tag:theconversation.com,2011:/ca/topics/metro-mayors-30170/articlesMetro Mayors – The Conversation2024-01-11T12:50:05Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2206162024-01-11T12:50:05Z2024-01-11T12:50:05ZInequality is dividing England. Is more devolution the answer?<p>Twenty-five years ago, when new institutions of national government were created in <a href="https://www.parliament.scot/about/history-of-the-scottish-parliament/the-scottish-parliament-reestablished#topOfNav">Scotland</a> and <a href="https://senedd.wales/how-we-work/history-of-devolution/">Wales</a>, they reflected the widely held view that the Welsh and Scots should have more control over their economies, aspects of welfare provision and key public services. Yet at that time, hardly anyone thought devolution might be applied to England – despite it being the largest, wealthiest and most populated part of the UK.</p>
<p>Today, things look rather different. The notion of English devolution has morphed from being of interest only to constitutional experts to being a preoccupation of Britain’s politicians as we approach the next general election – many of whom have lost confidence in the capacity of central government to tackle the country’s most deeply-rooted problems.</p>
<p>A historic <a href="https://www.sunderland.gov.uk/article/29488/4-2bn-North-East-devolution-deal-gets-local-approval">£4.2bn devolution deal</a>, which will bring together seven councils under an elected <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2024_North_East_mayoral_election">mayor of the North East</a> in May 2024, is the latest attempt to address some of the deep geographical inequalities that disfigure and disenfranchise large areas of England.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, much of English local government is experiencing immense financial pressures, with large councils such as <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-birmingham-67053587">Birmingham</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/nov/29/nottingham-city-council-wasnt-reckless-it-was-hollowed-out-by-austerity">Nottingham</a> declaring themselves at risk of bankruptcy while others <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/spotlight/economic-growth/regional-development/2023/07/council-rescue-package-finance-bankruptcy">teeter on the edge of a financial cliff</a>. In many parts of England, it is <a href="https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/publications/devolving-english-government/">increasingly unclear</a> who local residents should hold accountable for public service provision – in part due to the amount of outsourcing to the private sector that has become routine.</p>
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<p><strong><em>This article is part of Conversation Insights</em></strong>
<br><em>The Insights team generates <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/insights-series-71218">long-form journalism</a> derived from interdisciplinary research. The team is working with academics from different backgrounds who have been engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.</em></p>
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<p>“Take Back Control” was the slogan of the Vote Leave campaign leading up to the Brexit referendum of September 2016. It may not be a coincidence that the country which played the key arithmetical role in determining its outcome – England – was the only one where devolution had not been introduced, and where many non-metropolitan residents felt their views and interests counted for little in the citadels of democratic government. </p>
<p>Since then, more years of political turbulence, economic shocks intensified by the COVID pandemic, and the government’s <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/committee/17/levelling-up-housing-and-communities-committee/news/195434/levelling-up-policy-will-fail-without-longterm-substantive-funding-for-councils-say-mps/">failure to “level up”</a> as pledged, have combined to erode the allegiance and goodwill of many of its citizens. What this means for the future of a UK union-state model that has rested, to a considerable degree, upon English assent is likely to become one of the key political – and constitutional – issues of our time.</p>
<h2>What is English devolution for?</h2>
<p>In fact, the idea of establishing a new layer of government between Whitehall and England’s complicated network of local councils has engaged the attention of successive governments since the 1960s. But questions about the form, scope and functions of this “middle” layer gradually turned into a party-political football, with governments of different colours inclined to reverse the arrangements put in place by their predecessor. And the wider democratic ambition hinted at by the term “devolution” was largely absent from these reforms.</p>
<p>Whereas in Scotland and Wales, devolution was long ago couched in terms of democratic advance and national self-determination, in England it was largely regarded as a mere extension of central government’s approach to regional policy-making – and even the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/5fe17864-ae02-11e4-919e-00144feab7de">advent of elected “metro mayors”</a> did little to change this view. But now, politicians from both main political parties have come to believe in a new, sub-national model that can be badged as England’s own version of devolution.</p>
<p>A spate of deals involving the voluntary combining of different councils were announced in 2022, including for <a href="https://www.northyorks.gov.uk/your-council/devolution">North Yorkshire</a>, the East Midlands and the North East, and again in Chancellor Jeremy Hunt’s 2023 <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/autumn-statement-2023-speech">autumn statement</a> for Lancashire, Greater Lincolnshire and <a href="https://www.prolificnorth.co.uk/news/autumn-statement-devolution-for-hull-tax-cuts-for-unemployed-500m-for-innovation-centres-and-ai-but-weaker-growth-predicted/#:%7E:text=and%20Jeremy%20Hunt-,Autumn%20statement%3A%20Devolution%20for%20Hull%2C%20NI%20cuts%20for%20all%2C,AI%2C%20but%20weaker%20growth%20predicted&text=Hull%20City%20Council%20and%20East,Chancellor%20Jeremy%20Hunt's%20autumn%20statement.">East Yorkshire</a>. And a report by Labour’s <a href="https://labour.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Commission-on-the-UKs-Future.pdf">Commission on the UK’s Future</a>, chaired by former prime minister Gordon Brown, signalled that the party should <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/comment/brown-commission-constitutional-reform">extend the current government’s programme</a> of English devolution.</p>
<p>This idea lay at the heart of Boris Johnson’s ambitious programme while he was prime minister for addressing the deep disparities in productivity and social outcomes that exist in England, to which he gave the grand but elusive title “levelling up”. This plan – set out in a <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/62e7a429d3bf7f75af0923f3/Executive_Summary.pdf">lengthy white paper</a> in February 2022 – seems, for the most part, to have fallen by the wayside now that Johnson has left the political stage. But it still marked an important staging post in the journey of the once-niche idea of English devolution. Both main political parties have signed up to this principle and have indicated they will create more devolved authorities should they win the next general election.</p>
<p>Advocates sometimes point to an extensive – though hotly contested – body of research on the positive consequences for local economies of taking policy decisions at levels closer to the people they affect. One influential theoretical support for this idea highlights what economists call the “<a href="https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Opportunities-for-tacit-knowledge-transfer-within-a-Moloney/f1a8daa5aea06468c03a1a7142c2122661a1a281">tacit knowledge</a>” about a place, which is often vital to understanding the particular policies and initiatives that are likely to yield most benefit there.</p>
<p>What can be said with more confidence is that a lot hinges on the quality of the institutions that are created, and <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/00323217221136666">how well funded they are</a>.</p>
<p>Others argue that a more decentralised system of political authority is more likely to win the allegiance of, and secure more engagement from, people throughout England – in a context where <a href="https://www.ippr.org/blog/freefall-how-a-year-of-chaos-has-undermined-trust-in-politics">trust in the UK’s political class has plummeted</a>, where <a href="https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/publications/devolving-english-government/">MPs are less popular</a> than local councillors, and where there is widespread disenchantment with the perceived bias of central government towards London and the south-east. </p>
<p>However, to what extent does the record of England’s existing “<a href="https://www.centreforcities.org/publication/everything-need-know-metro-mayors/#whois">metro mayors</a>” support this case?</p>
<h2>‘King of the north’</h2>
<p>When the mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham, <a href="https://twitter.com/Femi_Sorry/status/1318576386949468164?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1318582661317824515%7Ctwgr%5Ed6e9e68efd3b3c853ef8fce56165ad44c52f62c3%7Ctwcon%5Es3_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.mirror.co.uk%2Fnews%2Fpolitics%2Fking-north-andy-burnham-labelled-22878379">staged an impromptu press conference</a> in the street outside Manchester town hall to protest against the local lockdown that the UK government wanted to introduce in the north-west of England in October 2020, his stance received considerable local support – to the extent that he briefly <a href="https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/politics/king-north-andy-burnham-labelled-22878379">acquired the nickname</a> “king of the north”. Since his election as mayor in May 2017, Burnham has led a number of high-profile initiatives on issues such as <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/mayor-hails-pioneering-housing-scheme-that-transformed-homelessness-response-in-greater-manchester-as-number-of-people-on-streets-falls-further/">homelessness</a>, and overseen the integration of health and local social care services.</p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Andy Burnham’s impromptu press conference outside Manchester town hall.</span></figcaption>
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<p>Similarly, it is unlikely that a backbench MP would have been able to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/oct/04/tory-mayor-andy-street-considering-quitting-over-rishi-sunak-hs2-u-turn">wrest concessions</a> from a prime minister as did the Conservative mayor of the West Midlands, Andy Street, after he made public his <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/business/2023/09/27/hs2-route-scaled-back-jeopardise-investment-andy-street/">opposition to Rishi Sunak’s decision to cancel the HS2 rail project</a> in September 2023.</p>
<p>While the responsibilities held by England’s metro mayors are, by international standards, pretty limited, they are at times able to deploy what political scientists term the “soft power” that comes from being the acknowledged leader of, and voice for, a locality. They also tend to be more independent of their own party machines than MPs are, going out of their way, when it suits them, to dissent from their parties’ London-based leaderships.</p>
<p>But it would be unwise to get too starry-eyed about a system that relies so heavily on soft power rather than the allocation of formal responsibilities. The absence of an elected legislature tasked with scrutinising and legitimating the work of these leaders – who are typically, and often not very effectively, held to account by local council leaders – is a significant further constraint on their ability to act as democratically legitimate changemakers.</p>
<p>This is very different to the model established in London, which had its <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/article/explainer/mayor-london-and-london-assembly">own government restored</a> by the first government of Tony Blair in 1999 following a city-wide referendum. The Greater London Authority is made up of elected representatives whose job it is to scrutinise the elected mayor, currently Sadiq Khan, and his administration. </p>
<p>In contrast, metro mayors elsewhere in England – tasked with delivering policies and overseeing funding allocations in areas of priority set by central government – are typically frustrated by the limits imposed on their own agency. Nor do they have the fiscal tools, both in terms of raising revenue and borrowing against financial assets, that are typical of many city and regional governments outside the UK.</p>
<p>The idea of having mini-parliaments across England’s regions, on a par with the legislatures established in Scotland and Wales, was dealt a fatal blow in 2004. During the course of the Blair governments, his long-time deputy prime minister, John Prescott, had pressed for the gradual conversion of the English regional development agencies Labour had created into a form of elected regional administration. But this died a very public death when <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2004/nov/05/regionalgovernment.politics">voters in the north-east overwhelmingly rejected the idea</a> – despite having been selected as the region most likely to support it.</p>
<p>Twenty years on, the suite of new city-regional authorities being created risks deepening the existing cleavage between England’s major cities and those parts of the country without a large urban metropole. Indeed, some of the devolution agreements recently announced had been stalled for years by the unwillingness of particular authorities to participate in these initiatives. The deal encompassing the cities of the north-east, for example, was held up for years by the refusal of Durham County Council to join its larger urban neighbours.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/inspiring-the-devolution-generation-in-greater-manchester-75790">Inspiring the ‘devolution generation’ in Greater Manchester</a>
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<p>The idea that establishing leadership at the level of a large city and its surrounding hinterland can improve the quality of democratic life, and create a more responsive layer of government, remains appealing for many, despite the unsteady emergence of this model in England.</p>
<p>However, amid attempts by UK politicians and administrators to present this as equivalent to the clearer and more robust forms of governance introduced in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, another important question has emerged. Namely, whether the English have come to feel some jealousy and suspicion about these new forms of government established outside England – and less enthusiasm for the union as a whole.</p>
<h2>A national grievance?</h2>
<p>The idea that England and the English need to be recognised as a distinct national entities within a multi-national union has more popular resonance in an era when debates over sovereignty, national identity and self-determination have become integral to political life</p>
