tag:theconversation.com,2011:/ca/topics/muslim-politics-14442/articlesMuslim politics – The Conversation2017-03-15T11:43:22Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/739852017-03-15T11:43:22Z2017-03-15T11:43:22ZYoung Muslims want to participate in politics – but prejudice and Islamophobia may be stopping them<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/160784/original/image-20170314-10751-fsnyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/milan-italy-november-21-muslim-community-342095108?src=s9S1S0zregu1bSiRpIaqZA-1-98">Tinxi/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Muslim youths tend to be portrayed as <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870903118122">politically disengaged</a> or potentially extremist. Debates about the <a href="https://theconversation.com/young-british-muslims-alienated-by-us-versus-them-rhetoric-of-counter-terrorism-46117">“war on terror”</a>, and US president Donald Trump’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-might-a-trump-presidency-mean-for-muslims-and-the-muslim-world-68662">immigration plans</a> are damaging how the world sees young Muslims today.</p>
<p>But the way that Muslim youth are being talked about in the media is only part of the story. That is why we spoke to 35 young Scottish Muslims about how they engage with political debates and stand up for their rights in a positive way. The majority of Muslim youths aged 15 to 27 who took part in <a href="https://research.ncl.ac.uk/media/sites/researchwebsites/youngmuslims/MuslimYouthScotland.pdf">our research</a> participate in public and political life. These young people are challenging the idea that they are a threat, or not interested. Instead, they are eager to engage.</p>
<p>However, while there were numerous passionate responses from our study participants, we also found that some young Muslims encounter specific challenges that have the potential to put them off politics. </p>
<p>Everyday <a href="https://theconversation.com/eight-ways-that-islamophobia-operates-in-everyday-life-64444">experiences of Islamophobia</a> and racism make public and political participation especially challenging. For some young Muslims, there is a fear that it could leave them open to racist hostility. Moreover, Islamophobia makes some anxious about appearing overly politicised. </p>
<p>Some young Muslim women in our study felt that they had to deal with multiple prejudices, too, based not only on their religion but also their <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/2043820616655018">gender</a>. Gender norms within communities and <a href="https://theconversation.com/hard-evidence-muslim-women-and-discrimination-in-britain-56446">stereotypes of Muslim women</a> – such as those associated <a href="https://theconversation.com/five-truths-about-the-hijab-that-need-to-be-told-63892">with the hijab</a> – were emphasised as potential barriers. </p>
<p>But despite this, we have found that young Muslims in Scotland, like many worldwide, are overwhelmingly keen to get involved in both local and global politics. Being interested in politics is not just about voting, or having an opinion. Though we did find that young Muslims participate in conventional electoral politics, many are also involved with social activism, volunteering and charity work. </p>
<h2>Scottish politics</h2>
<p>For the young Muslims we spoke to, Scottish electoral politics was seen as a key form of political participation. Despite the stereotype of Muslims not wanting to be <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1068/d60j">part of British life</a>, the politics of Scotland are of particular interest to many of the young Muslims living in the country.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/160968/original/image-20170315-5350-1z7fk2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/160968/original/image-20170315-5350-1z7fk2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=453&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/160968/original/image-20170315-5350-1z7fk2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=453&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/160968/original/image-20170315-5350-1z7fk2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=453&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/160968/original/image-20170315-5350-1z7fk2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=569&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/160968/original/image-20170315-5350-1z7fk2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=569&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/160968/original/image-20170315-5350-1z7fk2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=569&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Young Muslims are not disengaged from British society.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">John Gomez/Shutterstock</span></span>
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<p>Interestingly, the 2014 independence referendum, Scottish nationalism and the Scottish National Party have all <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0962629816301573">captured the attention</a> of many young Muslims. A Pakistani Muslim man from Glasgow told us that he thought the referendum “did wonders” in Scotland, because, like many young people <a href="http://www.referendumanalysis.eu/eu-referendum-analysis-2016/section-8-voters/did-the-eu-referendum-boost-youth-engagement-with-politics/">both Muslim and non-Muslim</a> he wasn’t interested in politics before it happened.</p>
