tag:theconversation.com,2011:/ca/topics/niqab-7184/articlesNiqab – The Conversation2024-03-14T19:58:07Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2254182024-03-14T19:58:07Z2024-03-14T19:58:07ZIn France, abortion rights and hijab bans highlight a double standard on women’s rights<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/581779/original/file-20240313-26-4feh20.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=56%2C153%2C5348%2C3443&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Even though laws on religious symbols are worded neutrally, in practice, they are mostly applied to Muslim women’s attire.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The French parliament recently voted in favour of enshrining the <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/politics/article/2024/03/04/france-enshrines-freedom-to-abortion-in-constitution-in-world-first_6584252_5.html">right to abortion into the country’s constitution</a>. While crowds celebrated outside, the slogan “my body my choice” was projected onto the Eiffel Tower <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/mar/06/france-abortion-rights-emmanuel-macron">in giant letters</a>.</p>
<p>Although concerns about <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/03/05/france-protects-abortion-guaranteed-freedom-constitution">barriers and access</a> still remain, women in France are now guaranteed the right to an abortion up to 14 weeks into their pregnancy, mirroring Spain but still <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/03/01/france-expands-abortion-access-two-key-moves">well behind</a> Sweden’s 18 weeks and the 24 weeks allowed in The Netherlands.</p>
<p>The decision comes at a time when women’s reproductive rights elsewhere are under threat. In contrast to the United States Supreme Court’s decision <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/24/us/roe-wade-overturned-supreme-court.html">overturning abortion rights</a>, France’s vote to enshrine them into its constitution looks like a feminist dream. </p>
<p>In his triumphant speech, French Prime Minister Gabriel Attal said: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/04/world/europe/france-abortion-rights-constitution.html">“We are sending the message to all women: Your body belongs to you and no one has the right to control it in your stead.”</a> </p>
<p>Yet just last year, Attal, as education minister, banned Muslim girls from wearing <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/french-education-minister-announces-ban-on-islamic-dress-in-schools/">abayas in schools</a>. His message — and France’s — to Muslim girls and women seems to be the opposite.</p>
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<h2>Hijab bans</h2>
<p>France’s double standard on women’s rights is most plainly seen in its treatment of Muslim women and girls. A week after its historic abortion vote, France marks 20 years since the adoption of the <a href="https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/jorf/id/JORFTEXT000000417977">March 2004 law</a> that bans students in public schools from wearing conspicuous symbols or clothing that manifest a religious affiliation.</p>
<p>In principle, the 2004 law applies to all students and prohibits them from wearing religious symbols like crosses, kippas (yarmulkes) and hijabs. But in practice, it is a sexist and racist law that <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur21/7280/2023/en/">disproportionately targets Muslim girls</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://yorkspace.library.yorku.ca/items/a9fd3c25-946c-4486-8dd5-5d9d13da4a34">My doctoral research</a> showed how Muslim girls are racially and religiously profiled by school administrators and have been suspended or expelled for wearing hoodies, hats, <a href="https://www.liberation.fr/societe/2013/04/04/la-jupe-et-le-bandeau-lettre-a-sirine_893735/">headbands</a> and <a href="https://www.cairn.info/islamophobie-comment-les-elites-francaises--9782707189462.htm">even long skirts</a>. Last year, they were also <a href="https://www.education.gouv.fr/bo/2023/Hebdo32/MENG2323654N">banned from wearing abayas</a>, which are long garments that are worn over clothing.</p>
<p>In my research, I refer to these bans as “anti-veiling laws” because, although they speak of religious symbols in general, the primary motivation behind these is always Muslim women’s dress. </p>
