shannon and Michelle Grattan discuss focus group results in the seat of Indi and the Greens’ lunge for Batman and Wills.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/60443/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Passing the halfway point of the election campaign, The Conversation took an in-depth look at three key seats in Victoria.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/602302016-05-31T01:48:20Z2016-05-31T01:48:20ZElection podcast: the Indi project<p>The battle for the Victorian seat of Indi is shaping up as a three-way contest. Independent Cathy McGowan is trying to fend off the former member Sophie Mirabella and the Nationals’ Marty Corboy.</p>
<p>McGowan tells Michelle Grattan the election will come down to preferences. </p>
<p>“I’m hoping that the National Party people will consider giving me their second preference and I’m hoping that Liberal Party people … certainly the ones in Wodonga – don’t see their answer in the National Party and they will consider giving me their preferences,” she says. </p>
<p>In this special election podcast, Michelle Grattan interviews McGowan, Corboy, as well as the Greens’ candidate Jenny O'Connor and Labor’s Eric Kerr. Sophie Mirabella was unwilling to be interviewed.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/60230/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The battle for the Victorian seat of Indi is shaping up as a three-way contest.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/602232016-05-30T14:06:35Z2016-05-30T14:06:35ZThe Indi Project: Sophie Mirabella in the bunker<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/124500/original/image-20160530-7713-weg4ov.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Former independent member for Wills, Phil Cleary, joins Sophie Mirabella and Cathy McGowan in photos at a Wodonga football match. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Sophie Mirabella/Pat Hutchens</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Phil Cleary, left-leaning one-time independent member for Wills, and Sophie Mirabella, the former Liberal MP for Indi who is trying to regain the seat, are far from political soulmates.</p>
<p>But on Saturday, when Cleary addressed a lunch before a Wodonga football match on the subject of violence against women, Mirabella asked for a photo with him, and posted it on Facebook.</p>
<p>Cleary had found himself caught in the picture wars.</p>
<p>A couple of hours later Cathy McGowan, the independent who in 2013 beat Mirabella, arrived at the ground. Cleary, feeling in distinctly more comfortable political company, posed with her too. The House of Representatives needed more progressive independents to change the national conversation, he said.</p>
<p>The fight for this northern Victorian electorate that a few years ago was rock solid for the Liberals is complex and intense. As a human tale, it is all about Mirabella, a driven woman who squandered the prize of a safe electorate but won’t let go.</p>
<p>Politically, it is a test of whether this regional community is satisfied with a member who can only wield limited clout – except if there were a hung parliament. Then there is the sub-story – the entry into the field of the Nationals, pushing for advantage on the weakness of an unpopular Liberal contender.</p>
<p>Indi, an Aboriginal name for the Murray River, is a rural electorate that at its southwest end is close to the outskirts of Melbourne; its northern boundary extends to the NSW border. Its main centres are Wodonga and Wangaratta; it contains picturesque tourist towns such as Beechworth and Bright, the Alps country and Falls Creek. A federation seat, its occupants have included Isaac Isaacs, who later became governor-general, and the Country Party’s legendary “Black Jack” McEwen.</p>
<p>Indi hasn’t seen a Labor member since the Great Depression, so this is not your normal “marginal” seat. But in 2013 McGowan won by just 439 votes, beating Mirabella 50.2%-49.8% on the two-party vote, after Mirabella polled 44.7% of the primary vote and McGowan 31.2%. </p>
<p>A ReachTEL poll done in March for the Australia Institute showed McGowan in a winning position. Federal Liberals are dismissive of Mirabella’s prospects, regarding McGowan as dug in. ABC election analyst Antony Green points out that traditionally independents elected in seats like this increase their vote in the second election. But with both the Liberals and Nationals in the field, the outcome remains uncertain.</p>
<p>A Melbourne lawyer and therefore an outsider, Mirabella won the seat in 2001. A high-flyer, she was very close to Tony Abbott and would have been the second woman in the initial Abbott cabinet. But in a major revolt against her neglect of them and her abrasive style, her constituents bucked the national pro-Coalition swing to throw her out. The whack had been on the way for a while and only needed the right candidate to deliver it: Mirabella’s vote dropped from 63% in 2004, to 54% in 2007, 53% in 2010, and 45% in 2013.</p>
<p>Mirabella persuaded the Liberal Party to keep an office in this electorate it no longer held. As she geared up for a comeback bid, her tone was that of one seeking redemption: she accepted she’d not listened, indicating that she’d got the message, she’d changed.</p>
<p>But then she didn’t seem to have changed at all. Things tanked. It was reported in the Benalla Ensign that she’d pushed McGowan to deny her a picture opportunity – Mirabella rejects the allegation and there are legal letters. She claimed Indi was denied hospital funding she’d had in the bag before the 2013 election because it elected McGowan. Senior Liberals knew of no such money. An ABC 7.30 interview with comedian Libbi Gorr didn’t go well.</p>
<p>Mirabella, who once relished her high profile, now declines to do interviews with the national media. As far as they are concerned, she’s in the bunker.</p>
<p>Liberal ministers have weighed in to help her. Treasurer Scott Morrison made an appearance – unfortunately for him, just when the hospital story had exploded. Assistant Treasurer Kelly O'Dwyer, the minister for vocational education and skills, Scott Ryan, and Communications Minister Mitch Fifield have campaigned. Ryan says he and his colleagues have found “strong support” for her. She is not on Malcolm Turnbull’s immediate visiting schedule. Abbott keeps in touch but doesn’t have plans to go to Indi at this point.</p>
<p>The Nationals are looking to the future. If McGowan, 62, holds on, that will end Mirabella’s Indi ambitions and the Nationals could be well placed after a McGowan retirement in 2019. Going into the three-cornered contest late last year the Nationals were on about 8%. They have been encouraged by support for their candidate, 36-year old Marty Corboy, who is part of the family stockfeed business in Wangaratta. He’s had Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce and deputy Fiona Nash, whom he describes as “a little superstar”, on the trail with him.</p>
<p>Corboy gets a strong rap from an unlikely quarter. Michael Cooney, executive director of the Chifley Research Centre, Labor’s think-tank, and Julia Gillard’s former speech writer, who has known him for years, says: “He’s a good bloke – he’d have my second preference [after Labor] if I were voting in Indi. He’s a quite positive product of a new conservative generation that’s post the culture wars. He’s just got his positions – he’s not a cranky contrarian.”</p>
