tag:theconversation.com,2011:/ca/topics/nelson-mandela-bay-municipality-29661/articlesNelson Mandela Bay Municipality – The Conversation2019-10-21T15:13:08Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1255942019-10-21T15:13:08Z2019-10-21T15:13:08ZSouth Africa’s main opposition party shows signs of serious strain<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/297933/original/file-20191021-56194-1wuhp7c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Helen Zille's election as head of the Democratic Alliance's federal council has rattled many.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EFE-EPA/Nic Bothma</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>South Africa’s main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, <a href="https://www.iol.co.za">elected</a> a new chairperson of its federal council this past weekend. Its choice – <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/people/helen-zille">Helen Zille</a>, former leader of the party, and former Premier of the Western Cape province – has sent shock waves through the party.</p>
<p>The immediate fallout from her reelection to the top DA post was the <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2019-10-21-joburg-mayor-herman-mashaba-resigns/">resignation of Herman Mashaba</a>, the DA mayor of South Africa’s largest city, Johannesburg. He decried Zille’s win as signalling a takeover of the party by rightwing elements.</p>
<p>Mashaba’s resignation is puzzling. A self-made businessman as well as a former chairman of a rightwing think tank, the <a href="https://www.freemarketfoundation.com/">Free Market Foundation</a>, his criticism of Zille seems misplaced. His views on economic issues are on the right of the political spectrum. And Mashaba sounds even more conservative than Zille on the issue of <a href="https://city-press.news24.com/Voices/herman-mashaba-timid-government-is-failing-to-deal-with-issue-of-undocumented-immigrants-20190910">undocumented immigrants</a>.</p>
<p>Zille was elected to the party’s top post because she remains popular among the DA’s membership base. She is also the last top DA leader with anti-apartheid struggle credentials dating back to the 1980s <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/end-conscription-campaign-ecc">End Conscription Campaign</a> and the veteran human rights organisation the <a href="https://www.blacksash.org.za/">Black Sash</a>.</p>
<p>But she’s also a hugely controversial figure. The reasons for this stem from comments she has made on Twitter in recent years, including a series in which she <a href="https://theconversation.com/zille-tweeting-and-inanity-more-reasons-for-white-south-africans-to-shut-up-75326">defended the legacy of colonialism</a>. </p>
<p>Her posts prompted stinging criticism from the DA’s national leader, <a href="https://www.enca.com/elections-2014/maimane-a-personal-profile">Mmusi Maimane</a>, as well as other black members of the party.</p>
<p>Zille’s appointment, Mashaba’s resignation and signs that there is a <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2019-10-17-da-election-review-recommends-maimane-step-down">concerted campaign</a> within certain quarters of the party to get rid of Maimane all point to a political party that’s in deep turmoil. This affects the DA’s strength as official opposition nationally.</p>
<h2>Tensions in the DA</h2>
<p>The DA can best be described, mostly, as a broad church of liberals. One point on its spectrum are what could be called “equal-opportunity liberals”. Mainly white liberals, this group tends to oppose affirmative action, arguing that it violates the principle that opportunities should be allocated on merit.</p>
<p>Another faction comprises “affirmative action or diversity liberals”. The group is mainly black and supports race-based affirmative action as a way of addressing the past injustices of apartheid.</p>
<p>These camps are divided – not entirely, but significantly – along colour lines. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/liberalism-in-south-africa-isnt-only-for-white-people-or-black-people-who-want-to-be-white-125236">Liberalism in South Africa isn't only for white people -- or black people who want to be white</a>
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<p>As well as policy, there are other dimensions to tensions within the party. </p>
<p>One is around the coalitions it established in three cities after elections in 2016 when neither the ANC nor the DA won sufficient support to run the councils.</p>
<p>In <a href="http://www.jonathanball.co.za/component/virtuemart/how-to-steal-a-city-detail?Itemid=6">Nelson Mandela Bay</a> the DA took over running the highly corrupt council by <a href="https://www.news24.com/elections/voices/what-a-coalition-could-mean-for-the-future-of-gauteng-south-africa-and-the-big-3-20190507">establishing a coalition</a> with a much smaller party, the United Democratic Movement. The partnership was fraught and finally collapsed in 2018 amid a great deal of acrimony.</p>
<p>In the cities of Tshwane, home to the country’s capital Pretoria, and Johannesburg, <a href="https://www.news24.com">the DA’s</a> toehold on power has been even more fragile. The DA is in a tactical alliance in both councils with the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) – the third largest party in the country, which presents itself as politically radical and to the left of the DA and ANC.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/da-review-report-agreeing-to-eff-support-in-joburg-tshwane-was-a-mistake-20191021">DA and EFF’s tactical alliance</a> involves the EFF supporting the DA’s mayors on a vote-by-vote basis, or abstaining from voting.</p>
<p>This appears to limit the DA from completely instituting the clean governance which it has made the showcase of its rule. </p>
<p>Another dimension to the DA’s current situation is that the party has two centres of power. Zille, as the newly elected chair of the federal council, the party’s highest decision-making structure in between its federal congresses, holds arguably the most powerful post in the DA. Maimane, as leader of the party, will be bound by the policy and strategic choices of the federal council led by Zille.</p>
<h2>What next</h2>
<p>It would be strategic for Zille and Maimane to immediately and seriously negotiate the relationship between themselves and between their posts. It will also be strategic for Zille to let a professional public relations officer handle her Twitter account in future.</p>
<p>Part of leadership is about making tough choices. One of these will be: does the DA relinquish power in Nelson Mandela Bay, in Johannesburg and in Tshwane, rather than taint its brand as the clean-up party? </p>
<p>If it fails to make these hard decisions it risks sliding even further in the polls. The party secured only 20.8% of the national poll in elections earlier this year.</p>
<p>This result is no doubt what’s brought the present tensions to a head – and not only about the future of Maimane. Other failures that have been pointed out include the DA losing Afrikaner voters to the rightwing Freedom Front Plus (FF+).</p>
<p>In 15 months the party will be in full campaigning mode for the local government elections in 2021. It will therefore need to finalise its leadership posts, its candidates, and its policies in the intervening months. </p>
<p>As well as preventing Afrikaner voters from swinging back to the Freedom Front Plus, the DA also needs to strategise how it plans to win back black votes, and win more of them than ever before. </p>
<p>For example, it needs to spell out its alternative options to affirmative action and black economic empowerment. This debate often goes under the title of “race as a proxy for disadvantage” – mostly economic disadvantage.</p>
<p>All told, the <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africas-democratic-alliance-at-60-big-strategic-questions-lie-ahead-117129">60-year-old </a> DA faces an interesting and complex year ahead. As the party grows larger, the coalition of viewpoints within it must also grow. Maybe it could learn a few lessons from the governing African National Congress, which brings together nationalists, communists and the labour movement, among other persuasions, in a veritable <a href="https://repository.up.ac.za/handle/2263/41039">broad church</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/125594/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Keith Gottschalk is an ANC member, but writes this article in his professional capacity as a political scientist.</span></em></p>All signs point to the Democratic Alliance being in deep turmoil which will affect its strength as South Africa’s official opposition.Keith Gottschalk, Political Scientist, University of the Western CapeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1154822019-04-23T08:33:26Z2019-04-23T08:33:26ZElectoral systems need urgent reform. South Africa is no exception<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/269521/original/file-20190416-147499-xa2jpl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">South Africans go to the polls on 8 May, 2019.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Nic Bothma</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The long running political soap opera unfolding in Westminster over a decision taken two years ago in a referendum to leave the European Union has been the top running news story for <a href="https://theconversation.com/brexit-is-not-just-theresa-mays-disaster-britains-whole-political-class-has-failed-a-nation-114463">months on end</a>. The UK finds itself at an impasse, with members of parliament unable to decide how to proceed. </p>
<p>The crisis has raised fundamental questions about the country’s democracy. The biggest is whether the two-party system is now dead on its feet.</p>
<p>This question is pertinent in the UK, as well for other countries, including South Africa where voters will go to the polls on <a href="http://www.elections.org.za/content/About-Us/IEC-Events/2019-National-and-Provincial-Elections/">8 May</a>. </p>
<p>South Africans may enjoy seeing the imperial lion becoming increasingly decrepit. Yet it has few reasons for feeling smug. Like the UK, questions continue to be asked about whether South Africa’s particular <a href="http://www.elections.org.za/content/Elections/Election-types/">proportional representation</a> system is fit for purpose. </p>
<p>Under the system – designed to ensure inclusivity in the run up to the first democratic elections in 1994 – voters vote for party lists <a href="https://hsf.org.za/publications/hsf-briefs/the-south-african-electoral-system">selected by the parties </a>. As a result, members of parliament are wholly accountable to their parties, minimally accountable to the voters. <a href="https://www.wits.ac.za/news/latest-news/in-their-own-words/2018/2018-10/sas-electoral-system-is-weak-on-accountability.html">Lack of accountability</a> results in the arrogance of power for which the African National Congress has become increasingly notorious. </p>
<p>South Africa should be alive to the reality that the failure of electoral systems to produce parliaments that adequately represent opinions on the ground can have disturbing consequences. One is the <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt20krxdr.6?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents">rise in right-wing populism</a> being seen in a number of countries across the world.</p>
<h2>Collapse of UK’s two parties</h2>
<p>British MPs have deserted both the Labour and Conservative parties to form the centrist <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/apr/14/stephen-dorrell-defection-change-uk-tory-poll-five-year-low">Change UK party</a>. This has increased the number of small parties which now congregate on the opposition benches, reinforcing the widespread view that the traditional support bases of the two major parties is splintering.</p>
<p>If, as is widely thought, an early election is called, there is no guarantee that it will not result in yet another hung parliament, in which no single party will secure a majority. Minority or coalition government may have arrived as a recurrent feature in a political system wherein politicians are more accustomed to adversarial politics.</p>
<p>The current crisis in British politics is in significant part the result of the failure of the first-past-the-post electoral system to reflect changes in British society. The electoral system systematically over-represents winning parties and under-represents minority parties. </p>
<p>Historically, the argument in favour of a first-past-the-post electoral system was that it produced governments with workable majorities in parliament, even though governing parties are regularly elected by considerably less than a majority of the voting electorate. </p>
