tag:theconversation.com,2011:/ca/topics/male-violence-13110/articlesMale violence – The Conversation2022-04-21T05:09:01Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1809492022-04-21T05:09:01Z2022-04-21T05:09:01ZDoes toxic masculinity explain why men kill women? Perhaps not as much as we thought<p>Men killing their female partners has gone from something that occurred behind closed doors with little public discussion, to the focus of <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-03-26/qld-hannah-clarke-inquest-murder-domestic-violence/100932094">national headlines</a> and high-level policy attention.</p>
<p>Even though shocking and high profile murders rightly prompt <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/lethal-lovers-national-strategy-needed-to-end-domestic-homicides-20220221-p59yao.html">calls for law and policy reform</a>, it is a different thing entirely to develop measures that actually work. The risk is that complex problems will be oversimplified.</p>
<p>How much of men killing women can we understand through a purely gendered lens? In other words, how much does looking at this problem through a lens of patriarchal control and toxic masculinity actually explain the problem? </p>
<p>The answer may be: less than we thought.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/she-was-the-most-important-person-to-us-r-rubuntjas-story-shows-society-is-still-failing-first-nations-women-180857">'She was the most important person to us' – R. Rubuntja's story shows society is still failing First Nations women</a>
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<h2>A distinctly different kind of man</h2>
<p>When it comes to understanding why men kill their partners, there are two distinct schools of thought. </p>
<p>One is that offenders share many similarities with men who are violent in other settings (for example, towards people they do not know). </p>
<p>The other is that men who kill intimate partners are distinctly different from other killers, particularly in their attitudes and beliefs about the place of women in society and men’s rights over women.</p>
<p>The latter view has come to dominate policy-making.</p>
<p>Concepts like <a href="https://theconversation.com/australian-study-reveals-the-dangers-of-toxic-masculinity-to-men-and-those-around-them-104694">toxic masculinity</a>, patriarchal power and control, and men’s entitlement, have found their way out of feminist theory and into mainstream dialogue. </p>
<p>However, when one viewpoint becomes all encompassing, the result tends to be loss of nuance, lack of perspective, and limited effect in the real world.</p>
<h2>Comparing three groups of homicide offenders</h2>
<p><a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/10887679221079801">We looked at this question</a> using data from the Australian Homicide Project. This is a unique dataset that contains in-depth interviews with over 300 convicted homicide offenders in Australia. </p>
<p>Our <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/10887679221079801">study</a> compared three groups: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>men who commit intimate partner femicide (such as men who kill their female partners or female ex-partners)</p></li>
<li><p>men who kill female non-intimates (such as men who kill a woman with whom they’ve never had romantic relationship) and</p></li>
<li><p>men who kill other men.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>We found very few differences between the three groups when it came to their backgrounds.</p>
<p>A considerable proportion in each group had not completed high school, and were under financial stress and/or unemployed in the year before the homicide. </p>
<p>Experiencing physical abuse and neglect during childhood was commonly reported. So was witnessing parental violence, and having insecure relationships with their parents (particularly their fathers).</p>
<p>There were some differences. Men who killed other men were much more likely to have had problems with alcohol and/or drugs in the year before the homicide. They also had far more extensive criminal histories. </p>
<p>All three groups had much higher levels of past criminal offending than the general population. Assault (not specifically against intimate partners) was especially common.</p>
<p>Interestingly, the intimate partner femicide group and the men who kill other men group did not differ significantly in their levels of reported past violence towards an intimate partner.</p>
<h2>Attitudes toward women</h2>
<p>When it came to attitudes, there were far fewer differences than we expected to find.</p>
<p>The intimate partner femicide group were more likely to endorse using violence within intimate relationships, and to believe that there were no alternatives to violence. </p>
<p>However, the groups did not differ on sexual jealousy (for example, how upset they would be if their partner talked about an old lover). </p>
<p>Nor did they differ greatly on attitudes toward marital roles (for example, the belief that a man should help in the house, but housework and childcare should mainly be a woman’s job). </p>
<p>In terms of male entitlement, the intimate partner femicide group were more likely to endorse “behavioural control” (for example, “If I can’t have my partner, no one can”). </p>
<p>But the groups did not differ in their endorsement of “social control” (for example, “I insist on knowing where my partner is at all times”) and “information control” (for example, “I look through my partner’s drawers, handbag, or pockets”). </p>
<p><a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/topics/voices/relationships/article/2021/03/31/what-coercive-control">Coercive control</a> has become a key focus for intimate partner femicide prevention efforts. </p>
<p>However, our findings suggest that some of the “subtler” behaviours that characterise coercive control – such as checking up on a partner’s whereabouts, insisting that they disclose where they are going, or monitoring their phone calls – may not be as specifically associated with intimate partner femicide as is often thought. </p>
<p>Instead, it may be that overt behavioural control is what we need to consider when we try to assess risk in relationships. This can include things such as expecting a partner to do what she is told, or expecting sex on demand.</p>
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<h2>Capturing the nuance</h2>
<p>Overall, our results warn that policies intended to prevent intimate partner femicide should not become narrowly focussed around gendered factors such as men’s attitudes to women and toxic masculinity.</p>
<p>These results show things like adverse experiences in childhood and financial stress may be common threads across various different “types” of homicide. </p>
<p>Many theories about homicide, and homicide prevention strategies, focus strongly on the relationship between the victim and offender, or the sex of the victim. </p>
<p>Our work, although based on a relatively small sample size, sounds a caution that such an approach can easily fail to capture the nuance and diversity within victim-offender relationships, as well as crucial similarities across different groups. </p>
<p>Ultimately, legal and policy responses to homicide need to be informed by multiple different perspectives and understandings of offending.</p>
<p>While the gendered perspective has a part to play, it is clear this approach cannot offer all of the answers.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/180949/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>This work was also co-authored by Dr Li Eriksson (Griffith University), Professor Paul Mazerolle (University of New Brunswick) and Professor Richard Wortley (University College London). The Australian Homicide Project was supported under the Australian Research Council Discovery Projects funding scheme (DP0878364).</span></em></p>How much of men killing women can we understand through a purely gendered lens? The answer may be: less than we thought.Samara McPhedran, Honorary Associate Professor, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1676392021-09-27T04:00:08Z2021-09-27T04:00:08ZNot all men’s violence prevention programs are effective: why women’s voices need to be included<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/423240/original/file-20210927-124719-tcz7oa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/KdeqA3aTnBY">Dylan Gillis/Unsplash</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In the opening panel of the National Summit on Women’s Safety 2021, Professor Marcia Langton called for a separate national plan to address violence against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women. </p>
<p>Other panels spoke about the importance of perpetrator interventions and engaging men and boys in prevention, particularly those that engage with Aboriginal men. Such programs are important but if they are not based in appropriate frameworks they can be dangerous.</p>
<p>In research conducted between 2018-2020, ten principles of good practice to prevent violence against women were identified through case studies of two Northern Territory programs addressing men’s violence. These principles were developed with practitioners in a series of workshops. One of the areas of focus was accountability for men who use violence. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-a-national-plan-to-address-family-violence-against-aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-people-167640">We need a national plan to address family violence against Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people</a>
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<h2>Men’s behaviour change programs in the Northern Territory</h2>
<p>Men’s behaviour change programs respond to violence by working with men who have used violence. Other programs seek to engage men and boys as allies in violence prevention. </p>
<p>Currently there are only two behaviour change programs in the Northern Territory and very few programs that engage men and boys in violence prevention. More are desperately needed.</p>
<p>However it is not enough to simply have these programs – they must be safe and effective.</p>
<p>Approximately 300 Northern Territorians contributed to the development of principles of good practice to prevent violence against women. These have been communicated in a framework called <a href="https://genderinstitute.anu.edu.au/sites/default/files/docs/2020_docs/HOPEFUL,%20TOGETHER,%20STRONG.%20Principles%20to%20prevent%20VAW%20in%20the%20NT..pdf">“Hopeful, Together, Strong”</a>.</p>
<p>These principles of good practice show that to be effective programs must be:</p>
<ul>
<li>holistic, community-driven and culturally safe </li>
<li>sustainable and educational </li>
<li>be framework- and theory-informed </li>
<li>involve multi-agency collaboration </li>
<li>be strengths-based and accessible</li>
<li>require accountability from men who use violence.</li>
</ul>
<p>These principles came from practice-based knowledge of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and non-Indigenous practitioners. Panel discussions at the Women’s Safety Summit spoke of the same principles, with discussions of the need for community-driven, holistic, culturally safe approaches.</p>
<h2>A study of two programs that work with men</h2>
<p>The first program studied is the Marra’ka Mbarintja Men’s Behaviour Change program run by <a href="https://www.tangentyere.org.au/">Tangentyere Council Aboriginal Corporation</a> in Mparntwe/Alice Springs. This men’s behaviour change program is for Aboriginal and non-Indigenous men who have used violence. </p>
<p>The study found this men’s behaviour change program was promising and showed evidence of assisting the community to move through the stages of change. </p>
<p>Particular strengths of this program were its culturally safe approach, its use of assertive outreach, its emphasis on women and children’s safety and holding men accountable for their use of violence. </p>
<p>This program has since developed <a href="https://genderinstitute.anu.edu.au/sites/default/files/docs/2020_docs/Central_Australian_Minimum_Standards_methodology_2020.pdf">Central Australian Minimum Standards</a> for men’s behaviour change programs. Despite the promising indications of program effectiveness, this program is under-funded, under-staffed, and under-resourced.</p>
<p>The second program studied will not be named to allow them the opportunity to put in place the research recommendations. This prevention program seeks to engage men in violence prevention by delivering training and sessions to Aboriginal and non-Indigenous men in regional and remote Northern Territory communities. In an effort to raise awareness, this program educates men about different types of violence.</p>
<p>Despite being well-funded, well-intended, and having a strong geographical reach, the research found this prevention program to be ineffective and often collusive with men’s violence against women. This was due to program staff having no expertise or training in domestic, family and sexual violence. </p>
<p>This led staff to minimising and/or condoning men’s use of violence in training sessions and using language like “women are just as bad”. </p>
<p>This is an inaccurate claim, considering women are nearly <a href="https://www.ourwatch.org.au/understanding-violence/facts-and-figures">three times more likely</a> to experience intimate partner violence than men; <a href="https://www.ourwatch.org.au/understanding-violence/facts-and-figures">almost ten women a day</a> are hospitalised from assault by a partner; and Indigenous women are hospitalised due to family violence at <a href="https://www.ourwatch.org.au/resource/changing-the-picture/">three times the rate</a> of Indigenous males.</p>
<p>Therefore this program’s training sessions often reinforced harmful and incorrect attitudes and beliefs which could drive further violence against women.</p>
<p>Comparing these two vastly different programs highlights the importance of minimum standards for programs working with men to prevent violence. Appropriate frameworks for these programs need to be built from evidence about what works, particularly in remote communities and alongside First Nations people. </p>
<p>If not conducted correctly, programs working with men can put women and children at continued risk. Funding and support should be directed to programs that can show evidence of being grounded in frameworks of good practice.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/men-are-more-likely-to-commit-violent-crimes-why-is-this-so-and-how-do-we-change-it-157331">Men are more likely to commit violent crimes. Why is this so and how do we change it?</a>
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<h2>The importance of community-driven programs</h2>
<p>Prioritising the safety of women and children must be at the forefront of everything any men’s program does. This includes elevating the voices of survivors and the inclusion of women in leadership. In particular, the perspectives of Aboriginal women must inform these programs, and Aboriginal people and communities must have decision-making roles in their governance.</p>
<p>When women’s voices are not included, there is no chance to model gender equality in relationships. In the case of men’s behaviour change programs, without women’s insights, the opportunity for accurately monitoring and assessing risks has been lost. If only the man’s assessment of risk is heard, there is no way to tell if the potential for violence is escalating. This can lead to staff minimising a man’s use of violence.</p>
<p>Staff employed in these programs working with men must be given comprehensive, ongoing training. This is to minimise the risk of collusion and to empower staff to challenge men’s use of or justification of violence. Understanding why some men minimise and justify their behaviour is a skill that specialist facilitators constantly work at. They need to balance holding men accountable within a non-shaming and non-judgemental space so men are able to explore and take ownership of their behaviour.</p>
<p>Programs working with men must also address additional drivers of violence against Aboriginal women, such as the ongoing impacts of colonisation on Indigenous people and communities. Programs must be equipped with an understanding of intergenerational trauma and how colonisation has undermined gender roles and relations in First Nations communities, and respond to the gendered impacts of these compounding traumas. </p>
<p>The ongoing impacts of colonisation on non-Indigenous people and society also <a href="https://www.ourwatch.org.au/resource/changing-the-picture/">drives violence</a> against Indigenous women. Colonisation has created systems and structures which privilege non-Indigenous people and reinforces power imbalances between them and Indigenous people. Programs working with men must therefore take an intersectional approach, and in addition to gendered drivers, address structural and racist violence. </p>
<p>We must also engage men and boys in preventing violence against women.