<p>Last time the Nationals ran, in 2001, their vote was about 12%. Corboy will pick up some votes from both McGowan and Mirabella. In 2013 McGowan was helped by support from certain Nationals, including former state MP Ken Jasper, who now endorses Corboy.</p>
<p>The order in which the top three candidates come in and the flow of preferences will be crucial.</p>
<p>McGowan says: “I think it’s going to be very close.” Although Mirabella and Corboy will exchange preferences, McGowan believes many of their preferences will in fact go to her, especially given both Coalition candidates are well to the right, in contrast to her centrist position.</p>
<p>On same-sex marriage, for example, Corboy – who once ran as a Family First candidate in a state seat – welcomes the government’s proposed plebiscite, but when pressed on what he’d do if elected on the enabling bill after a “yes” vote says “I’d have to see the legislation”.</p>
<p>McGowan says: “I’m hoping that the National Party people will consider giving me their second preference and I’m hoping that Liberal Party people will think – certainly the ones in Wodonga – [that they] don’t see their answer in the National party and they will consider giving me their preferences.”</p>
<p>Mirabella and Corboy push the argument they can deliver in a re-elected Turnbull government. Corboy, who describes Mirabella as a polarising figure, says: “Indi is a conservative seat. There were many reasons why the current member was elected”, but “people coming to me think they are better served by someone around the table of government”.</p>
<p>The issue of who can deliver is one voters talk about. McGowan, who cites her role in obtaining the substantial number of phone towers allocated to the electorate (disputed by Mirabella) and in helping persuade some crossbench senators to oppose deregulating universities, says: “It is not true that the only way to get things done is to be a member of the governing party. Parliament works on your ability to work with people and get things through the system.”</p>
<p>Indi, she says, has moved from being a safe seat that was ignored to one that’s “competitive” – “everyone is paying attention and knows their vote is going to count and the current government is paying attention”. She points to Morrison’s visit just before the budget.</p>
<p>A grassroots campaign won in 2013 for McGowan, who was a popular local with a farm high in the mountainous country near Beechworth. This time she has some 600 volunteers signed up, campaign “hubs” in the major centres and A$90,000 raised already. There are no big donors, she says.</p>
<p>McGowan cut substantially into the Labor vote in 2013, which suffered a swing of 16.5% on primaries, falling to 11.7%. Eric Kerr, a local councillor from Wodonga, is Labor’s candidate this time; he is the 22-year old son of lesbian parents and same-sex marriage is one of his big issues. He’s also an open critic of Labor’s tough border protection policy. </p>
<p>The Greens’ Jenny O'Connor, a nurse who works in the mental health area, is contesting the seat for the fourth time. Wangaratta GP Julian Fidge is badged as “Australian Country Party” and there is an independent candidate, Alan Lappin, from near Rutherglen.</p>
<p>Because of its special and interesting aspects the University of Canberra’s Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis has chosen Indi for its 2016 Election Project. Two focus groups comprising “soft” voters – people who have not decided definitely how they will vote – were held in Wodonga last week. The discussions are <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-indi-project-mcgowan-lacks-clout-mirabella-is-embarrassing-say-local-soft-voters-60220">presented in a separate article</a>. There will be further focus group reporting later in the campaign.</p>
<iframe src="https://www.podbean.com/media/player/5b482-5fc04a?from=yiiadmin" data-link="https://www.podbean.com/media/player/5b482-5fc04a?from=yiiadmin" height="100" width="100%" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" data-name="pb-iframe-player"></iframe><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/60223/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Phil Cleary, left-leaning one-time independent member for Wills, and Sophie Mirabella, the former Liberal MP for Indi who is trying to regain the seat, are far from political soulmates.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraAdrian Beaumont, PhD Student, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/602202016-05-30T14:05:41Z2016-05-30T14:05:41ZThe Indi Project: McGowan lacks clout, Mirabella is embarrassing, say local ‘soft’ voters<p>Independent member for Indi Cathy McGowan is seen very positively in focus group research in her Victorian seat of Indi – except for one thing.</p>
<p>The political non-alignment that helped her turf out Liberal MP Sophie Mirabella in 2013 is regarded as her greatest weakness in the 2016 contest.</p>
<p>In contrast, Mirabella is stridently criticised for her manner and behaviour – but her affiliation with a major party is a plus.</p>
<p>The University of Canberra’s Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis has commissioned Landscape Research to do three rounds of focus groups with “soft” voters in Indi. These are people who have not yet decided definitely who they will vote for on July 2.</p>
<p>Two groups were conducted in Wodonga on May 24, with participants from Wodonga, Wangaratta, Beechworth and Yackandandah. One had eight voters, predominantly retirees, aged between 55-75; the 18-54 age group had nine participants who were mainly working or at home with children. Both groups had roughly equal numbers of men and women and a mix of socioeconomic backgrounds. Each discussion lasted two hours.</p>
<p>A sense of disappointment was evident about the choice of candidates on offer at this election, as well as the wider issue of the quality of candidates generally that the major parties put forward.</p>
<p>For their own representative, these Indi voters want the best of all worlds: someone approachable and accessible who listens, communicates, follows up, fights for them – and has influence in government to get things done.</p>
<p>“We need to know we are heard,” said one participant, while another believed the ideal representative should be “approachable, be a local and know where the needs are and [be] a party member so the member has influence and power”. But not too senior – “if they become too important then they can’t do their job”.</p>
<p>McGowan rates strongly for fighting for Indi, being hard working, approachable, responsive and a good communicator.</p>
<p>“I wrote to her and Cathy wrote back and had a different view to mine, but at least she responded,” an older voter said; another had noted she’d “jumped on the [dairy] issue” – which is big in this electorate – “and been very supportive”.</p>
<p>But only one person cited her status as an independent as a positive.</p>
<p>“She ticks a lot of boxes as a good local member, but her independent status is also seen as her greatest weakness, and there is a strong sense that the quality of representation for the electorate is seriously compromised as a result,” the research report concludes.</p>
<p>This was reflected in comments such as: “helpful although she couldn’t progress my issue personally”; “no influence. Difficult to get things done. She can’t get funding to the area”; “independent, so little influence in major decision-making”.</p>