<p>Some young Muslims we spoke to believe that the referendum has helped define what it is to be Scottish in a new multicultural society. Many interpreted Scottish nationalism and the possibility of Scottish independence quite differently to the recent comments made by the London Mayor <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/feb/25/sadiq-khan-nationalism-can-be-as-divisive-as-bigotry-and-racism">Sadiq Khan</a>. </p>
<p>He warned that Scottish nationalism could be as divisive as racism and religious intolerance. But young Muslims consider Scottish independence as a progressive idea. One Muslim woman from Edinburgh told us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I find it has been really inclusive. It’s not about the colour of your skin, and it’s not about where you come from, it’s about what you want for Scotland.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Framing Scottish nationalism in this way was an important factor in motivating young Muslims to engage in electoral politics. It was a political movement many felt they could support and be involved in. Whether they were for or against, everyone could voice their opinion on the independence referendum, regardless of race or religion.</p>
<h2>Activism, charity and volunteering</h2>
<p>Politics for these Muslims goes beyond the mainstream big issues, and indeed beyond conventional politics. From the 35 we spoke to, we found that the most frequently engaged with forms of activism included protest marching, awareness-raising events and internet activism. Like many young people of all backgrounds, their political concerns were wide-reaching. </p>
<p>Global issues – such as the refugee crisis, concerns about human rights and anti-war activism – came up in discussion. At the same time, more local matters such as concerns about poverty in Scotland, food banks and <a href="https://theconversation.com/trident-missile-failure-just-how-safe-is-the-uks-nuclear-deterrent-71744">the Trident nuclear deterrent</a> were on the minds of the study participants, too. </p>
<p>For these young Muslims, engaging with public life went further, into charity, community and <a href="http://theconversation.com/we-are-not-going-to-sit-on-the-periphery-how-australian-muslims-enact-their-citizenship-47851">volunteering work</a>. The majority of participants volunteered or did some form of charitable work. The activities were varied, ranging from fund-raising for international causes to local community work such as street cleaning. </p>
<p>For some, political participation is a way to respond and challenge difficult prejudices. Understandably, though, prejudices make others cautious about pursuing an interest in politics. Despite our positive findings, young Muslims are willing to play a much bigger role in public and political life in Scotland. But for that to happen, society needs to overcome Islamophobia, racism and other stereotypes about Muslim young people.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/73985/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Peter Hopkins has received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council in the UK. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Robin Finlay does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Researchers spoke to young Muslims about how they engage with politics and their community.Peter Hopkins, Professor of Social Geography, Newcastle UniversityRobin Finlay, Research Associate, Newcastle UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/710792017-01-19T19:08:31Z2017-01-19T19:08:31ZSyria, Russia and Turkey – the uneasy alliance reshaping world politics<p>The end of the Aleppo crisis and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/dec/29/russia-calling-shots-middle-east-syria">Syrian ceasefire</a> has produced an unlikely alliance. The relationship between Russia, Turkey and Syria is pivotal not only for the Middle East but also for global geopolitics.</p>
<p>The leaders of all three countries – Vladimir Putin, Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Bashar al-Assad – rose to prominence unexpectedly at around the same time, accompanied by a level of optimism. But over the past 16 years, they have joined the growing club of populist and authoritarian leaders.</p>
<p>Vladimir Putin first became president of Russia in 2000 – young, energetic and promising to raise Russia from the ashes of the failed Soviet Union.</p>
<p>Erdogan rose to prominence in 2003 after a major economic crisis catapulted him to Turkey’s prime ministership, carrying with him the hopes of the Turkish people. His first two terms of government were marked by attempts to join European Union, liberal reforms and economic growth.</p>
<p>Bashar al-Assad replaced his dictator father in 2000. His older brother, who had been expected to take the presidency, died in a car crash in 1994. His youthfulness and Western education gave the impression that he would make Syria more liberal and democratic. However, behind a friendly and liberal facade, Assad continued to run a police state.</p>