<p>Today, the system in Britain is no longer guaranteed to result in governing parties having a working majority of MPs. Conservative leader David Cameron had to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2010/may/12/david-cameron-nick-clegg-coalition">forge a coalition</a> with the Liberal Democrats in order to form a majority government after the election of 2010. </p>
<h2>The quandry of coalitions</h2>
<p>South Africa’s national list proportional representation system was designed (wisely) to maximise representivity. </p>
<p>During the process of negotiation which preceded the <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/convention-democratic-south-africa-codesa">transition to democracy</a>, it was considered necessary to ensure that minority opinions should find voice in parliament, rather than being excluded. This, regardless whether they expressed interests of race, ethnicity, religion, region or ideology.</p>
<p>The country has avoided the complications of a national coalition government so far because the African National Congress (ANC) has consistently been elected with a majority of MPs. The results since 1994 have shown the party never getting <a href="http://www.elections.org.za/content/elections/results/2014-national-and-provincial-elections--national-results/">less than 60% of the vote</a>. </p>
<p>It’s probable that the ANC will secure another <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/opinion/2018-11-07-undecided-voters-will-be-key-as-survey-shows-party-loyalties-are-waning/">majority in parliament</a> in the forthcoming election poll. </p>
<p>Yet if it does, it’s likely to have been elected by a <a href="http://www.elections.org.za/content/About-Us/News/Voters--Roll-Certified-for-National-and-Provincial-Elections-2019/">smaller proportion</a> of eligible voters than it was in <a href="http://www.elections.org.za/content/elections/results/2014-national-and-provincial-elections--national-results/">2014</a>. Then it was elected by <a href="https://issafrica.s3.amazonaws.com/site/uploads/PolBrief61_Aug14.pdf">just 35%</a> of the potential electorate. Large numbers of potential voters fail to register in the country.</p>
<p>Furthermore, each election brings predictions – which one day will be realised – that the ANC will fail to win an election at national level and will be forced to <a href="http://www.nb.co.za/Books/20247">govern in coalition</a> with a smaller party. Even in this year’s election, it is more than a little possible that the ANC might have to form coalitions if it wants to hang onto power in certain provinces. The most likely is the country’s economic hub, Gauteng. The ANC has already had to form coalitions for three big metropoles after local government elections in 2016 – Nelson Mandela Bay, Tshwane and Johannesburg.</p>
<p>Many would welcome the ANC being forced into coalition. This is because the monopoly of power the party’s enjoyed since 1994 has resulted in a lack of accountability.</p>
<p>This lack of accountability is hard-baked into the way the country’s electoral system is set up. </p>
<h2>The disproportionate power of parties</h2>
<p>Not surprisingly, there are constant calls for the electoral system to be <a href="https://www.thesouthafrican.com/mosiuoa-lekota-south-africa-private-members-bill/">reformed</a>. The most widely touted solution, favoured even from within some quarters of the ANC, is for members of parliament to be elected from <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africa-needs-electoral-reform-but-presidents-powers-need-watching-88820">multi-member constituencies</a>. This was recommended in 2002 by a commission set up to <a href="http://pmg-assets.s3-website-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/docs/Van-Zyl-Slabbert-Commission-on-Electoral-Reform-Report-2003.pdf">review the country’s electoral system</a>. But the commission’s recommendations were <a href="https://www.biznews.com/thought-leaders/2017/08/10/van-zyl-slabbert-sa-parliament">turned down by the ANC</a>.</p>
<p>Notionally, the proposed change would have required MPs to look downwards to their constituents as well as upwards to their party bosses.</p>
<h2>Legitimacy</h2>
<p>South Africa is, once again, experiencing, a massively high level of <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/look-service-delivery-protests-snowball-as-politicians-shift-blame-21026190">social protest</a>. This shows that popular support for the country’s political system is steadily eroding. </p>
<p>Change in the electoral systems is needed. A failure to deal with the inadequacies of electoral systems – in South Africa as well as more broadly – will only perpetuate and exaggerate social crises.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/115482/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Roger Southall has received funding from the National Research Foundation. </span></em></p>The current crisis in British politics is significant for countries like South Africa where a change in electoral systems is needed.Roger Southall, Professor of Sociology, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1026712018-09-13T15:27:43Z2018-09-13T15:27:43ZSouth Africans come off second best as politicians play havoc with coalitions<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/236229/original/file-20180913-177947-pqhb86.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA-EFE/Nic Bothma</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>For the past two years political party coalitions have become the <a href="https://www.loot.co.za/product/leon-schreiber-coalition-country/kmjj-5380-g430?PPC=Y&gclid=EAIaIQobChMI9qfZ4My33QIVxbztCh1bSwxCEAAYASAAEgKT5vD_BwE&gclsrc=aw.ds">“new normal”</a> in South African politics. They became a key feature in 2016 after the main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA), wrested power from the governing African National Congress (ANC) by forming coalitions in three key metropolitan – Nelson Mandela Bay, Tshwane and <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/government/133536/da-announces-coalitions-with-smaller-parties/">Johannesburg</a>. </p>
<p>But the coalitions have proven to be volatile and unstable, most notably in <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/da-locks-down-mandela-bay-with-multi-party-coalition-20160817">Nelson Mandela Bay</a>. The metropolitan municipality council has found it difficult to <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/nelson-mandela-bay-budget-still-not-approved-20180606">pass budgets</a>, <a href="https://www.rnews.co.za/video/200/political-impasse-sees-nmb-councillors-failing-to-agree-on-metro-s-r12-billion-budget">approve</a> and <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/city-of-johannesburg-will-fight-ancs-attempt-to-undo-change-12164279">agree</a> on a long-term strategic <a href="http://www.nelsonmandelabay.gov.za/datarepository/documents/nmbm-integrated-development-plan-idp-second-edition-2018-19.pdf">development plan for the city</a>. </p>
<p>After a series of crises, the coalition which had been cobbled together between the DA and three smaller parties finally collapsed in August. Another <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/trollip-confident-that-fourth-motion-of-no-confidence-will-fail-16560854">motion of no confidence</a> – the fifth in two years – was tabled against the DA’s executive mayor <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/politics/2018-08-27-athol-trollip-ousted-as-nelson-mandela-mayor/">Athol Trollip</a>. A slim majority of councillors voted in favour and he was ousted. Trollip has challenged the decision <a href="https://www.jacarandafm.com/news/news/another-blow-da-nelson-mandela-bay/">in court</a>. For now the city has a mayor from the United Democratic Movement which has <a href="https://www.news24.com/elections/news/da-led-coalition-for-mandela-bay-a-step-closer-20160807">2% of the vote</a> in the council. </p>
<p>The coalition in South Africa’s second largest city <a href="https://city-press.news24.com/News/no-eff-deal-but-da-confirms-multi-party-coalition-20160818">Tshwane</a> is also on shaky ground. The executive mayor <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2018/08/30/da-backs-solly-msimanga-as-no-confidence-motion-looms">Solly Msimanga</a>, also from the DA, faced a motion of no confidence a mere three days after Trollip was ousted. But Msimanga survived to fight another day due to a <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2018-08-30-breaking--tshwane-mayor-solly-msimanga-survives-no-confidence-vote/">technical</a> glitch in the voting procedures. </p>
<p>The coalition in Johannesburg <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/politics/2018-03-16-da-draws-line-for-mashaba-over-eff-pandering/">seems to be holding</a> – for now.</p>
<p>But the troubles in Nelson Mandela Bay and Tshwane are raising real concerns that the political chess games are affecting accountability, <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2018/08/28/tshwane-nmb-political-instability-impacts-governance-service-delivery">governance stability and service delivery</a> in the cities.</p>
<p>This is a serious state of affairs. If political parties can’t work together, passing resolutions and agreeing on developmental priorities becomes difficult. Once governance stagnates, a municipality cannot function effectively. This in turn affects its ability to provide services. When councils become political theatres, ordinary citizens suffer. This much has <a href="http://www.africansunmedia.co.za/Sun-e-Shop/Product-Details/tabid/78/ProductID/535/Default.aspx">been evident</a> in Nelson Mandela Bay.</p>
<h2>Political expediency</h2>
<p>Coalitions are usually formed on the basis of political expediency. The political marriages of convenience come about when political parties can’t get an outright majority. To secure power, parties scramble to find partners, at times without considering ideological, policy, or historical differences. As African political and governance scholar <a href="https://repository.up.ac.za/bitstream/handle/2263/8003/biegon.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y">W. O. Oyugi</a> cited by African human rights expert Dr Japheth Biegnon has noted:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>coalitions are a necessary evil – an evil in the sense that normally no party ever coalesces except in circumstances in which not to do so would deprive it of a chance to exercise power</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This certainly holds true for the coalitions formed in South Africa since 2016. The cooperation forged among opposition parties was designed solely to get the ANC out of power. </p>
<p>What emerged were <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2017/12/06/da-coalition-partners-determined-to-make-power-sharing-agreement-work">uncomfortable coalition</a> governments led by the DA. It promised to root out corruption and improve the delivery of basic services, such as water and electricity, to communities. But it lacked the required majority to govern on its own so turned to building coalitions.</p>
<p>It partnered with a number of smaller parties. One of them, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), helped the DA take over governments in Nelson Mandela Bay, Tshwane and <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/government/133536/da-announces-coalitions-with-smaller-parties/">Johannesburg</a>.</p>
<p>The EFF, <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/eff-holds-the-strings-in-trollip-no-confidence-vote">acutely aware</a> of the power it wields in all these arrangements, has used the fragile political situation at local government level for its own political agenda. This has included promoting its radical stance on land expropriation and nationalisation with an eye on improving its performance in next year’s elections.</p>
<p>The EFF <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2016-08-17-malema-says-the-eff-wont-form-coalitions-but-will-support-da-in-hung-metros">declined</a> to formally join any coalition government, but effectively holds the position of <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/opinion/four-years-on-eff-is-the-kingmaker-of-sa-politics-10558288">political kingmaker</a>, especially in <a href="https://www.news24.com/elections/news/who-won-what-in-which-metro-20160806">hung councils</a>. </p>
<p>Both the DA and the ANC realise that, potentially, they might need to work with the EFF in future. It is therefore not surprising that following the Tshwane motion of no confidence, Msimanga announced he would <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/msimanga-to-reach-out-to-eff-after-motions-of-no-confidence-fails-20180830">“reach out”</a> to the EFF.</p>
<h2>Lessons for the future</h2>
<p>There are two key lessons that political parties should take away from the current political turmoil if they want to bring about a semblance of bureaucratic stability. </p>