<p>For some, this imperative arises from the belief that changes associated with devolution elsewhere have served to put the English majority at a disadvantage. Some express this in financial terms, arguing that England’s taxpayers have been funding the <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/article/explainer/barnett-formula">more generous per-capita settlements</a> awarded to Northern Ireland and Scotland. Others see it as a reflection of the <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-english-nationhood-9780198778721?cc=gb&lang=en&">revealed preference of the British political establishment</a> to appease those living in these areas, by awarding their inhabitants additional political rights while neglecting the inhabitants of England’s non-metropolitan areas.</p>
<p>Following the establishment of new parliaments in Belfast, Edinburgh and Cardiff, and the absence of any such model for England, the idea that these reforms have created an imbalance which <a href="https://www.democraticaudit.com/2013/08/15/unfinished-devolution-has-created-constitutional-imbalances-in-the-uk/">puts the largest part of the UK at a disadvantage</a> has become a familiar political sentiment. This was particularly salient when the ability of MPs sitting in Scottish and Welsh seats to vote on contentious legislative proposals that applied only to England became a <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/research/research-archive/nations-regions-archive/english-question">controversial political issue</a> – as in 2004, when the Blair government introduced <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/research/key-issues-for-the-new-parliament/value-for-money-in-public-services/funding-higher-education/#:%7E:text=As%20a%20result%20of%20the,2004%20Act%20was%20highly%20controversial.">controversial legislation</a> requiring students at English universities to pay some of their tuition costs.</p>
<p>The constitutional problem created by this imbalance had been aired in parliament by a number of MPs and members of the House of Lords when devolution was first introduced in the late 1990s. Some argued that one of the unintended effects of these changes might be to engender a feeling of national grievance – perhaps even a reactive nationalism – among the English. But for the most part, this prospect was ignored or scoffed at by politicians from both main political parties.</p>
<p>Soon after the new parliaments were established, however, the question of how reforms elsewhere would affect England – and whether it too needed a mechanism to signal the consent of its MPs to legislation that only affected England – moved into the political mainstream. Some campaigners and MPs suggested that only the <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/sites/constitution-unit/files/179-options-for-an-english-parliament.pdf">establishment of an equivalent English parliament</a> could address the profound imbalance created by the devolution granted to the other UK countries.</p>
<p>In 2015, the David Cameron-led Conservative government introduced a new set of rules for dealing with those parts of legislation that related to England only. Known by the acronym <a href="http://evel.uk/how-does-evel-work/">EVEL</a> (short for “English vote for English laws”), these reforms proved <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/sites/constitution-unit/files/EVEL_Report_A4_FINAL.pdf">immensely complicated to operate</a> and elicited little enthusiasm among MPs, while being almost unknown to the wider public. They were quietly abolished by Johnson’s Tory government in 2020.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/tory-votes-for-tory-laws-camerons-evel-plan-to-cut-out-the-opposition-44246">Tory votes for Tory Laws? Cameron's EVEL plan to cut out the opposition</a>
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<p>While the idea of remaking the UK along federal lines, with each part of the state having its own parliament for domestic legislation, enjoys some support and may grow in appeal, Britain’s politicians and the vast majority of its constitutional experts remain decidedly cool towards this idea. They believe that pushing in this direction could lead to the dissolution of the UK given the preponderant size and wealth of England – meaning it would have a disproportionate amount of influence within a federated UK.</p>
<p>Such a reform is unwarranted on this view, because England is already the most powerful and important part of the UK governing system, with an overwhelming majority of MPs sitting in English seats. But once the question of how and where England sits within the UK’s increasingly discordant union was raised, it would never be easy to put it back into obscurity.</p>
<h2>‘When will we get a vote?’</h2>
<p>According to some <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/englishness-9780198870784?cc=gb&lang=en&">survey evidence</a>, the people in England most likely to believe their country is losing out in the UK’s current devolution settlement are those most inclined to feel that central government is too distant from – and neglectful of – their lives. They were also the most likely to vote to get the UK out of the EU in 2016.</p>
<p>This sentiment was already a sensitive political topic by the mid-2000s, when Conservative MPs became concerned about the implications of devolution elsewhere for the English, while their Labour counterparts typically preferred to hymn the virtues of regional devolution, particularly in northern England. But how the English and their political representatives felt about these issues took on new relevance during the Scottish independence referendum of 2014.</p>
<p>Towards the end of this contest, an announcement of further devolution to Scotland was made in the form of a <a href="https://www.itv.com/news/wales/update/2015-01-22/the-vow-to-scotlands-been-kept-claims-cameron/">much-trumpeted “vow”</a> endorsed by the leaders of the Conservative, Labour and Lib Dem parties. Whether this promise of new powers for the Scottish government made any difference to the outcome of this historic poll is highly debatable. But what was notable was the hostile reaction it elicited in different parts of England – including on the part of many Tory MPs towards their prime minister. Such was the level of annoyance it stirred, Cameron was compelled to hold a gathering at his country retreat, Chequers, to assuage the mutinous mood of these backbenchers.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk/sites/default/files/migrated/news/Both%20England%20and%20Wales%20oppose%20Scottish%20Independence.pdf">Surveys have suggested</a> that a sizeable minority of the English held strong views about the outcome of the Scottish referendum – with about 20% of respondents happy for the Scots to go, and around the same number worried about the impact of Scotland leaving the UK. But another sentiment was palpable at this time. “When will we get a vote?” was a question I recall being put to me again and again by English audience members at various panel discussions over the summer of 2014. Behind it lay a sense of frustration that, in comparison with the Scots, the English were being left disenfranchised as their allegiance to the governing order was taken for granted.</p>
<p>The contrast between the narrow terms in which the “English question” was framed at Westminster and the growing appeal of powerful ideas about sovereignty, democratic control and national self-determination in this period is striking. And it formed an important prelude to the rebellion of the English majority in the Brexit referendum of 2016 when, finally, they were given a vote on an issue of constitutional importance, with profound economic and societal results.</p>
<p>Despite all that’s since been said about that Brexit vote and its impacts, the question of what happens when a national majority becomes more restive about the multinational arrangements in which it sits demands further consideration in this context. As I argue in my new book, <a href="https://www.hurstpublishers.com/book/fractured-union/">Fractured Union</a>, the future prospects of the UK’s union may even depend on it.</p>
<h2>A lesson from history?</h2>
<p>One – perhaps slightly unexpected – international example worth considering here is Czechoslovakia, which split into the separate states of the Czech Republic and Slovakia on January 1 1993. Despite many differences in context – not least its long history of rule by the Communist party, and the centrifugal dynamics let loose by the party’s disintegration in 1989 – aspects of this story are highly relevant to the current situation facing the Anglo-Scottish Union in particular.</p>
<p>The break-up of Czechoslovakia did not emanate directly from nationalist demands among the populace, but was significantly determined by decisions made at the political level. Just six months prior to the vote, support for the option of splitting Czechoslovakia into two wholly independent states was as low as 16% in both parts of the country. And there is every chance that a referendum on this issue (which came close to happening) would have produced a majority for the continuation of the status quo.</p>
<p>Two decades earlier, in 1968, new legislation established to protect the Slovaks from being dominated by the Czech majority held that constitutional and other important laws had to be passed on the basis of “special majorities”. These provisions were the source of constant grumbling and some resentment on the Czech side, being perceived as anti-democratic checks upon the will of the majority.</p>
<p>Under the political control of the Communist party, these differences were overridden by the party’s interest in the preservation of the wider state. But once Communism ended and a democratic model was introduced, friction between ideas of Slovakian sovereignty and the imperatives of a federal state model accentuated the underlying tensions between these nations and the parliaments where they were represented. In some echo of the Anglo-Scottish situation, many Czechs resented a perceived imbalance at the scale of representation of the Slovaks within the federal government, and <a href="https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/903">questioned the disproportionate transfer of resources</a> to the poorer Slovakian territory.</p>
<p>Despite extended and fraught negotiations over the constitutional framework, the gulf in the constitutional outlooks of politicians from these territories was considerable, with both sets espousing entirely different constitutional perspectives. Agreement was finally reached on a new federal framework in November 1991, but this deal was voted down by the Slovak parliament. Its Czech equivalent thereafter declared that further negotiation with the Slovak side would be pointless.</p>
<p>At the parliamentary elections of June 1992, the main winners in both territories were the political parties least inclined to compromise with the other side. Having given up on negotiations, and with the prospect of a referendum in Slovakia on its future within the state having been abandoned too, the Czech government moved towards the idea of a <a href="https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/913">speedy and complete division</a>.</p>
<h2>Could it happen in the UK?</h2>
<p>Czechoslovakia’s split throws into relief the key role politicians can play in moments of constitutional crisis, as well as the corrosive effect of <a href="https://www.karlobasta.com/symbolic-state">feelings of neglect and unfairness among a national majority</a> that can build up over time. It highlights, too, the challenge of sustaining a union when politicians at central and sub-state levels hold irreconcilable constitutional worldviews, and are fishing for votes in different territorial ponds.</p>
<p>Is it conceivable that some British politicians could, at some point, seek advantage by mobilising an appeal to the English majority against the claims and complaints of the smaller nations in the UK? And might the emergence of public scepticism within parts of the Tory party towards the models of devolved government in Cardiff and Edinburgh be understood as the first signs of such a dynamic?</p>
<p>There have already been moments in the recent political past when the appeal to the defence of neglected English interests has been politically powerful – for instance, during the 2015 general election campaign when the Conservatives deployed images of Labour’s leader, Ed Miliband, sitting in the pocket of the SNP’s leader, Nicola Sturgeon. And this may well recur as a theme in future Westminster elections, particularly if the SNP is able to recover from its current downturn.</p>
<p>However, in the longer run, what will do most to determine how the disaffected inhabitants of “provincial” England feel about devolution – and the lure of greater recognition and protection for English interests – is the quality of governance, service provision and economic opportunity they experience.</p>
<p>In recent years, despite the introduction of metro mayors, there has been little success in closing the regional gaps which “levelling up” was designed to address, and there is a real prospect of yet more local authorities going bankrupt. It would be little wonder, then, if the calls for greater priority to be paid to the concerns of the English heartland grow louder in years to come.</p>
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<p><em>For you: more from our <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/insights-series-71218?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Insights series</a>:</em></p>
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<li><p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/freedom-of-thought-is-being-threatened-by-states-big-tech-and-even-ourselves-heres-what-we-can-do-to-protect-it-220266?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Freedom of thought is being threatened by states, big tech and even ourselves. Here’s what we can do to protect it
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<li><p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/mr-bates-vs-the-post-office-depicts-one-of-the-uks-worst-miscarriages-of-justice-heres-why-so-many-victims-didnt-speak-out-220513?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Mr Bates vs The Post Office depicts one of the UK’s worst miscarriages of justice: here’s why so many victims didn’t speak out
</a></em></p></li>
<li><p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/politics-urgently-needs-more-imagination-competence-alone-will-not-save-us-from-this-polycrisis-193886?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Politics urgently needs more imagination. Competence alone will not save us from this ‘polycrisis’
</a></em></p></li>
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<p><em>To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/newsletters/the-daily-newsletter-2?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK"><strong>Subscribe to our newsletter</strong></a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220616/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michael Kenny receives funding from the British Academy and (previously) the Economic and Social Research Council. His latest book is Fractured Union: Politics, Sovereignty and the Fight to Save the UK (Hurst, January 2024).