<p>France’s law led other jurisdictions across Europe and North America to ban Muslim women’s attire in various contexts. <a href="https://www.justiceinitiative.org/uploads/0b300685-1b89-46e2-bcf6-7ae5a77cb62c/policy-brief-restrictions-on-muslim-women%27s-dress-03252022.pdf">A 2022 report</a> from the Open Society Justice Initiative found that out of the 27 European Union member countries, only five have never enacted, or attempted to enact, bans on veiling. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, Québec holds the distinction of being the only province in Canada to implement a <a href="https://www.legisquebec.gouv.qc.ca/en/document/cs/l-0.3">ban on religious symbols</a>.</p>
<p>Former Québec Premier Pauline Marois cited the French law as being an <a href="https://www.ledevoir.com/politique/quebec/395252/pauline-marois-et-jean-marc-ayrault-sont-sur-la-meme-longueur-d-onde?">“inspiration”</a> for her government’s failed <a href="https://www.assnat.qc.ca/en/travaux-parlementaires/projets-loi/projet-loi-60-40-1.html?appelant=MC">Bill 60</a>, known as the Charter of Québec Values. That bill was a precursor to <a href="https://ccla.org/major-cases-and-reports/bill-21/">Québec’s Bill 21</a>, which bans teachers, judges, prosecutors, police officers and other officials in positions of authority from wearing religious symbols.</p>
<h2>Discrimination against Muslim women</h2>
<p>Even though the laws are worded neutrally, claiming to defend abstract principles like secularism, religious neutrality, gender equality or “<a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/fre#%7B%22itemid%22:%5B%22001-145466%22%5D%7D">living together</a>,” in practice they are <a href="https://www.e-elgar.com/shop/gbp/behind-the-veil-9781788970846.html">mostly applied to Muslim women’s attire</a>.</p>
<p>Human rights groups like <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur21/7280/2023/en/">Amnesty International</a> and the <a href="https://ccieurope.org/report2023/">Collective Against Islamophobia in Europe</a> have demonstrated that the surveillance, suspension and expulsion of Muslim girls at school have led to a decrease in their <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055420000106">educational and employment outcomes</a>. </p>
<p>In addition to <a href="https://ccieurope.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/report-ccie-2023.pdf">increasing discrimination</a> against them, these bans also violate their right to education without discrimination, a right that is upheld in several international treaties, including the United Nations <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/convention-rights-child">Convention on the Rights of the Child</a>.</p>
<p>However, the most insidious aspect of France’s 2004 law is how it has been used to justify even further restrictions on the rights of Muslim women and girls, such as women wearing <a href="https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/jorf/id/JORFTEXT000022911670">face veils or niqabs</a>, mothers wishing to accompany their children on <a href="https://www.education.gouv.fr/circulaire-preparation-rentree-2012?cid_bo=59726">school outings</a> and <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/europe/20230629-top-court-rules-in-favour-of-hijab-ban-in-french-women-s-football">women athletes</a> who <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/03/france-ensure-muslim-women-and-girls-can-play-sports/">wear hijab</a>. </p>
<p>In fact, Muslim women are routinely told to take off their clothes or to wear less clothing, even in places or contexts where they legally have the right to wear whatever they want, including at <a href="https://doi.org/10.13169/islastudj.4.1.0101">public beaches</a> and <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-61883529">swimming pools</a>.</p>
<h2>Body sovereignty</h2>
<p>This brings us back to the issue of a woman’s right to make decisions about her own body. Access to abortion is an important right for women everywhere, but women’s rights extend beyond abortion.</p>
<p>The concept of body sovereignty was developed by Indigenous feminists and activists, and refers to a person’s autonomy over their own body as well as to their <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2017.1366179">relationship to land</a>, <a href="https://www.adiosbarbie.com/2016/01/a-critical-conversation-with-sheena-roetman-on-body-sovereignty-and-justice/">belief systems</a> and ways of being that are <a href="https://www.journal.mai.ac.nz/system/files/MAI_Jrnl_2020_V9_2_Gillon_FINAL.pdf">intersectional</a>, <a href="https://ro.uow.edu.au/jgi/vol1/iss1/4">sexually diverse</a>, non-Eurocentric, non-ableist and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1440783319893506">non-fatist</a>. It includes everything from diet, clothing, sexual activity and beauty ideals to reproductive health and freedom from violence.</p>