On day two of the Women’s Safety Summit, Thelma Schwartz expressed the sentiment that men are not always the problem, they can be the solution.</p>
<p>The ANROWS <a href="https://www.anrows.org.au/news/warawarni-gu-guma-statement/">Warawarni-gu guma statement</a> says:</p>
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<p>We invite our men, our brothers, uncles and cultural leaders to stand with us, to come together to work on solutions for us all, our young ones, our men and women together.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>A good example of this is the partnership between Darwin Indigenous Men’s Service and the Darwin Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women’s Shelter. This partnership shows how communities can work together to break the cycle of violence.</p>
<p>However, such local strategies are rarely given the opportunity to build their capacity and become effective programs, through a lack of government support.</p>
<p>To create and support community-led violence prevention programs, Indigenous people must be involved in conducting the research and informing what is best practice in their respective communities. Kinship and traditional Aboriginal family structures and ways of maintaining relationships, must be integrated into these practices.</p>
<p>We need place-based models, conceived, designed, and delivered <em>by</em> the community <em>for</em> the community.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/167639/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Chay Brown receives funding from ANROWS and the Australian National University Gender Institute. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Desmond Campbell is affiliated with Our Watch as a Board Member. </span></em></p>When addressing domestic and partner violence, First Nations communities need to be involved in how men’s behaviour change programs are developed and delivered.Chay Brown, Postdoctoral fellow, Australian National UniversityDesmond Campbell, First Nations Practice Lead: Social Ventures Australia, Indigenous KnowledgeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1478472020-12-08T00:38:45Z2020-12-08T00:38:45ZWho is a real man? Most Australians believe outdated ideals of masculinity are holding men back<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/372180/original/file-20201201-12-1g0ks7w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1476%2C121%2C4847%2C4715&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Most Australians recognise that traditional gender stereotypes are limiting and harmful for boys and men, a new national survey has found. And perhaps contrary to popular belief, many Australians are receptive to messages about alternative, healthy versions of masculinity.</p>
<p>The survey of 1,619 respondents, commissioned by the Victorian Health Promotion Foundation, sought to gauge <a href="https://www.vichealth.vic.gov.au/-/media/ProgramsandProjects/HealthInequalities/Attachments/VicHealth-Attitudes-to-men-and-masculinity-report-July-2020.pdf">people’s attitudes towards men and masculinity</a>. The sample was representative of the Australian population by age, state and gender.</p>
<p>Most people agreed on a few basic principles:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>traditional gender stereotypes are limiting and harmful for boys and men</p></li>
<li><p>there is pressure on men to live up to traditional masculine stereotypes </p></li>
<li><p>masculine expectations or outdated ideas of masculinity prevent men from living full lives </p></li>
<li><p>boys need both women and men as role models, rather than only men.</p></li>
</ul>
<h2>Masculinity is enforced more by men than women</h2>
<p>The survey revealed a consistent gender gap in attitudes toward men’s roles in society and perceptions of masculinity.</p>
<p>Perhaps not surprisingly, the survey showed that compared to women, men are less supportive of gender equality, less likely to see sexism as extensive and systematic, and more likely to endorse men’s dominance in relationships and families. </p>
<p>Ironically, the male respondents in the survey were also less aware than the female respondents of the pressure society places on men to conform to a certain ideal of masculinity.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/inside-the-man-box-how-rigid-ideas-of-manning-up-harm-young-men-and-those-around-them-143081">Inside the 'man box': how rigid ideas of 'manning up' harm young men and those around them</a>
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<p>One of the most interesting findings was the attitudes of younger men. Young men (aged 16-17) generally had more progressive attitudes than older men on traditional gender roles and how they are limiting, outdated and contribute to poor health. Yet, they also had the highest levels of endorsement of men’s use of violence, homophobia, breadwinner roles and men’s patriarchal power and control in relationships. </p>
<p>Such regressive attitudes may reflect the <a href="https://www.vichealth.vic.gov.au/-/media/ResourceCentre/PublicationsandResources/PVAW/SurveyReport_YoungPeople-attitudes-violence-against-women.pdf">intensified pressure they feel among male peers</a> to prove themselves as men, sexist online culture or other factors.</p>
<p>Conversely, young women’s attitudes were the most progressive of all respondents, creating a large gap between them and their male peers. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/373451/original/file-20201207-21-1xoas24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/373451/original/file-20201207-21-1xoas24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373451/original/file-20201207-21-1xoas24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373451/original/file-20201207-21-1xoas24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373451/original/file-20201207-21-1xoas24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373451/original/file-20201207-21-1xoas24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373451/original/file-20201207-21-1xoas24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Teenage boys may feel peer pressure to adhere to some traditional views of manhood.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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<h2>Who is a real man?</h2>
<p>There was little support overall in the survey for traditional definitions of masculinity based on homophobia. About one-quarter of young men and one-fifth of adult men agreed with the statement, “a gay guy isn’t a real man”. (Even fewer women agreed with this statement.) </p>
<p>There was also little support for the idea men should dominate and control women in relationships, although large minorities of men and particularly young men do support this. </p>
<p>Asked whether “a man should always have the final say about decisions in his relationship or marriage,” 30% of young men and 19% of adult men agreed, compared to just 13% of young women and 9% of adult women. </p>
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Read more:
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<p>Among our respondents, there was broad recognition that gender is <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-au/Gender%3A+In+World+Perspective%2C+3rd+Edition-p-9780745680712">socially constructed</a> – in other words, that boys’ and men’s lives and relations are shaped by social forces as much as they are by biology. </p>
<p>At the same time, many respondents also believed there were “natural” differences between men and women, especially when phrased in these terms.</p>
<p>We also saw widespread recognition of the need to open up gender roles for men, especially because they constrain men’s own health and wellbeing. </p>
<p>There was strong agreement, for instance, that men and boys should be free to explore who they are without the pressures of gender stereotypes. Most people also agreed progress towards gender equality and breaking free of gender stereotypes would be <a href="https://www.academia.edu/537993/Involving_Men_in_Gender_Practice_and_Policy_2007_">good for men</a>.</p>
<p>And though domestic and sexual violence continues to be a major concern, <a href="https://theconversation.com/more-help-required-the-crisis-in-family-violence-during-the-coronavirus-pandemic-144126">especially during the pandemic</a>, it was encouraging to see almost universal agreement among people in Australia that <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1097184X10363995">men can play a role</a> in preventing violence against women.</p>
<h2>Gender norms are improving</h2>
<p>The VicHealth survey complements a growing body of Australian research on people’s attitudes toward men, masculinity and gender. </p>
<p>This includes a <a href="https://theconversation.com/inside-the-man-box-how-rigid-ideas-of-manning-up-harm-young-men-and-those-around-them-143081">national survey</a> of young Australian men’s conformity to the “Man Box”
(stereotypical masculine attitudes), a <a href="https://www.broadagenda.com.au/2018/from-girls-to-men-social-attitudes-to-gender-equality-in-australia/">national survey</a> of Australians’ attitudes to gender equality issues and a rolling <a href="https://www.anrows.org.au/research-program/ncas/">national survey</a> of awareness and attitudes regarding violence against women.</p>
<p>Other data tell us gender norms in Australia are changing, largely for the better. </p>
<p>Attitudes improved in the 1980s and 1990s, and although <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12546-010-9039-9">progress stalled</a> after this, there have been steady improvements in <a href="https://www.anrows.org.au/publication/australians-attitudes-to-violence-against-women-and-gender-equality-findings-from-the-2017-national-community-attitudes-towards-violence-against-women-survey/">the past decade</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/373465/original/file-20201207-19-asha3p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/373465/original/file-20201207-19-asha3p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373465/original/file-20201207-19-asha3p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373465/original/file-20201207-19-asha3p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373465/original/file-20201207-19-asha3p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373465/original/file-20201207-19-asha3p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373465/original/file-20201207-19-asha3p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">There is a growing awareness in Australia that traditional gender stereotypes are limiting and harmful for men.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Messages for healthier views on masculinity</h2>
<p>One of the key findings of our survey is that framing matters. How messages about gender are phrased affects whether people agree with them — that is, what messages they will support.</p>
<p>For example, when people are presented with messages that men are currently “under attack”, substantial proportions of the population will endorse them — particularly those with pre-existing conservative views. </p>
<p>On the other hand, when statements on gender are framed in progressive or feminist terms — for example, men and boys are restricted by masculine stereotypes and should be freed from them — those with conservative views have similar levels of agreement to middle-of-the-road people.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gillette-has-it-right-advertisers-cant-just-celebrate-masculinity-and-ignore-the-metoo-movement-110034">Gillette has it right: advertisers can't just celebrate masculinity and ignore the #metoo movement</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>VicHealth’s research also <a href="https://www.vichealth.vic.gov.au/-/media/ProgramsandProjects/HealthInequalities/Attachments/VicHealth-Attitudes-to-men-and-masculinity-report-July-2020.pdf">tested various messages</a> for promoting healthy masculinity to <a href="https://www.vichealth.vic.gov.au/-/media/ProgramsandProjects/HealthInequalities/VicHealth-Framing-masculinity-message-guide-2020.pdf">identify those</a> most likely to inspire positive change. </p>
<p>Among the key recommendations for community and health providers to better engage with men: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>focus on progressive ideas that will appeal to the vast majority of people, rather than pandering to men with traditionally masculine language or focusing on myth-busting</p></li>
<li><p>emphasise the need to free men from outdated masculine stereotypes</p></li>
<li><p>focus less on the problem, and more on the solution.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>There is a <a href="https://promundoglobal.org/resources/masculine-norms-and-mens-health-making-the-connections/">wealth of evidence</a> that conformity to traditional masculine stereotypes is limiting for men and boys and harmful to those around them. </p>