</span></em></p>Years of political turbulence, economic shocks and the failure to ‘level up’ as pledged have turned English devolution into a key political and constitutional issueMichael Kenny, Professor of Public Policy, Department of Politics and International Studies, University of CambridgeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1762912022-02-03T16:05:52Z2022-02-03T16:05:52ZWill extra mayors level up left-behind regions? What the evidence tells us<p>Adding more mayors to English regions is central to the UK government’s “levelling up” plan. From <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-speech-at-manchester-science-and-industry-museum">day one</a>, part of the vision has been to expand mayoral devolution – giving more powers to regional combined authorities, rather than just being ruled by Whitehall. </p>
<p>Greater Manchester, the West Midlands and a handful of other areas have had mayors for some time, but the levelling up white paper <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-unveils-levelling-up-plan-that-will-transform-uk">promises</a> that every English area that wants “London-style” powers and a mayor will be able to get one. This will involve establishing a combined authority of willing local councils, who agree on a devolution deal and then elect a mayor.</p>
<p>The government aim is to level up the nation’s “left behind” regions by 2030. On this timeline, the first to move to a new mayoral model will have eight years to complete their levelling up missions – the same time frame as those places that received devolution under the 2014 <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/chancellor-we-need-a-northern-powerhouse">“Northern Powerhouse” strategy</a>. </p>
<p>With that in mind, now is a good time to take stock of what mayoral models have actually been able to achieve over the last eight years, and learn from their mistakes. </p>
<h2>Slow burn</h2>
<p>The first thing to acknowledge is that progress will not be immediate. The first devolution deals were agreed in 2014 and 2015, and the first slate of metro mayors were elected in 2017. On this trajectory, it seems unlikely that all nine new mayors will be ready to sit by 2023, and some elections would also take place in 2024. This would give the new mayors six years to deliver levelling up, not eight.</p>
<p>Success requires a level of institution building. Combined authorities must be created from a standing start, and this takes time. Offices must be established, and staff must be recruited. Some gaps can be papered over by borrowing staff from local authorities, but a smooth-running machine can take a few years to get going. Beginning the process of devolution also doesn’t mean that it’s a done deal, and the north east famously <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/sep/08/north-east-england-devolution-deal-off-the-table-sajid-javid">had its devolution deal withdrawn</a> after local partners failed to agree on the form it would take. </p>
<p>Once the combined authority is created, there is still the small matter of electing a mayor, and we have seen how it took the 2017 crop of metro mayors several years to find their feet, get to grips with their powers and start truly pressing forward. At its most extreme, the mayor of the Sheffield City Region, Dan Jarvis, spent <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-south-yorkshire-58626488">two years working without a salary</a> whilst the details of the devolution deal were fleshed out.</p>
<p>Even then, life as a metro mayor is not all smooth sailing. Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham is the mayoral poster boy, and has made notable headway in some aspects of transport policy, including active travel and the creation of a publicly owned bus model. But equally, he has had bruising defeats on <a href="https://www.placenorthwest.co.uk/news/blow-for-gmsf-as-stockport-quits/">his proposed Greater Manchester spatial strategy</a> and plans to establish a <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-59893092">clean air zone</a>. </p>
<p>The new intake of mayors won’t be exempt from challenges like this, and with the emphasis shifting to counties with more rural areas, we can expect debates about housing in the green belt to intensify. There is no guarantee a mayor will soothe open wounds and the new mayors will have to balance the need to deliver against housing targets with local authorities and councillors who may not be as enthusiastic to see new houses built in their area. Indeed it is this opposition which is widely viewed as causing the demise of the government’s <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/sep/11/ministers-to-ditch-overhaul-of-planning-laws-after-criticism">proposed planning reforms</a> late last year. </p>
<h2>Mayor who?</h2>
<p>Proponents of the mayoral model would argue that a single democratically-elected leader provides a figurehead with legitimacy and accountability. This, the argument goes, means they can stand up for their area, it is no coincidence that many existing metro mayors are former MPs who campaigned on being able to unlock doors in Westminster.</p>
<p>In practice, even amid a growing field, only Burnham could be described as a mayoral A-lister, and this relies heavily on his previous name recognition as a government minister. That few other mayors can hope to attain the same fame might be a blessing in disguise for the government, given that Burnham uses his profile to be a persistent thorn in national government’s side.</p>
<p>Overall, early evidence suggests that the push towards mayoral governance has been largely successful. The mayors suffer few high-profile detractors, <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/e724ec26-fdd7-4d40-8aa4-da3690f4cc6d">they are popular with their public</a>, and the 2017 intake <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/may/08/labours-victories-show-importance-of-localism-and-positive-vision">largely did well at the ballot box</a> in the 2021 local elections. </p>
<p>Ultimately, and though it’s easy to see why “more of the same” is a simple tonic to offer, we should not lose sight of the fact the city-regional mayoralties are complex organisations that have taken time to set up. An eight-year deadline is not as long as it appears. Come 2030, many areas will find themselves not levelled up, but still climbing the stairs.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/176291/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Nurse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>More city region mayors are part of the government’s plan to level up, but the short timeline could hinder their success.Alex Nurse, Lecturer in Planning, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1589202021-04-26T12:57:25Z2021-04-26T12:57:25ZMetro mayors are all men – but women’s voices are needed for the best pandemic recovery<p>The UK elections taking place this May include seven contests for combined-authority metro mayors in England. These “metro mayors” run large, metropolitan areas outside London, presiding over a group of local council leaders, a group of business leaders who make decisions about local economic growth (Local Enterprise Partnerships) and, in some places, the police and crime commissioner. </p>
<p>After these votes, there will be nine metro mayors in England. There is one brand-new contest in West Yorkshire this year, while six mayors are standing for a second term. The other two were elected in 2018 and 2019 so are not up for re-election this year.</p>
<p>England’s combined authorities have significant responsibilities, handed to them as part of the devolution agenda. They have a collective influence on regional economic decision-making and each has various levels of freedom when it comes to funding. All have a portfolio that includes transport and spatial planning, post-16 skills training, business support services and economic development. They will now play a crucial role in recovering and growing economically out of the pandemic. </p>
<p>Despite these important powers, there is a severe lack of gender representation. All the current metro mayors are men. Of the 31 candidates standing in the 2021 elections for mayoral roles, only six identify as women.</p>
<p>Downstream from the mayors themselves, the majority of council leaders with responsibilities on the combined authorities are also men. This is a huge problem for the representation of women in political and economic leadership. It’s also an issue because we know that the gender of the people in the room where the decisions are made does not reflect the gender make-up of the people those decisions affect. </p>
<p>It is widely accepted now that including women in decision-making creates better outcomes for all. If most people round the table are men, there will inevitably be a gap in thinking around what regions and cities need. </p>
<p>Decades of government planning for growth has failed to include women and their contribution to the economy. Time and time again, gender and ethnicity are ignored in economic growth plans. This is short sighted and ultimately leads to a <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/784324/RoseReview_Digital_FINAL.PDF">lack of growth for everyone</a>. </p>
<p>The COVID-19 pandemic has radically changed the economic landscape of the English regions. Industries that largely employ women such as the care sector, hospitality and retail have been hit harder than construction or manufacturing. Care sector workers are in high demand but are often in low paid, insecure and hazardous work. Many hospitality and retail workers have been furloughed or made redundant.</p>
<p>Women make up 51% of the population. As our regions recover, we need to make sure that local leaders and economic decision-makers include the huge variety of experiences from different communities, including women and ethnic groups. </p>
<h2>An example from Liverpool</h2>
<p>Local economic growth is often driven via an “industrial strategy” – a plan put in place by governments to boost certain industries they believe will increase economic productivity and prosperity. Recent strategies have tended to look similar to those produced in previous decades. Investment is focused on car manufacturing, transport, construction and pharmaceutical research, for example.</p>
<p>Frustrated by the same industries receiving support time and again, one group of women came together in Liverpool to face the problem head on. In March 2020 they offered some new ideas for economic growth to the Liverpool City Region Combined Authority.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://www.onedaylcr.com">a report</a> offering their collective perspectives, the women highlighted several areas for inclusive economic development. This included a concentrated effort to fund women-led businesses and financial investment in the care sector. It also urged decision-makers to recognise that businesses who support social aims while making a profit will reap better outcomes for their local economy and community. </p>
<p>The findings from the report fed into the Liverpool City Region Combined Authority immediate response to COVID in 2020. The LCR worked with the local community to set up the <a href="https://kindred-lcr.co.uk/">Kindred fund</a> to support socially trading businesses. The second round of the pilot <a href="https://growthplatform.org/future-innovation-fund/">LCR Future Innovation Fund</a> was awarded to a more diverse group of companies including women-led organisations. </p>
<p>Gender and diversity are essential to fulfilling economic potential in a region. Women need to be seen in leadership positions, as role models and to develop diverse and inclusive strategies. The care and hospitality sectors are core industries which add significantly to a region’s economic productivity. They must offer fair wages and decent conditions for the women that work in them. This will start to address the gender pay gap and the disproportionate effect on women and their families. </p>
<p>People’s skills in creativity, innovation and resilience support economic growth, too. This was shown by the local businesses that have a dual mission to be financially viable and benefit their community - known as social enterprises. During lockdown, many of these local businesses appear to have been <a href="https://www.socialenterprise.org.uk/international-reports/innovation-and-resilience-a-global-snapshot-of-social-enterprise-responses-to-covid-19/">more responsive and agile</a> than traditional firms.</p>
<p>And safe housing and transport open up opportunities for women to choose where, when and how they work. Safe access to work is how everyone will thrive and contribute to the economy. Incoming mayors, councils and police commissioners therefore need to make sure these issues are not separate agendas but a joined-up response. </p>