<p>Anti-veiling laws discriminate against Muslim women and girls, <a href="https://doi.org/10.3138/cjwl.32.1.05">encourage violence against them</a> and undermine the principle of body sovereignty.</p>
<p>Feminists and pro-choice activists everywhere should pause and think about what it means for governments to guarantee abortion rights to women while denying them the more expansive concept of body sovereignty. If feminists and their allies are outraged when theocratic regimes impose religious dress on women, they should be similarly outraged when democratic governments also restrict what women can wear: these are two sides of the same coin. </p>
<p>Both undermine women’s freedom, body sovereignty and self-determination. It is time for feminists everywhere to demand an end to laws that force women to dress one way or another, regardless of where in the world they are enacted.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/225418/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Roshan Arah Jahangeer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>As France enshrines abortion rights in its constitution, the country’s ban on wearing religious symbols in schools turns 20 years old.Roshan Arah Jahangeer, Postdoctoral Researcher, Memorial University of NewfoundlandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1882612022-08-23T15:26:00Z2022-08-23T15:26:00ZHow Québec’s Bill 21 could be vanquished by a rarely used Charter provision<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/480193/original/file-20220821-38135-xdwiq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C4739%2C2920&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Lapel pins are seen as part of a campaign in opposition to Québec's Bill 21 during a news conference in Montréal in September 2019.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Paul Chiasson</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/how-quebec-s-bill-21-could-be-vanquished-by-a-rarely-used-charter-provision" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>This November, the Québec Court of Appeal will hear an appeal of <a href="https://www.canlii.org/fr/qc/qccs/doc/2021/2021qccs1466/2021qccs1466.html?resultIndex=3"><em>Hak v. Attorney General of Québec</em></a> on the constitutionality of Bill 21, which prohibits public service workers from wearing religious symbols.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/in-quebec-christian-liberalism-becomes-the-religious-authority-114548">In Québec, Christian liberalism becomes the religious authority</a>
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<p>The trial decision upheld the law in most respects, except for its impact on the management of the province’s <a href="https://montrealgazette.com/opinion/editorials/editorial-sadly-bill-21-lives-on-but-theres-an-important-exemption">minority-language school boards.</a></p>
<p>Despite the harsh effects of the law — primarily on Muslim women like Grade 3 teacher <a href="https://ottawacitizen.com/news/local-news/chelsea-teacher-reassigned-due-to-her-hijab-overwhelmed-by-public-support">Fatemeh Anvari</a>, who was removed from a Québec classroom for wearing a hijab — you might think the appeal is bound to fail.</p>
<p>That’s because the Québec National Assembly attempted to shield Bill 21 from Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms by invoking Sec. 33 of the Charter, known as the “notwithstanding clause.” </p>
<p>Sec. 33 allows laws to operate “notwithstanding” certain rights and freedoms contained in the Charter, like the general equality right of Sec. 15 and the freedom of religion right of Sec. 2 </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/first-ontario-now-quebec-the-notwithstanding-threat-104379">First Ontario, now Quebec: The notwithstanding threat</a>
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<h2>Women’s Charter advocacy</h2>
<p>But what the Québec government appears to have overlooked is the existence of Sec. 28 of the Charter, which states:</p>
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<p>“Notwithstanding anything in this Charter, the rights and freedoms referred to in it are guaranteed equally to male and female persons.” </p>
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<p>The provision is unique in that it was <a href="https://riseupfeministarchive.ca/announcement/section-28-adopted-into-draft-of-the-canadian-charter-of-rights-and-freedoms/">drafted by women advocates</a> — not government lawyers — and was included in the Charter virtually unchanged from what they initially proposed. Its purpose was to guarantee that other provisions of the Charter worked to advance, not detract from, the genuine equality of all women in Canada. </p>