<p>Firstly, using local coalition politics to advance political agendas can severely hamper service delivery. Secondly, this undermines public trust in local government, creating fertile ground for political unrest.</p>
<p>Political parties will need to heed these lessons to ensure effective governance and political stability in the country. This is particularly important in view of the 2019 national and provincial elections, which are expected to result in even more <a href="https://repository.up.ac.za/bitstream/handle/2263/8003/biegon.pdf;sequence=1">coalition governments</a>.</p>
<p>If they don’t, ordinary citizens will suffer while politicians engage in a game of chess to secure power. As it is,
South Africans are <a href="http://www.hsrc.ac.za/en/media-briefs/sasas/trends-democracy-satisfaction">increasingly dissatisfied</a> with democracy. This is due to a number of factors, including poor <a href="http://afrobarometer.org/sites/default/files/publications/Dispatches/ab_r6_dispatchno71_south_africa_perceptions_of_democracy.pdf">service delivery</a> and a <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/opinion/2017-03-01-erosion-of-trust-in-main-pillars-of-sa-society-reaches-critical-levels/">lack of societal trust</a> in government.</p>
<p>Ultimately, coalitions need to work for the citizenry, and not politicians. </p>
<p><em>The author’s has just published a new book, <a href="http://www.africansunmedia.co.za/Sun-e-Shop/Product-Details/tabid/78/ProductID/535/Default.aspx">Delivering an Elusive Dream of Democracy: Lessons from Nelson Mandela Bay</a></em>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/102671/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Joleen Steyn Kotze receives funding from the National Research Foundation and the Konrad Audenauer Stiftung . </span></em></p>Troubles in South Africa’s coalition-led local governments are affecting accountability, governance stability and service delivery.Joleen Steyn Kotze, Senior Research Specialist in Democracy, Governance and Service Delivery at the Human Science Research Council and a Research Fellow Centre for African Studies, University of the Free StateLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/964832018-05-13T08:36:15Z2018-05-13T08:36:15ZSouth Africa is learning the ropes of coalition politics – and its inherent instability<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/218611/original/file-20180511-34018-jbf0ln.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Solly Msimanga, centre, the mayor of Tshwane, with Democratic Alliance national leader, Mmusi Maimane, right, celebrate winning the city in 2016. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Kim Ludbrook</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>South Africa’s politics has entered largely uncharted terrain. Following the municipal elections in <a href="https://www.elections.org.za/lgedashboard2016/leaderboard.aspx">2016</a> several political parties swiftly coalesced to elect Democratic Alliance (DA) mayors in three hung metropolitan councils that had <a href="https://theconversation.com/are-south-africas-opposition-led-coalition-metros-flexing-their-muscles-82091">emerged as a result</a>. It appeared that there was a firm intention on behalf of these former opposition parties to unite under the objective of ensuring that the common enemy, the African National Congress, would no longer govern.</p>
<p>But international experience of coalition politics shows that instability is never far away. Political parties in South Africa are clearly struggling to cope with the delicate demands and dilemmas of coalition politics.</p>
<p>The recent shenanigans in Nelson Mandela Bay are testimony of what can go wrong. What began as a <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/das-coalition-in-danger-as-battles-ensue-20170902">rift</a> between the United Democratic Movement (UDM) and the Democratic Alliance (DA) over the now-axed UDM deputy mayor Mongameli Bobani, spilled over to threaten the whole of the original five-party coalition. Like a formula one car, if something small but significant fails, the whole complex machine can fall apart and come off the road.</p>
<p>Worldwide experience shows that parties of opposing ideological views <a href="https://www.eisa.org.za/pdf/JAE13.1Kadima.pdf">can work together</a>. But there is a clear danger for coalition partners surrendering the uniqueness of their identity. They are forced to compromise to accommodate the policies of others indispensable to the numerical ability of the coalition to govern.</p>
<p>Coalitions can result in significant electoral gains. But several parties that have been involved in coalition arrangements in South Africa and abroad have admitted to a backlash from their electorates. That’s because they have been seen as siding with their traditional enemies. </p>
<p>Coalitions are also inherently adversarial. It’s a necessary condition that parties work together. But empirical evidence from across the world shows that the primary rationale for coalition formation is the <a href="http://aceproject.org/ero-en/topics/parties-and-candidates/mauritius.pdf">acquisition of political power</a>.</p>
<p>There is nothing inherently objectionable to this. The best intentions for positive change are of little consequence unless coupled with the power to implement them. The acquisition of power through legal means is therefore a legitimate and fundamental objective of any political party that has the best intentions for the people that it seeks to serve.</p>
<p>But this inevitably generates conflict as coalition partners continuously manoeuvre themselves to ensure that they get the best return for their investment in political compromise. While each must work together, the end goal for each party is its own success. And sometimes fights among friends can lead to more destructive and enduring fallouts than fights among foes.</p>
<h2>Compromise and consensus</h2>
<p>At a recent inaugural, ground-breaking symposium in Cape Town, six political leaders from across the German political spectrum conducted a dialogue with senior representatives from eight of South Africa’s nine largest parties.</p>
<p>One of the lessons from Germany is that successful coalitions have been founded on written agreements that create formal structures for engagement among partners. These include management, decision-making and dispute resolution procedures.</p>
<p>Foreign experience shows a clear and direct relationship between well written coalition agreements and the stability of the coalition. But they’re not easily enforceable. That’s because they’re political agreements rather than legal agreements.</p>
<p>Therefore, the only way to ensure that coalition partners stick to a deal is to offer each partner enough benefits to ensure that it derives more political advantage by staying in the coalition, than if it were ‘go it alone’ or offer its allegiances elsewhere.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/141d/b2a907eadab74db9f78c80a43dcf9c1e50b5.pdf">academic literature</a>, supported by the German experience, suggests that any attempt by the largest coalition partner to control the coalition outright, and pass off any success as its own, is a coalition doomed to fail.</p>
<p>Both abroad and in South Africa, there are accounts of the largest party in the coalition acting unilaterally to the strong disapproval of its partners. While it is natural and legitimate for the larger coalition partner to get a greater share of the spoils, especially in a legislature where the numbers game is tight, a strategy of unilateral action by the largest partner will destabilise its ability to exercise power. </p>
<p>In such legislatures, where the size of the coalition is only just sufficient to obtain a legislative majority, each coalition partner is indispensable to the other’s ability to govern. Therefore, it is striking that in Germany’s coalitions, especially its “grand” coalitions of recent years, decisions are sought to be made by consensus.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/218663/original/file-20180512-34027-swiwu1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/218663/original/file-20180512-34027-swiwu1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/218663/original/file-20180512-34027-swiwu1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/218663/original/file-20180512-34027-swiwu1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/218663/original/file-20180512-34027-swiwu1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/218663/original/file-20180512-34027-swiwu1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/218663/original/file-20180512-34027-swiwu1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Jackson Mthembu, chief whip of the governing ANC, at the symposium.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Supplied</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This necessitates compromise – something one of the leaders of a smaller South African party said was unfortunately seen as a sign of weakness by the public. Hence, it is understandable that after decades of being in opposition, the country’s largest opposition parties are seeking to wield as much power in their coalitions as possible. This, as they endeavour to show South Africans that they were being more than noisemakers when they promised that they could deliver a better country to its citizens.</p>
<p>But, as a fundamental, defining characteristic, coalitions do not grant a political party power, but merely the opportunity to share in it. And share they must.</p>
<h2>Why sharing is so key</h2>
<p>If South Africa’s parties can get this right, the benefits may be far greater than just sharing in the spoils of power. When it comes to politics, the country is still deeply divided along racial, cultural and ideological grounds. But a handshake between political enemies from across the floor could lead to a handshake between personal enemies from across the street.</p>
<p>To achieve this in South Africa, political leaders are going to have to reshape political culture. Parties should regard their rivals as opponents, and not enemies. </p>
<p>Coalition research shows the clear potential of party collaboration to be an instrument to <a href="https://successfulsocieties.princeton.edu/sites/successfulsocieties/files/LS_Kenya_Powersharing_FINAL.pdf">enhance national unity</a> . India, Kenya and Mauritius are all good examples. Parties of differing ethnicities, cultures and religions came together in these countries and restored peace in times of strife.</p>
<p>This is another notable aspect of coalition formation. Parties have united from across the full ideological spectrum, showing that there is no combination of South African political parties for whom it is impossible to form an alliance.</p>
<p>That fact was clear to see at the Cape Town symposium as traditional adversaries from across the ideological spectrum came together to discuss potential means of working together.</p>
<p>As the day unfolded ANC chief whip, Jackson Mthembu tweeted:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>[w]hat an eye opener! Six political parties from <a href="https://twitter.com/FederalGermany">@FederalGermany</a> are participating in a <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Symposium?src=hash">#Symposium</a> on <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Coalitions?src=hash">#Coalitions</a> Politics with twelve parties in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/SouthAfrica?src=hash">#SouthAfrica</a>. This high level exchange in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/CapeTown?src=hash">#CapeTown</a> on the <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/German?src=hash">#German</a> Coalition Politics experience is very helpful for our country.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Bantu Holomisa, leader of the United Democratic Movement, added his own distinctive voice on social media: </p>
<blockquote>
<p><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/CoalitionsforSA?src=hash">#CoalitionsforSA</a>… at a high level exchange between some SA & German politicians. Looking at 2019 & beyond.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>It is clear that South African parties recognise that coalition politics is now part of the political landscape and that it is here to stay.</p>