<p>Most Australians agree. It is time to foster positive alternatives, to improve health and wellbeing for everyone.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/147847/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michael Flood had received funding from the Department of Justice and Community Safety (DJCS, Victoria), Australian Primary Health Care Research Institute (APHCRI), and the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>A new survey shows that while younger men generally had more progressive views than older men on gender roles, they also endorsed such ideas as men’s use of violence and control in relationships.Michael Flood, Associate Professor, Queensland University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1405502020-07-08T19:46:17Z2020-07-08T19:46:17ZIs watching porn bad for your health? We asked 5 experts<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/343878/original/file-20200625-132951-1p0cl31.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C789%2C5996%2C3204&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Let’s be honest: during coronavirus lockdown it was hard to resist the allure of internet intimacy. Rates of watching porn <a href="https://theconversation.com/denied-intimacy-in-iso-aussies-go-online-for-adult-content-so-whats-hot-in-each-major-city-138122">skyrocketed in Australia</a> during isolation.</p>
<p>But have you ever wondered what effects consuming adult content can have on your health?</p>
<p>We asked five experts whether watching porn is bad for our health.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/denied-intimacy-in-iso-aussies-go-online-for-adult-content-so-whats-hot-in-each-major-city-138122">Denied intimacy in 'iso', Aussies go online for adult content – so what's hot in each major city?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Three out of five experts said yes</h2>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/345928/original/file-20200707-27837-n0addf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/345928/original/file-20200707-27837-n0addf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=99&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345928/original/file-20200707-27837-n0addf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=99&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345928/original/file-20200707-27837-n0addf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=99&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345928/original/file-20200707-27837-n0addf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=125&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345928/original/file-20200707-27837-n0addf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=125&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345928/original/file-20200707-27837-n0addf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=125&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption"></span>
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</figure>
<p>Their main concerns were about the creation of unrealistic expectations, links with gender-based violence, and the potential for addiction.</p>
<p>But some suggested education can help offset some of these possible harms, and porn can play a positive role for LGBTIQ+ young people.</p>
<p><em><strong>Here are the experts’ detailed responses:</strong></em></p>
<p><iframe id="tc-infographic-500" class="tc-infographic" height="400px" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/infographics/500/34dabbce4f09da23f83317d3944825e511b5721b/site/index.html" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<hr>
<p><em>If you have a “<strong>yes or no</strong>” health question you’d like posed to Five Experts, email your suggestion to: liam.petterson@theconversation.edu.au</em></p>
<hr>
<p><em>This article is supported by the <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/partners/judith-neilson-institute">Judith Neilson Institute for Journalism and Ideas</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/140550/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
Some experts were concerned about the creation of unrealistic expectations, links with gender-based violence, and the potential for addiction. Others said education might help to offset these harms.Liam Petterson, Deputy Politics Editor, The Conversation AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1243862019-12-05T12:39:34Z2019-12-05T12:39:34ZHow toys became gendered – and why it’ll take more than a gender-neutral doll to change how boys perceive femininity<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294891/original/file-20190930-194824-1v5xmtk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Many boys are taught they shouldn't do 'girl things' like ballet.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/cute-little-kids-dancers-on-white-768091609?src=mFwaINH6cneNM24_bMBYKg-1-0">UvGroup/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Parents who want to raise their children in a gender-nonconforming way <a href="https://www.usatoday.com/story/money/2019/11/26/gender-neutral-dolls-adult-shoppers-skeptical/4250262002/">have a new stocking stuffer</a> this year: the gender-neutral doll. </p>
<p>Announced in September, Mattel’s new line of <a href="https://news.mattel.com/news/mattel-launches-gender-inclusive-doll-line-inviting-all-kids-to-play">gender-neutral humanoid dolls</a> don’t clearly identify as either a boy or a girl. The dolls come with a variety of wardrobe options and can be dressed in varying lengths of hair and clothing styles. </p>
<p>But can a doll – or the <a href="https://theconversation.com/beyond-pink-and-blue-the-quiet-rise-of-gender-neutral-toys-95147">growing list of other gender-neutral toys</a> – really change the way we think about gender? </p>
<p>Mattel says it’s responding to research that shows “kids don’t want their toys dictated by gender norms.” Given the <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1111/jora.12488">results of a recent study</a> reporting that 24% of U.S. adolescents have a nontraditional sexual orientation or gender identity, such as bisexual or nonbinary, the decision makes business sense.</p>
<p>As a <a href="https://hdfs.msu.edu/people/faculty/mass-megan-kphd">developmental psychologist</a> who researches gender and sexual socialization, I can tell you that it also makes scientific sense. <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/buy/1999-11924-002">Gender is an identity</a> and is not based on someone’s biological sex. That’s why I believe it’s great news that some dolls will better reflect how children see themselves.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, a doll alone is not going to overturn decades of socialization that have led us to believe that boys wear blue, have short hair and play with trucks; whereas girls like pink, grow their hair long and play with dolls. More to the point, it’s not going to change <a href="http://www.meganmaas.com/blog/you-say-girl-like-its-a-bad-thing">how boys are taught</a> that masculinity is good and femininity is something less – a view that <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=TZgnU_QAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">my research shows</a> is associated with sexual violence.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/305033/original/file-20191203-66990-1et09xy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/305033/original/file-20191203-66990-1et09xy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/305033/original/file-20191203-66990-1et09xy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/305033/original/file-20191203-66990-1et09xy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/305033/original/file-20191203-66990-1et09xy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/305033/original/file-20191203-66990-1et09xy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/305033/original/file-20191203-66990-1et09xy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Girl toys tend to be pink.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Nick Ut</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Pink girls and blue boys</h2>
<p>The kinds of toys American children play with tend to adhere to a clear gender binary. </p>
<p>Toys marketed to boys tend to be more aggressive and involve action and excitement. Girl toys, on the other hand, are usually pink and passive, emphasizing beauty and nurturing. </p>
<p>It wasn’t always like this. </p>
<p>Around the turn of the 20th century, <a href="https://newdream.org/blog/2011-10-gendering-of-kids-toys">toys were rarely marketed</a> to different genders. By the 1940s, manufacturers quickly caught on to the idea that wealthier families would buy an entire new set of clothing, toys and other gadgets if the products were marketed differently for both genders. And so the idea of <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=hyCP94EAb3kC&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false">pink for girls and blue for boys</a> was born. </p>
<p>Today, gendered toy marketing in the U.S. is stark. <a href="https://theconversation.com/its-not-just-the-toy-aisles-that-teach-children-about-gender-stereotypes-59005">Walk down any toy aisle</a> and you can clearly see who the audience is. The girl aisle is almost exclusively pink, showcasing mostly Barbie dolls and princesses. The boy aisle is mostly blue and features trucks and superheroes. </p>
<h2>Breaking down the binary</h2>
<p>The emergence of a gender-neutral doll is a sign of how this binary of boys and girls is beginning to break down – at least when it comes to girls. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/12/19/most-americans-see-value-in-steering-children-toward-toys-activities-associated-with-opposite-gender/">A 2017 study</a> showed that more than three-quarters of those surveyed said it was a good thing for parents to encourage young girls to play with toys or do activities “associated with the opposite gender.” The share rises to 80% for women and millennials.</p>
<p>But when it came to boys, support dropped significantly, with 64% overall – and far fewer men – saying it was good to encourage them to do things associated with girls. Those who were older or more conservative were even more likely to think it wasn’t a good idea. </p>
<p>Reading between the lines suggests there’s a view that traits stereotypically associated with men – such as strength, courage and leadership – are good, whereas those tied to femininity – such as vulnerability, emotion and caring – are bad. Thus boys receive the message that wanting to <a href="https://www.femalista.com/comic-shows-why-boys-develop-sexism-from-early-age-by-interactions-with-adults/?fbclid=IwAR1eP0fcqO69xN7ylUt-IH27AFkQjp-Ex3T0-fczXXtLFIZQXqhI16Ix7UA">look up to girls is not OK</a>.</p>
<p>And many <a href="https://hbr.org/2018/10/how-men-get-penalized-for-straying-from-masculine-norms">boys are taught over and over</a> throughout their lives that exhibiting “female traits” is wrong and means they aren’t “real men.” Worse, <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1048984315000223">they’re frequently</a> <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2011-27429-001">punished</a> <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/buy/2016-59613-001">for it</a> – while exhibiting masculine traits like aggression are often rewarded.</p>
<p><iframe id="rbkBH" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/rbkBH/3/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<h2>How this affects sexual expectations</h2>
<p>This gender socialization continues into emerging adulthood and affects men’s romantic and sexual expectations. </p>
<p>For example, a <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1007/s12119-015-9281-6">2015 study I conducted with three co-authors</a> explored how participants felt their gender affected their sexual experiences. Roughly 45% of women said they expected to experience some kind of sexual violence just because they are women; whereas none of the men reported a fear of sexual violence and 35% said their manhood meant they should expect pleasure. </p>
<p>And these findings can be linked back to the kinds of toys we play with. Girls are taught to be passive and strive for beauty by <a href="https://theconversation.com/teaching-little-girls-to-lead-77146">playing with princesses</a> and putting on makeup. Boys are encouraged to be more active or even aggressive with trucks, toys guns and action figures; building, fighting and even dominating are emphasized. <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1007/s11199-017-0868-2">A recent analysis of Lego sets</a> demonstrates this dichotomy in what they emphasize for boys – building expertise and skilled professions – compared with girls – caring for others, socializing and being pretty. Thus, girls spend their childhoods practicing how to be pretty and care for another person, while boys practice getting what they want.</p>