<p>When Sec. 33 came on the scene in November 1981, these same women advocates fought <a href="http://www.constitute.ca/the-film/">an epic battle</a> to ensure Sec. 28 was not subject to it, and that the notwithstanding clause could never be used by legislatures to erode women’s rights.</p>
<p>It was apparent <a href="https://montrealgazette.com/news/quebec/quebec-minister-for-women-stands-by-belief-that-hijabs-are-oppressive">from the beginning</a> that Bill 21 was primarily aimed at Muslim women wearing religious head coverings (like the niqab, exposing the wearer’s eyes and the hijab, exposing the wearer’s face). </p>
<p>And in fact, the trial judge in <em>Hak v. Attorney General of Québec</em> found that most — if not all — of those affected by Bill 21 are Muslim women who wear the hijab, a group that is particularly vulnerable. He also found that it was “indisputable” that Bill 21 violated a number of provisions in the Charter. </p>
<p>The most obvious is freedom of religion. Bill 21’s invocation of the notwithstanding clause, therefore, negatively impacts the enjoyment of freedom of religion by this particular group of women and violates Sec. 28.</p>
<p>Furthermore, because Bill 21’s gendered, disproportionate effects disadvantage Muslim women in a variety of ways, it results in diminished access to sexual equality, an additional violation of Sec. 28. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A protester waves a sign that reads Her Head, Her Choice" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/480191/original/file-20220821-38135-b6flcs.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/480191/original/file-20220821-38135-b6flcs.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=408&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480191/original/file-20220821-38135-b6flcs.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=408&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480191/original/file-20220821-38135-b6flcs.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=408&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480191/original/file-20220821-38135-b6flcs.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=512&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480191/original/file-20220821-38135-b6flcs.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=512&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480191/original/file-20220821-38135-b6flcs.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=512&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">People rally against Bill 21 in Chelsea, Que., in December 2021 after a teacher was removed from her position because she wears a hijab.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin Tang</span></span>
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<h2>Québec Muslim women feel less safe</h2>
<p>While Bill 21’s preamble states that “the Québec nation attaches importance to the equality of women and men,” the reality is much different. </p>
<p><a href="https://acs-metropolis.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Report_Survey-Law-21_ACS.pdf">A recent report</a> by the Association for Canadian Studies and Léger Marketing indicates that an overwhelming majority of Muslim women have felt less safe since the law’s adoption and report they’ve been subjected to hate crimes. </p>
<p>In one harrowing account, <a href="https://seculartimes.com/bill-21-made-religious-minorities-in-quebec-feel-less-safe-survey/">a Muslim woman reported that a man in a pickup truck attempted</a> to run her and her three-year-old daughter down as they walked home from daycare. Two-thirds of Muslim women say they’ve experienced a decline in their quality of life and mental health.</p>
<p>As I’ve argued in <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4171256">a recent paper</a>, Sec. 28 essentially blocks the notwithstanding clause when it would permit a law to operate, despite disproportionately affecting the rights of women.</p>
<p>Bill 21’s religious symbol ban denies Muslim women the right to religious freedom and sexual equality, contrary to Sec. 28. </p>