<p><em>Mike Law wrote the <a href="http://michel-irs.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Background-Paper-7-May-Symposium-Political-Party-Cooperation-and-the-Building-and-Sustaining-of-Coalitions-1.pdf">background paper</a> from which this article draws substantially. The Cape Town Symposium was convened in partnership with the German Embassy in South Africa, and organised by Michel International Relations and Services.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/96483/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Richard Calland is a Founding Partner of The Paternoster Group: African Political Insight, an Associate Advisor to Michel International Relations and Services (MIRS), a member of the Advisory Council of the Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution (CASAC) and a member of the Board of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC). As a part of his current sabbatical from UCT, he has convened the Building and Sustaining Coalition Initiative, which hosted the 7 May 2018 Symposium in Cape Town which was supported by the Heinrich Boell Foundation, the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, the Friedrich Naumann Foundation and the Hanns Seidel Foundation. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mike Law receives funding from Heinrich Boell Foundation</span></em></p>South African parties are recognising that coalition politics is now part of the political landscape and is here to stay.Richard Calland, Associate Professor in Public Law, University of Cape TownMike Law, Senior legal researcher in Public Law, University of Cape TownLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/946652018-04-09T16:00:21Z2018-04-09T16:00:21ZIs South Africa’s opposition party ready to challenge for power in 2019 elections?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/213870/original/file-20180409-114092-ulv0dx.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Mmusi Maimane, leader of South Affrica's main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, briefs the media after its conngress.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Supplied</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The Democratic Alliance (DA), South Africa’s main political opposition party, has held its <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2018/04/07/da-congress-begins-in-tshwane">national congress</a> and declared its readiness for the 2019 elections. It considers these its <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/2019-elections-das-most-important-ever-maimane-20180408">most important to date</a>.</p>
<p>Apart from electing a <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/diverse-da-s-new-leadership-more-of-the-same">not-so-new leadership</a>, the congress was marked by robust debate about setting a political agenda for the future. It reflected on key issues such as <a href="http://www.sabcnews.com/sabcnews/da-reiterates-stance-land-reform/">land reform</a> and promoting <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2018/04/08/da-resolves-to-promote-and-advance-diversity-in-its-own-ranks">diversity</a> in its ranks.</p>
<p>It also addressed the need to recreate the <a href="https://www.news24.com/Video/SouthAfrica/News/elections-2019-they-will-try-and-divide-us-on-the-basis-of-race-mmusi-maimane-20180407">party’s image</a> in preparation for the 2019 general elections. The DA must stand strong and not be divided on the <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/maimane-stands-firm-on-diversity-20180407">basis of race</a>, said Mmusi Maimane, who was re-elected unopposed as federal leader.</p>
<p>Born from a <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/organisations/democratic-alliance-da">merger</a> between the former Democratic Party’s amalgamation with the New National Party and the Federal Alliance, the DA sought to become a “party for the people” on the platform of non-racialism and a formidable opposition to the governing African National Congress (ANC). The DA espouses liberal politics and has claimed a long history of resistance to apartheid, most notably through its hero Helen Suzman who was a thorn in the flesh of successive apartheid regimes. Yet, the party struggles to lose the label of a <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2013-04-15-the-lost-and-revised-history-of-the-da-coming-soon-to-a-soapbox-near-you/#.Wstm6C97G8U">“white party” that would bring back apartheid</a>.<br>
The DA is potentially in a good position to become a challenger for power. The dominant ANC suffered a loss of legitimacy under the leadership of Jacob Zuma, most evident in its steady loss of electoral support. It is fighting to regain ground after it emerged quite bruised from the <a href="https://theconversation.com/major-shift-in-south-african-politics-as-the-da-breaks-out-of-its-cape-enclave-63619">2016 local government elections</a>. It lost the key metropolitan municipalities of Tshwane, Johannesburg and <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-the-battle-for-nelson-mandela-bay-has-captured-south-africas-attention-63063">Nelson Mandela Bay</a> where it dominated since 1994. </p>
<p>The governing party is trying to repair its image by riding on the <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/business/234439/heres-what-is-waiting-for-south-africa-when-ramaphoria-is-over/">positive sentiment</a> that has accompanied President Cyril Ramaphosa’s leadership – of both the ANC and the country.</p>
<p>But history might be against the ANC. It has been shown that dominant parties tend to break down due to a <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-south-africas-nelson-mandela-bay-may-be-the-ancs-mini-waterloo-58010">crisis of legitimacy</a>. Weak political leadership, corruption, factional battles and governance, all of which have recently plagued the ANC, have been known to favour <a href="http://www.policy-network.net/pno_detail.aspx?ID=5025&title=Challenger+parties+and+the+decline+of+the+European+left">challenger parties</a>. </p>
<h2>Challenging for power</h2>
<p>It would seem that the 2019 general elections may be the opportunity for the DA to emerge as a credible <a href="http://www.policy-network.net/pno_detail.aspx?ID=5025&title=Challenger+parties+and+the+decline+of+the+European+left">challenger for power</a>. It is the largest opposition party with a track record in governance. But, one will also need to consider the potential impact of the Economic Freedom Fighters <a href="https://www.effonline.org/">(EFF)</a> which – like the DA – will campaign in ANC strongholds for votes.</p>
<p>The DA still has a lot of work to do, most notably around race and representation. More specifically, it needs to break down perceptions that it is a white party. These perceptions were evident in its failure to win outright majorities in the 2016 local government elections; it had to rely on coalitions to oust the ANC from power in key municipalities. </p>
<p>In building the DA as a sound alternative to the ANC, Maimane has claimed that the DA rather than the ANC now embodies the <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2018-04-07-read-maimane-addresses-the-da-at-its-federal-congress">non-racial vision of Nelson Mandela</a>. </p>
<h2>Racialised politics</h2>
<p>Yet, a racialised dynamic continues to find expression within the internal dynamics of the DA, as shown by talk of a <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.co.za/sipho-hlongwane/it-s-about-time-the-democratic-alliance-black-caucus-spoke-out_a_21897537/">“black caucus”</a> in its ranks. It indicates that racial prisms shape internal party dynamics.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/213869/original/file-20180409-114121-1nx0zt7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/213869/original/file-20180409-114121-1nx0zt7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=325&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/213869/original/file-20180409-114121-1nx0zt7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=325&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/213869/original/file-20180409-114121-1nx0zt7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=325&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/213869/original/file-20180409-114121-1nx0zt7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=408&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/213869/original/file-20180409-114121-1nx0zt7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=408&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/213869/original/file-20180409-114121-1nx0zt7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=408&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Mmusi Maimane was reelected unopposed as leader of Democratic Alliance, South Africa’;s main opposition party.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Supplied</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Significantly the party’s former parliamentary leader, Lindiwe Mazibuko, has urged it to reflect on </p>
<blockquote>
<p><a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/mazibuko-rips-into-das-white-males-1975033">“a culture that isolates black members and leaders”</a>. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>She was responding to the <a href="https://www.da.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Pledge-Against-Racism-1.pdf">DA’s anti-racism pledge</a> that all new members would be required to sign. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2018-04-08-da-federal-congress-trollip-wins-da-federal-chair-race-but-next-hurdle-surviving-a-motion-of-no-confidence-is-already-in-sight/#.WspIsS97G8U">debate on diversity</a> at the congress shaped the contest between mayors Solly Msimanga and Athol Trollip for the position of party federal chairperson. In celebrating his victory, Trollip proclaimed that he was <a href="https://m.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/trollip-humbled-that-da-election-wasnt-all-about-race-20180408">“humbled that the DA election was not all about race”</a>. </p>
<p>Given the reports about the narrow margin of Trollip’s victory, it’s possible his win could have been the result of political pragmatism. Potentially, some members may have voted for him so that the party could <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/the-da-votes-msimanga-looks-confident-but-many-crossing-fingers-for-trollip-20180407">demonstrate unity</a> ahead of the <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/motion-against-trollip-postponed-for-two-weeks-20180329">motion of no confidence</a> against him brought by the EFF in his capacity as Nelson Mandela Bay’s mayor.</p>
<h2>The battle of ideas</h2>
<p>Maimane avers that the <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2018-04-07-read-maimane-addresses-the-da-at-its-federal-congress">DA remains committed</a> to creating a non-racial and equal South Africa in which each person will have equal opportunity, regardless of background. He draws on the vision of <a href="https://thebestofafrica.org/revisiting-liberalism-in-africa/">African liberalism</a>.</p>
<p>He has <a href="https://www.da.org.za/2018/04/building-african-liberal-agenda/">highlighted</a> the need to carve out a new agenda for African liberalism:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>As African liberals, we know that poverty is the greatest threat to individual freedom, because civil liberties mean nothing if there is no food on the table. A hungry person cannot claim freedom. This is why we believe in social welfare and a growing economy that lifts people out of poverty.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The ANC similarly seeks to secure “political hegemony in society” through what it posits as the <a href="http://www.anc.org.za/sites/default/files/5th-National-Policy-Conference-Report-Final.pdf">“battle of ideas”</a>. </p>
<p>Through the battle of ideas, the DA may now move to further lay claim to Mandela’s and the ANC’s historic mission of creating a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic post-apartheid society. The DA has reclaimed the vision of Nelson Mandela and placed African liberalism at the core of its ideological battle of ideas. The extent that they will win the vote in ANC strongholds remains to be seen given a lack of political trust towards the DA in those areas. </p>
<h2>Towards a party for all</h2>
<p>The challenge for the DA seems to be ironing out issues of representation, voice, and feelings of black marginalisation within its own party structures before embarking on the 2019 election campaign. </p>