<p>This results in a <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1007/s12119-012-9163-0">sexual double standard</a> in which men are the powerful actors and women are subordinate. And even in cases of sexual assault, <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1023/A:1021342912248">research has shown</a> people will put more blame on a female rape victim if she does something that violates a traditional gender role, such as cheating on her husband – which is more accepted for men than for women. </p>
<p>A <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1007/s10964-015-0278-0">2016 study</a> found that adolescent men who subscribe to traditional masculine gender norms are more likely to engage in dating violence, such as sexual assault, physical or emotional abuse and stalking. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/303829/original/file-20191126-180279-1ee8tmw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/303829/original/file-20191126-180279-1ee8tmw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=379&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303829/original/file-20191126-180279-1ee8tmw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=379&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303829/original/file-20191126-180279-1ee8tmw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=379&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303829/original/file-20191126-180279-1ee8tmw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303829/original/file-20191126-180279-1ee8tmw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303829/original/file-20191126-180279-1ee8tmw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Mattel’s new line of dolls come with clothes for all genders.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://news.mattel.com/multimedia/creatable-worldTM">Mattel</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Teaching gender tolerance</h2>
<p>Mattel’s gender-neutral dolls offer much-needed variety in kids’ toys, but children – as well as adults – also need to learn more tolerance of how others express gender differently than they do. And boys in particular need support in appreciating and practicing more traditional feminine traits, like communicating emotion or caring for someone else – skills that are required for any healthy relationship.</p>
<p>Gender neutrality represents <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/gender-neutral">the absence of gender</a> – not the tolerance of different gender expression. If we emphasize only the former, I believe femininity and the people who express it will remain devalued.</p>
<p>So consider doing something gender-nonconforming with your children’s existing dolls, such as having Barbie win a wrestling championship or giving Ken a tutu. And encourage the boys in your life to play with them too.</p>
<p>[ <em>You’re too busy to read everything. We get it. That’s why we’ve got a weekly newsletter.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters/weekly-highlights-61?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=weeklybusy">Sign up for good Sunday reading.</a> ]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/124386/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Megan K. Maas receives funding from the National Institutes of Health.</span></em></p>Mattel created a new line of dolls because of research suggesting kids don’t want toys ‘dictated by gender norms’ – but supplanting those norms will take a lot more than that.Megan K. Maas, Assistant Professor of Human Development and Family Studies, Michigan State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/917402018-02-23T11:49:33Z2018-02-23T11:49:33ZHow working with men and boys could stop domestic violence<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207326/original/file-20180221-132642-lp91w9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Rob Porter, left, an aide to President Trump, resigned after reports surfaced that he had abused his two ex-wives</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP/Pablo Martinez Monsivais</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Can President Donald Trump’s recent repudiation of domestic violence actually help prevent it?</p>
<p>Rob Porter, a high-level aide to Trump, was accused of serial domestic violence by his two ex-wives. The controversy dominated news coverage earlier this month. Trump publicly denounced domestic violence one week after Porter resigned, saying “I’m totally opposed to domestic violence of any kind.”</p>
<p>Those who called for such a statement by the president may be motivated by the belief that when powerful men convincingly call out abusers, society’s acceptance of domestic violence can be diminished. </p>
<p>There is not a lot of research to support this <a href="http://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/norms.pdf">commonsense idea.</a> But there is a growing body of work with men and boys that research shows can be effective in diminishing domestic violence.</p>
<p>This is a significant evolution in the field. Since the establishment of <a href="http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:NuglOP2DpuYJ:awomansplace.org/file_download/f52034f5-dffa-409b-b900-b606468b273c+&cd=5&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us">the first domestic violence shelters</a> in the 1970s, domestic violence policies and services have rightly focused most attention on survivors and meeting their needs for safety and healing.</p>
<p>Increasingly, though, domestic violence organizations are adopting approaches that involve men and boys in domestic violence prevention. The idea is that by addressing the root causes, these programs can stop domestic violence from occurring in the first place. </p>
<p>I am a professor who studies how to intervene and prevent men’s violence against women. Our research team has researched the effectiveness of programs that involve <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=SBgwDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT86&lpg=PT86&dq=Tolman+Walsh+Nieves&source=bl&ots=_c45ZZmKKi&sig=5UuwgNjfDgWH-UgjBM6Pjz8I9J8&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwji34n4kLfZAhUGC6wKHacvCh4Q6AEIKDAA#v=onepage&q=Tolman%20Walsh%20Nieves&f=false">boys and men</a> in domestic violence <a href="https://www.tacoma.uw.edu/social-work/mobilizing-men-violence-prevention">prevention efforts</a>. </p>
<p>Much of the work being done with men and boys is not well-known, despite the fact that this is a thriving movement. Here is a snapshot of some of those efforts, both global and local, and what we know about their effectiveness. </p>
<h2>1. Sports and prevention</h2>
<p>Some efforts to involve men are directed in the arena of sports because, well, men like sports. They venerate sports figures and identify with teams. Reports of domestic violence perpetrated by athletes have grown more common. This has led to visible efforts by sports organizations to respond with sanctions for perpetrators and to become part of prevention efforts, like the NFL’s <a href="https://nomore.org/campaigns/public-service-announcements/nflplayerspsa/">No More</a>. The <a href="https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1051&context=bjesl">seriousness and effectiveness</a> of these efforts are <a href="http://www.espn.com/espnw/news-commentary/article/12235694/impact-league-made">yet to be determined</a>.</p>
<p>But sports have also been the site of innovative and effective interventions for youth. <a href="https://www.futureswithoutviolence.org/engaging-men/coaching-boys-into-men/">Coaching Boys Into Men</a> provides high school athletic coaches with the resources they need help prevent relationship abuse, harassment and sexual assault by their players. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207385/original/file-20180221-132650-utho21.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207385/original/file-20180221-132650-utho21.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207385/original/file-20180221-132650-utho21.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207385/original/file-20180221-132650-utho21.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207385/original/file-20180221-132650-utho21.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=541&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207385/original/file-20180221-132650-utho21.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=541&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207385/original/file-20180221-132650-utho21.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=541&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Coaching Boys Into Men curriculum being taught to the football team at an Iowa middle school.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Contributed photo, Futures Without Violence</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The program’s curriculum includes coach-to-athlete trainings that model respect and promote healthy relationships. It also includes a card series to help coaches incorporate themes of teamwork, integrity, fair play and respect into their daily practice and routine. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23084163">Coaching Boys Into Men</a> has been <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23790995">rigorously evaluated</a>, found to be effective in reducing dating violence, and is being <a href="http://www.coachescorner.org/impact/#locations">widely implemented in the U.S.</a> and <a href="https://www.futureswithoutviolence.org/coaching-boys-into-men-goes-global/">replicated in other countries</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207399/original/file-20180221-132667-17vkurv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207399/original/file-20180221-132667-17vkurv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207399/original/file-20180221-132667-17vkurv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=591&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207399/original/file-20180221-132667-17vkurv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=591&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207399/original/file-20180221-132667-17vkurv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=591&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207399/original/file-20180221-132667-17vkurv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=743&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207399/original/file-20180221-132667-17vkurv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=743&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207399/original/file-20180221-132667-17vkurv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=743&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Coaching Boys Into Men lesson card for coaches.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Contributed by Futures Without Violence</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>2. Transition to fatherhood</h2>
<p>A prime risk factor for future abuse is the <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/29175277">exposure of children to violence</a>. Preventing abuse in new families would reduce children’s exposure to violence and thus the potential for future violence. </p>
<p>One promising strategy is to involve men in prevention efforts as they move into fatherhood. Research shows that a caring and supportive relationship with their fathers reduces the risk of harsh physical discipline by the <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/record/2013-34108-004">next generation of parents</a>, both for fathers and mothers. Positive fathering predicts warmer and more positive parenting by adult sons <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3532897/">when they become fathers</a>.</p>
<p>Strategies that could be used in this area include engaging men at prenatal visits such as ultrasound appointments, which the vast majority of men in the U.S. attend, and at <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/29169043">in-home visits</a> during pregnancy and after the birth of a child. </p>
<p>Global campaigns such as <a href="https://men-care.org">MenCare</a> seek to improve caregiving by fathers and address partner violence. MenCare’s programs ask men to become more equitable partners and provide them with opportunities to learn and practice parenting skills. They promote policy change, like paid parental leave. And they conduct media campaigns to inspire men and their communities to support men’s caregiving.</p>
<h2>3. Preventing dating abuse</h2>
<p>Studies document high levels of <a href="https://www.nij.gov/topics/crime/intimate-partner-violence/teen-dating-violence/pages/prevalence.aspx">dating violence</a> beginning in middle school. When it comes to prevention, one could argue that programs must intervene early or the effort will be wasted, because stopping abuse before it becomes a entrenched pattern is more likely to be effective in preventing relationship violence.</p>