<p>Therefore, notwithstanding the notwithstanding clause, a court could justifiably rule that Bill 21 violates the Charter and that the provisions of the law resulting in inequality for women are unconstitutional.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Three women wearing hijabs are seen walking along a street. One carries a knapsack on her back." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/480190/original/file-20220821-48297-za6ht2.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C2995%2C2061&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/480190/original/file-20220821-48297-za6ht2.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480190/original/file-20220821-48297-za6ht2.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480190/original/file-20220821-48297-za6ht2.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480190/original/file-20220821-48297-za6ht2.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=520&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480190/original/file-20220821-48297-za6ht2.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=520&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/480190/original/file-20220821-48297-za6ht2.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=520&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Women wear hijabs as they walk in the Old Port in Montréal in August 2022. As the Québec Court of Appeal prepares to hear in November an appeal of a Bill 21 ruling, a new survey shows religious minorities in Québec are feeling less safe, less accepted and less hopeful since the province passed the law.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Graham Hughes</span></span>
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<h2>‘Unknown quantity’</h2>
<p>Sec. 28 is nearly an unknown quantity in law. There are many reasons for this. </p>
<p>One is because the entrenchment of the Charter was met initially with an onslaught of <a href="https://2ogewo36a26v4fawr73g9ah2-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/cacsw-cdncharter-report-1989-OCR-4.pdf">claims from men</a> seeking to roll back some of the modest protections women had under the law. Some of these claims succeeded via judicial misinterpretation of Sec. 28. As a result, other judges thought it best to ignore or marginalize the provision.</p>
<p>For instance, <a href="https://www.leaf.ca/case_summary/shewchuk-v-ricard-1986-2/">in <em>Shewchuck v Ricard</em> in 1986</a>, the British Columbia Court of Appeal rebuffed a Sec. 28 challenge to legislation that provided legal assistance for single mothers seeking child support and compelled deadbeat dads to come to court. </p>
<p>The court expressed concern that Sec. 28 would undermine the judges’ ability to “critically examine” sex-based distinctions for discrimination.</p>
<p>But that time has passed. Bad precedents from almost 40 years ago should not be an impediment to the Québec Court of Appeal’s principled use of Sec. 28 today.</p>
<p>Bill 21 has had a poisonous impact on Québec citizens, Canadians’ willingness to embrace diversity and women’s equality. Thankfully, women advocates of 1981 foresaw the need for the antidote of Sec. 28 to overcome negative uses of the Charter, including Sec. 33. </p>
<p>Let’s hope that the Québec Court of Appeal has the acumen to use it as prescribed.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/188261/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kerri Anne Froc receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. She is affiliated with the National Association of Women and the Law.</span></em></p>The Québec government thought it would Charter-proof its religious symbol law when it invoked the nothwithstanding clause. It was wrong.Kerri Anne Froc, Associate Law Professor, University of New BrunswickLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1800122022-05-25T14:38:05Z2022-05-25T14:38:05ZNiqab bans boost hate crimes against Muslims and legalize Islamophobia — Podcast<iframe height="480px" width="100%" frameborder="no" scrolling="no" seamless="" src="https://player.simplecast.com/fb609e39-d729-4a54-860a-8a411be157ae?dark=false&show=true"></iframe>
<p><iframe id="tc-infographic-572" class="tc-infographic" height="100" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/infographics/572/661898416fdc21fc4fdef6a5379efd7cac19d9d5/site/index.html" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<p>Last year, as a Muslim Canadian family took their evening stroll during lockdown in London, Ont., a white man rammed his pickup truck into them. Four of the five family members were killed. </p>
<p>The incident sparked horror and outrage. But the truth of the matter is anti-Muslim sentiment has been <a href="https://theconversation.com/islamophobia-and-hate-crimes-continue-to-rise-in-canada-110635">on the steady rise in the 20 years since 9/11</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.nccm.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Policy-Recommendations_NCCM.pdf">According to a report from July 2021 by the National Council of Canadian Muslims</a>, more Muslims have been killed in Canada in targeted attacks and hate crimes than in any other G7 country. </p>