<p>This is where the post-COVID recovery project becomes an opportunity. For too long, local economic growth has been measured by financial outputs. Rebuilding after this destructive public health crisis could give the metro mayors an opportunity to use different ways to measure success. In the future we could measure the value of health, well-being and self-sustainability.</p>
<p>There is a small chance that a woman could lead a combined authority after this election, if Labour candidate Tracy Brabin wins in West Yorkshire. But even if she does beat the odds, she would still be a tiny minority. Metro mayors are accountable to the public they serve and must include women and ethnic groups in their plans. This will drive the much needed recovery and future growth to England’s devolved regions.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/158920/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Fiona Armstrong-Gibbs does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>England is voting for metro mayors and councils on May 6 at a crucial time for local decision-making.Fiona Armstrong-Gibbs, Senior Lecturer, Liverpool Business School,, Liverpool John Moores UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1485942020-10-23T13:19:36Z2020-10-23T13:19:36ZAndy Burnham’s standoff with London was always about more than just lockdown money<p>England’s local leaders have <a href="https://theconversation.com/englands-metro-mayors-and-the-new-politics-of-coronavirus-148288">clashed bitterly</a> with the Westminster government over the chaos that has surrounded the decision to enforce tighter coronavirus restrictions in some parts of the country.</p>
<p>The most stringent measures – tier 3 – stop short of lockdown, but mandate that people only socialise within their households, and that pubs can only remain open if they are operating as restaurants. </p>
<p>Most of the major northern cities and their surrounding city-regions including Liverpool, Newcastle, Sheffield and Manchester are in, or are about to enter, tier-3 status. Some, such as the Liverpool City Region and the Sheffield City Region, have seemingly accepted the imposition with little fuss. Greater Manchester, however, has not gone quietly, instead entering a major standoff with the government.</p>
<p>At its root, the nature of the dispute is simple. Greater Manchester’s metro mayor, Andy Burnham, argues that <a href="https://youtu.be/uZnkrzgFANE">insufficient financial support is being offered</a> to businesses forced to shutter by the government. Burnham suggests that the payment of £60m will meet only 66% of their costs. Instead, greater Manchester tried to negotiate for £90 million, before lowering the request to £65 million as a “bare minimum”. The government argues that the payment is a standard figure, calculated according to population in any area entering tier 3. It says it would be unfair to offer Manchester more than other areas.</p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Burnham says funding offer is not enough.</span></figcaption>
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<p>Thus as the situation unfurled, largely through press conferences convened outside Manchester Town Hall, it became clear that the idea of a “negotiation” was superficial at best. With a gap of £5 million, which is small fry in funding terms, it also became increasingly clear that this was not about money – compare for example the £5 billion tabled by the government to bail out Transport for London.</p>
<p>Burnham was evidently fighting for something bigger. He says the government is not “levelling up, but levelling down”, highlighting a key pledge made by Boris Johnson in his election campaign. </p>
<p>As a former cabinet minister, Burnham enjoys a national media profile that most other metro mayors could only dream of. Now he’s being called the <a href="https://www.psa.ac.uk/psa/news/king-north-andy-burnham-vs-boris-johnson">“King in the North”</a>. Whether Burnham himself accepts this position as the de-facto figurehead for northern interests he has argued passionately, and in primetime media, against the rough shake northern England is getting.</p>
<p>Yet, and without wanting to generate any spoilers, anyone familiar with Game of Thrones will know that while all those dubbed <a href="https://gameofthrones.fandom.com/wiki/King_in_the_North">King in the North</a> were anointed amid a sense of hope and purpose, they quite often met a sticky end. </p>
<h2>War of words</h2>
<p>Burnham had to learn on Twitter that Greater Manchester would be forced into tier 3 with or without a financial deal. To add insult to injury, this drama played out on live TV as he seemingly learnt about the tweet when a <a href="https://twitter.com/dinosofos/status/1318583325573918725">phone was handed to him</a> in the middle of a press conference. This slap in the face spoke to the disjointed nature of the pandemic response, and effectively proved Burnham’s point that the government was not engaging with the city regions in good faith.</p>
<p>How all this plays out in the longer term is an interesting question. The drama could embolden Burnham and other northern leaders to continue to push and challenge the government on its levelling up agenda. That could prove the whole point of city-regional devolution – it will have been shown to have created leaders who can stand up for their constituents at a national level. </p>
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<p>However, in watching this episode, it’s hard not to recall the last time a northern metropolitan area decided to take on a Conservative government. This was in 1983, when Liverpool’s Militant Labour council decided to challenge central government finance decisions by setting an <a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/labour-inquiry-into-militant/">illegal budget deficit</a> – effectively spending more money than it had. </p>
<p>This set the city on a collision course with the government of Margaret Thatcher. Ringleaders including <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-47294393">Derek Hatton</a> were permanently disbarred from public office. Then, three years later, via the Local Government Act of 1986, Merseyside along with all other metropolitan areas, was abolished, in an act which can be seen as directly linked to this challenge to government. The underlying message was clear: central government is in charge.</p>
<p>In the short term, it’s unlikely anything will happen until the local government elections in 2021, when the original intake of metro mayors will seek reelection. That’s because for now, two of the metro mayors – most notably in the West Midlands – are Conservative. If these two are reelected, the government may not take political reprisals at all. Even after that, we’re unlikely to see a bloodbath reminiscent of an episode of Game of Thrones – at least for some time. This is because city regions are still the direction of travel for local government, and England’s remaining local authorities are being reformed in this model.</p>
<p>However, local government exists under a state of near-constant reform, and this is where the danger lies for the likes of Burnham. We might expect the government to subject the devolved city-regions to some kind of “reform” in the not too distant future with the events of the past few weeks in mind. Remember: there were three years between the Merseyside stand-off in 1983 and its eventual abolition in 1986.</p>
<p>This may well be a wicking, or outright neutering of powers. In all likelihood, in the same way cities were left to take the financial brunt of the 2008 recession and the resulting programme of austerity, the metro mayors could also be convenient fall guys for the inevitable financial fallout of the COVID-19 epidemic.</p>
<p>Ultimately, Burnham’s argument seems to recognise what’s coming down the tracks, and in time we’ll likely recognise this moment as a major fork in the road for how England’s cities are governed. “<a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1971833/">The North remembers</a>” has seeped out from TV as a rallying cry. But let’s never forget: central government is more than capable of holding onto a grudge too.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/148594/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Nurse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>History shows that revenge is a dish often served cold in Westminster.Alex Nurse, Lecturer in Planning, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1482882020-10-17T13:25:34Z2020-10-17T13:25:34ZCoronavirus pandemic has pitted England’s mayors against London<p>The anger was evident in Andy Burnham’s voice as he declared that Greater Manchester would stand firm in the face of any UK government attempt to impose a “tier three” restriction on the northern English city-region without adequate financial compensation. The mayor and other local leaders were unanimous in opposing the government’s plans as “<a href="https://www.google.com/search?q=flawed+and+unfair+mayors+lockdown&rlz=1C5CHFA_enGB874GB874&oq=flawed+and+unfair+mayors+lockdown&aqs=chrome..69i57.3284j0j7&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8">flawed and unfair</a>”. A statement from Burnham, the two deputy mayors and Greater Manchester’s ten council leaders declared: “We are fighting back – for fairness and for the health of our people in the broadest sense.”</p>
<p>As cities in the North of England have struggled with coronavirus infection rates, local leaders across the political spectrum have been flexing their muscles. </p>
<p>Covid-19 has fully exposed the inadequacies of the relationship between central and other tiers of government at the regional and local level in England. It has also made it difficult to deny entrenched structural inequalities. We might all be in the same storm, but we are definitely not all in the same boat.</p>
<p>These two truths are closely intertwined: there is a relationship between the highly centralised political system in England and inequality. As Burnham and his counterpart in the Liverpool City Region, Steve Rotheram, have long argued: political decisions taken by a small Westminster elite reflect the reality contained within the circle of the M25 London orbital motorway. They do not reflect the reality of life outside of this circle. And that perpetuates inequalities.</p>
<p>Large city-regions in the North, for example, faced the largest spending cuts after the 2008 financial crash with one estimate claiming that “on a per capita basis, <a href="https://www.centreforcities.org/reader/cities-outlook-2019/a-decade-of-austerity/">Liverpool has seen the largest cut</a>”. Transport spending on London and the South-East far outstrips transport spending in the North and, during the pandemic, there has been evidence of “a gaping <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/mayor-of-greater-manchester-calls-for-cobra-to-be-reconvened-with-seats-for-the-english-regions/">North-South divide</a> on access to testing”.</p>
<p>The political leadership being demonstrated by combined authority mayors across the North is all the more striking in its contrast to the absence of clear and coherent leadership from the centre. While Rotheram and local authority leaders in Liverpool accepted the imposition of tier-three COVID restrictions, they were quick to emphasise in a <a href="https://www.liverpoolcityregion-ca.gov.uk/liverpool-city-region-confirmed-to-be-placed-on-highest-tier-3-covid-alert-level/">joint statement</a> that “it was made clear to us that government would be doing this regardless of if we engaged with then or not” and stressed that “we have not yet reached an agreement on the wider economic support package that we require”.</p>
<p>The focus on the inadequacies of the economic support on offer had already been signalled in an <a href="https://www.liverpoolcityregion-ca.gov.uk/11710-2/">open letter</a> to government signed by Burnham, Rotheram, Dan Jarvis the metro-mayor of the Sheffield city-region, Jamie Driscoll, the metro-mayor of the North of Tyne and Richard Leese, the leader of Manchester City Council and deputy mayor of Greater Manchester.</p>
<h2>The long road to devolution</h2>
<p>Leaders across the North have signed various devolution deals since 2014. But the pandemic has reinforced a growing feeling that the original terms of the deals are inadequate and that the devolution journey needs to be accelerated. The horse-trading that has accompanied the latest government negotiations with Lancashire and the Liverpool City Region, resulting in different restrictions and funding in each area despite both being in tier three, should come as no surprise. It reflects the transactional nature of the original deals negotiated individually between government and each area.</p>