<p>Mirabella’s positives are her experience, personal strength, legal background and having affiliation with a major party. “With the backing of a large party, she is more likely to get things done,” said one participant.</p>
<p>But while McGowan’s only – but significant – downside is seen as her being an independent, Mirabella carries heavy baggage.</p>
<p>She draws fire for “her apparent aloofness from the people and the appearance of personal ambition over the interests of the electorate. Some are quite scathing of her and more than one refer to embarrassing”, the report says.</p>
<p>The cutting assessment from a member of the older group was that “she’s embarrassing. She got thrown out of Question Time for very belligerent behaviour. She’s brought ill-repute to Wodonga”; another described her as “a show pony, glory-seeking, embarrassment to the electorate”. A younger participant said she was “entitled, stubborn, obtuse, egocentric”.</p>
<p>“There is a sense from some that Mirabella has blotted her copybook so badly there is no coming back,” the report says. “However, this view is balanced by others who applaud her strength, value her party affiliation and potential influence in government, and would vote for her because she is the Liberal candidate.”</p>
<p>The younger voters had heard of the Nationals’ Marty Corboy, but there was less recognition of him among the older people. So far, he had been largely defined by his comment that he’d found “people in the electorate are pleased to have a bloke to vote for”.</p>
<p>These Indi voters were, for the most part, still disengaged from the election. They are “cranky and indignant about the way their electorate has become the focus of national attention vis-a-vis the intensely personal McGowan/Mirabella contest”, the research found. “They are embarrassed about the subject matter that is gaining them national attention and about the skewed portrayal of them and their electorate, and it convinces them the electoral process really is removed from their everyday lives.”</p>
<p>This is particularly evident in their struggle to name issues at the fore of the election campaign. They see the election as a spending game, or a blame game, or both. “It should be called a money fight. It shouldn’t be called an election,” said one in the younger group. Younger voters are particularly disappointed in their political representatives, noting the broken promises of politicians all round.</p>
<p>Such is the disengagement of these Indi soft voters that they expect the election to be about the “same normal stuff”, “schools, hospitals, etc”, yet they were unable to recount any specific announcement they had heard on these issues.</p>
<p>When pushed on what they remembered of the campaign, economic issues dominated, particularly jobs, the budget and taxation. Younger soft voters especially are sceptical about promises on jobs, feeling the numbers are rubbery and that the jobs prospects are likely to be short-term, part-time or casual positions when they want long-term meaningful employment.</p>
<p>Issues about Wodonga hospital make health funding a significant issue. Various aspects of ageing, from aged care to superannuation, were mentioned. People had not heard much about education. Training, employment, and recreational opportunities for young people in the area were a concern.</p>
<p>The issue of refugees/boats people/detention was seen to be to the fore early in the national campaign. But “interestingly, these Indi soft voters do not see it as an ‘election issue’ but rather an ongoing, complex shambles that neither of the major parties can, or is willing to, solve”, the report says. The current policy of offshore detention is seen as not working but people are divided on whether there is a solution.</p>
<p>“If there is a demand for workers, let them in”, said a member of the younger group. But an older person believed “there are rules for immigration and these need to be followed”.</p>
<p>Indi voters’ immediate response when talking about the local campaign is the head-to-head Mirabella-McGowan contest and their annoyance at the media coverage. Beyond that, a key concern is jobs. They talk with animation about mobile telephone black spots (although it is not an unprompted issue of concern) and are frustrated by the inability of governments to deliver an uninterrupted rail link from Wodonga to Melbourne. There is a strong perceived need for greater health funding locally and a wish for more investment in infrastructure.</p>
<p>“Indi voters have a keen sense that they are missing out as a regional area, when compared to more populous locales. Lack of support for local farming, fruit growers, health, and hospitals, are all cited as evidence of lack of interest from government,” the report says.</p>
<p>When discussion turns to the national leaders, these Indi voters had no strong opinions on Malcolm Turnbull and his performance in the campaign so far. Older voters see him tracking steadily. But this is early days and they are expecting more momentum from him.</p>
<p>While one in the older group found him “much more genuine” than Tony Abbott, it’s also noted that he is “not doing so well with the country people – talking jobs and growth – but needs to look to the regions”.</p>
<p>There is a sense of disappointment among some older voters that Turnbull is somehow being constrained and not living up to their expectations. “I’d like to see more fire,” said one; another noted Turnbull “hasn’t had the backing of his party to do what he wants to do”.</p>
<p>Younger voters don’t have the same sense of expectation about Turnbull and are unenthusiastic without being negative. “He is more emotionally stable than Bill, more experienced and [has] better knowledge of finance which means he is better at managing the economy,” said one.</p>
<p>In contrast, more voters find more to complain about with Bill Shorten – especially his “negativity” and big spending promises. He is “spending a lot of money which has me concerned” said an older voter; a younger one said “he seems cocky and I don’t feel I can trust him”.</p>
<p>Awareness of Treasurer Scott Morrison was particularly low among the younger voters, with fewer than half having heard of him. Older voters described him in the budget context: “the money spender”; “did OK with the budget”.</p>
<p>The possibility of a hung parliament disappoints many. Looking back, one participant said, “On the world stage we look foolish. We became a nation run by the Greens last time”. Looking forward, another said, “We have a problem with the system if it came down to this”.</p>
<p>These Indi voters have mixed views about McGowan holding the balance of power in a hung parliament. On the one hand they believe they could and should trust the local member they elected to make decisions on behalf of the nation. “She tends to listen, step back, make inquiries then step forward. I don’t think she is swayed by big carrots.”</p>
<p>On the other hand, some feel uneasy at the prospect of so much power in one person’s hands. “I am unsure which way she would vote on many issues, which scares me.”</p>
<p>People were asked how they voted at the last election. Of those who could recall, nine had voted for McGowan, four in the older group and five in the younger. Five had voted for Mirabella, three older and two younger.</p>
<p>Asked how they thought they would vote this time six said for McGowan, evenly split on age; four said Mirabella, also evenly split, while Corboy had the support of one in the older group and three in the younger. There were three “others”.</p>