<p>School-based abuse prevention programs like <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1448308/">Safe Dates</a> and Fourth R have shown some <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19652099">success</a> in changing attitudes and <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19652099">behavior.</a> The Safe Dates program, for example, uses nine 50-minute sessions, a student-performed 45-minute play and a poster contest, to explore topics on how to cultivate caring relationships, overcome gender stereotypes and help friends.</p>
<h2>4. Bystander programs</h2>
<p>“Bystander” prevention programs, increasingly commonplace on <a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=sR3qCgAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA183&dq=Katz,+J.,+%26+Moore,+J.+(2013).+Bystander+education+training+for+campus+sexual+assault+prevention:+An+initial+meta-analysis.&ots=7pN5wdymFz&sig=2nfnUcVTxtTwkvwY308sG5IyplM#v=onepage&q&f=false">college campuses</a>, build skills to recognize, respond to, and disrupt behavior that might lead to <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/record/2011-07454-001">sexual assault or intimate partner violence</a>. </p>
<p>Some examples of bystander behavior include telling a man who is saying disrespectful things about women to stop or helping a woman who is being harassed to get away from a situation in which she could be harmed. Teens involved in bystander interventions are more likely to intervene to prevent victimization <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25951840">of their peers</a>.</p>
<h2>5. Motivating men to be allies</h2>
<p>Our research group surveyed men around the world who have been involved in efforts to <a href="https://digitalcommons.tacoma.uw.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1433&context=socialwork_pub">prevent violence against women</a>. The <a href="https://digitalcommons.tacoma.uw.edu/socialwork_pub/434/">survey revealed</a> that many men who get involved have a personal experience with violence – as child witnesses or survivors of their own child abuse. Still others find their way to prevention efforts through a commitment to social justice. </p>
<p>Importantly, we found that many men are receptive to violence prevention efforts when they tune in to survivors’ experiences. </p>
<p>Given that men are moved by learning about survivors’ experiences, the visibility of and emotional power of the #MeToo movement and the remarkable and vivid accounts of White House aide Rob Portman’s ex-wives can lead men to get involved in ending violence against women. </p>
<p>Whatever the pathway, men’s involvement in preventing domestic violence in their families, workplaces and communities can be part of the global effort to promote safety and equality for women, and to end victimization in all its forms.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91740/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Richard Tolman has received funding in the past from the Rauner Family Foundation, the Templeton Foundation, the National Institutes of Health, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Mott Foundation.
</span></em></p>Domestic violence services have rightly focused most attention on meeting survivors’ needs. Increasingly, though, organizations are involving men and boys in domestic violence prevention.Richard Tolman, Professor of Social Work, University of MichiganLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/821152017-08-13T23:15:33Z2017-08-13T23:15:33ZAcid attacks are on the rise and toxic masculinity is the cause<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/181443/original/file-20170808-27875-1r11p0e.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Lucia Annibali, victim of an acid attack in Italy, walks in Rome earlier this year. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Alessandra Tarantino)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>A spate of acid attacks has earned London the dubious recent distinction of being called “the acid capital of Britain.” There have been more than 100 acid attacks reported in 2017 alone, with at least one a day in the city, and <a href="http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/london-acid-attack-capital-uk-10795265">there are suggestions</a> the true figure is much higher. </p>
<p>There’s a common misconception that acid attacks take place only in developing countries. They are, in fact, a worldwide phenomenon. Acid attacks have been reported in the U.K., Canada, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/apr/29/acid-attacks-italy-gessica-notaro">Italy (27 registered assaults in 2016)</a> and other industrialized countries. Approximately 1,500 acid attacks are recorded worldwide annually. Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Nepal, Cambodia and Uganda are countries with the highest reported incidence.</p>
<p>More than two-thirds of recent victims in the U.K. are men. But globally, 80 per cent of acid attack victims <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-23631395">are women and girls.</a> Acid violence is categorized as a form of gender-based violence because gendered roles and hierarchies within families and society not only motivate perpetrators to commit the crime, but also provide them with a sense of impunity. </p>
<h2>Attackers aim to disfigure victims</h2>
<p>Perpetrators usually intend to disfigure rather than kill their victims. The patriarchal reasoning that a woman’s appearance is her only asset often drives acid violence. Even in the U.K., where most victims are men, a gang member admits quite easily in a YouTube documentary produced by VICE that although he has attacked both men and women with acid, he would <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/acid-attacker-victims-deserve-it-knife-weapon-gangs-police-documentary-a7846241.html">“prefer to use acid on a girl nine out of 10 times” because “they love their beauty.”</a></p>
<p>Acid attacks are often specifically used to ruin a woman’s future romantic prospects, her career, financial security and social status. This perverse logic for acid attacks appears to hold water everywhere in the world. In 2008, <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-4696598/Acid-attack-victim-Katie-Piper-describes-life-sentence.html">Katie Piper’s ex-boyfriend</a> hired an attacker in London to specifically throw sulphuric acid on her face to make her unattractive to other men and destroy her modelling career.</p>
<p>Perpetrators of acid violence are almost always men, and toxic masculinity —the desire to permanently victimize someone while demonstrating his own power and brutality —is almost always the underlying cause regardless of whether the victim is a woman, man or transgendered person. </p>
<h2>Boys, men, need strong education programs</h2>
<p>None of the policies and interventions aimed at responding to acid violence have engaged meaningfully with this fact. Proactive prevention strategies must involve sensitizing men and boys to the effects of gender-based violence, including acid attacks, and incorporating them into prevention activities. </p>
<p>Such approaches should be prioritized – or at least simultaneously implemented – as reactive strategies such as policing acid sellers and purchasers, and seeking longer jail sentences for perpetrators, which countries like Great Britain, Italy, Bangladesh and India are currently pursuing.</p>
<p>Perpetrators use acid because it is easy to purchase, easier to use than knives or guns, and because it has devastating consequences upon victims. Perpetrators also use other corrosive substances to disfigure their victims. This is true for recent attacks in the U.K. and in Montreal in 2012, when <a href="http://montreal.ctvnews.ca/as-attacker-released-tanya-st-arnauld-says-acid-assault-still-haunts-her-1.2645331">Tanya St-Arnauld’s</a> ex-boyfriend used a household cleaning liquid to attack her.</p>
<p>This means that in countries where acid is not widely available or expensive, perpetrators will find destructive alternatives (kerosene, for example) that have the same disfiguring effect. Keeping purchase records of such common products will be difficult, if not impossible.</p>
<p>Governments and acid violence prevention NGOs have advocated for social, medical and legal reforms that have assisted in improving health, education and training, human rights, laws and psychosocial services for acid attack survivors. But to date, none of them have developed programs that authentically acknowledge or address the root cause of acid violence. </p>
<p>In some countries, state responsibilities have been supplemented or even replaced by NGOs, even though the latter cannot replace the former’s role in protecting citizens. Stronger state involvement is critical not just in service provision to survivors but also in prevention.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/82115/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>This research was made possible by a research grant from SSHRC (Insight Grant # 435 2014 1847) awarded to Professor Bipasha Baruah. The authors acknowledge that there is no conflict of interest.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Aisha Siddika does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Acid attacks, mostly against women, are increasing globally, and toxic masculinity is to blame. It’s time for social, medical and legal reform to stop the scourge.Dr. Bipasha Baruah, Professor & Canada Research Chair in Global Women's Issues , Western UniversityAisha Siddika, Alumni, Western UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/515332016-12-12T14:43:37Z2016-12-12T14:43:37ZHow much do we actually know about the psychology of violence?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/147604/original/image-20161125-32008-1o1oqke.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Violence is one of society’s biggest, most tragic problems. The human cost of violent crime is all too obvious: victims, perpetrators and witnesses all suffer. Violence occurs on an enormous scale: in 2014-15, there were <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/crime-stats/crime-statistics/year-ending-march-2015/stb-crime-march-2015.html">1.3m violent incidents reported</a> in England and Wales alone. The financial impact is staggering, too: violent crime was estimated to have cost the UK £124 billion in the year 2012 – that’s <a href="http://www.visionofhumanity.org/pdf/ukpi/UK_Peace_Index_report_2013.pdf">7.7% of the nation’s GDP</a>. </p>
<p>But while we have some idea about the impacts of violence, we don’t know a lot about how it works. If we’re to find ways to reduce violence – either by rehabilitating violent offenders, or preventing violence in the first place – then we’ll need a much better understanding of what causes it. Specifically, we need to know what makes people more likely to be violent, and what changes can be made to reduce this tendency. </p>
<p>One thing we can be sure of is that violence has something to do with psychology. Violence is a set of behaviours, which have their roots in complicated emotional motivations and reactions. As with other psychological problems, health experts think that violence can be seen as an extension of an otherwise normal reaction; we all get sad, but only some of us get depressed; we all worry, but only some of us develop anxiety disorders. </p>
<p>Perhaps the same approach can be applied to understanding violence. We can all be aggressive or hostile, but maybe for some, these feelings become so severe that they are translated into violent behaviour. </p>
<h2>More than a feeling</h2>
<p>If you follow this logic, you might assume that violence occurs when feelings of anger get out of control. But if that were true, then you would expect anger management interventions to reduce violence. <a href="https://www.ncjrs.gov/App/publications/abstract.aspx?ID=165558">Evidence suggests that</a> they are not. Anger may indeed play an important role in activating violence for some people, but it is neither necessary, nor sufficient for violence to occur. Likewise, while drug use and mental health problems <a href="http://jama.jamanetwork.com/article.aspx?articleid=186340">have been linked</a> to violent behaviour there’s no evidence to suggest that they actually cause it. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/147610/original/image-20161125-32026-fzrwfz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/147610/original/image-20161125-32026-fzrwfz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=695&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147610/original/image-20161125-32026-fzrwfz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=695&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147610/original/image-20161125-32026-fzrwfz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=695&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147610/original/image-20161125-32026-fzrwfz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=874&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147610/original/image-20161125-32026-fzrwfz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=874&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147610/original/image-20161125-32026-fzrwfz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=874&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Frustrated.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span>