<p>Local leaders have clamoured to take decisions locally. As care homes struggled in April, Burnham called on the national government to use the expertise of local authorities and their <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/mayor-calls-for-urgent-support-package-for-social-care/" title=") to get PPE to where it was most needed. In May, a joint letter from Rotheram and Burnham expressed dismay over the ["lack of meaningful consultation and advance knowledge](https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/change-of-message-too-early-for-north-west-say-andy-burnham-and-steve-rotheram-in-letter-to-pm/ "">“well established logistics systems</a>” about the easing of restrictions when infection rates remained high in their areas.</p>
<p>This was followed in June by their joint concern about the lack of clear data to support decisions around local lockdowns. By September, Burnham was calling on the government <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/mayor-of-greater-manchester-calls-for-cobra-to-be-reconvened-with-seats-for-the-english-regions/">to reconvene Cobra</a> with representation for all of the English regions alongside London, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.</p>
<p>The need to take decisions locally has never been more obvious. From sourcing PPE to housing rough sleepers to using local expertise in track and trace systems. The inadequacies of PPE supplies saw Greater Manchester set up its own <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/gmca-approves-14m-loan-to-private-white-to-manufacture-vital-ppe/">PPE taskforce</a> to provide a central system of procurement and distribution for frontline workers.</p>
<p>It has all served to teach many people who didn’t already know it that local authorities matter. Metro-mayors are proving their worth by using their collective voice to draw attention to the plight of their city-regions and they have been crucial in acting as convenors and coordinators of their local authorities. Yet it is local authorities that have the power to make a difference to track, trace and test systems. It is local authorities that control public health and social care. It is local authorities that run the public services which make a difference to people’s lives.</p>
<p>It is therefore alarming to note the extent to which local authorities have been weakened financially, first by austerity and now by the pandemic. The government has promised English local authorities an additional £1bn of financial support on top of the £3.6bn Towns Fund already committed. But this looks set to fall short of what is needed to cover the <a href="https://www.lgcplus.com/finance/further-1bn-for-councils-announced-by-johnson-13-10-2020/">economic fallout from coronavirus</a>.</p>
<p>Burnham’s declaration of defiance was a long time in the making. For years there has been a growing appetite for local control and an end to the inadequacies of an over-centralised political system and the related structural inequalities. This all existed long before Covid but the pandemic has certainly highlighted and accelerated existing trends.</p>
<p>It is not that Northern leaders have suddenly found a voice. Since their election in May 2017, metro-mayors have combined to lobby central government for further devolution. Current calls for a seat at the Cobra table are a reminder of their earlier pleas to have representation in the Brexit negotiations. Their political voice is therefore not new. But that voice is finally starting to be heard.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/148288/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Georgina Blakeley receives funding from British Academy and Santander Mobility Fund.</span></em></p>Tensions between regional leaders and central government have reenergised a devolution debate.Georgina Blakeley, Director of Teaching, Learning and Student Experience, University of HuddersfieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1061322018-11-05T11:45:23Z2018-11-05T11:45:23ZMayors could be a guiding light in post-Brexit Britain, but they’ll need greater powers<p>For many cities and regions across the UK, Brexit carries profound risks. It <a href="https://www.econstor.eu/handle/10419/157171">seems highly likely</a> to trigger a period of economic instability, as investors seek a better understanding of the on-the-ground realities of a post-EU Britain, as the pound responds to changing economic conditions and as new relationships are established in Europe and beyond.</p>
<p>Leaders of local authorities – already <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03003930.2015.1036986">feeling the impact</a> of a decade of austerity and sluggish growth – are worried about their futures under Brexit. In August, Plymouth City Council became the first to <a href="https://www.plymouthherald.co.uk/news/plymouth-news/plymouth-council-first-issue-brexit-1946966">issue a legal challenge</a> to the British government over Brexit, requesting information and analysis about possible impacts on the local area. And in October, the <a href="https://www.lgcplus.com/politics/governance-and-structure/mayors-call-for-post-brexit-decentralisation/7026466.article">eight metropolitan mayors called for</a> further devolution and increased funding under Brexit.</p>
<p>But do these local leaders have the capacity to bring about the changes necessary to deliver a better future for cities and regions? Our <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00343404.2018.1447662">research from 2017 suggests that</a> places in England too often lack the leadership they need to achieve a prosperous and secure future. </p>
<h2>Odd one out</h2>
<p>We compared local leadership in England with Finland, Germany, Italy, Australia and the USA, and found that England was – in some important respects – the odd nation out. When we asked local leaders how they would respond to either a major economic shock or opportunity, the pathway to effective action was far less certain and much less transparent than elsewhere.</p>
<p>For example, in England, local leaders said that they would work within networks of firms to develop complex strategies involving the public and private sectors on the ground, while also seeking central government support. By contrast, in Finland, Germany and Italy the relevant mayor would take charge, with support from their professional staff and central government. </p>
<p>There have been some shifts toward the European model, with the introduction of combined authorities and elected mayors in some parts of the UK from 2011. But according to the participants in our study, this move has added complexity and could reduce coordination in local government, as new ways of working had to be found when previously important roles, such as local authority chief executives and council leaders, were forced to concede some control. </p>
<p>Even so, the local leaders we interviewed also saw this move as adding to the legitimacy of local leadership, because the mayors are directly elected, as well as providing a focal point for community mobilisation and buy-in.</p>
<p>Yet there is <a href="https://www.citymetric.com/politics/here-s-what-public-think-metro-mayors-2082">a real gap</a> between public expectations of mayors and their formal powers and authority in the UK. And since not all parts of England have mayors, it’s harder for elected leaders to assert their influence at a national level, share their experiences with others and find collective solutions to the problems in their cities.</p>
<h2>An ad hoc approach</h2>
<p>Local leaders in England have also found it difficult to build momentum and public support for devolved forms of governance. The private sector has a prominent role in local governance through their role on <a href="https://www.lepnetwork.net/">Local Enterprise Partnerships</a> and through prominent business member organisations. Some of the participants in our research saw this as a strength, but they said it also brought uncertainty and ambiguity. </p>
<p>They felt that the reliance on interpersonal relationships between key people in the private and public sectors resulted in an ad hoc approach to local issues and initiatives. There was little learning from past experience, so every challenge required a bespoke approach. As a result, responses tended to be reactive rather than strategic, and short term rather than comprehensive or systematic. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">The path less trodden.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/brexit-flags-united-kingdom-european-union-442032919?src=t7YMbzew2z7o58KThFXZeg-1-5">Shutterstock</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>As it stands, England’s local leaders do not seem to be in a good position to ensure a smooth transition through Brexit. National economic and political processes have a significant influence on the well-being of cities and regions in the UK, and Westminster holds its power tightly. In Europe and elsewhere, local leadership has a greater impact on local economic performance. </p>
<h2>A new role</h2>
<p>Brexit will reshape the UK economy and society, as well as how the nation is governed. There is a strong case to introduce mayors in other English cities and to allow them to take a greater role in political life. Elected mayors could, for example, have an important role working with central government to determine what powers might be repatriated to a local level, after Brexit. So far, they’ve had little opportunity to negotiate. </p>
<p>Mayors are also well placed to act as ambassadors for their local areas by developing strategic partnerships with elected leaders and business interests in Europe and beyond, effectively bypassing central government. Yet they currently lack the powers and prestige of their European counterparts. </p>
<p>There is also scope for elected mayors to influence national and global debates by acting as a united force to demand greater devolution after Brexit. But it’s clear that some elected mayors in England are in a better position to negotiate with central government than others, because of their public profile and perceptions of competence. </p>
<p>Greater devolution will be necessary to empower local leaders to look after the interests of their citizens, while the UK repositions itself in the global economy, and sharing power at the local level will be an important step to greater prosperity and political stability in the nation, after Brexit.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/106132/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andrew Beer receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute and the Regional Australia Institute. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sarah Ayres does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Westminster holds its power tight, but that could be bad news for cities and regions.Sarah Ayres, Reader in Public Policy and Governance, University of BristolAndrew Beer, Dean, Research and Innovation, University of South AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/781362017-06-01T12:47:08Z2017-06-01T12:47:08ZBrexit and the American Revolution: lessons for Liverpool’s new metro mayor<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171660/original/file-20170531-25652-1c0ozgz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/constitution-usa-document-american-flag-behind-182898593">SeanLocke/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Merseyside elected its <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-merseyside-39804725">first metro mayor</a> in May. Steve Rotheram will now enjoy <a href="http://www.centreforcities.org/publication/everything-need-know-metro-mayors">powers</a> to integrate healthcare, housing, transportation and education among the area’s local councils. But he is taking office in a turbulent period which has seen the UK engulfed in the fallout from the 2008 economic crash, a <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-32395181">migration crisis</a> and last but not least, Brexit. </p>
<p>As a Liverpudlian and historian, I hope that our new metro mayor will take note of the lessons of history. One example I encourage him to consider is Liverpool during the American Revolutionary era (<a href="https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/american-revolution-1763-1783">1763-1783</a>). If Mayor Rotheram learns these lessons, then he may well succeed in his new post. </p>
<p>Granted, there are considerable differences between the late 18th century and the early 21st century. During the Georgian period, Liverpool had socio-economic ties to Britain’s emerging empire in the Americas, Africa and Asia. </p>