<p>This would require the party to decisively solve its internal divisions and put an end to such labels as “black caucus”, which effectively undermine its message of non-racialism and stated quest to be a party for all South Africans.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/94665/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Joleen Steyn Kotze receives funding from the National Research Foundation and the Konrad Audenauer Stiftung.</span></em></p>The Democratic Alliance is potentially in a good position to challenge the ANC, which governs South Africa, for power.Joleen Steyn Kotze, Senior Research Specialist in Democracy, Governance and Service Delivery at the Human Science Research Council and a Research Fellow Centre for African Studies, University of the Free StateLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/908612018-01-31T08:19:20Z2018-01-31T08:19:20ZCape Town water crisis: crossing state and party lines isn’t the answer<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/203808/original/file-20180129-41419-4x8vlt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Mmusi Maimane is leading efforts to combat the water crisis. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Mark Wessels (Pool)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Mmusi Maimane, the leader of South Africa’s main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, that governs the City of Cape Town and the Western Cape Province, now leads the task team to <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2018-01-25-analysis-mmusi-maimanes-war-cry-defeat-day-zero/#.Wm7k8pP1XPA">“defeat” Day Zero</a>, the day on which Cape Town’s water is predicted to run out. This is currently set for April 12.</p>
<p>The DA’s <a href="https://www.thesouthafrican.com/defeat-day-zero-da-four-point-plan/">plan to keep the taps running</a> comes amid infighting within the Cape Town Metropolitan Council, where <a href="http://www.capetownetc.com/news/motion-no-confidence-de-lille-looms/">mayor Patricia De Lille</a> has been stripped of responsibility for <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2018-01-19-de-lille-loses-her-power-to-deal-with-cape-towns-water-crisis/">responding to the water crisis</a>. </p>
<p>While many were impressed to see Maimane, <a href="https://www.westerncape.gov.za/your_gov/97">Helen Zille’s</a> provincial government and the city’s leadership presenting a united front <a href="http://therepublicmail.co.za/2018/01/24/maimane-intervene-in-cape-town-water-crisis/">against the water crisis</a>, others pointed out that this was not Maimane’s show to run, saying that it <a href="https://twitter.com/pierredevos/status/956136662362402816">crossed the “line”</a> between the DA as a political party, and the relevant organs of state.</p>
<p>This is correct. As a <a href="https://www.parliament.gov.za/person-details/1626">Member of Parliament</a>, Maimane has oversight powers that allow him to investigate how the city or province handle the water crisis. But for an MP to head a governmental task team pushes the boundaries of the <a href="https://www.parliament.gov.za/who-we-are">separation of powers</a>, in terms of which day-to-day running of government should be left to executive officials.</p>
<p>By swooping in from his position in national government to take control of the situation, Maimane also ignored a set of constitutional principles which allow higher-level governments to intervene in running a city only in limited circumstances, such as when a municipality <a href="https://repository.up.ac.za/bitstream/handle/2263/30097/08chapter8.pdf?sequence=9">fails to deliver</a> basic services based on national delivery standards.</p>
<p>The DA <a href="https://twitter.com/zilevandamme/status/956166188274454528?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">disagrees</a>. It argues that Maimane hasn’t taken over any governmental offices, but, as party leader, is merely <a href="https://twitter.com/zilevandamme/status/956166989092925441?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%22%3EJanuary%2024,%202018%3C/a%3E%3C/blockquote%3E%20%3Cscript%20async%20src=%22https:/platform.twitter.com/widgets.js%22%20charset=%22utf-8%22%3E%3C/script%3E">coordinating</a> the actions of the DA-run city and province. </p>
<h2>Tensions between party and State</h2>
<p>This brings into play the line between political parties and government which, in South Africa, appears to be crossed on a regular basis.</p>
<p>South Africans tend to associate government officials with the political parties to which they belong. For instance, many people simply think of the ANC <em>as being</em> the national government. They don’t distinguish between ANC officials acting in their capacity as party members, or when they’re acting as members of government.</p>
<p>This is problematic, since it undermines the perceived independence of state institutions and diminishes accountability of state officials. It creates the impression that government institutions can be accessed and influenced through party structures. This leads to potentially corrupt situations, such as where a political party’s donors expect to be rewarded with government business.</p>
<p>Some countries, such as the US, have legislation which places a <a href="https://hatchact.uslegal.com/">strict separation</a> between party and state to the point where civil servants are not allowed to campaign for political parties or run for election. And state officials are not allowed to wear party regalia or discuss party business in their government offices. This is not only meant to reduce opportunities for corruption, but also to ensure that people feel that government works for, and is accountable to, all citizens, regardless of which party they support.</p>
<p>Since winning the first democratic elections in 1994, the ANC has often been accused of using state structures to <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/opinion/anc-blind-to-dangers-of-conflating-party-and-state-2023793">further the party agenda</a>. And its MPs are further often accused of placing party loyalty <a href="https://www.pa.org.za/blog/party-loyalty-patronage-and-future-south-african-p">above the national interest</a>. </p>
<p>The most dramatic recent example of this was when the Constitutional Court was asked to direct the Speaker of Parliament to allow ANC members to vote in secret on a motion of no confidence <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/concourt-to-rule-on-secret-ballot-case">against President Jacob Zuma</a>. The fear was that the party might punish ANC MPs who voted in favour of the motion.</p>
<p>At the time, former President Thabo Mbeki wrote an <a href="https://www.thesouthafrican.com/mps-have-a-responsibility-to-the-people-not-their-political-parties-mbeki/">open letter</a> in which he reminded ANC members of Parliament that they were accountable to the people of South Africa, not the ANC.</p>
<p>The principle of accountability is the most important reason for keeping political parties and the state separate. </p>
<p>While the state is held accountable through a range of institutions and laws, similar measures don’t exist to make political parties act in the public interest.</p>
<h2>Shadow governments</h2>
<p>The same applies on local government level.</p>
<p>South African cities are run by elected local governments, through legal structures, such as the ward committees established by the <a href="http://mfma.treasury.gov.za/MFMA/Legislation/Local%20Government%20-%20Municipal%20Structures%20Act/Local%20Government%20-%20Municipal%20Structures%20Act,%20No.%20117%20of%201998.pdf">Municipal Structures Act</a>. These structures don’t always function well. Where they break down, the provision of basic municipal services suffers and residents’ concerns are not addressed.</p>
<p>But instead of trying to strengthen, fix or change dysfunctional structures, people often bypass them. This weakens them even further. One way in which this happens is when people resort to having their grievances solved through political party structures, such as local party branches.</p>
<p>When party structures become the most efficient way to solve local government problems, shadow governments are created. These shadow governments are not directly accountable to residents.</p>
<p>This means that it becomes easier for internal party politics to infiltrate city affairs. It also creates opportunities for corruption. </p>
<p>A <a href="http://www.heraldlive.co.za/news/2017/10/21/how-to-steal-a-city/">recent book</a>, ‘How to steal a city’ by Crispian Olver, about the last days of the former ANC local government in Nelson Mandela Bay, sets out <a href="https://theconversation.com/two-books-that-tell-the-unsettling-tale-of-south-africas-descent-87044">in detail</a> how this happens. Olver explains how the ANC sent in senior party members to “clean up” governance in the city. But the book also shows how provincial ANC structures tried to prevent the then mayor from acting against corrupt city council members.</p>
<h2>Sidelining structures</h2>
<p>By taking control of the water situation in Cape Town as leader of the DA Maimane has effectively sidelined the people and structures that are constitutionally supposed to be in charge.</p>
<p>However good his intentions may be, this is a blatant example of shadow governance. His actions have undermined accountability and participatory democracy and weakened the city’s ability to govern in the interests of all of its residents.</p>
<p>No political party should lead a response to an urban governance crisis. The city, provincial and national governments must cooperate <em>as government</em>, across party lines and through the relevant legal and constitutional structures and processes, to ensure effective and accountable service delivery.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/90861/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marius Pieterse receives funding from the National Research Foundation (NRF). </span></em></p>Opposition leader Mmusi Maimane’s takeover of responsibility for tackling the Western Cape water crisis blurs party and state lines.Marius Pieterse, Professor of Law, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/820912017-08-13T08:35:59Z2017-08-13T08:35:59ZAre South Africa’s opposition-led coalition metros flexing their muscles?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/181353/original/file-20170808-22960-mje9jg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Johannesburg Mayor Herman Mashaba, leads a campaign to clean up the city streets.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">The Star/Itumeleng English</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>City governments around the world are increasingly challenging nation states when it comes to development, human rights and governance. In the US, for instance, cities are asserting themselves against federal or state governments on controversial issues like environmental standards.</p>
<p>Most cities are pledging to <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/01/climate/american-cities-climate-standards.html">meet Paris agreement targets</a>, even though President Donald Trump has withdrawn from the accord. On immigration, some US and UK cities are declaring themselves to be <a href="http://www.msnbc.com/specials/migrant-crisis/sanctuary-cities">“sanctuary cities”</a>. They are refusing to cooperate with national authorities when it comes to handing over “illegal” immigrants.</p>
<p>National governments often squash cities’ attempts to assert themselves. This happens especially when cities don’t have much constitutional scope to govern themselves. It also typically occurs when cities mostly depend on national government for their resources.</p>
<p>In South Africa, local governments enjoy significant constitutional autonomy. They have the right to run local government affairs <a href="https://www.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02167/04lv02184/05lv02193/06lv02202.htm">on their “own initiative”</a>. They also have executive and even some legislative powers to administer a whole range of functional areas. National and provincial governments may not compromise municipalities’ right to exercise these powers. </p>
<p>South Africa’s metropolitan governments further raise large portions of their revenue themselves. This makes them remarkably financially independent by international standards.</p>
<p>This means that South African municipalities could easily flex their muscles against the national and provincial tiers of government. </p>
<p>The surprise takeover of three metropolitan municipalities by coalitions, led by the main opposition party the Democratic Alliance (DA), after local government elections last year, therefore opened up interesting possibilities.</p>
<p>The DA had controlled the City of Cape Town since 2011 after governing there by coalition since 2006. But all other metropolitan municipal councils in South Africa were comfortably controlled by the African National Congress <a href="http://www.anc.org.za/">(ANC)</a>, until the 2016 elections.</p>
<p>The ANC <a href="https://theconversation.com/sharp-tongued-south-african-voters-give-ruling-anc-a-stiff-rebuke-63606">lost its majority</a> in Nelson Mandela Bay in the Eastern Cape, as well as in two metropolitan councils in Gauteng: the national capital, Tshwane, and Johannesburg, the country’s economic hub.</p>
<h2>Coalition metros one year on</h2>