<p>At this time Erdogan built a personal friendship with Assad. Erdogan would invite him to have holidays in Turkey, referring to him as “my brother Assad”.</p>
<p>By 2010, Turkey was heralded as a model country where democracy and Islam co-existed. Encouraged by his political success and growing popularity in the Arab world, Erdogan started to show ambitions for the leadership of the Muslim world. He began emulating an EU-like policy, establishing visa-free travel and economic partnerships with other Muslim countries, starting with Syria and Lebanon.</p>
<p>Between 2004 and 2011, Putin also intensified Russia’s relationship with Syria, at the crucial time of the US and international coalition’s invasion of Iraq. By 2011, Iraq was destabilised and polarised along Sunni-Shi’ite sectarian lines. </p>
<p>Unhappy with the increasing US and Western influence over Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, Putin increased Russia’s presence in Syria by developing and enlarging its Tartus naval base and reinforced his ties with Assad.</p>
<p>Then came the <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-12813859">Arab Spring</a> of 2011.</p>
<p>The strategy for Putin was clear: support the Assad regime and from there build up a challenge to the Western dominance over not only the Middle East, but the geopolitical world order. At the same time, this would conveniently divert attention from <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jan/15/observer-profile-vladimir-putin?CMP=soc_568">growing unrest and protests at home</a> and Russia’s aggression in places like Georgia. </p>
<p>In the course of the <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-26116868">Syrian civil war</a>, Putin has become the custodian of the Shi’ite alliance between Iran, Syria and Shi’ite political forces in Iraq and Lebanon.</p>
<p>For Erdogan, the Arab Spring meant an acceleration of his ambition to gain leadership of the Sunni Muslim world. His “brother Assad” became enemy number one, as a potential Islamist take-over of Syria suited his leadership vision more than the Shi'ite and secular nature of the Assad regime. Erdogan actively supported a number of Syrian opposition groups with logistical presence in Turkey and a constant flow of resources.</p>
<p>For Erdogan, being anti-Assad also meant being anti-Russian – until four of Erdogan’s ministers were hit with <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/26/world/europe/turkish-cabinet-members-resign.html">serious corruption charges in 2013</a>. In response, Erdogan chose a path of authoritarianism, purging and sacking members of the police and judiciary responsible for the corruption probe. </p>
<p>The narrative was simple: foreign powers (that is, the West) do not want a growing Turkish influence in the region, so they have collaborated with internal forces to overthrow the government. Crucially, this stance signalled Erdogan’s departure from the Western bloc.</p>
<p>Erdogan’s relationship with Putin dipped to a new low in 2015 when the Turkish military shot down a Russian fighter jet in Syria. Putin responded with economic sanctions and promoted an international bid <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/russia-releases-proof-turkey-is-smuggling-isis-oil-over-its-border-a6757651.html">to label Erdogan’s government</a> as active supporters of Islamic State (IS).</p>
<p>But an alliance with Russia was essential for Erdogan as he slowly abandoned the Western bloc. In June 2016, Erdogan apologised to Putin and the two men quickly struck a deal that included a partnership to manage the Syrian conflict.</p>
<p>Erdogan’s erratic foreign policy and growing authoritarianism were met with a <a href="http://democracyjournal.org/magazine/43/the-roots-of-the-turkish-crisis/">coup attempt</a> in July 2016. Erdogan survived the attempt and declared it “a gift of God” to cleanse the army and the state of dissidents. </p>
<p>The result was the purging of thousands of government employees, seizing of billion-dollar companies and jailing of more than 120 journalists. This meant <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/14/opinion/sunday/turkeys-relentless-attack-on-the-press.html?smid=tw-nytopinion&smtyp=cur">Turkey had jailed more journalists</a> than any other country.</p>
<p>Erdogan swiftly plunged the Turkish army into the Syrian conflict, signalling he was a player in Syria and the region. It was an act that would have been impossible without the Russian alliance. And an alliance with Putin in Syria means support for Assad as Erdogan’s relationship boomerang returns to “my brother Assad” mode.</p>
<p>It seems that the fall of Aleppo and the ceasefire is a victory for Putin, Erdogan and Assad, <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-01-16/syrian-rebels-to-attend-kazakhstan-talks/8186300">at least in the short term</a>. For Assad, simply being at the international negotiating table is a win. But even if he <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-01-10/assad-says-ready-to-discuss-everything-vows-to-take-back-syria/8171436">regains control of Syria</a>, he will have to fight a long battle with Islamic State, similar to the ongoing battles with the Taliban in Afghanistan.</p>