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<p>So far, psychological research has largely failed to deliver the kind of results which would allow us to identify the true causes of violence. This, in turn, means that we have made little progress on preventing it, and even less on the rehabilitation of those who act violently. <a href="http://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2008/02/0708241es.pdf">The best predictors</a> of who will be violent are age, gender and a history of previous violence – none of which can be used to target interventions. </p>
<p>Yet there is <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Brad_Bushman/publication/11605802_Human_aggression/links/0912f5134dae034340000000.pdf">some research which indicates</a> that violence occurs in two different ways; that we can distinguish between “instrumental” violence and “affective” violence. Instrumental violence is used as a means to an end – for example, in a robbery to obtain cash or goods. Affective violence is an end in itself, driven by emotion – as we see in cases of aggravated assault. </p>
<p>At the University of Bath’s <a href="http://www.bath.ac.uk/psychology/research/groups/clinical-psychology/">clinical psychology research group</a>, we have been focusing on the latter form. We’re seeking to understand why an individual becomes violent, by looking at the different ways that violent and non-violent people interpret a range of situations.</p>
<h2>Shame and blame</h2>
<p><a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14789940701656808">Earlier work</a> in this field assumes that the way people make sense of the world is influenced to some degree by their earlier experiences. Our early experience leads us to develop general assumptions about how the world works, or at least how it should work. For example, most people believe that to some degree “life should treat me fairly”, up to and including that “other people should treat me fairly”. </p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/147607/original/image-20161125-32008-i26dk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/147607/original/image-20161125-32008-i26dk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147607/original/image-20161125-32008-i26dk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147607/original/image-20161125-32008-i26dk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147607/original/image-20161125-32008-i26dk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147607/original/image-20161125-32008-i26dk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/147607/original/image-20161125-32008-i26dk6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Early signs.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/sharynmorrow/4347865982/sizes/o/">massdistraction/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>Research <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14789940701656808">with high-risk, violent offenders</a> indicates that low self-esteem, developed from a young age, can play a key role in triggering violent behaviour. For example, a person may feel badly about themselves following a difficult, traumatic, abusive or neglectful childhood. Yet that individual may outwardly appear confident, even arrogant – scholars propose that this is a defence against inward feelings of shame, weakness, vulnerability and inadequacy. </p>
<p>The theory goes that these feelings are so painful, that if the individual perceives that someone humiliates them or shows them disrespect, they are unable to tolerate it. A violent response restores a sense of self-worth and pride, while also punishing whoever caused that sense of injury or humiliation.</p>
<p>There’s still a lot of work to do, to test whether this theory holds true across a variety of cases. And we’re a long way from determining whether or not the mechanisms proposed in this theory do, in fact, apply to those who become violent. But if we can answer these questions, we may be able to come up with cognitive behavioural treatments of violence, which help people to challenge the thoughts and interpretations that trigger violent reactions, and to respond in a different way. To this end, we’re looking for men over the age of 18, both with and without a history of violence, to <a href="https://bathreg.onlinesurveys.ac.uk/violenceresearch">participate in our research</a>. </p>
<p>We are hopeful that this study can contribute to the growing understanding of violence, and to new approaches to prevention of violence and rehabilitation of perpetrators.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/51533/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paul Salkovskis is affiliated with The British Association for Behavioural and Cognitive Psychotherapy and The British Psychological Society Division of Clinical Psychology. This article was produced with assistance from Emily Garner and Julian Walker of the Avon and Wiltshire Mental Health Partnership NHS Trust.</span></em></p>We all get angry, but only some of us are violent – now, researchers are trying to figure out what triggers this harmful behaviour. And they need your help.Paul Salkovskis, Professor of Clinical Psychology and Applied Science, Director, University of Bath and AWP NHS Trust Centre for Specialist Psychological Treatments of Anxiety and Related Problems (CSPTARP), University of BathLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/649252016-09-15T22:26:40Z2016-09-15T22:26:40ZWhy societies must protect children if they want fewer criminals<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/136738/original/image-20160906-6121-166vgx1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Research shows a link between violence against children and their subsequent criminality. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>What drives and sustains high levels of violence in a society? This question has preoccupied <a href="https://open.uct.ac.za/bitstream/item/2154/Youth_Violence_Sources.pdf?sequence=1">researchers</a> and <a href="http://bjc.oxfordjournals.org/content/50/5/975.extract">policymakers</a> for decades. A common thread in a great deal of the research is that early childhood experiences play a vital role. Violent beginnings of a child’s life very often lead to violent behaviour in later life.</p>
<p>The question is particularly acute in countries with exceptionally high levels of violence. This is true of South Africa where the homicide rate of <a href="http://www.jonathanball.co.za/index.php/component/virtuemart/a-citizen-s-guide-to-crime-statistics-detail?Itemid=6">34 per 100 000 people</a> compares to the homicide rates of Honduras, Colombia and El Salvador, and places the country among the 20 countries globally with the <a href="https://www.unodc.org/documents/gsh/maps/Map_1.1.pdf">highest rates of homicide</a>.</p>
<p>Between 2010 and 2015 I undertook a <a href="https://www.issafrica.org/publications/monographs/beaten-bad-the-life-stories-of-violent-offenders">study</a> of the life histories of 20 men in prison. The intention was to improve understanding of recidivism, to inform sentencing policies, enable the early detection of indicators for repeat offending, and inform rehabilitation programmes and interventions. </p>
<p>I concluded from my research that preventing and reducing stubbornly <a href="https://africacheck.org/factsheets/factsheet-south-africas-official-crime-statistics-for-201314/">high levels of violence</a> in South Africa can only be achieved if the country focuses on ensuring that children are not exposed to violence or toxic stress at home, and that they are warmly cared for. It is equally important to ensure that children are protected from violence at school.</p>
<h2>Violent histories</h2>
<p>The men I interviewed had been jailed for multiple violent offences. They came from a range of socio-economic backgrounds and different areas in the country. In all cases their criminal behaviour was clearly linked to multiple adversity from early in their lives.</p>
<p>None of them is blameless. The crimes they committed were cruel and often brutal. But their personal, familial and contextual circumstances had a significant impact on their criminal careers. </p>
<p>They all shared an early and overwhelming sense of loss resulting from feelings of physical and/or emotional separation from parents, carers, professionals and responsible adults. Sometimes this loss was experienced as betrayal. In some cases this betrayal happened by omission and in others it was deliberate.</p>
<p>Their loss was exacerbated by experiences of neglect and abuse at the hands of family members and the staff of state agencies and institutions from whom they were entitled to expect care and support, if not love.</p>
<p>Ryan, a white man incarcerated for the brutal murder of his brother, started his life as an unwanted child. His mother told me: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>I became a mother with him at age 17 years. I did not want him but my mother forced me to keep him. I was very hard on him; I slapped him around a lot. I never took to him. I did not like him. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Beatings at home were repeated at school where he was bullied daily. His stepfather, the only adult who ever showed him any love and warmth, died when he was 12 – a turning point in his life. From this point Ryan, who was deeply traumatised by the loss, began a trajectory that resulted in him being jailed, first in a brutal reformatory and later spending more time in prison than out.</p>
<p>There were plenty of warning signs and professionals who could have responded. The educational psychologist who assessed Ryan after the death of his stepfather could have used it as an opportunity to refer the family for further support. That did not happen.</p>
<p>Zibonele was the son of a farm worker on a racist Free State farm. He was left at two with his uncle who already had eight children. His life was hard. Like Ryan, he was bullied at school and beaten by his teachers. “At school there would be somebody who would like to ill-treat you for the fun of it. It was just like in prison…the older boys wanted to ill-treat me. We ended up fighting horribly. We were later beaten, given seven lashes by a teacher.” </p>
<p>He had an early experience of brutality and injustice at the hands of the criminal justice system. He and his co-workers were lashed by police after eating more mealies for lunch than the farmer thought they deserved. </p>
<p>Zibonele would go on to strangle and murder three young girls. No one took any notice of the early signs that he was in trouble. Teachers who could have seen the signs were instead complicit in his abuse.</p>
<h2>Loss and violence</h2>
<p>For most of the men I interviewed, their routine use of violence was both necessary for survival and a means to acquire symbols of status. Over time they adopted the hyper-masculine identities that were necessary to secure that status, at least among their peers. </p>
<p>Once they had dropped out of school they found peer groups who were equally alienated from adults and structures of authority.</p>
<p>Several of the men seemed to have had difficulties learning at school. These possibly stemmed from undiagnosed problems that were left unattended. Dropping out of school signalled an untethering from relationships that could have built resilience and increased opportunities to reverse their destructive trajectories.</p>
<p>All of them experienced stress and trauma from early in their lives, and several turned to alcohol and drugs as a form of self-medication. This led not only to more violence, but also to a deepening of their personal crises. </p>
<p>In their adult lives two factors in particular seem to have had a significant impact on their criminal trajectories. One was where they lived. The men who lived in urban areas were more likely to follow a trajectory from petty crime, such as shoplifting, to more serious and violent property crime.</p>
<p>The other was gun ownership. Having a gun did not necessarily initiate their criminal trajectories. But it did have an effect on the nature and severity of the crimes they committed. Gun ownership signalled an increase in the violence of their crimes, and the value of their crimes – they were able to rob more effectively with a gun than without.</p>
<h2>Breaking the cycle of violence</h2>
<p>Interventions at the family and relationship level need to be supported by change at societal level, in particular through addressing working and childcare conditions for parents. Accessible and safe early childhood development centres and after-school care facilities are essential, as is parental leave - for both parents - after the birth of a child. Parenting programmes have also been shown to reduce stress and improve the relationships between parents and their children.</p>