<p>They were then asked who would get their second preferences. McGowan received five (two older, three younger), Mirabella got four (evenly split) and Corboy seven (four older, three younger), with “others” one.</p>
<p>The researcher notes that while these results have no statistical validity “a key finding is that conservative voters are not automatically giving their preferences to the other conservative (Liberal or National) candidate; some are preferencing McGowan. As well, both conservatives picked up preferences from McGowan primary voters”.</p>
<hr>
<p><em><strong>Further reading: <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-indi-project-sophie-mirabella-in-the-bunker-60223">The Indi Project: Sophie Mirabella in the bunker</a></strong></em></p>
<iframe src="https://www.podbean.com/media/player/5b482-5fc04a?from=yiiadmin" data-link="https://www.podbean.com/media/player/5b482-5fc04a?from=yiiadmin" height="100" width="100%" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" data-name="pb-iframe-player"></iframe><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/60220/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Independent member for Indi Cathy McGowan is seen very positively in focus group research in her Victorian seat of Indi – except for one thing.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/560872016-03-10T19:20:19Z2016-03-10T19:20:19ZGrattan on Friday: Windsor’s challenge will mess with Joyce’s susceptible mind<p>Barnaby Joyce should be afraid. The Nationals profess they’ll hold New England, and Joyce is the favourite. But Tony Windsor is likely to drive him mad and in these days of voter disillusionment, anything can happen.</p>
<p>There will be two riveting contests involving independents at the fast-approaching election – Windsor’s bid to grab back his old NSW seat and MP Cathy McGowan’s fight to hold Indi, in Victoria, against the attempt by former occupant Liberal Sophie Mirabella to regain it.</p>
<p>Both Windsor and McGowan invoke “people power” and localism, and tap into the disenchantment many people feel with major parties.</p>
<p>If McGowan was defeated in Indi, the biggest story would be that Mirabella, who lost the seat in 2013 because she’d neglected it and alienated many people, had made a comeback.</p>
<p>If Joyce were defeated, there would be a huge fallout, with the Nationals searching a thin field for a new leader who, assuming the Turnbull government was re-elected, would become deputy prime minister.</p>
<p>The New England contest will be about many things, but in particular it will test how Joyce handles extreme pressure. Windsor – he of the beaming smile and killer instinct – will mess with Joyce’s susceptible mind. </p>
<p>Windsor plays the man and he plays rough. Joyce has always been a favourite target, described as one of the “Abbott crazies”, an “idiot”, a “vandal” and much else. Windsor gets away with personal attacks where others would not.</p>
<p>Joyce is a volatile character; he has proved himself resilient but he’s easily agitated. Keeping his cool in the face of relentless Windsor strikes will stretch his discipline.</p>
<p>The Windsor assault could not have come at a worse time. Joyce has just stepped up to two positions – the Nationals leadership and the deputy prime ministership that it brings – that are both highly demanding.</p>
<p>Now he has to meet the challenge of these roles with the debilitating distraction of having to defend his seat. He can’t cede his wider responsibility. He is an exceptional retail politician – as leader he needs to be travelling the country to support Nationals candidates. There is no-one who can take his place. But it could be dangerous for him if he doesn’t spend enough time in his home base. Striking the balance will be a fine judgement.</p>
<p>At his Thursday Canberra news conference announcing his run, Windsor showed his skill at creating a political narrative. He is weaving the local story into the national one on issues including the NBN, climate change and Gonski. This helps his wider profile and will encourage support – money and people – to come from outside New England to assist him.</p>
<p>He and Joyce share opposition to the proposed Shenhua coal mine – now outside the electorate following the redistribution – but Windsor does not accept Joyce’s good faith. He accuses him of “sham opposition” and being complicit in the neglect of some of the processes that could have been put in place to examine the proposal.</p>
<p>Some New England voters may relish the chance to give the government a kick, especially if they think it is home and hosed. Others might harbour resentment about Windsor joining forces with the Gillard government. Interestingly, he indicates that in the highly unlikely situation he was a balance of power player again, he’d probably hang loose rather than enter an agreement.</p>
<p>Windsor told his news conference he liked Malcolm Turnbull. “But he’s got to start and do something. And the reason he can’t do it, one of those reasons, is his deputy dog”. He said Joyce and his ilk, who were not prepared to embrace the future, put a handbrake on Turnbull.</p>
<p>With July 2 now shaping up as the most favoured election date, Windsor is quite right that Turnbull has to “do something”. It’s also true Turnbull’s hands are tied on some issues by the Liberal right and his Coalition deal with the Nationals. But the government’s drift can’t be explained in those simple terms. It has much wider parentage and Turnbull himself must take the prime responsibility.</p>
<p>“The world is going fine, as soon as we find our tax plan,” quips one government man. Meeting in Adelaide this week, ministers settled down to more work on the shrunken tax package, amid talk of bringing the budget forward by a week to May 3 to facilitate a July 2 poll, for which momentum has built even if it is not inevitable.</p>
<p>An example of drift on another front was highlighted when Education Minister Simon Birmingham addressed a Universities Australia dinner in Canberra on Wednesday.</p>
<p>Birmingham told his audience there would be a choice at the election “between a Turnbull government that wants to make demand-driven, equitable access to universities financially sustainable for the long term” and a Shorten opposition that “for now promises largely more of the same” with an uncertain long term that could include the recapping of places.</p>
<p>There is a gaping hole in this presentation. Labor has produced a higher education policy. After its earlier fiasco over fee deregulation, the Coalition doesn’t yet have a replacement policy to say how it would make universities “financially sustainable for the long term”.</p>
<p>The government is filling its policy vacuum by hyping to the max its attacks on Labor’s offerings. Turnbull described Labor’s proposed cutback of negative gearing as “an extraordinary restriction on economic freedom”. Labor, he said, was making tax policy on the run. In contrast, the snippy might say, to the government’s making it at a crawl.</p>