<p>Ongoing research I’m doing looks at what’s emerged in the first year of these three new non-ANC city governments. Unlike Cape Town, these three cities don’t have the benefit of a politically sympathetic provincial government. Their loss was also a major political humiliation for the ANC.</p>
<p>So some intergovernmental conflict, such as that seen in the US and elsewhere, seemed inevitable.</p>
<p>But my preliminary conclusion is that the coalitions aren’t showing signs of rebelliousness, at least not yet. Apart from some moves against Nelson Mandela Bay’s mayor <a href="http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/anc-motion-of-no-confidence-in-trollip-fails-to-materialise-20170131">Athol Trollip</a>, there also hasn’t really been much push back from the ANC.</p>
<p>Certainly, post-election victory speeches hinted that some muscle-flexing might be on the cards. All three mayors vowed to <a href="http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/weve-exposed-fraud-and-corruption-worth-r10bn-mashaba-20170503">squash corruption</a>, <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2016/09/18/NMB-mayor-cuts-travel-costs-in-bid-to-save-R100m">increase the financial health of their cities</a> and <a href="http://www.polity.org.za/article/anc-cries-foul-after-mayor-mashaba-cancels-r270m-vanity-projects-2016-11-23">redirect spending</a> to infrastructure upgrades and basic service delivery.</p>
<p>The mayors of Johannesburg and Tshwane also seemed to send a message that national and provincial ANC governments had to stand back.</p>
<p>Solly Msimanga, the mayor of Tshwane, announced that he would ban <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2016-08-19-blue-light-ban-applies-even-to-jacob-zuma-tshwane-mayor-solly-msimanga-says/">“blue light brigades”</a> through the streets of Tshwane. He also visited Taipei on <a href="http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/tussle-over-msimangas-taipei-trip-but-analyst-gives-it-thumbs-up-20161228">“official” city business</a>, seemingly ignoring national government’s diplomatic agreements with mainland China, and thereby causing it embarrassment.</p>
<p>Herman Mashaba, the mayor of Johannesburg, threatened to <a href="http://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/2016/10/19/mashaba-stands-down-from-threat-to-pull-joburg-out-of-bloated-salga">withdraw Johannesburg</a> from the South African Local Government Association. He also instructed metro police officers not to assist in enforcing the extremely unpopular e-tolls levied by the provincial government on <a href="http://www.iol.co.za/motoring/industry-news/cops-wont-harass-e-toll-defaulters-mashaba-2067679">Gauteng highway users</a>.</p>
<p>But the mayors have since mostly backtracked from all this big talk. This is perhaps because most of their high profile threats involved areas of governance that fell outside of the mayors’ legal competence.</p>
<p>E-tolls were never within the enforcement mandate of the metro police anyway. Also, only a few blue light authorisations fell within municipal jurisdiction. And, withdrawing from the local government association would require a resolution of the entire metropolitan council, and would lead to a loss of national political influence.</p>
<p>This is not to say that the Metros have done nothing. </p>
<h2>Achievements so far</h2>
<p>Municipal economic development projects, which do fall within their powers, were significantly overhauled. For example, Mashaba <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2016-11-22-anc-and-da-mayor-lock-horns-over-cancelled-projects-in-johannesburg/">squashed initiatives</a> that were driven by the ousted ANC in Johannesburg, such as mushroom farms, solar bakeries and the <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2017-02-03-herman-mashaba-cans-joziwork-programme-anc-incensed/">“Jozi at Work” job-creation initiative</a>.</p>
<p>All three cities further insisted that provincial governments pay up <a href="http://www.702.co.za/articles/36115/gauteng-province-insists-it-s-coughing-up-for-joburg-city-bills-owed">overdue rates and service charges</a>. All purged “old-regime” staff implicated in corruption investigations, and all rejigged housing and service delivery structures. Johannesburg even pledged to reintegrate all municipal service delivery entities <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2017-01-30-joburg-metro-set-to-take-control-of-municipal-entities/">into the city</a>. </p>
<p>When it finally came round to passing budgets and development plans of their own, the coalition Metros were all rather prudent. All three committed to refocused, developmental, service-focused governance free from “vanity projects”. They also promised more responsive, transparent and open governance. And all three put their money where their mouths were. </p>
<p>But all three also committed to constructive intergovernmental relations. Their development plans were further mostly aligned to national and provincial priorities, just like those of their predecessors.</p>
<p>For the moment, then, the <a href="http://www.gov.za/DOCUMENTS/CONSTITUTION/constitution-republic-south-africa-1996-1">Constitution’s</a> commitment to cooperative government seems to be winning over political ambitions to chart a radically different governance path. Given the many storms brewing at national level, this local prudence is welcome, and certainly wise.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/82091/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marius Pieterse receives funding from the National Research Foundation and the University of the Witwatersrand.</span></em></p>Are different ways of governing emerging from South Africa’s cities governed by opposition coalitions?Marius Pieterse, Professor of Law, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/643122016-08-23T14:18:32Z2016-08-23T14:18:32ZTumultuous times for South Africa as it enters the era of coalition politics<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/135153/original/image-20160823-30238-1xqtauz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Democratic Alliance's Herman Mashaba celebrates victory as Johannesburg's new mayor after the ANC's defeat. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">The Star/Boxer Ngwenya</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>South Africa is in a tryst with tumultuous times as <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africans-have-made-their-voices-heard-now-what-for-local-councils-63854">coalitions</a> take shape to unlock hung municipalities following the 2016 local government elections. </p>
<p>The implications for local government and the administration of municipalities is enormous. This is because most are largely politicised after 20 years of uninterrupted rule by one party, the African National Congress (ANC). An additional reason is that municipalities are not simply administrative outposts of the national and provincial governments. They are also required to play a developmental role. To do this the country’s <a href="http://www.justice.gov.za/legislation/constitution/SAConstitution-web-eng.pdf">constitution</a> stipulates that they must</p>
<blockquote>
<p>structure and manage [their] administration and budgeting and planning processes to give priority to the basic needs of the community and to promote the social and economic development of the community.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Can the coalition arrangements of hung municipalities, which largely spawned minority governments, live up to this? Do they portend the possibility of non-partisan administration of municipal affairs? These questions are important because institution-building and consolidation of state capacity for the country’s development require a <a href="https://books.google.co.za/books?id=DQ8iBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA228&lpg=PA228&dq=Mistra,+essays+on+the+evolution+of+the+post+apartheid+state,+Maserumule&source=bl&ots=NmD2Or9dTX&sig=EZhfMB-eYwX7qlVaNm4h8ZQ3Gi0&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiExsPIutfOAhWqJ8AKHaicBKQQ6AEIHDAA#v=onepage&q=Mistra%2C%20essays%20on%20the%20evolution%20of%20the%20post%20apartheid%20state%2C%20Maserumule&f=false">professional bureaucracy</a>. This issue has not been adequately considered amid all the talk about the political implications of coalition building in hung municipalities.</p>
<p>The situation that’s emerged in South Africa is new for the country. But it is by no means unique. <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy">Nearly two thirds</a> of the countries that make up the European Union are run by coalition governments. In most they have been part of the political system for a long time, with the exceptions of Britain, Spain, and Greece where they are relatively new. How they have fared differs from one to another. But a dominant lesson is that to optimise the efficiency of governance, a professional and stable bureaucracy in the administration of the state is important.</p>
<p>South Africa should take this into consideration as it experiments with <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africas-politicians-will-have-to-adjust-to-many-more-coalitions-58915">coalition politics</a>. </p>
<h2>Patterns of patronage</h2>
<p>A research report by the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection, <a href="http://www.mistra.org.za/Library/Publications/Pages/Patronage-Politics-Divides-Us-A-Study-of-Poverty-Patronage-and-Inequality-in-South-Africa.aspx">Patronage Politics Divides Us</a>, is edifying. Its analysis shows that the edifice of municipalities’ institutional disposition in South Africa is patronage. Their bureaucracies are staffed largely on a partisan basis, especially in senior management, where tenure in office is linked to an electoral term. </p>
<p>So too are their <a href="http://www.energy.gov.za/files/policies/act_municipalsystem_32of2000.pdf">integrated development plans</a>, which appear to respond more to partisan politics than community needs. This delegitimises municipalities. This explains why communities have adopted “extra-judicial measures” – such as <a href="https://theconversation.com/protests-soar-amid-unmet-expectations-in-south-africa-42013">protests and the destruction</a> of public property – to communicate their concerns. It also explains, at least in part, the governing <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-37161530">ANC’s fate</a> in the elections.</p>
<p>The challenge in formulating a new approach to local government is that no grand coalitions have been formed in councils where the ANC has lost its majority but where no clear winners emerged. </p>
<p>The radical Economic Freedom Fighters <a href="http://effighters.org.za/">(EFF)</a> dashed this possibility by <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africa-faces-a-bumpy-political-ride-as-eff-declines-to-join-coalitions-64088">declining to go into alliance</a> with the main opposition Democratic Alliance <a href="https://www.da.org.za/">(DA)</a> to constitute councils in hung municipalities. </p>
<p>The EFF has, however, said it will vote with parties in coalition arrangements against the ANC. The minority governments require the votes of the parties that are not part of the coalitions in councils, especially in major policy areas such as budgets and development plans. This is necessary as the margins of the electoral performance, especially among the major political parties, <a href="https://www.elections.org.za/lgedashboard2016/leaderboard.aspx">are close</a> in the hung municipalities, with the ANC relegated to the opposition benches. </p>
<p>So does the outcome of the 2016 local government mark the beginning of the new era? We hope so. As opposed to the mediocrity that patronage politics produces, non-partisan administration institutionalises meritocracy and legitimises government. Is this where South Africa is destined to go? Can municipal officials become true professionals, with a sense of public service? </p>
<p>Not necessarily.</p>
<h2>A professional bureaucracy will be hard to build</h2>