<p>But these need to be pursued alongside other interventions such as improving gun control, and targeted interventions to support individuals and families living in poor, high-violence environments.</p>
<p>The foundations for violence and criminality are laid between 10 and 20 years before the effects are felt by society. In other words, the way the state and a society respond to children who witness and experience violence, neglect and abuse in 2016 will determine whether we will see the same levels of violence in 2026.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/64925/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Chandre Gould receives funding from the Open Society Foundation. She is affiliated with the Institute for Security Studies and the Seven Passes Initiative. The research that informed this article was undertaken in partnership with the Department of Correctional Services.</span></em></p>Reducing stubbornly high levels of violence can be achieved if there is a focus on ensuring that children are not exposed to violence or toxic stress at home.Chandre Gould, Senior research fellow at the Institute for Security Studies and research associate, Durban University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/626042016-07-18T02:26:15Z2016-07-18T02:26:15ZMemo Steve Price: how ‘hysteria’ has been used to degrade and control women<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/130816/original/image-20160718-2153-1rx3m17.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Is there a difference between calling a woman or a man “hysterical”? The word’s origin as the term for a psychological disorder grounded in female physiology suggests the answer is yes.</p>
<p>Last week’s <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/qa-recap-steve-prices-hysterical-insult-prompts-a-mic-drop-from-van-badham-20160711-gq3jco">verbal tussle</a> on the ABC’s Q&A contributes the latest chapter to our ongoing national conversations about <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-04-06/fact-file-domestic-violence-statistics/7147938">domestic violence</a>, <a href="http://theaimn.com/the-war-on-feminism-and-the-normalisation-of-misogyny-in-australia/">misogyny</a>, and <a href="http://theconversation.com/many-small-microaggressions-add-up-to-something-big-50694">microaggressions</a>.</p>
<p>Amid a discussion about the culture of violence towards women, journalist Steve Price repeatedly interrupted and talked over Guardian columnist Van Badham. Their kerfuffle peaked when, to audible audience gasps, Price accused Badham of being “hysterical”. Her rejoinder, that “it’s probably my ovaries making me do it,” <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyOvariesMadeMe?src=hash&lang=en">exploded on Twitter</a>. </p>
<p>On <a href="http://thevine.com.au/news/watch-steve-price-defends-hysterical-comment-carrie-waleed-let/">The Project</a>, Price later asserted that Badham’s status as a woman was irrelevant to the meaning and impact of his characterisation of her as hysterical. Gender and history, he said, had nothing to do with it.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/FF8-2Dsnw1g?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>Yet hysteria’s long, dark past as a medical diagnosis casts a shadow over our modern colloquial use. With a genealogy that can be traced back 4000 years to ancient Egypt, hysteria can arguably be understood as Western civilisation’s <a href="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3480686/">first conceptualisation of mental illness</a>. </p>
<p>Ancient physicians attributed erratic female behaviour to spontaneous movement of the womb, with which the disorder shares its Latin root.</p>
<p>By its very definition, hysteria could not afflict men. The hallmark behavior of a hysteric – overly emotional, out-of-control, irrational – was uniquely characteristic of women and linked directly to their anatomy.</p>
<p>Over millennia, Western medicine and culture reinforced the connection between the understanding and interpretation of women’s behaviour and their reproductive capacity. In more modern times, this knot tightened as the emerging field of psychology tied the diagnoses of so-called nervous disorders to women’s reproductive organs.</p>
<p>Nineteenth-century physicians widely attributed mental disturbance in women to a malfunction of their sex organs, a phenomenon that had no parallel in the diagnosis of male patients. </p>
<p>Treating hysteria with hypnosis, French neurologist JM Charcot emphasised that it afflicted both men and women, but nonetheless the wider medical community continued to link female psychology to female physiology. Advocating a rest cure, British physician WS Playfair attributed nervous disorders to “<a href="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/11763705">uterine mischief</a>”. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/130817/original/image-20160718-2127-18v9x0y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/130817/original/image-20160718-2127-18v9x0y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/130817/original/image-20160718-2127-18v9x0y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/130817/original/image-20160718-2127-18v9x0y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/130817/original/image-20160718-2127-18v9x0y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/130817/original/image-20160718-2127-18v9x0y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/130817/original/image-20160718-2127-18v9x0y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/130817/original/image-20160718-2127-18v9x0y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Rogue uteri.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Denis Bocquet</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>At the other end of the spectrum, the “<a href="http://www.bmj.com/content/346/bmj.f3756">grim apotheosis</a>” of this mind-body link took the form of hysterectomies, oophorectomies (removal of the ovaries) and clitoridectomies. Beginning in the late-1800s and continuing into the mid-20th century, doctors treated women’s mental disorders by removing the uterus, ovaries or clitoris that were believed to be the problem.</p>
<p>Sigmund Freud, whose ideas dominated Western psychology for much of the 20th century, also promoted a theory of hysteria that was ultimately grounded in physiology. <a href="https://books.google.com.au/books/about/In_Dora_s_Case.html?id=vPklkpYPwrMC">He believed</a> hysteria to be an expression of stunted, immature sexual development. The uncontrolled behaviour of the hysteric served as an outlet for frustrated sexual impulses that had failed to develop beyond infantile desires for parental affection.</p>
<p>Despite arguing, like Charcot, that hysteria could afflict both women and men, Freud was far from egalitarian in his thinking. Women’s intrinsic inadequacy, experienced psychologically as “penis envy”, left them vulnerable to hysteria. For men, a diagnosis of hysteria bore a clear medico-cultural stamp of feminisation and emasculation.</p>
<p>Hysteria today is no longer an accepted medical diagnosis, but the word lives on as a colloquial way to deem someone out-of-control and irrational. It can, as Price notes, be levelled again women and men, but it beggars belief that he did not acknowledge the word’s lingering gendered overtones.</p>
<p>The fact is, describing someone as “hysterical” associates them with a trait deemed feminine – if levelled against a man, the charge would impugn his manliness.</p>
<p>Price’s refusal to acknowledge the power of this word, so freighted with gendered meaning, is evidence of his male privilege. He asserts his right to determine the very terms of debate and <a href="http://www.refinery29.com/2014/09/75146/stop-women-crazy-emotions-gender">denies the reality of others</a>.</p>
<p>Calling out offensive language is not, as those on the Right would have it, <a href="https://overland.org.au/2016/06/political-correctness-gone-right-wing/">political correctness gone wild</a>. It is a strategy for resistance. </p>
<p>Only by shining a light on how we use language to degrade and diminish others – in this instance, women – can we challenge injustices that run the gamut from <a href="https://theconversation.com/mansplaining-the-word-of-the-year-and-why-it-matters-37091">mansplaining</a> to murder.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>Paula will be online for an Author Q&A between 4 and 5pm AEST on Monday, 18 July, 2016. Post any questions you have in the comments below.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/62604/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paula Michaels does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Describing someone as ‘hysterical’ associates them with traits long deemed feminine – being overly emotional, out-of-control and irrational. If levelled against a male, the charge would impugn his manliness.Paula Michaels, Senior lecturer, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/506022015-11-13T00:37:17Z2015-11-13T00:37:17ZChange the story: how the world’s first national framework can help prevent violence against women<p>In Australia, one woman is killed almost every week by a <a href="http://anrows.org.au/sites/default/files/Violence-Against-Australian-Women-Key-Statistics.pdf">current or former partner</a>. By now, these horrifying murders are all too familiar. But they are just a small part of the bigger story. </p>
<p>Hundreds of thousands more women are physically and psychologically harmed by men’s violence, threats and controlling behaviour. Many suffer long-term trauma and harm to their health, well-being and life chances. Many live in fear.</p>
<p>But violence against women is not inevitable. Rather, it is driven by a series of complex and entrenched but changeable <a href="http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/violence/primaryprev/en/">social and environmental factors</a>.</p>
<p>In other words, violence against women is preventable. We can change this story. A new framework shows how. </p>
<p>The world’s first national <a href="http://www.ourwatch.org.au/getmedia/1462998c-c32b-4772-ad02-cbf359e0d8e6/Change-the-story-framework-prevent-violence-women-children.pdf.aspx">framework</a> to focus on preventing violence against women was <a href="http://www.canberratimes.com.au/act-news/natasha-stott-despoja-launches-world-first-framework-to-address-domestic-violence-20151109-gkuwp8.html">launched</a> this week. Change the Story: A shared framework for the primary prevention of violence against women and their children in Australia was developed by <a href="http://www.ourwatch.org.au/">Our Watch</a>, the <a href="https://www.vichealth.vic.gov.au/">Victorian Health Promotion Foundation</a> and <a href="http://anrows.org.au/">Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety</a>.</p>
<figure>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Change the Story aims to prevent violence against women, a campaign that begins with tackling gender inequality.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>What is the framework based on?</h2>
<p>Change the Story draws upon the latest international evidence on what drives violence against women and what works to prevent it. Its development included consultations with over 400 stakeholders across Australia. It uses this research and practice expertise to demonstrate how, by working together, we can create an Australia where women live free from violence.</p>
<p>Although violence against women has no single cause, Change the Story points to substantial evidence that higher levels of violence against women are consistently associated with lower levels of gender equality in both public life and personal relationships. For example, a <a href="http://www.thelancet.com/journals/langlo/article/PIIS2214-109X(15)00013-3/fulltext?rss=yes">major study</a> found that higher gender inequality predicted higher levels of intimate partner violence across 44 countries.</p>
<p>Within this broader context, Change the Story identifies four specific, gendered drivers of this violence:</p>
<ol>
<li><p>condoning violence, particularly by excusing or trivialising it, or “blaming the victim”;</p></li>
<li><p>men’s control of decision-making, and limits to women’s independence in public life and relationships;</p></li>
<li><p>rigid gender roles and stereotyped constructions of masculinity and femininity; and</p></li>
<li><p>male peer relations that emphasise aggression and disrespect towards women.</p></li>
</ol>
<p>To illustrate the last two, there is a particularly clear relationship between violence and the dominant, aggressive and controlling characteristics associated with stereotypical ideas of masculinity, which are expressed in some male peer relations. In Australia, <a href="http://anrows.org.au/publications/horizons/PSS">95% of victims</a>, women and men, experience violence from a male perpetrator.</p>