<p>Putin will use his expanding influence in the Middle East to weaken Western political and economic influence globally. He will use his relationship with Erdogan’s Turkey to weaken NATO and make it irrelevant in a new world order, or disorder, of populist leaders.</p>
<p>Most interestingly, Erdogan will claim to have brought peace to Syria as the Sunni representative of the trio. His bold efforts <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-politics-constitution-idUSKBN14U0IB?utm_campaign=trueAnthem:+Trending+Content&utm_content=587495b104d3013eef214849&utm_medium=trueAnthem&utm_source=twitter">to change Turkey’s constitution</a> to bring in an executive presidential system during a state of emergency could only be understood in terms of his strong desire to lead the Muslim world. He wants an uninterrupted rule with no critical dissidence or political challenge so that he can channel all his energy into the greater Middle East.</p>
<p>As the caliphate concoction of IS leader Abu-Bakr Baghdadi wanes, the world may have to come to terms with a caliphate of Erdogan in 2017, the 500th anniversary of Ottoman acquisition of the caliphate from Egypt in 1517. </p>
<p>If Erdogan takes that step, it will throw the region and the world into uncharted territory.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/71079/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mehmet Ozalp is affiliated with ISRA (Islamic Sciences and Research Academy), a not-for-profit educational organisation. </span></em></p>Bashar al-Assad, Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan have a long history as leaders of their countries and players in the Syrian war.Mehmet Ozalp, Associate Professor in Islamic Studies, Director of The Centre for Islamic Studies and Civilisation and Executive Member of Public and Contextual Theology, Charles Sturt UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/686622016-11-11T03:23:23Z2016-11-11T03:23:23ZWhat might a Trump presidency mean for Muslims and the Muslim world?<p>A Donald Trump presidency will have unforeseen consequences for just about every interest group on the planet, but Muslims and the Muslim world may be feeling this historic upset particularly keenly. </p>
<p>During the election campaign, Trump <a href="http://www.cbc.ca/news/donald-trump-hairraising-quotes-1.3678096">said</a> he planned “a total and complete shutdown of Muslims” entering the US, voiced support for a database on Muslims in the US, and has made several divisive and Islamophobic comments. </p>
<p>So it would be no surprise if the 1.6 billion Muslims around the world were now feeling a mix of shock, trauma and worry.</p>
<p>However, a Trump presidency may not be all doom and gloom for Muslims. Yes, there is cause for concern, but there is reason for optimism too. </p>
<p>Let’s start with the optimism. </p>
<h2>Campaign mode versus presidential mode</h2>
<p>Now the election is over and he won, Trump is likely to relax and pull back on his rhetoric. As many <a href="http://www.itv.com/news/update/2016-11-10/obama-reassured-by-trumps-tone-in-white-house-meeting/">observers</a> have <a href="http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-na-pol-election-speech-20161108-story.html">noted</a>, Trump’s victory speech and comments made after meeting outgoing president Barack Obama were much more measured in tone and content than his inflammatory campaign comments.</p>
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<p>In the light and heat of the election campaign, Trump had to appeal to the blue-collar masses and a certain Republican voting base. He knew what they were looking for and delivered it. </p>
<p>As president, though, he will soon realise rhetoric is not enough. People will expect solutions to real problems, and that could have a civilising effect on Trump’s thinking and behaviour.</p>
<p>Second, while he would never describe himself this way, Trump is a political novice. It is for this reason that the president-elect does not immediately assume the helm. </p>
<p>In the next three months or so, Trump will be educated by countless information sessions and reports prepared and delivered by seasoned officials in the state department. This may bring Trump a huge reality check regarding the gravity and complexity of government. He will quickly discover that it’s not always possible for a president to immediately implement whatever he likes. </p>
<p>Third, the issues that he will be confronted with and the broad spectrum of people and world leaders he will meet may moderate his views. He will quickly learn that he is supposed to be the “leader of the free world”, not the chairman of the board of an increasingly authoritarian line-up of world leaders. </p>
<p>That said, it’s been clear for some time that Trump is partial to vitriolic rhetoric, and that strains of extremism run through his thoughts. So Muslims do have important reasons to worry about a Trump presidency.</p>
<h2>Cause for concern</h2>
<p>It is quite likely that Trump’s election will be <a href="http://www.salon.com/2016/11/10/isis-is-gloating-about-donald-trumps-presidential-win/">welcomed by ISIS</a> and their radical ilk. </p>
<p>Radicals on extreme ends have a tendency to feed one another. For ISIS to continue winning the hearts and minds of Muslim youth around the world, they need a clear anti-Muslim enemy. Who is more perfect for that role than an openly Islamophobic Trump? A Trump presidency helps perpetuate the narrative of radical Muslims and makes it hard for mainstream Muslims to prevent extremism and violent radicalisation. </p>