<p>One possibility is that the new coalitions simply become arrangements for the politics of patronage to <a href="https://theconversation.com/major-shift-in-south-african-politics-as-the-da-breaks-out-of-its-cape-enclave-63619">change hands</a>. This is highly possible if the motive of the DA and EFF is to work together for the sole purpose of keeping the ANC out of power. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/135165/original/image-20160823-30252-eplo7r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/135165/original/image-20160823-30252-eplo7r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=385&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/135165/original/image-20160823-30252-eplo7r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=385&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/135165/original/image-20160823-30252-eplo7r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=385&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/135165/original/image-20160823-30252-eplo7r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/135165/original/image-20160823-30252-eplo7r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/135165/original/image-20160823-30252-eplo7r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">DA leader Mmusi Maimane and COPE leader Mosiuoa Lekota address the media after coalition talks that included the FF Plus, ACDP, UDM and the IFP.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Kim Ludbrook</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>An additional problem is that the ANC’s power in municipalities it has governed is consolidated in the bureaucracies. Although it is politically displaced in some, it is still bureaucratically intact. This suggests the possibility of governance paralysis for the new coalition governments.</p>
<p>Naturally, politicians fear bureaucrats becoming “the power elite” and that they then dominate the <a href="https://archive.org/stream/frommaxweberessa00webe/frommaxweberessa00webe_djvu.txt">“governing process”</a>. Because of this, we foresee widespread purging –- relatively easy in the South African system of local government where the governance framework is susceptible to partisan manipulation. </p>
<p>Given the EFF and DA’s steadfastness to get the ANC out of power, the coalition councils are likely to take advantage of the governance framework to influence staffing choices. </p>
<p>The gush with which the ANC is pursued is likely to go as far as flushing out those considered ANC loyalists in the administration. Often the risk with this is to lay off those who are efficient and competent – a case of throwing out the baby with the bathwater. </p>
<p>This has happened before. When the DA took control of Cape Town after municipal elections in 2000 it dismissed senior officials appointed during the ANC’s administration and replaced them with those it considered <a href="http://m.ras.sagepub.com/content/69/1/51">“politically suitable and acceptable”</a>. </p>
<p>This is likely to repeat itself, but perhaps discreetly this time around: a case of fighting patronage with patronage. This does not bode well for meritocracy in the administration of municipalities.</p>
<h2>System invites partisan politics</h2>
<p>What compounds the pursuit of an effective system of local government in South Africa is its governance framework, as prescribed in law, which is vulnerable to politicisation.</p>
<p>Legislative and executive powers are concentrated in the municipal councils. The executive authority is delegated to either executive mayor or an executive committee of the council, depending on the executive municipal system used. </p>
<p>This is at odds with the principle of <a href="https://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/journals/index.php/cjlg/article/view/1473">separation of powers</a>. Most scholars argue that the arrangement is fundamentally flawed. </p>
<p>It exposes the administration of municipalities to partisan politics. The municipal councils are directly involved in the administration. They appoint <a href="http://pmg-assets.s3-website-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/docs/130307Local%20Government%20Regulations%20on%20Appointment%20and%20Conditions%20of%20Employment%20of%20Senior%20Managers.pdf">senior managers</a>. Their tenure is linked to a five year electoral term. This institutionalises politicisation of bureaucracies. The spoils are dispensed to sustain political loyalties and allegiances. </p>
<p>Appointments are also partisan-based below senior management. In the Amathole District Municipality in the Eastern Cape province, <a href="http://www.saflii.org/za/cases/ZAECHC/2008/184.html">the court found</a> that, in 2009, the ANC dominated council took an instruction from its regional executive committee to appoint a particular candidate to the post of municipal manager. This was despite this candidate not performing as well as others in the interviews.</p>
<p>In the mix is also the partisan-driven planning system linked to a five year electoral term. This makes a mockery of the <a href="http://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/saf93030.pdf">Municipal Systems Act</a>, which stipulates that the planning process should be community-centred and widely inclusive. If development plans are community-driven, why do they change each time political power changes hands? What this shows is that the planning system should be delinked from the five-year electoral term. </p>
<p>The fate of coalitions depends on a rethink of South Africa’s system of local government. Otherwise tumultuous times await the country.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/64312/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mashupye Herbert Maserumule received funding from the National Research Foundation for his postgraduate studies. He is the Chief Editor of the Journal of Public Administration and is affiliated with the South African Association of Public Administration(SAAPAM)</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sibusiso Vil-Nkomo received funding from the Fullbright Scholarship Programme and is affiliated with Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection (Mistra). </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Renosi Mokate does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>South Africa’s watershed local elections have resulted in upsets for the ANC in key metropoles. But will the new, minority coalition regimes live up to their mandate of providing basic services?Mashupye Herbert Maserumule, Professor of Public Affairs, Tshwane University of TechnologyRenosi Mokate, Executive director and CEO: School of Business Leadership, University of South AfricaSibusiso Vil-Nkomo, Research Professor in the Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship, University of PretoriaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/632112016-07-29T07:54:02Z2016-07-29T07:54:02ZOpposition aims for upset in South Africa’s high-stakes election<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/132345/original/image-20160728-12089-44e2zc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Voters wait their turn outside a polling station at Nkonjeni village in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The country is gearing up for local elections.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Radu Sigheti</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The leading opposition party in South Africa, the Democratic Alliance (<a href="https://www.da.org.za/">DA</a>), has billed the August 3 2016 <a href="http://www.elections.org.za/content/Elections/2016-Municipal-Elections/Home/">municipal elections</a> in the country as the <a href="https://www.da.org.za/campaign/local-government-elections-2016/">most important ever</a>. The word “change” dominates the party’s posters.</p>
<p>But the DA is wrong: August 3 will not be the most important electoral date in South Africa – 1994 remains the most momentous year, when black people voted for the first time in the country’s history.</p>
<p>To an outside observer, the word “change” might suggest that the governing African National Congress (<a href="http://www.anc.org.za/splash/index">ANC</a>) will no longer be the majority party in South Africa after the elections. But those who follow South African politics closely know that such a thing is not about to happen.</p>
<p>The change the DA is touting is the expectation that the ANC might lose three closely contested metros: the <a href="http://www.localgovernment.co.za/metropolitans/view/1/Nelson-Mandela-Bay-Metropolitan-Municipality">Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality</a> on the Indian Ocean coast; <a href="http://www.localgovernment.co.za/metropolitans/view/2">Johannesburg</a>, the country’s economic heart; and <a href="http://www.localgovernment.co.za/metropolitans/view/3">Tshwane</a>, South Africa’s capital city.</p>
<p>Polls <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/polls-can-the-anc-beat-the-da-in-johannesburg-tshwane-and-nelson-mandela-bay">suggest</a> that, in these municipalities, the ANC will not clinch a majority. This prognosis is not far-fetched, considering the party’s performance in the past three elections. As is evident in the table below, the party has been in decline.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/132341/original/image-20160728-12116-188xcu2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/132341/original/image-20160728-12116-188xcu2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=356&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132341/original/image-20160728-12116-188xcu2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=356&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132341/original/image-20160728-12116-188xcu2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=356&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132341/original/image-20160728-12116-188xcu2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=447&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132341/original/image-20160728-12116-188xcu2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=447&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132341/original/image-20160728-12116-188xcu2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=447&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Supplied by author</span></span>
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<p>Should this decline continue, which is what the polls conducted by research organisation Ipsos suggest, the ANC will not be able to constitute a government in these metros.</p>
<h2>Chasing an elusive, decisive win</h2>
<p>But the polls also predict that the DA will itself not clinch a majority in all three metros. So what’s the excitement about?</p>
<p>The DA’s exuberance lies in the expectation that, should the ANC fail to clinch a majority, the DA will gang up with smaller opposition parties to form a coalition government.</p>
<p>Were that to happen, the DA would be right to describe the 2016 elections as the most important to the party itself. For the first time since its inception, the DA would have the opportunity to co-govern two metros in Gauteng province and another in the Eastern Cape. It already runs the key city of <a href="http://www.rdm.co.za/politics/2015/06/10/da-s-cape-town-good-story-leaves-anc-eating-dust">Cape Town</a>. </p>
<p>Such a prospect is intriguing in that the DA seems set to co-govern with the Economic Freedom Fighters (<a href="http://effighters.org.za/">EFF</a>), the party projected to take third place in the upcoming elections. Ideologically, the <a href="https://www.da.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/DA-2016-LGE-Manifesto.pdf">DA</a> and the EFF don’t see eye to eye. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://tuteconomicfreedomfighters.wordpress.com/2014/04/15/7-cardinal-pillars-of-the-eff/">EFF wants to</a> nationalise mines and banks, and appropriate land from white farmers without compensation to distribute to black people – <em>à la</em> Robert Mugabe in <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14385342">Zimbabwe</a>. On the other hand, the DA is supported mainly by whites, and it worships capitalism and <a href="https://www.da.org.za/why-the-da/policies/job-business/economic-policy/">private property</a>.</p>
<p>If the DA and the EFF are so diametrically opposed, how could they ever dream of co-governing? Well, miracles are possible in South Africa. Who could imagine that the <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/national-party-np">National Party</a>, the party of apartheid, would eventually <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/southafrica/1469022/Apartheid-party-fades-into-history-by-merging-with-ANC.html">dissolve into the ANC</a>, an anti-apartheid liberation movement? This miracle happened.</p>
<p>Both the DA and the EFF have already signalled that they are prepared to enter into a <a href="http://www.bdlive.co.za/national/politics/2015/10/06/news-analysis-da-leaves-door-open-to-coalition-with-eff-in-2016">coalition government</a> together, difficult as their negotiations will certainly be.</p>
<p>It should by now be clear: what is at stake in these elections is the possibility of the ANC losing three of its traditional support bases.</p>
<p>Historically, the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality has been a <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-south-africas-nelson-mandela-bay-may-be-the-ancs-mini-waterloo-58010">stronghold of the ANC</a>, being home to many leaders of the liberation struggle, including two post-apartheid presidents, <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/nelson-rolihlahla-mandela">Nelson Mandela</a> and <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/thabo-mvuyelwa-mbeki">Thabo Mbeki</a>. Losing such a municipality would mean that the ANC is being rejected by its own constituency, and thus the party would need to do some serious soul-searching.</p>