<p>Consequently, Liverpool was often termed the “<a href="http://www.history.ac.uk/reviews/review/737">second city of empire</a>” and its status as a port town ensured that there were sizeable opportunities for labour in the docking and shipping sectors. Equally, through a series of canals and turnpikes, Georgian Liverpool enjoyed ties to its industrialising hinterland, which was famed for processing Cheshire Salt and using Lancastrian coal for manufacturing purposes. In contrast, there is considerably less demand for manual labour on Merseyside’s docks in 2017 thanks to containerisation (freight transport) and mechanisation.</p>
<p>But there is at least one thing that both periods have in common – they were eras of great change. During the 1760s and 1770s, Britain and its American colonies clashed over politics and economic policy, which resulted in the bloody War of Independence. By 1783, London was forced to acknowledge the break-up of its North American empire and the birth of the United States. In 2017, the British government is taking steps that will see Britain formally end its 40-year membership of the EEC/EU. Brexit was prompted by a national referendum in 2016, in which 51.9% of the British electorate <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-36616028">voted to leave the EU</a>. </p>
<p>There are other parallels between the American Revolutionary period and Brexit. Back in the early-1780s, it was feared that the loss of America would weaken Britain’s “Great Power” status and encourage further <a href="https://networks.h-net.org/node/16749/reviews/17548/gould-dickinson-britain-and-american-revolution-and-hibbert-george-iii">separatist movements within the empire</a> – notably the West Indies and Ireland. </p>
<p>Today, many of these issues are still relevant. As a result of Brexit, the Scottish government is calling for a <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-39255181">second independence referendum</a> from the UK. There is also renewed debate over Britain’s position in the world. On the one hand, those who wanted to remain in the EU <a href="http://www.strongerin.co.uk/get_the_facts#mFM8kr882XmipYtb.97">argue</a> that Brexit will diminish British influence in Europe and beyond. In contrast, the Leave camp <a href="http://www.voteleavetakecontrol.org/why_vote_leave.html">stress</a> that if Britain withdraws from the EU then the UK will be free to trade with the whole world and take advantage of new opportunities. </p>
<h2>Networking and more networking</h2>
<p>In such circumstances, how did the 18th-century Liverpool lobby (comprised of local MPs, councillors, mayors, merchants and landed gentry) respond to the challenges of the American Revolution? And are there any lessons for the new metro mayor to take note of in Brexit Britain? In short, yes.</p>
<p>During the 1770s and 1780s, Sir William Meredith (one of Liverpool’s MPs) was frequently at loggerheads with local councillors. The latter regarded their representative in Westminster as untrustworthy and hence tried to <a href="http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1754-1790/member/meredith-sir-william-1725-90">unseat Meredith at the polls</a>. This created a divided team, and arguably yielded few positive results. Hence, for a lobby to be effective it must be unified. This is a basic lesson that the new metro mayor needs to heed, as he interacts with incumbent MPs, councillors, businesses and other mayors in the UK. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"864103872364773377"}"></div></p>
<p>In the 18th century, the provincial towns of Liverpool and Bristol were also <a href="http://www.bristol.ac.uk/Depts/History/bristolrecordsociety/publications/brs39.pdf">commercial rivals</a> so both locations competed for political influence. Imagine what might have been achieved if they had worked more closely together? For a lobby to succeed, it requires friends in several locations. The Liverpool metro mayor should establish partnerships with political and business interests throughout the UK. </p>
<p>Georgian Liverpool’s lobby realised that in order to get its message across it had to establish effective networks at the seat of power in London and avoid alienating potential allies in the capital. Not only was Meredith disliked by some of his constituents but he was also distrusted by his parliamentary colleagues, too. Critics charged that Meredith shifted political positions far too easily. </p>
<p>Meredith’s political emasculation no doubt contributed towards his <a href="http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/18580?docPos=1">decision not to seek reelection in 1780</a>. For Rotheram to succeed, he will have to collaborate with Whitehall and not make outlandish proposals that could alienate the good will of central government. </p>
<p>One final thought: we historians may debate how effective the Liverpool lobby was in the aftermath of the American Revolution. But today and tomorrow, it will be the Merseyside electorate that decides Mayor Rotheram’s future. Should they be satisfied with his performance, Mr Rotheram may be reelected in 2020. If, however, the public are displeased, either they will elect a new metro mayor or the post itself will be called into question.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/78136/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Simon Hill does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Can Liverpool’s new metro mayor prolong his reign by heeding lessons from 18th-century American revolutionary politicians?Simon Hill, Lecturer, Liverpool John Moores UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/782052017-05-23T12:55:29Z2017-05-23T12:55:29ZManchester Arena attack: the mayor’s response<p>When Andy Burnham, a former British government minister, won the election to be <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-andy-burnhams-manchester-could-change-the-face-of-uk-politics-77258">Greater Manchester’s Metro Mayor</a> recently he was probably focused on plans for the region’s transport, policing and housing – and, of course, all the behind the scenes political work that goes on when a new role is created.</p>
<p>And yet just a few weeks after taking on the role, terrorism has proved to be his first major challenge. Following the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-40012208">horrific bomb attack</a> following a concert at one of Manchester’s most popular venues, he quickly has had to rise to the challenge. </p>
<p>It is a sad fact of life that as a senior politician, you will soon have to face – and deal with – a shocking incident of this kind. </p>
<p>These incidents arrive regardless of your long term plans and whatever you are doing. Gordon Brown’s early tenure as UK prime minister, for example, saw the <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/6257194.stm">Glasgow terror incident</a> – which involved an attempted car bombing of the city’s airport in June 2007. Just four days into his premiership, Brown was dealing with the worst terrorist incident in Britain since the attacks on London in July 2005. Andy Burnham now finds himself in a similar situation.</p>
<h2>Giving Manchester a voice</h2>
<p>For Burnham, as the mayor and messenger of Manchester, an attack of this scale needs a response at several levels. </p>
<p>There is the immediately practical – dealing with casualties. There is the short term logistical – dealing with things like transport and closures. And there is the investigation and (hopefully) prevention of any follow ups. </p>
<p>But he will also need a “voice”. People look to particular figures to give a voice to their outrage, to talk about the need for calm, to provide reassurance, and to offer unity and express the sadness overwhelming many.</p>
<p>Part of the thinking behind the UK government’s enthusiasm for <a href="https://theconversation.com/manchester-devolution-and-brexit-andy-burnham-qanda-76188">elected mayors</a> was a perceived need to provide strong, local leaders. And a strong, local leader’s voice is exactly what is needed in Manchester now.</p>
<p>There is a certain choreography to the response to these events. It tends to go: a brief initial reaction, a visit to the scene, then a longer statement or speech. This is then usually followed by a press conference and interviews, along with visits to those affected. </p>
<p>I say this not to be callous, but to highlight the huge demand the news media places on leading political figures when tragedy strikes. I was peripherally involved in the recent Westminster <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/westminster-attack--news-">vehicle and knife attack</a> when some of my Edge Hill students were injured on Westminster Bridge, so I know only too well how voracious the news media becomes.</p>
<h2>‘We are strong’</h2>
<p>As expected, Burnham <a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/2017/05/andy-burnhams-full-speech-attack-manchester-waking-most-difficult-dawns">made a speech on the morning after the attack</a>. It is <a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/2017/05/andy-burnhams-full-speech-attack-manchester-waking-most-difficult-dawns">probably</a> better described as a statement, in that it was short and to the point. But despite its brevity, in nine paragraphs, he summed up just about every possible line of thought.</p>
<p>The speech covered evil, the shared grieving and the need for the city to carry on. He also praised the work of the emergency services, and highlighted the need for unity and the very human reaction of the local people who provided help to those affected. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/170560/original/file-20170523-5743-stc38m.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/170560/original/file-20170523-5743-stc38m.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=321&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170560/original/file-20170523-5743-stc38m.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=321&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170560/original/file-20170523-5743-stc38m.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=321&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170560/original/file-20170523-5743-stc38m.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=403&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170560/original/file-20170523-5743-stc38m.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=403&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/170560/original/file-20170523-5743-stc38m.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=403&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Andy Burnham on Sky News.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Screen Shot/Sky News</span></span>
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<p>Burnham now has the task of bringing people together while there is still doubt about many aspects of what happened. A vigil in the centre of Manchester was rapidly planned for Tuesday evening, and there will be many other potential initiatives to follow.</p>
<p>Incidents like this tend to leave a large and long-lasting footprint. The effects of the bomb will last for years, whether in concrete reality or in people’s awareness and memories. And Burnham must now lead the effort to ensure Manchester emerges from this shocking incident with cohesion and strength.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/78205/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paula Keaveney is a member of the Liberal Democrats.</span></em></p>How a new mayor reacts when the unspeakable happens.Paula Keaveney, Senior Lecturer in Public Relations and Politics, Edge Hill UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/758752017-05-02T13:35:38Z2017-05-02T13:35:38ZMetro mayors and devolution: breathing new life into our neglected town centres<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166984/original/file-20170427-15081-c6uhav.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/closing-down-sign-city-centre-shop-288563606?src=XXws38wl32etUOkj8yNMoA-1-3">cornfield/shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Health, policing and transport dominate the discussion about the future of the newly devolved Greater Manchester. But how will the newly elected mayor influence the town, district and neighbourhood centres that have been left behind as the city centre grew and prospered?</p>
<p>For now, we have the <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/GMSF">Greater Manchester Spatial Framework</a> which outlines the long-term planning strategy for the region under a devolved authority. Unfortunately, the signs are not good. The fixation on building housing on greenbelt has already provoked a <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-38612170">fierce backlash from local communities</a> concerned about the loss of open space, natural environment and the lack of infrastructure to service these developments.</p>