<iframe id="audio_iframe" src="https://www.podbean.com/media/player/ww87w-5d64f3?from=yiiadmin" data-link="http://www.podbean.com/media/player/ww87w-5d64f3?from=yiiadmin" height="100" width="100%" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" data-name="pb-iframe-player"></iframe><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/56087/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Barnaby Joyce should be afraid. The Nationals profess they’ll hold New England, and Joyce is the favourite. But Tony Windsor is likely to drive Joyce mad.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/307552014-08-25T04:22:32Z2014-08-25T04:22:32ZReasserting the public interest from Australians’ kitchen tables<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/57109/original/2vv5rrxz-1408665655.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Last year's election of federal independent MP Cathy McGowan as a result of Voices 4 Indi's kitchen table campaign was a spectacular demonstration of the potential power of this model of community engagement. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=774557502589599&set=o.443440975703357&type=1&theater">Voices4Indi/Facebook</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Grassroots common sense and decency lie at the heart of two growing movements to reassert the voice of the people in the management of our local and national affairs. <a href="http://transitionleader.net/wp-content/uploads/Kitchen-Table-Conversations-Manual.pdf">Kitchen table conversations</a> and community organising could perhaps help to reinvigorate Australian democracy.</p>
<p>We need to ask: who speaks for the “public interest”, shorthand for the welfare and wellbeing of the general public? </p>
<p>The interests of the giant corporations and the mining industry are well articulated and lobbied. For various reasons, our representatives listen assiduously to them. But who speaks for the future welfare and wellbeing of our children? We need to invest in both kitchen table conversations and community organising to restore some balance to the political equation.</p>
<h2>Pioneering successes in Australia</h2>
<p><a href="http://www.see-change.org.au/">SEE-Change ACT</a> recently sponsored a “Kitchen Table Conversations” workshop led by Mary Crooks, the executive director of the <a href="http://vwt.org.au/">Victorian Women’s Trust</a>. The trust has been influential in three programs that have successfully employed this model in recent years.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.aare.edu.au/data/publications/1999/cro99176.pdf">Purple Sage project</a> in 1998 resulted in 800 groups across Victoria meeting to discuss their aspirations and concerns about what was happening in that state, then under the leadership of Jeff Kennett. Some commentators have concluded that the Purple Sage discussions <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/am/stories/s31489.htm">played an important role</a> in the Kennett government losing what had previously been considered to be an unloseable election.</p>
<p>The Women’s Trust then modified the method to explore water policy. The <a href="http://www.watermark.org.au">Watermark</a> team worked with water experts to produce succinct summaries of the technical issues. These were used by hundreds of groups across Victoria who met on several occasions and fed their conclusions back to the team. </p>
<p>People from thousands of households around Victoria were thus involved in active discussions about water policy. This resulted in a community-owned, state-of-the-art report, which has influenced policy around Australia.</p>
<p>Then, last year, the electorate of Indi in Victoria <a href="http://www.voiceforindi.com/report_info">embarked on a kitchen table campaign</a> to focus attention on the genuine concerns and aspirations of the people, as opposed to the issues that federal politicians were promoting. This was the election that <a href="http://www.cathymcgowan.com.au/the_story">brought out Cathy McGowan</a> as an independent candidate. She won the seat with a swing of 9% against Liberal frontbencher Sophie Mirabella in an election that elsewhere the Coalition won handsomely.</p>
<h2>How does the kitchen table model work?</h2>
<p>The kitchen table model is a process in which a volunteer host invites eight or nine people. They spend two or three hours in a discussion around either a general or specific question.</p>
<p>There are a few basic ground rules. Everyone gets to have their say and the group listens with respect, whatever their views on the subject. A scribe prepares a summary of the discussion, which is passed on to a co-ordinating group.</p>
<p>The conversations may take place in homes, cafes or clubs. They may be among neighbours, friends or acquaintances. The question that drives the discussion can be as broad as “What is important to you about the next five years in Canberra?” or as narrow as “How do you respond to this two-page summary about current Australian policy on irregular boat arrivals of asylum seekers and refugees?”</p>
<p>These are socially enjoyable discussions that involve people sharing themselves and becoming empowered by their enhanced understanding of the issue and the views of their fellow participants.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/_OpOkVeY_d0?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">The Latrobe Valley is one of many communities to adopt the kitchen table model.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Tackling the imbalance of power</h2>
<p>In a 2010 book, <a href="http://press.princeton.edu/titles/9279.html">Blessed Are the Organised: Grassroots Democracy in America</a>, Jeffrey Stout wrote:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The imbalance of power between ordinary citizens and the new ruling class has reached crisis proportions. The crisis will not be resolved happily unless many more institutions and communities commit themselves to getting democratically organised and unless effective vehicles of accountability are constructed at many levels of social complexity.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Stout’s comments also apply to Australia today.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/57110/original/hdhkjb5w-1408666553.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/57110/original/hdhkjb5w-1408666553.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=925&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/57110/original/hdhkjb5w-1408666553.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=925&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/57110/original/hdhkjb5w-1408666553.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=925&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/57110/original/hdhkjb5w-1408666553.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1162&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/57110/original/hdhkjb5w-1408666553.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1162&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/57110/original/hdhkjb5w-1408666553.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1162&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Barack Obama devoted nearly one-third of his memoir, Dreams From My Father, to what he learnt as a Chicago community organiser.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Community organising has been an identifiable profession in America for decades. Barack Obama began his working life as a <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/07/us/politics/07community.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0">community organiser in Chicago</a>. The central feature of community organisation is the brokering of alliances between organisations such as faith groups, trade unions, schools, environmental advocacy and civil society groups.</p>