<p>Trump has also shown in his campaign that he can evolve as he goes, but it is anyone’s guess what evolutionary track he will take from here. Given the severity of domestic and international conditions, it is not looking good.</p>
<p>For the Muslim-majority countries, the reaction of their leadership will be pragmatic. For those leaders who need to be seen by their citizens as anti-US, Trump is the perfect president. It may not be long before we see openly expressed negative rhetoric between US and a leader of a Muslim-majority country. Egos and national interests will clash. This could trigger pro-Trump media coverage in Muslim majority countries that want to be seen as pro-US. Expect further splits in already divided Muslim societies.</p>
<p>For Muslim minorities living in Western countries, a Trump presidency is a lose-lose scenario. Many have observed a <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/07/12/europe-rejects-multi-cultural-society-says-survey/">direct</a> <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/aug/26/politicians-rise-hate-crimes-brexit-vote-un-committee">correlation</a> between the vitriol of political leaders and the rise of anti-Muslim sentiment. Trump may not be able to resist the temptation. Social groups and institutions who stand to benefit from the widespread anti-Islam sentiments will be emboldened by a Trump presidency.</p>
<p>However events transpire, a Trump presidency will be uncertain, unpredictable and, not least of all, interesting.</p>
<p><em>UPDATE: This article was updated on November 11 to reflect the fact that Trump’s promise to ban Muslims from entering the US, which an earlier version of this story said had <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/donald-trump-president-election-muslim-ban-immigrants-website-statement-removed-a7408466.html">disappeared</a> from his website, has now been put back. A Trump spokesman was <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-11-11/trump-muslim-ban-website-glitch/8016112">reported</a> as saying the issue was explained by a technical glitch.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/68662/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mehmet Ozalp is an executive of the Islamic Sciences and Research Academy, a not-for-profit higher learning organisation. </span></em></p>A Trump presidency may not be all doom and gloom for Muslims. Yes, there is cause for concern but there is reason for optimism too.Mehmet Ozalp, Associate Professor in Islamic Studies, Director of The Centre for Islamic Studies and Civilisation and Executive Member of Public and Contextual Theology, Charles Sturt UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/444912015-07-23T05:23:50Z2015-07-23T05:23:50ZWhy defeating Islamic State might mean re-reading The Lord of the Rings<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/89327/original/image-20150722-1487-fc5u2c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Foul in wisdom, cruel in strength.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/ianalexandermartin/8285583259/in/photolist-dCaMeM-dCgcif-dCgaDS-dCgaxY-dCgauL-dskdDL-b164Ee-8ZXb8B-StBwx-52sAp-e6R7rs-3R2yHF-6PCbKZ-cEPPHU-aAcQy2-uRtCaB-7gJwiT-6rie4M-dCgcpm-BYJ2F-b7L1dH-5wNS8t-bpuKt-6YruG5-r7BYsb-dEHZ9k-7HSNie-nfFzKA-nfFqyZ-6CjeRq-9CHwL2-r7zuyE-4b2wMA-6rno4A-peUwbw-rm7qxW-pDhPzH-pWKVG6-ev6UwP-4Sy4C-fJ2GbR-2t7ju-5fViL3-98XntF-4w1bNN-jsRqDz-9L8hKe-4eBPsH-e2QzyB-4CGho6">I am I.A.M</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The wave of recent attacks in <a href="https://theconversation.com/tunisia-attack-shows-the-war-with-islamic-state-is-bigger-than-we-think-43927">Tunisia</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-islamic-state-attacked-a-kuwait-mosque-during-ramadan-43973">Kuwait</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/turkey-bombing-risks-further-unrest-in-a-country-already-living-on-the-edge-45020">Turkey</a>, all apparently linked to <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/islamic-state">Islamic State</a> in some way, have reinforced the spectre of the unstoppable “Daesh death cult” whose tentacles of terror can reach deep into every corner of the globe</p>
<p>The omnipresence of the group has precipitated something of an identity crisis in the Muslim world. Many assumed IS would vanish as quickly as it had appeared. Airstrikes from above and local disillusionment from below would be its rapid undoing. But the <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-year-into-the-caliphate-how-has-is-managed-to-capture-so-much-territory-42958">stubborn persistence</a> of IS, has put paid to any such wishful thinking.</p>
<p>The staying power of this atavistic throwback to the dark ages, which positively revels in barbaric savagery and violence, all while shrouded in the language and regalia of Islamic caliphs and religious piety, has prompted a great deal of renewed <a href="http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Middle-East/2014/1013/Rise-of-IS-elicits-soul-searching-in-Arab-Gulf-a-source-of-funds-and-fighters">soul searching</a> in the Muslim world.</p>