<h2>Soulless estates</h2>
<p>The spatial framework reflects a tired approach to planning. It is mired in assumptions about society that once fuelled the postwar destruction of British communities by promoting the type of suburban sprawl, where residents have to get in their car just to buy a pint of milk, never mind get to work or take the kids to school. Is this what people really want? A life on soulless decentralised estates? Greater Manchester already has enough of these places, to the point the conurbation resembles much less a mini New York and much more a British version of Los Angeles. </p>
<p>According to <a href="http://www.neweconomymanchester.com/media/1078/tne_travel_to_work_patterns_in_greater_manchester.pdf">The New Economy</a>, despite the growth in walking, cycling and use of public transport, for those living and entering Greater Manchester for work, the car remains by far the most common means of transport. Outside central Manchester, the car is often the only choice you have. The spatial framework sits well then alongside what the influential urban studies journalist <a href="http://time.com/4310945/jane-jacobs-100-history/">Jane Jacobs</a> described as “city destroying ideas”. In contradiction, Jacobs advocated the qualities of living in dense neighbourhoods with vibrant street life and well used public realm.</p>
<p>Greater Manchester might learn from developments across the Atlantic and the so-called <a href="http://www.citylab.com/work/2012/05/how-and-why-american-cities-are-coming-back/2015/">Great Inversion</a> – where after decades of car-centric suburbanisation and urban sprawl people are returning to towns and cities. This reflects a preference for compact, denser and walkable communities. Even a defunct industrial city <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/travel/2014/mar/02/detroit-michigan-first-steps-urban-renewal">like Detroit</a> is experiencing a regrowth through creative experiments in “place-making” (bringing life back into a place that suffered the full brunt of economic restructuring following the collapse of the post-war Keynesian consensus).</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166986/original/file-20170427-15091-umus47.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166986/original/file-20170427-15091-umus47.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166986/original/file-20170427-15091-umus47.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166986/original/file-20170427-15091-umus47.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166986/original/file-20170427-15091-umus47.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166986/original/file-20170427-15091-umus47.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166986/original/file-20170427-15091-umus47.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Downtown Detroit, Michigan, USA.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/aerial-view-downtown-detroit-twilight-michigan-512268166?src=vVlcSisMOS_4l3HVkjNBKQ-1-7">f11photo/shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>High street in decline</h2>
<p>Many British towns, however, are going through an existential crisis. Out-of-town retail parks and internet shopping, along with the aftershocks of the 2008 crash, have created a perfect storm for town centre and high street decline. Importantly, centres are more than just places to go shopping. They are places to meet and socialise. They are the spatial expression of community identity and provide a sense of belonging. As shops disappear, the viability of other services, museums, libraries, public transport – along with pubs and places to eat – is brought into question. The decline of retailing, therefore, poses a fundamental question about the future of the places where we live, work and socialise.</p>
<p>Research we are leading at the <a href="http://www.placemanagement.org/research/">Institute of Place Management</a> at Manchester Metropolitan University, in partnership with Cardiff University, is studying how places are adapting using data provided by retail intelligence specialists <a href="http://www.spring-board.info/">Springboard</a>. Using Big Data, we are analysing billions of pedestrian movements, going back ten years, across 100 UK centres, to bring insight to this problem at a national scale. Our approach is revealing groundbreaking discoveries.</p>
<p>Above all, activity in UK town and city centres does not match the retail hierarchy model used in spatial planning since the 1930s which puts places in rigid categories. Using this approach, many towns made poor development decisions, becoming dependent on national retail chains to fill up space on their high streets. Of course many of these <a href="http://www.retailresearch.org/whosegonebust.php">familiar brands have disappeared</a> and those that remain are concentrating their store portfolios in the top 100 centres. It is no surprise then to find large numbers of vacant shops in most town centres and local planners and property owners scratching their heads about what to do next. In some cases, towns have produced costly marketing strategies to compete with places they are not actually in competition with. Or they have invested in costly regeneration schemes to create developments few people want to use. Put bluntly, they have been using historical and inaccurate assumptions about how people use town centres in a vain attempt to maintain their position in a defunct Retail Hierarchy.</p>
<p>Places are not mono-functional. <a href="http://www.placemanagement.org/media/57742/HSUK2020-End-of-Project-Reportcompressed.pdf">They are are complex and multiple</a>. By analysing actual usage and activity we are beginning to make sense of this <a href="https://issuu.com/mcrmetropolis/docs/ipm_pb.pptx">complexity</a>. The reality is that the majority of UK centres simply serve their local communities but have been managed poorly and have been slow to adapt. To help places make the right decisions we have identified <a href="http://www.placemanagement.org/media/57742/HSUK2020-End-of-Project-Reportcompressed.pdf">25 interventions</a> most likely to restore vibrancy and vitality to town centres. This allows us to identify new policy recommendations, of interest to any politician, public servant or concerned citizen wanting to combat the decline of the High Street and town centres. </p>
<p>In Greater Manchester, the city centre is faring well but the smaller town centres are losing trade and footfall. This is leaving behind a ghostly trail of abandoned shops and windswept empty precincts. However, some neighbourhoods thrive with local scenes, independent shops, bars and events. It is no wonder house prices are rising in places like Chorlton – the town offers something Jacobs would approve of. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166992/original/file-20170427-15112-wgqg98.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166992/original/file-20170427-15112-wgqg98.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166992/original/file-20170427-15112-wgqg98.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166992/original/file-20170427-15112-wgqg98.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166992/original/file-20170427-15112-wgqg98.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166992/original/file-20170427-15112-wgqg98.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166992/original/file-20170427-15112-wgqg98.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The old Woolworths store in Bolton town centre lying empty in 2010.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/loscuadernosdejulia/4511723234/in/photolist-5MHeDq-6st9VP-7SFL8C-74sq6T-5PyjkH-5PCAfU/">Julie/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Elsewhere, local centres provide a very poor environment for people. They need to adapt by creating convenient and pleasurable experiences for residents. We need to take a “whole place” perspective on decision making and action, which is exactly what devolution should enable. It should bring people together to discuss the best locations for health centres, bus stops, shops and housing to strengthen the overall attractiveness of local town centres. With devolution comes the opportunity to use new powers to strengthen our town centres and local communities – to make them sustainable and vibrant again.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/75875/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Steve Millington receives funding from ESRC, Technology Strategy Board. This article reflects his own opinions.</span></em></p>Can new Metro Mayors save our struggling town centres?Steve Millington, Senior Lecturer, Manchester Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/758732017-04-28T08:12:45Z2017-04-28T08:12:45ZMetro mayors and the city as an underperforming brand<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166613/original/file-20170425-23807-15rdi05.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/castlefield-inner-city-conservation-area-manchester-255819034?src=rkwNFSKiVoibRKdB8zH7oQ-1-2">Shahid Khan/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>It has been 179 years since the inauguration of the first Mayor of Manchester and the city is just about to elect a new incumbent. During this time, the office <a href="http://www.manchester.gov.uk/info/200033/councillors_and_decision-making/1158/the_lord_mayors_office/3">has been held by more than a hundred men and women</a>. But the role has changed significantly over the years. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=790&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=790&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=790&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=993&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=993&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=993&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Sir Thomas Potter painted by Samuel William Reynolds.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.artuk.org/discover/artworks/alderman-sir-thomas-potter-206553">Manchester Town Hall</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>It began as an influential leader of political, social and economic reform and ended up as one of mere ceremony. Sir Thomas Potter, <a href="http://www.manchester.gov.uk/info/200033/councillors_and_decision-making/1158/the_lord_mayors_office/4">Manchester’s first mayor</a>, was a wealthy businessman, <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-british-studies/article/culture-and-the-middle-classes-popular-knowledge-in-industrial-manchester/DAA09FE9D9EC319B3C9FDC64C9A9BB14">a liberalist</a>, and co-founder of the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/gnm-archive/2002/jun/11/1">Manchester Guardian</a>. In May last year, <a href="http://www.manchester.gov.uk/info/200033/councillors_and_decision-making/1158/the_lord_mayors_office">Councillor Carl Austin-Behan</a> was sworn in to office. Carl was Manchester’s first openly gay Lord Mayor. This was of great significance given the city’s LGBT achievements but of little everyday consequence as the office had become little more than a formality. </p>
<p>Nevertheless, in the good old tradition of history repeating itself, the city’s next mayor – to be elected next month – will take on a civic leadership role with real power and financial clout. </p>
<p>Not unexpectedly, the new position of Greater Manchester Metro Mayor has attracted <a href="https://www.gmelects.org.uk/downloads/file/2/statement_of_persons_nominated">eight contenders</a>. Perhaps, more surprising, was the announcement that longstanding, local Labour MP <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/biographies/commons/andy-burnham/1427">Andy Burnham</a>, was standing for election. </p>
<p>Usually, the career trajectory of a politician goes from the local to the national – not the other way round. However, Manchester is an attractive proposition for a would-be political investor like Andy Burnham. You could think of him as a bit like a private equity funder eyeing up an under-performing brand that is ripe for some targeted investment. Along with a bit of sensible and joined-up management and a good dose of positive PR. </p>
<p>Over the last ten years, there has been a growing body of research into the practice of place branding and management. While much of this is <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/JPMD-08-2016-0055">critical</a> of transplanting business practices to places, there are a couple of relatively unproblematic applications to be recommended to the new mayor, whoever that turns out to be. </p>