<p>The organiser helps to build trust across groups through facilitated dialogue sessions. The alliance acts as a public interest group to lobby governments on issues of broad public concern.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.sydneyalliance.org.au/">Sydney Alliance</a> is Australia’s most developed example of this kind of community organising. It has three full-time organisers and is beginning to make waves on issues of state and metropolitan importance.</p>
<p>Many organisations including NGOs, faith groups, unions, environmental groups and professional lobbies claim to speak for the welfare and well-being of the general public. But they seldom speak with one voice and pool their resources to effect or oppose policy change with anything like the single-mindedness of, for instance, the <a href="http://www.bca.com.au/about-us">Business Council of Australia</a> (BCA). Groups like the BCA play a key role in defending the interests of the corporate sector.</p>
<p>Perhaps Australia needs a new non-government structure to coordinate debate and act on a range of pressing issues in the public interest. The “business as usual” lobbies are co-ordinated, cashed up and have a highly sophisticated mechanism to spring into action whenever a whiff of reform is in the air.</p>
<p>Community organising and kitchen table conversations could perhaps provide the infrastructure for a future Public Interest Council Of Australia.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/30755/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bob Douglas is a director of Australia21 (<a href="http://www.australia21.org.au">www.australia21.org.au</a>) and a member of SEE-Change (<a href="http://www.see-change.org.au">www.see-change.org.au</a>). Both groups are developing kitchen table initiatives and Australia21 is exploring structures that could better articulate the public interest.</span></em></p>Grassroots common sense and decency lie at the heart of two growing movements to reassert the voice of the people in the management of our local and national affairs. Kitchen table conversations and community…Robert Douglas, Emeritus Professor National Centre for Epidemiology and Population Health, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/182732013-09-17T05:16:12Z2013-09-17T05:16:12ZMirabella and gender: vicious attacks show nothing’s changed<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/31447/original/3vpsdyjt-1379391473.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Liberal politician Sophie Mirabella, who is likely to lose her Victorian seat of Indi, has been subjected to the misogyny that continues to pervade Australian politics.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Alan Porritt</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Hard-faced.</p>
<p>I’m looking at that phrase and wondering exactly what it means.</p>
<p>Of course, I know what it means when it’s applied to men. They are heroic, they’ve seen things that those of us who are more sheltered should never see. They are game for life. Indeed, they have to hide their feelings to protect us from the enemy.</p>
<p>It is, as a young student of mine said, a compliment when it’s applied to men. But what does it mean when it’s applied to women? Susan Butler, the editor of the Macquarie Dictionary, replies instantly when I ask her.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Hard-faced bitch comes to my mind as a standard derogatory insulting remark.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>There is, she says, no implication that a “hard-faced bitch” may have a soft heart. “She’s born that way,” says Butler.</p>
<p>And it’s standard political commentary when it comes to describing women who are ambitious and who display their ambition. <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/mediawatch/transcripts/s3850006.htm">This week</a>, Sophie Mirabella was <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/ciao-bella-sophie-prepares-to-exit-stage-right-20130912-2tnkj.html">described as “hard-faced”</a>. In short, Mirabella copped the Julia Gillard treatment, although there was no mention of the size of any of her <a href="https://theconversation.com/dining-out-on-the-prime-minister-time-to-change-the-menugate-15161">body parts</a>.</p>
<p>There is no question. Mirabella, who looks like she will <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-09-17/vote-count-in-victorian-seat-of-indi-almost-complete/4961890">lose her Victorian seat of Indi</a> to independent Cathy McGowan, is an unpopular figure. That’s not my opinion speaking – that’s the voice of her electorate which did not emulate the nation’s swing to the Coalition.</p>
<p>This has zero to do with her public persona – it’s a judgment made by the people who voted her into their seat. It’s not because she watched GetUp’s Simon Sheikh <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/mirabella-in-shock-when-qa-panellist-fainted-20120702-21dks.html">keel over</a> on the ABC’s Q&A. It’s not because of her <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/national/mirabella-in-hot-seat-over-qc-lovers-dying-days-20110922-1knct.html">relationship</a> with her former partner and mentor Colin Howard, although those things shape the public consciousness.</p>
<p>But the wholesale and loathsome enthusiasm for her demise is not about how she represented Indi. It’s the response of a national electorate which has an appetite for talking about women as if they were dogs. Or bitches.</p>
<p>Mirabella herself conspired in the formation of this discourse when she appeared beneath the now infamous <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/environment/climate-change/pinocchio-gillard-strong-antigillard-emissions-at-canberra-carbon-tax-protest-20110323-1c5w7.html">“Ditch the Witch” signs</a>. But that’s not reason enough to treat her that way.</p>
<p>We describe women in politics or in power in a way we would never describe men. Just turn to page 106 of Anne Summers’ book <a href="http://annesummers.com.au/books/the-misogyny-factor/">The Misogyny Factor</a> to look at the inventory of remarks about our former prime minister, a catalogue which begins with bitch, continues through moll, and ends with whore.</p>
<p>Of course, it’s an extension of what happens to any woman, anywhere. We now all know, thanks to a 2006 University of Maryland study, that anyone with a female username on the internet is <a href="http://phys.org/news66401288.html">25 times more likely to be trolled</a>. Don’t think that only happens on the internet. It happens to women in real life, with real names, who are real people. To Julia Gillard. To Sophie Mirabella. I wrote a <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/liberal-senator-attacks-partys-promotion-of-women-20130916-2tu2r.html">story</a> about Liberal Senator Sue Boyce this week because she thinks the lack of <a href="https://theconversation.com/abbott-flies-female-lite-with-his-frontbench-18266">representation of women in Cabinet</a> is a national disgrace. The emails I received about her were the actual disgrace.</p>
<p>Women agree that women are treated badly.</p>
<p>Don’t think it’s my imagination. As Crikey’s Cathy Alexander <a href="http://www.crikey.com.au/2012/09/03/essential-if-julian-gillard-were-pm-hed-be-riding-higher/">wrote last year</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>If Julia Gillard was Julian Gillard, she’d get an easier time of it.</p>