<p>A flurry of uncomfortable questions has exposed this existential crisis. How Islamic is Islamic State? What does a legitimate Caliphate look like in the 21st century? Why are young Muslims from every corner of the globe flocking to its standard? And perhaps, the most difficult question: if IS is so reviled, why on earth is it still winning?</p>
<h2>A difficult truth</h2>
<p>It is safe to state that the Muslim world, through varying degrees of denial, apathy and self-interest, has largely <a href="http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/09/the-barbarians-within-our-gates-111116.html#.Va-6VPlViko">failed to respond</a> to the challenge posed by IS with any sort of coherence.</p>
<p>It is of course unfair to speak of the Muslim world in these monolithic terms, but perhaps the only body that might claim to speak as the collective voice of the Muslim world with some modicum of legitimacy is the <a href="http://www.oic-oci.org/oicv2/home/?lan=en">Organisation of Islamic Cooperation</a> (OIC). It is the second largest inter-governmental organisation in the world, with 57 sovereign member states from across the Muslim world. So on the rare occasions when it manages to speak with a unified voice, we would perhaps be wise to sit up and listen.</p>
<p>At the 42nd summit of the OIC, which took place in June in Kuwait, assembled foreign ministers collectively committed to a laudable <a href="http://www.oic-oci.org/oicv2/topic/?t_id=10157&ref=4021&lan=en">shared vision</a> for the Muslim world. It should promote tolerance, strengthen civil society, address socio-economic inequalities and target vitriolic hate speech and extremist thought. All are important counterweights to the appeal of extremism and IS.</p>
<p>Days later, the OIC met again in Jeddah in pursuit of the so-called Istanbul Process – the implementation of a [UN resolution](<a href="http://www.oic-oci.org/oicv2/topic/?t_id=10162&ref=4023&lan=en">http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/dpage_e.aspx?si=A/HRC/RES/16/18</a> on religious intolerance and hate speech. Considering how damaging these last two factors have been in fomenting sectarianism and nurturing fundamentalism in many Muslim majority countries, the significance of these initiatives should not be underestimated.</p>
<p>All the more surprising then, that they have been almost universally neglected by the Western press. Perhaps this is partly understandable. A steady stream of earlier initiatives, from condemnations and fatwas against terrorism, to de-radicalisation programmes, proved themselves to be almost entirely impotent in the past.</p>
<p>Those sceptical of these sorts of projects (and I count myself among them) might be forgiven for doubting that change can somehow materialise from within the very bowels of moribund autocracies, authoritarian regimes, and conservative fiefdoms. After all, many of the ruling despots of the Muslim world, now railing against Islamic State’s moral bankruptcy and flagrant violation of Muslim cultural or ethical norms, have at some point either shared similar views or behaved in similarly abhorrent ways.</p>
<h2>Enter Frodo</h2>
<p>Discussing the OIC summit with a very senior Muslim political figure, I mentioned my apprehension over these seemingly hollow calls for reform. Was this not just another talking shop, aimed at assuaging their own cognitive dissonance?</p>
<p>His response was quite remarkable. I half expected him to defend the record of the countries present, or argue that now was a time for unity in the face of adversity, rather than internal criticism.</p>
<p>He did neither. Instead, he cited_ The Lord of the Rings_. Sensing my bafflement, he continued by explaining that just as the One Ring could only be destroyed in the fires of Mount Doom, where it had originally been forged by the Dark Lord Sauron, Islamic State too could only be destroyed within the very heart of the Muslim world where it had been forged.</p>
<p>When I mentioned that I was writing this article, and wanted to attribute his unorthodox but rather clever analogy, he paled and refused point blank. An understandable response – which respected intellectual would wish to be seen trivialising the most serious political issues of our time by drawing parallels with fairy tales about hobbits and orcs? And so he shall remain nameless.</p>
<p>But what he said makes sense. IS and its predecessor al-Qaeda are born of problems inherent in the Muslim world. Leaders have not just failed their people with authoritarianism, poor governance and neglect. They have also peddled sectarian rivalries and promoted intolerant, puritanical creeds as distractions from their own political mismanagement and illegitimacy.</p>
<p>Of course, that is not to deny that the outside world is culpable too. We cannot understand the rise of IS without understanding the illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq; or the wanton destruction of its infrastructure; or the dismantlement of its security apparatus; or the instatement of a divisive sectarian political administration in Baghdad. Nor should we forget the broader context of decades of Western support for Middle Eastern despots and dictators at the expense of their people.</p>
<p>Stretching the Lord of the Rings analogy further still, when Sauron created the One Ring, he concentrated a great part of his own inherent power and self within it. Thus, Sauron’s fate became bound to that of the Ring, and when it was destroyed in the fires of Mount Doom, so was he.</p>