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<h2>It’s NOT grim up north</h2>
<p>First, a bit of <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/JPMD-08-2016-0055">reputation management</a> would not go amiss. This should take the form of communications campaigns engineered to challenge decades of “grim up North” stereotyping. Second, a clear vision along with some place-based decision making is needed if the new mayor is going to have a chance of undoing years of <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/abs/10.1108/17538330810865363">siloed</a> and disconnected policy making.</p>
<p>This has systematically failed to address the complex and interconnected nature of problems in the city region. So, the mayor’s new, integrated <a href="http://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/idiots-guide-greater-manchester-mayor-12521146">£6 billion health and social care budget</a> is an important step, as long as some clear outcomes are set. </p>
<p>Mayors are also expected to set the direction of travel. <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/what-impact-do-metro-mayors-have-on-the-cities-that-elect-them/">Evidence from Bristol</a> suggests that citizens perceive the leadership of mayors as much more visible than everyday politicians. Evident, observable leadership is more likely to engender confidence – not only in people’s ability to tackle deeply embedded problems, but externally, too. Visible leadership acts as a boost to a city’s image. </p>
<p>In Bogota, for example, two elected mayors (Antanas Mockus and Enrique Penalosa) have been credited with lifting the city from “violence and dysfunction” to “<a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=GiRNDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA38&lpg=PA38&dq=mayor+bogota+city+rankings&source=bl&ots=A1aJbJLkav&sig=1HSGwDUgS0AwLYxxRXi1W0X2OAk&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwik5OGawa3TAhXIZFAKHedfDggQ6AEIaDAJ#v=onepage&q=mayor%20bogota%20city%20rankings&f=false">world capital status</a>”.</p>
<p>Of course, it is important to not get too carried away with the allure of the Metro Mayor. Cities are not just their mayors; they are their <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/17538331311306087">people</a>. So focusing on the populations’ health (<a href="http://www.centreforcities.org/greater-manchester/">an approach that the electorate already seems to support</a>) is important. </p>
<p>The skills gap in the city region does not appear to be such a vote-winner, however, even though it is likely to be hampering regional <a href="http://www.centreforcities.org/greater-manchester/">employment and productivity</a>. This is important as it is where a mayor can leave a meaningful, personal legacy. All too often, civic leaders tend to focus on the physical – like infrastructure (think Boris Bikes) or “<a href="http://krqe.com/2017/02/27/albuquerque-mayor-hopes-to-add-new-iconic-building-to-citys-skyline/">iconic</a>” buildings. Most likely this is because these types of interventions can be commissioned <em>and</em> completed within their time in office. </p>
<h2>Making a difference</h2>
<p>Changing the prognosis for the long-term unemployed, the unskilled, the “<a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/store/10.1111/1467-923X.12285/asset/poqu12285.pdf?v=1&t=j1lxxryh&s=1e65ca6ed129b2ba30ebc559454930f7fa9c88a9">left-behind</a>” is not so easy. Nevertheless, educational achievement <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/education/education-news/from-fail-to-world-s-best-a-lesson-from-the-east-end-8996454.html">can be improved in specific locations</a> and this is another aim our new mayor could at least catalyse. </p>
<p>Making a difference <em>somewhere</em> and being close to the action as a metro mayor could make for a far more influential political career than being insignificant or aloof in Westminster. The apathy and <a href="https://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3685/Politicians-are-still-trusted-less-than-estate-agents-journalists-and-bankers.aspx">distrust</a> people feel towards their MPs suggests that national politics is no longer an arena for actually engaging with people. </p>
<p>Likewise, for the foreseeable future, it is probable that a substantial amount of parliamentary time will be spent discussing Britain’s exit from the EU. This makes it highly unlikely that current MPs will be remembered, individually, for anything much at all – regardless of the result of June’s election.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>Eight candidates are bidding to be mayor of Greater Manchester. The others are: Sean Anstee, Conservative; Mohammad Aslam, Independent; Jane Brophy, Liberal Democrats; Marcus Farmer, Independent; Stephen Morris, English Democrats; Shneur Odze, UKIP; and Will Patterson, Green Party.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/75873/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Cathy Parker is affiliated with The Institute of Place Management, the Journal of Place Management and Development and the Labour Party. This article reflects her personal opinions.</span></em></p>Cities could be viewed as under-performing brands – ripe for a bit of focused investment and visible leadership from the new metro mayors.Cathy Parker, Professor of Marketing and Retail Enterprise, Manchester Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/758142017-04-19T11:21:52Z2017-04-19T11:21:52ZMetro mayors: ten ways to tackle poverty through housing policy<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/165642/original/image-20170418-32703-1tjxcb2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/house-374194603?src=Cw04ijckrpzC8OZSDkbHHg-1-83">Billion Photos/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The new metropolitan mayors who are being elected in the UK in May will wield significant power. But can they do any better than their colleagues in Westminster when it comes to tackling poverty? Housing is perhaps one area where the new mayors will be able to make their mark.</p>
<p>Two years ago, researchers found that there was <a href="http://www4.shu.ac.uk/research/cresr/sites/shu.ac.uk/files/s3.s2.p3-gray-going-for-growth.pdf">“little consideration of social or environmental policy”</a> in the 38 city regional economic plans they reviewed. And further research in 2016 showed that <a href="https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/inclusive-growth-monitor">growth is not enough to secure falls in poverty</a>. But since then, the government has struck devolution deals with many city regions. This has enabled those areas to articulate a vision and argue for the freedoms, flexibilities and funding necessary to realise it. This provides new opportunities for city regions and the metro mayors to use these powers to tackle poverty head on. So what exactly can these new city regional bodies do to have an impact on tackling poverty? </p>
<p>In <a href="https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/tackling-poverty-through-housing-and-planning-policy-city-regions">our study</a>, funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, we assessed the extent to which devolved institutions were using their new housing and planning capacities to meet poverty reduction objectives.</p>
<p>The study found that the interest in more “inclusive” growth has yet to be translated into firm strategies and policies for housing and planning designed explicitly to support poverty reduction. Instead, the primary focus is on increasing housing supply to attract the skilled workers needed to deliver growth.</p>
<p>But we also concluded that city regions have significant opportunities to ensure their ambitious growth targets include the delivery of new and genuinely affordable housing and a better deal for <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/housing-network/2015/jan/16/stop-talking-renting-choice-private-landlords">increasingly marginalised private renters</a>. </p>
<p>Here are ten ways that city regions can use devolution to support poor households in housing and planning policy, increase the stock of genuinely affordable housing and improve conditions in the private rented sector.</p>
<h2>Affordable housing</h2>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"848890013207154688"}"></div></p>
<ol>
<li><p>Combined authorities should use new planning powers – including the power to make new city regional plans – to make clear statements about the role of genuinely affordable housing in future housing developments.</p></li>
<li><p>Local authorities with the capacity to build affordable housing should get the funding they need to do so. Cross-boundary partnerships between city regions will open up possibilities to pool or trade the capacity within <a href="http://www.cih.org/resources/PDF/Policy%20free%20download%20pdfs/Voluntary%20code%20for%20a%20self%20financed%20HRA.pdf">Housing Revenue Accounts</a> so individual local authorities don’t max out their borrowing limits.</p></li>
<li><p>City regions need to dig deep and go far in deploying the land resources that they have available. This includes disposing of land at discounted rates to support affordable housing delivery.</p></li>
<li><p>City regions need to use devolution discussions to put in place a regeneration strategy for their areas. Grant funding will be critical in unlocking brownfield sites which are expensive to develop. City regions could go even further to ensure full alignment of transport, infrastructure and service investment to develop sustainable new communities and not just housing estates. </p></li>
<li><p>“Use it or lose it” measures, including compulsory purchase and levying charges on undeveloped sites, might unlock stalled projects where planning permission has been granted but where developers are not taking action.</p></li>
<li><p>City regions could set up non-profit lettings agencies to drive up quality in the unregulated private rental sector – where only voluntary reforms have so far been <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/housing-white-paper">promised by the government</a>.</p></li>
<li><p>Local authorities have insufficient incentives to enforce housing laws and maintain quality because revenues are paid directly to the Treasury. City regions could negotiate the right to keep fines and reinvest them in enforcing housing standards.</p></li>
<li><p>In some poor quality local rental markets it may make sense to negotiate with government to administer housing benefit more flexibly. The Local Housing Allowance rates could be set by reference to standards, with higher payments going to better landlords. </p></li>
<li><p>The political challenges of securing cross-boundary cooperation are all too real. But for metro mayors there is a distinct prize. Housing-related poverty is a local issue that will not go away on its own and smart mayors will get capital from distinguishing themselves from central government ineffectiveness in tackling the housing question.</p></li>
<li><p>The city regional political conversation must begin to articulate a convincing narrative beyond the current myopia on housing growth. Whitehall’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-housing-supply-shouldnt-be-the-only-policy-tool-politicians-cling-to-72586">sole fixation on numbers is wrong</a> but is being copied elsewhere. City regions can tackle the problem head on.</p></li>
</ol>
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<p>Our work has shown that there are huge challenges to come for the city regions. Most notably, those areas that need the most help to cut poverty may be left to get on with the job on their own, without the political capital and financial resources they need. But there is a good deal to be hopeful about, too. The opportunities for new metro mayors to respond to the issues facing towns and cities are great. And it can set them apart from the Westminster pack.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/75814/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ed Ferrari works for the University of Sheffield and receives funding from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation. He has advised Sheffield City Region and Leeds City Region LEPs on housing and planning issues.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Richard Crisp works for Sheffield Hallam University and receives funding from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation to support research with LEPs and combined authorities on how they can tackle poverty and other forms of disadvantage.</span></em></p>It’s time for the regions to step up…Ed Ferrari, Senior Lecturer in Urban Studies and Planning, University of SheffieldRichard Crisp, Senior Research Fellow, Sheffield Hallam UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.