<h2>We can’t ignore the bigger picture</h2>
<p>The framework makes it clear we can’t just focus on the violence itself; we must change the bigger story behind it. We must challenge the social, political and economic structures, practices and systems that created gender inequality, and the beliefs, attitudes and behaviours that continue to support and normalise it. </p>
<p>Change the Story outlines a range of supporting actions that can be taken to address various “reinforcing factors”. These range from alcohol used in ways that weaken people’s positive behaviours, to exposure to, or normalisation and valorisation of, other kinds of violence in society.</p>
<p>The framework provides evidence-based guidance to government, organisations and communities. It outlines a strategic approach to achieve effective leadership, co-ordination, resourcing and support for violence-prevention efforts across Australia.</p>
<p>It calls for complementary initiatives that engage people throughout their lives and where they live, work, learn, socialise and play. These include schools and other education institutions, sporting, social and leisure spaces, workplaces, the media, popular culture, advertising and entertainment, faith-based contexts and transport and public spaces.</p>
<h2>What practical steps can be taken?</h2>
<p>Change the Story points out that prevention activities should reinforce each other. For example, best-practice respectful relationships education programs involve the whole school. These engage not just students, but teachers, staff and the wider school community in conversations about gender equality, respect and non-violence.</p>
<p>School activities can then be reinforced by other programs, such as through sporting clubs or social media. Similarly, adults should be engaged in multiple ways – in workplaces, communities and social spaces. Our media, popular culture, policy and legislation should all support and reinforce the aim of gender equality.</p>
<p>This kind of consistent, comprehensive approach, which reaches and engages everyone, is needed to prevent violence against women in Australia. </p>
<p>At the same time, a one-size-fits-all approach is unlikely to be effective; prevention must be tailored to the diverse contexts of people’s lives. Greater effort and resources are required for groups affected by multiple forms of discrimination and disadvantage, or experiencing the cumulative impact of many negative factors – for example, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.</p>
<p>Small steps can make a big difference. If we reduced the prevalence of intimate partner violence in Australia (affecting 27% of women across their lifetime) to that of Denmark (22%), this small reduction <a href="http://dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30020085/magnus-reducingdiseaserisk-2009.pdf">would prevent</a> 6000 cases of violence-related injury, illness and disability. It would also save many millions of dollars in health sector and productivity costs. </p>
<p>With Change the Story, Australia is poised to lead the world by demonstrating the kind of nationwide, cultural and structural change necessary to forever change the story of violence against women.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>This article has been co-authored by Dr Emma Partridge, Co-ordinator, National Framework to Prevent Violence Against Women and their Children, at Our Watch, and Dr Lara Fergus, Director, Policy and Evaluation, at Our Watch.</em></p>
<p><em>The National Sexual Assault, Family & Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault. Or you can go online to <a href="http://www.1800RESPECT.org.au">1800RESPECT</a> and <a href="http://www.ourwatch.org.au/">Our Watch</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/50602/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anastasia Powell receives funding from the Australian Research Council, and was a member of the National Technical Advisory Group for 'Change the Story: A shared framework for the primary prevention of violence against women and their children in Australia'. </span></em></p>Australia is poised to lead the world by demonstrating the kind of nationwide, cultural and structural change necessary to forever change the story of violence against women.Anastasia Powell, Senior Lecturer, Justice and Legal Studies, RMIT UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/332342014-10-26T19:09:04Z2014-10-26T19:09:04ZAddressing male violence at night requires a cultural shift<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62682/original/565xhphb-1414104910.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Challenging the culture of male violence at night is just as important – if not more so – than the criminal law's response to the issue.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/David Crosling</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The <a href="http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/law-order/university-student-joshua-hardy-dies-after-street-bashing-outside-mcdonalds-in-st-kilda-rd/story-fni0fee2-1227094535068">recent killing</a> of 21-year-old Melbourne University student Joshua Hardy is another tragic story of unprovoked, alcohol-fuelled male violence in our community. It is an issue that has animated significant debate in politics and the media in recent years and has motivated the introduction of a range of <a href="https://theconversation.com/nsw-response-to-alcohol-related-violence-is-an-important-first-step-22286">criminal justice and licensing reforms</a> nationally.</p>
<p>In the wake of Hardy’s death, questions have again arisen about what the victim could have done to prevent the use of lethal violence. For example: </p>
<ul>
<li>Would the victim have been safer in a group?</li>
<li>Was it safe to be at a fast-food restaurant late at night?</li>
<li>Had the victim been drinking? </li>
</ul>
<p>But these are not the questions we should be asking. We should instead be questioning why violence among young males continues to permeate our community and how can we more effectively challenge the problematic culture of male violence. </p>
<h2>Australian masculinity and violence</h2>
<p>This is not a new issue. Violence has been <a href="https://theconversation.com/king-hits-young-men-masculinity-and-violence-22247">intertwined</a> with constructions of what it means to be an Australian man for far longer than the recent headlines of young male violence and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-thomas-kelly-case-why-a-one-punch-law-is-not-the-answer-20106">one-punch homicide</a> debate. </p>
<p>This is not to diminish the seriousness of these events, nor is it to suggest that all men are violent – this is certainly not true. Rather, it serves to highlight the longevity of the issue and the need to target the culture of male violence in Australia. </p>
<p>We cannot accept that males are inherently violent. A more productive discussion would be to consider how we can best educate young men against the use of violence. We are no longer at a time in society where a challenge to one’s masculine honour denotes a violent response, nor do we want to be a community that promotes stereotypes of “real” men who use violence first and words later. </p>
<p>For this reason, a response to young male violence that addresses the culture of violence in our community – as opposed to responses that focus only on legal categories and punishment options – is essential if meaningful change is to be achieved.</p>
<h2>Challenging cultures of male violence</h2>
<p>Challenging the culture of male violence is a task best achieved in several arenas. </p>
<p>It must begin in the home. This is one of many reasons why it is a relief to see both major Victorian political parties make family violence a <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/latest-news/push-to-end-violence-before-vic-poll/story-fn3dxiwe-1227035825336">priority</a> in the state election campaign. Children need to grow up in households where violence is not the norm.</p>
<p>The value of strong role models in the home cannot be overstated. At a time when approximately one woman is <a href="https://theconversation.com/out-of-the-shadows-the-rise-of-domestic-violence-in-australia-29280">killed each week</a> in Australia by her current or former intimate partner we must not ignore the devastating consequences that this has not only in terms of loss of life, but also for the many children exposed to serious violence for whom the use of violence is normalised. </p>
<p>Beyond the home, it is essential that the message be instilled by our primary and secondary school systems. State governments nationally must dedicate resources to considering how best this can be achieved.</p>
<p>Through education, valuable lessons on the importance of respectful relationships, the dangers of binge drinking and recreational drugs as well as the irresponsibility and profound consequences of violence and reckless behaviour can be instilled at an early age. </p>
<h2>Mixed messages on male violence</h2>
<p>At a time when we need to send a clear message on public male violence, it is particularly unfathomable as to why the Victorian Labor Party would make the election promise to <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-10-20/labor-stands-by-cage-fighting-plan-despite-police-concerns/5826896">lift the current ban</a> on cage fighting. It is a move that has rightly been <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/plan-to-lift-cage-fighting-ban-slammed-by-chief-commissioner-ken-lay-20141020-118j2d.html">heavily criticised</a> by Victoria Police Chief Commissioner Ken Lay.</p>
<p>This is exactly the type of sensationalist male violence that we should be condemning as a community. Regardless of the presence of a cage and the theatrics of the event, condoning male violence in one context blurs the line as to the dangers of such violence when used in other contexts. </p>
<h2>Constructing responsibility</h2>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62683/original/wznrs6cm-1414105489.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62683/original/wznrs6cm-1414105489.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62683/original/wznrs6cm-1414105489.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62683/original/wznrs6cm-1414105489.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62683/original/wznrs6cm-1414105489.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62683/original/wznrs6cm-1414105489.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62683/original/wznrs6cm-1414105489.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">21-year-old Joshua Hardy was killed in an apparently random act of violence in Melbourne.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Supplied</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Finally, in responding to cultures of male violence, it is essential that the problem is adequately understood and accurately portrayed – particularly by the media. </p>
<p>In retelling the stories of victims and responding to this form of violence, it is vital to remember that the responsibility for the violence perpetrated should not be on the victim. As domestic violence advocates have long argued, victim-blaming narratives that question the role of the victim as opposed to the actions of the offender have the impact of reconstructing the event and shifting responsibility from one party to another.</p>
<p>By questioning what the victim could or should have done to better maintain their personal safety, the responsibility of the offender is somewhat absolved. In this respect, while examining the influential role of licensed venues and late-night precincts is beneficial, at the same time we must ensure that the violent actions of the individual responsible are condemned. It is that person – not the bartender earlier in the night, the bouncer at the club door or the victim – who threw the fatal punch and whose actions have ruined not only one young life but consequently their own as well. </p>
<p>Challenging the culture of male violence within our community as well as reconsidering how responsibility is constructed by those who retell the stories of the young men killed are tasks not easily achieved. However, they are just as important – if not more so – than the criminal justice responses to this issue. </p>
<p>We must tackle the heart of the problem – the acceptance and proliferation of male violence in our community.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/33234/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kate Fitz-Gibbon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The recent killing of 21-year-old Melbourne University student Joshua Hardy is another tragic story of unprovoked, alcohol-fuelled male violence in our community. It is an issue that has animated significant…Kate Fitz-Gibbon, Lecturer in Criminology, Deakin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.