<p>The legitimacy and appeal of Islamic State lies in its bastardised religious and political ideology. When Islamic State falls, and it will surely fall, the worldview that gave rise to it will also be exposed for the hollow sham that it was.</p>
<p>There has been a seismic shift in the Muslim world of late, which was reflected in the refreshing honesty in the language at these recent summits. The West would be unwise to reject the unique role the Muslim world can, and indeed must, play in discrediting extremist ideology from within.</p>
<p>The Arab Spring was one such sign of a burgeoning organic secular revolt from within. It deserved genuine support and solidarity from Western states, but sadly received neither. Save for the fragile Tunisian case, the Arab Spring is now well and truly dead. But, let us prepare to be part of the next Spring.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/44491/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Akil N Awan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The West should recognise the part the Muslim world must play in destroying the enemy within.Akil N Awan, Associate Professor in Modern History, Political Violence and Terrorism, Royal Holloway University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/345142015-01-23T20:19:39Z2015-01-23T20:19:39ZIndian Muslims weigh their options as Hindu right gains prominence<p>As President Obama celebrates India’s Republic Day on January 26, he will be visiting the largest democracy in the world and one that has more than 160 million Muslim citizens. That’s roughly half the population of the US. </p>
<p>Multicultural India, home to the <a href="http://www.pewforum.org/2009/10/07/mapping-the-global-muslim-population/">third largest</a> population of Muslims in the world, has a rich tradition of peaceful coexistence among its various communities. </p>
<p>It has also, however, witnessed bouts of caste and communal violence – the worst of which occurred during the country’s independence and partition in 1947.</p>
<p>Since May, the country’s prime minister (and President Obama’s host) has been Narendra Modi, a Hindu nationalist. The question is what this means for India’s Muslims. </p>
<h2>Rise of Hindu Nationalists</h2>
<p>Since the rise of <a href="http://press.princeton.edu/chapters/i8560.html">Hindu nationalists in Indian politics</a>, from 1980s onwards, the country has had its share of Muslim/Hindu tension. Hindu ascendency in governance has been marked by a parallel increase in anti-Muslim rhetoric and alienating policies. </p>
<p>The Hindu nationalists have consistently accused the previous secular governments of appeasing the Muslims for electoral benefit; this, despite the fact that the latter regularly face discrimination and <a href="http://www.minorityaffairs.gov.in/sac">score low on many socio-economic and education indicators. </a></p>
<p>Secular parties in India historically offered Muslims security in the face of riots. But they did not do much to improve the economic condition of the Muslims. Party leaders and the members of their respective castes enjoyed expanded access to state resources and power while the Muslims continued to be marginalized. </p>
<h2>Divisive Agenda</h2>
<p>In the run up to the 2014 elections, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by Narendra Modi, promoted economic development as its main agenda. </p>
<p>But there was a divisive subtext running throughout the campaign – caste and community. <a href="http://ibnlive.in.com/news/western-up-reels-under-polarisation-of-electorate-spiking-communal-violence-incidences/491093-3-242.html">Appeals were made</a> to voters evoking their Hindu identity against the backdrop of riots in populous states like Uttar Pradesh. The rioting is usually prompted by seemingly minor issues like a minor traffic accident or alleged harrasment of girls of one community by men of another community. The 2013 riots in Muzaffarnagar which led to several deaths and <a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/meerut/25-die-of-cold-in-Muzaffarnagar-riots-relief-camps/articleshow/45916165.cms">internal displacement of thousands were the result of one such incident.</a> Historically, it has been been observed that riots are not spontaneous but a result of well oiled <a href="http://www.paulbrass.com/the_production_of_hindu_muslim_violence_in_contemporary_india_16681.htm">“institutionalized riot systems”</a> which are activated during intense electoral competition. </p>
<p>Voter polarization on religious and caste lines is very much in <a href="http://www.livemint.com/Politics/fkhTZ6iDO3Hnxb7koaUBlN/NDA-tries-to-get-its-caste-equations-right-in-key-states.html">evidence elsewhere too.</a> </p>
<p>Since assuming office Prime Minister Narendra Modi made some initial positive comments about Muslims, indicating an attempt towards rapprochement. In an interview with CNN he said: <a href="http://ibnlive.in.com/news/modi-world-exclusive-indian-muslims-will-live-for-india-die-for-india-says-pm/500171-3.html">“Indian Muslims will live for India and die for India. Al Qaeda is delusional to think Indian Muslims will dance to its tunes.” </a> </p>