<p>A new Essential Research poll has found 51% of those surveyed thought Gillard “had been subject to more personal criticism than a male prime minister would be”, while just 6% thought she copped less flak than a man would.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Women feel the difference: 61% of women thought Gillard was criticised more than a man would be criticised.</p>
<p>I think that publishers need to take some responsibility for what they publish – particularly in opinion pieces. </p>
<p>Do I want censorship?</p>
<p>Here’s my answer. We’ve stopped using the word nigger.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/18273/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>I am a cofounder of the feminist action group Destroy the Joint; am an active feminist in my personal life; and am a UTS academic in journalism and social media. I also give lectures at UTS on social media activism, including the story of Destroy the Joint, applying the theories of Manuel Castells.</span></em></p>Hard-faced. I’m looking at that phrase and wondering exactly what it means. Of course, I know what it means when it’s applied to men. They are heroic, they’ve seen things that those of us who are more…Jenna Price, Senior lecturer, University of Technology SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/181402013-09-12T06:08:27Z2013-09-12T06:08:27ZLost and found: the case of the ‘missing votes’ in Indi<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/31230/original/k2nvqmw6-1378964644.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Coalition frontbencher Sophie Mirabella appears likely to be unseated in her rural Victorian seat of Indi by a popular local independent candidate, Cathy McGowan.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Julian Smith</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Following a close count on election night, the result in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/indi-and-the-politics-of-personality-17228">rural Victorian electorate of Indi</a> is still unknown. As the counting of votes <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/sophie-mirabella-withdraws-from-frontbench-contention-20130912-2tlon.html">continued</a>, it was still unclear whether Liberal incumbent Sophie Mirabella will hold onto the seat, or whether independent candidate Cathy McGowan will produce an upset result.</p>
<p>In any case, McGowan’s bid for election was boosted last night when the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-09-11/misplaced-votes-extend-mcgowans-lead-over-mirabella-in-indi/4951666">found a box</a> of first preference votes that was mistakenly labelled. Instead of marking the box as containing 2,115 votes for McGowan, the AEC had marked it as containing 1,115 votes.</p>
<p>The error was discovered when a re-check found there were 1,000 additional votes for the Senate than the House of Representatives in the Wangaratta pre-polling station.</p>
<p>Finding the error suggests the AEC’s systems are effective, but they also highlight how the voting system comprises components that must all work together in order to reach a final result. At the close of the polls on election night, AEC officers manually count the ballot papers. </p>
<p>In addition to the official counters, the parties often nominate scrutineers who are responsible for inspecting the votes and how they are counted.</p>
<p>The Australian voting system is fairly robust. It is administered by the AEC which is a statutory authority, making it an arm’s length from the direct influence of parties or the government of the day. </p>
<p>It engages in continuous roll monitoring to ensure that it remains up to date. The AEC also spends a lot of effort in reviewing its processes, especially in weeding out <a href="http://www.aec.gov.au/about_aec/Publications/Backgrounders/files/2010-eb-fraud-and-multiple-voting.pdf">enrolment fraud</a>.</p>
<p>Despite these measures, sometimes things can go a bit awry. In 2010, for example, there were reports of irregular handling of pre-poll votes in the seats of <a href="http://www.aec.gov.au/About_AEC/Media_releases/e2010/10-01.htm">Boothby and Flynn</a>. After investigating the premature opening of ballot boxes by AEC officers, it was decided that a combined total of 4,283 votes were excluded from the final count. </p>
<p>In 2007, Labor’s Rob Mitchell was declared the winner in McEwen by just seven votes. After recounting more than 100,000 ballot papers, however, Liberal Fran Bailey was returned with a majority of just 12 votes.</p>
<p>There are back-up systems in place if a candidate believes an election result is incorrect. In particular, the High Court of Australia, siting as the Court of Disputed Returns, may inquire into the conduct of federal elections.</p>
<p>Some, such as Liberal MP Malcolm Turnbull, have argued for the <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2013/lets-ditch-the-paper-ballots-and-go-electric-malcolm-turnbull-20130910-2thiy.html">introduction of electronic voting</a>. Suggesting that such a system would yield less informal votes, proponents also suggest it would simplify the counting process. A switch to electronic voting, however, would require changes to the Electoral Act. It would raise questions about the integrity of such a process, especially in terms of being “hacker”-proof.</p>
<p>The current situation in Indi highlights how simple errors can make a major impact on electoral outcomes. So far, however, the AEC has demonstrated that it is able to deal with problems as they arise and maintain the integrity of, and confidence in, the voting system.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/18140/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Zareh Ghazarian does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Following a close count on election night, the result in the rural Victorian electorate of Indi is still unknown. As the counting of votes continued, it was still unclear whether Liberal incumbent Sophie…Zareh Ghazarian, Lecturer, School of Political and Social Inquiry, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/172282013-08-26T20:19:25Z2013-08-26T20:19:25ZIndi and the politics of personality<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/29744/original/zt7ks4nf-1377152844.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Coalition frontbencher Sophie Mirabella has an unexpected fight on her hands is to retain her rural Victorian electorate of Indi.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Lukas Coch</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The <a href="http://www.aec.gov.au/profiles/vic/files/2010/2010-aec-a4-map-vic-indi.pdf">federal Victorian seat of Indi</a> covers a major part of Victoria’s northeast. The Hume Highway and the Melbourne-to-Sydney railway run through the electorate’s demographic centre and at various points intersect the major population centres of Benalla, Wangaratta and Wodonga, just south of Albury and the NSW border. </p>
<p>The sprawling electorate predominantly relies on agriculture, but its economy is supplemented by tourism from the nearby Hume and Dartmouth dams Lake Eildon and the northeast alpine region, administrative services and education. </p>