<p>Losing both Tshwane and Johannesburg would mean effectively that the ANC-led national government has to knock on opposition parties’ door before entering South Africa’s economic nerve centre as well as the country’s seat of government.</p>
<p>It is now clear that, once it loses a metro, the ANC never gets it back. <a href="http://www.localgovernment.co.za/metropolitans/view/6/City-of-Cape-Town-Metropolitan-Municipality">Cape Town</a> is a case in point, where the DA has <a href="http://www.politicsweb.co.za/news-and-analysis/2011-election-cape-town-results">solidified its support</a> from its early shaky grounds. There the ANC seems gone – forever.</p>
<h2>What’s at stake</h2>
<p>If the ANC were to lose the three metros, it would essentially mean the end of Nelson Mandela’s party in Gauteng, the most urbanised province in South Africa. Thus, the party would be retreating into the obscurity of rural existence when the country’s future lies in the cities.</p>
<p>The mere fact that we can now speculate like this is a sign that South Africa is changing. The days of an ANC that has the throats of opposition parties confidently under its heel are over.</p>
<p>We are now entering a new era – the epoch of unpredictable politics. This is precisely what was in the heads of the thinkers who introduced the idea of democracy in ancient Greece.</p>
<p>This, perhaps, is what the DA means when it says the 2016 municipal elections are the most important ever. We must all wait to see if the word “change” on DA posters is reality or fiction come August 3.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/63211/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Prince Mashele does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The opposition Democratic Alliance is hopeful that the African National Congress will fail to win a majority in three metros. This will open the door for it to rule in coalition with smaller parties.Prince Mashele, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for the Study of Governance Innovation, University of PretoriaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/630632016-07-26T20:53:02Z2016-07-26T20:53:02ZWhy the battle for Nelson Mandela Bay has captured South Africa’s attention<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/132022/original/image-20160726-7028-1smc3ry.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Mmusi Maimane, leader of the opposition Democratic Alliance, woos voters in hotly-contested Nelson Mandela Bay.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Supplied by the DA</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><a href="http://www.heraldlive.co.za/party-big-guns-city-last-shot-wooing-voters/">Political heavyweights</a> from South Africa’s governing African National Congress (ANC) and the country’s leading opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) have descended on Nelson Mandela Bay in a bid to woo voters ahead of local government elections. </p>
<p>The Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality, set in the Eastern Cape, the heartland of the ANC, is a <a href="http://theconversation.com/how-south-africas-nelson-mandela-bay-may-be-the-ancs-mini-waterloo-58010">strategic battleground</a> for both parties. A loss to the main opposition party would suggest that people are losing faith in the ANC as a governing party. A victory for the DA would indicate that it is breaking through a protected core of voters and that it could become a formidable challenger for power in future.</p>
<p>The ANC has suffered significant losses in the area due to <a href="https://www.academia.edu/8197409/Bitter_battles_for_survival_Assessing_the_impact_of_the_political_factionalism_in_Nelson_Mandela_Bay_Municipality_s_post-Polokwane_landscape">factional political battles</a> that have had a direct effect on service delivery. Governance has been undermined by <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2016/02/09/Auditor-General-report-flags-wasteful-expenditure-in-EC">maladministration</a>, <a href="http://mg.co.za/article/2015-05-19-former-mandela-metro-manager-wins-r31-in-damages">political interference</a>, and alleged corruption in the <a href="http://www.heraldlive.co.za/assets/Documents/KabusoLegalInterpretation.pdf">Kabuso</a> and <a href="http://www.heraldlive.co.za/new-delays-in-pikoli-report/">Pikoli</a> reports.</p>
<p>These events may have a direct effect on the electoral performance of the ANC. For the first time the party faces the real possibility of losing one of its strongholds. Voter support for the ANC is no longer unconditional as communities have become more vocal about its failure to deliver on its promise of “a better life for all”.</p>
<h2>The promise of a better life</h2>
<p>The ANC’s election <a href="http://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2016/07/23/DA-the-offspring-of-the-National-Party-Zuma">campaign rhetoric</a> has focused on the dangers of the past, a <a href="http://city-press.news24.com/News/da-is-apartheid-snake-zuma-tells-crowd-of-voters-20160723">return to apartheid</a> if the DA wins, and its continued commitment to advancing human dignity and freedom. The DA has focused on debunking the <a href="http://www.heraldlive.co.za/apartheid-return/">myth of a return to apartheid</a>, saying that life would be better under rule by the opposition party.</p>
<p>Both parties claim their policies and governance strategies will make for a better life for the electorate.</p>
<p>Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, the <a href="http://www.statssa.gov.za/?page_id=1021&id=nelson-mandela-bay-municipality">sixth largest</a> municipality in South Africa, tells the story of both the advancing of a better life, but also of disappointment that a better life has not materialised.</p>
<p>Manufacturing, community services, transport and finance industries are the foundation of the metro’s economy. But unemployment among the 1.2 million people who live in the municipality is estimated to stand at <a href="http://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/P0211/P02111stQuarter2016.pdf">33.2%</a> compared with the <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2016/05/09/SA-unemployment-rate-rises">26.7% national unemployment</a> rate. </p>
<p>Most households have access to electricity and other basic services. But about 6% of the population, predominantly in informal settlements, still use the <a href="http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/3c6aa6004d21849fa0f6e293fd523eaa/Bucket-toilet-system-still-a-challenge-in-EC-20161406">bucket system</a> as they don’t have access to proper sanitation. This is despite promises that the problem would be addressed. It is estimated that <a href="http://mype.co.za/new/bucket-toilet-crisis-mokonyane-and-jordaan-both-turn-a-blind-eye/61388/2016/02">35% of all bucket systems</a> nationally are located in Nelson Mandela Bay. </p>
<p>The illusion of a better life finds expression in dissatisfaction with poorly built government-supplied houses, the basis of human security. In Khayamnandi, a number of ablution facilities have been built, but no houses have materialised. This is colloquially referred to as “<a href="http://www.heraldlive.co.za/toilet-outcry-leads-plans-homes/">toilet city</a>”. </p>
<p><a href="http://www.sabc.co.za/news/a/f85022804bc720f289638d96fb2bb898/Police-ministry-intervenes-to-curb-PE-gang-violence">Gang violence</a> has also increased. And, for many, basic education provision remains critical as classes are overcrowded and limited teachers have been appointed to schools. Education is, of course, a vehicle for social mobility.</p>
<h2>Changing political landscape</h2>
<p>Support for the DA has grown significantly, most notably during the 2011 local government election when it got <a href="http://mg.co.za/article/2014-05-11-the-partys-over-anc-sees-decline-in-support">40% of the vote</a>. This went up marginally in the 2014 general election from 40.13% to 40.16%. </p>
<p>The party is running an aggressive electoral campaign that capitalises on its governance successes in Cape Town, which it controls, and the Western Cape region, where it holds power in a number of local municipalities.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/132001/original/image-20160726-7028-1bnd2ze.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/132001/original/image-20160726-7028-1bnd2ze.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=815&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132001/original/image-20160726-7028-1bnd2ze.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=815&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132001/original/image-20160726-7028-1bnd2ze.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=815&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132001/original/image-20160726-7028-1bnd2ze.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1024&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132001/original/image-20160726-7028-1bnd2ze.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1024&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/132001/original/image-20160726-7028-1bnd2ze.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1024&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">A man collects fallen election posters for recycling in South Africa.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters</span></span>
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<p>To take over the metro council the party would need to make significant gains in ANC strongholds within the metro. But to do this it would need to work on losing the label that it is a “white party”. The DA is in fact one of the most racially diverse parties in South Africa. </p>
<h2>Framing ‘the better life’</h2>
<p>In contesting the elections, both parties have addressed critical issues like job creation, governance, basic service delivery, gangsterism and delivering on the promise of a better life. </p>
<p>The DA has also focused on the delivery failures of the ANC. Here it has capitalised on creating a new political agenda: dealing with key priorities like poverty alleviation, unemployment, and clean and accountable governance, while also emphasising social cohesion, diversity and nation-building. </p>
<p>In turn, the ANC has focused on regaining the trust of voters. With the deployment of former South African Football Association President <a href="https://www.uwc.ac.za/News/Pages/-UWC-alumnus-Danny-Jordaan-as-mayor.aspx">Danny Jordaan</a> as the mayor, the first priority has been to clean up the administration. The party has sought to counter the perception that council posts serve as a road to riches for “<a href="http://www.gov.za/tenderpreneurship-stuff-crooked-cadres-fighters">tenderperneurs</a>” – reference to businesspeople who enrich themselves, often in underhanded ways, through government tenders.</p>
<p>The Jordaan administration has rolled out free Wi-Fi, is attempting to address botched housing delivery and has set out a clear five-year strategic plan.</p>
<h2>Bets are off</h2>
<p>It is difficult to predict the outcome of the election in Nelson Mandela Bay. <a href="http://www.enca.com/south-africa/polls-eff-drops-in-nelson-mandela-bay">Recent polls</a> show that the DA is leading the race. But a number of factors could swing the result either way. </p>
<p>One of these is how other opposition parties – the United Democratic Movement, the United Front and the Economic Freedom Fighters – perform. </p>
<p>We also do not know to what extent the divisive politics of the ANC will resonate with voters, especially in its strongholds. </p>
<p>Voter turn-out will also be a crucial factor. Will ANC voters stay away from the polls? Will the DA get its voters out on the day?</p>
<p>The uncertainty around the outcome has captured South Africa’s imagination. In previous elections speculation has focused on the size of the ANC’s majority. This time the question on people’s minds is: will the ANC win in Nelson Mandela Bay?</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/63063/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Joleen Steyn Kotze receives funding from the NRF and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. </span></em></p>In previous elections speculation in South Africa focused on the likely size of the ruling ANC’s majority. This time the question on people’s minds is: will the ANC win or lose Nelson Mandela Bay?Joleen Steyn Kotze, Associate Professor of Political Science, Nelson Mandela UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.