<p>His Home Minister further affirmed that sentiment asserting that <a href="http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2014-12-16/news/57112512_1_home-minister-rajnath-singh-terror-group-cyber-security">only a handful</a> of Indian Muslims have been attracted to the lure of international terrorist organizations like ISIS. </p>
<h2>Influence of extremists</h2>
<p>Modi also called for a ten year <a href="http://www.outlookindia.com/article/Lets-Put-A-Moratorium-on-Communalism-Casteism/291697">“moratorium”</a> on all forms of discrimination and conflict based on caste, religion, and regional identities. But he has been reluctant to rein in the powerful section of his party’s leadership and cadre which continues to indulge in hateful rhetoric targeting Muslims and Christians. </p>
<p>The rhetoric and actions of BJP affiliated cultural and militant organizations like the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS), Bajrang Dal,Vishwa Hindu Parishad and others have been <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/now-saffron-leaders-ask-hindus-to-have-10-kids/">even more shrill.</a> </p>
<p>His reluctance can be attributed to the fact that the rabble rousing section of his party and their affiliated organizations played an instrumental role in the BJP’s electoral success. And more importantly he is himself a product of the RSS. </p>
<p>His refusal to punish the offenders has emboldened them enough to create one controversy after another. They have been trying to stoke fears in the majority Hindu population by claiming that Muslims, <a href="http://www.firstpost.com/india/percentage-of-muslims-in-india-grew-by-just-0-8-in-last-decade-what-are-political-parties-fussing-over-2058447.html">who account for only 14.2 of the population</a>, will soon overtake them (which is statistically impossible). </p>
<p>Narendra Modi’s record on the policy front has also been a disappointment. </p>
<p>His government has taken several measures to cast important state institutions in the right wing Hindu mold. This includes the appointment of RSS affiliated men to key ministries and departments. Their attempts to change the school curriculum to conform to Hindu supremacist worldview has been roundly condemned. </p>
<h2>Muslim options</h2>
<p>Modi has not, in my view, made any attempts to initiate a genuine dialogue with the Muslim community. This is necessary if he is to come out of the shadows of the 2002 anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat when he was the chief minister. </p>
<p>Even though the Supreme Court had cleared him of involvement many questions remain about his lack of determination in controlling that violence.</p>
<p>His actions so far do not inspire confidence among the Muslims. His Minority Affairs Minister, for instance, <a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Muslims-are-not-minorities-Parsis-are-Najma-Heptullah/articleshow/35651799.cms">refused to acknowledge Muslims as a minority,</a> indicating that there is no need for any special provisions to be carved out for them. </p>
<p>In the light of a majority Hindu upswing, Indian Muslims stand at a crossroads. How to engage with the Modi government? While some Muslims advocate limited engagement others call for a wholehearted embrace. </p>
<p>The fact is that the secular alternatives to the BJP are in a state of decline and disarray.</p>
<p>The Indian National Congress, which has been the main recipient of Muslim votes for the longest period of time, is sulking as it faces a crisis of leadership and direction. The Communist parties and the regional parties have yet to emerge from their electoral defeat and are struggling to present themselves as a viable alternative.</p>
<p>A third way would be that of a national Muslim party. </p>
<p>So far the Muslim parties have had only regional influence. The surge in popularity of the<a href="http://www.aimim.in"> All India Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM)</a> across the country indicates a new moment in Indian Muslim politics. It is too early, however, to predict its success at the national level. </p>
<p>Regardless of the options, it will ultimately be Narendra Modi government’s call on how it responds to Indian Muslim anxieties, demands and aspirations. India’s success and strength will be enhanced if its Muslim population is empowered. As Gandhi said,“a nation is known by the way it <a href="http://ncm.nic.in/pdf/speeches/Speech%20for%20the%20Annual%20Conference%20of%20State%20Minorities%20Commissios%20on%2013.01.2014%20%28Single%20Space%29.pdf">treats its minorities.”</a> The Modi government’s Ministry of Minority Affairs ran full page ads in newspapers with the above quote on December 18th which is celebrated as the ‘Minorities Rights Day.’ It also mentioned its commitment to ‘education and economic empowerment.’ But so far it has little to show.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/34514/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mohammed Khan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>As President Obama celebrates India’s Republic Day on January 26, he will be visiting the largest democracy in the world and one that has more than 160 million Muslim citizens. That’s roughly half the…Mohammed Khan, PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science, McMaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.