<p>The median family income of the seat is <a href="http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2011/quickstat/CED221">A$936 per week</a>, well below the state-wide median of $1216 per week. Within its nearly 98,000 enrolled voters, 20- to 30-year-olds are under-represented, while the 86% who are Australian-born is well above the state-wide figure of 69%.</p>
<p>Indi is a rural seat typical of those found among the Liberal Party’s safer divisions. It is currently on a two-party preferred margin of <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/elections/federal/2010/guide/indi.htm">close to 10%</a>, although the seat was held by the National (formerly Country) Party from 1958 to 1977. </p>
<p>In 1977, Liberal candidate E.C. Cameron won the seat in a “three-cornered” contest (between the Liberals, the ALP and the then-Country Party), and Indi has been in Liberal hands ever since. The Liberal Party’s grip can only be partially attributed to the Coalition agreement. When Cameron retired in 1993, his Liberal successor Lou Lieberman and subsequently the current sitting member, Sophie Mirabella (née Panopoulos), had to battle with Labor and the National Party as well as other minor parties and independents to win it. </p>
<p>When she won the seat in 2001, Mirabella secured 40.1% of the primary vote to the Nationals’ 12.3%. It is interesting to note that while Liberal candidates outpoll their National rivals in Indi on those occasions when a National candidate can run under the terms of the Coalition agreement, National candidates tend to outdo their Liberal counterparts in the concomitant state districts of Murray Valley and Benalla (but not Benambra in the far northeast, which remains a Liberal stronghold). </p>
<p>Indi is not a marginal seat, the potential for the Liberal and National parties to have a go at each other notwithstanding. As a sitting member and a shadow minister in a party that appears to be on its way back to government, one could expect Mirabella to win with an increased majority. Even so, an element of doubt has crept into the contest with the nomination of an independent candidate, <a href="http://www.cathymcgowan.com.au/">Cathy McGowan</a>. </p>
<p>McGowan is a former Liberal Party member - she worked for E.C. Cameron - with a strong local profile. She has gained the attention of the local media not least because of the enthusiasm with which some of her campaign events in the major population centres have been met. </p>
<p>The viability of McGowan’s candidacy appears to have been enhanced by two other important developments: first, the Labor Party, which tends to poll around 27% in this seat, is indicating that it will <a href="http://www.weeklytimesnow.com.au/article/2013/08/19/579950_politics-news.html">direct preferences to McGowan</a>. There are also rumours that local Nationals, aggrieved at the Liberal Party’s decision to run a candidate against the Nationals’ high-profile candidate <a href="http://www.bendigoadvertiser.com.au/story/1432051/nationals-give-andrew-broad-the-nod/">Andrew Broad</a> in Mallee, are <a href="http://www.news.com.au/breaking-news/mirabella-at-risk-in-three-corner-revenge/story-e6frfkp9-1226698074667">aligning themselves</a> with McGowan. </p>
<p>The theory goes that the support of National voters in the seat combined with the shift of Labor and Liberal voters could push McGowan ahead of Labor in the count and allow her to overtake Mirabella with Labor preferences. Support for Mirabella measured in a <a href="http://www.reachtel.com.au/blog/fairfax-media-indi-poll-15august2013">recent ReachTEL poll</a> had the Liberal vote at 43%, McGowan on 23% and Labor candidate Robyn Walsh on 17%. On these figures, the outcome would be close and McGowan would be in with a chance of pinching the seat.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/29798/original/7h94qzt8-1377232783.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/29798/original/7h94qzt8-1377232783.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=330&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/29798/original/7h94qzt8-1377232783.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=330&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/29798/original/7h94qzt8-1377232783.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=330&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/29798/original/7h94qzt8-1377232783.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/29798/original/7h94qzt8-1377232783.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/29798/original/7h94qzt8-1377232783.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Sophie Mirabella is being challenged a strong local independent candidate, Cathy McGowan, for her seat of Indi.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Twitter</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>While strong independent campaigns in rural districts are not unknown in Australian politics, McGowan’s momentum is a little surprising given the poor press received by rural independents in the advent of the minority Labor government that depended on Tony Windsor and Rob Oakeshott for its survival. One might have thought the time was hardly opportune for another aspiring rural independent seeking to win support from traditionally strong Liberal voters if the last time rural independents held the balance of power it resulted in a Labor government.</p>
<p>Other manifestations of rural unrest - such as the rise of One Nation in 1998 - coincided with a period of Coalition government and a strong sense of rural dissatisfaction with the Howard government’s policy approach. McGowan’s campaign rhetoric is full of reference to notions of rural disadvantage but it is Labor, not the Liberal Party, that has been the party of government. Therefore Mirabella, as a shadow minister, has not been in charge of any policies that might affect her constituents directly. </p>
<p>With the exception of the role being played by strains in the Liberal-National coalition arrangement in Victorian state politics, the only other explanation for the momentum behind McGowan’s candidature is that it is primarily a personal campaign against Mirabella. This is presumably due to more than dissatisfaction with her role as the shadow industry minister or her contributions to national policy debate. </p>
<p>This contest will give an insight into the extent to which personality politics can displace party identity as a driver of voter choice. Mirabella is the sitting Liberal member in a strong Liberal-voting seat. There can be no National candidate as a result of the federal Coalition agreement, and the national polls are showing that voters are aligning themselves to the Coalition to vote the Labor party out of government. Given all of this, Mirabella ought to win Indi and win it very comfortably. </p>
<p>If, however, McGowan were to win Indi, this conventional approach to electoral behaviour would have to be re-thought. As a result, more weight would have to be attached to the politics of personality conflict as an influence in electoral contests, for this is what the campaign for Indi has become. </p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/17228/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nick Economou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The federal Victorian seat of Indi covers a major part of Victoria’s northeast. The Hume Highway and the Melbourne-to-Sydney railway run through the electorate’s demographic centre and at various points…Nick Economou, Senior Lecturer, School of Political and Social Inquiry, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.