<p><a href="https://dont-call-me-resilient.simplecast.com/episodes/niqab-bans-boost-hate-crimes-against-muslims-and-legalize-islamophobia">Our guest on today’s episode of <em>Don’t Call Me Resilient</em></a> says that instead of deterring anti-Muslim hate, Canadian laws are actually making it worse — in essence, legalizing Islamophobia.</p>
<p>Natasha Bakht is an award-winning legal scholar who has spent the past five years researching the rise in anti-Muslim attitudes in North America. She is a professor in the faculty of law at the University of Ottawa and the author of <a href="https://irwinlaw.com/product/in-your-face/"><em>In Your Face: Law, Justice, and Niqab Wearing Women in Canada</em></a>.</p>
<p>In her book, Natasha explores the stories of niqab-wearing women who have faced discriminatory laws. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/muslim-family-killed-in-terror-attack-in-london-ontario-islamophobic-violence-surfaces-once-again-in-canada-162400">Muslim family killed in terror attack in London, Ontario: Islamophobic violence surfaces once again in Canada</a>
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<h2>Follow and listen</h2>
<p>Listen to this episode — and subscribe to <em>Don’t Call Me Resilient</em> — on <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/dont-call-me-resilient/id1549798876">Apple Podcasts</a>, <a href="https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5zaW1wbGVjYXN0LmNvbS9qZFg0Ql9DOA">Google Podcasts</a>, <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/37tK4zmjWvq2Sh6jLIpzp7">Spotify</a> or <a href="https://dont-call-me-resilient.simplecast.com">wherever you listen to your favourite podcasts</a>. </p>
<p><a href="mailto:theculturedesk@theconversation.com">We’d love to hear from you</a>, including any ideas for future episodes. Join <em>The Conversation</em> on <a href="https://twitter.com/ConversationCA">Twitter</a>,<a href="https://www.facebook.com/TheConversationCanada"> Facebook</a> and <a href="https://www.instagram.com/theconversationdotcom/">Instagram</a> and use #DontCallMeResilient. </p>
<p>To access a full transcript of the episode, go <a href="https://dont-call-me-resilient.simplecast.com/episodes/niqab-bans-boost-hate-crimes-against-muslims-and-legalize-islamophobia-0fVG7MiH/transcript">here</a>.</p>
<h2>ICYMI — Articles published in The Conversation</h2>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/quebecs-niqab-ban-uses-womens-bodies-to-bolster-right-wing-extremism-86055">Quebec's niqab ban uses women's bodies to bolster right-wing extremism</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/islamophobia-and-hate-crimes-continue-to-rise-in-canada-110635">Islamophobia and hate crimes continue to rise in Canada</a></p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/muslim-family-killed-in-terror-attack-in-london-ontario-islamophobic-violence-surfaces-once-again-in-canada-162400">Muslim family killed in terror attack in London, Ont.: Islamophobic violence surfaces once again in Canada</a> </p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/remembering-the-quebec-city-mosque-attack-islamophobia-and-canadas-national-amnesia-152799">Remembering the Québec City mosque attack: Islamophobia and Canada’s national amnesia</a></p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/media-portrays-indigenous-and-muslim-youth-as-savages-and-barbarians-79153">Media portrays Indigenous and Muslim youth as ‘savages’ and ‘barbarians’</a></p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/islamophobia-in-western-media-is-based-on-false-premises-151443">Islamophobia in western media is based on false premises</a></p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/art-show-takes-on-the-misrepresentation-of-muslims-97233">Art show takes on the misrepresentation of Muslims</a></p>
<h2>Additional Resources</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.mqup.ca/under-siege-products-9780228011187.php"><em>Under Siege: Islamophobia and the 9/11 Generation</em> by Jasmin Zine</a> </p>
<p><a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/discourses-of-denial"><em>Discourses of Denial: Mediations of Race, Gender, and Violence</em> by Yasmin Jiwani</a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.thestar.com/entertainment/2016/10/04/natasha-bakht-proclaims-her-muslim-identity-in-dance.html?rf">Natasha Bakht proclaims her Muslim identity in dance, in the <em>Toronto Star</em></a></p>
<p><a href="https://thetyee.ca/Analysis/2021/06/09/Canada-Glaring-Islamophobia-Problem/">“Canada’s glaring Islamophobia problem” in <em>The Tyee</em></a></p>
<p><a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/8116122/canada-muslim-women-reflect-on-hate/">‘I own all parts of my identity’: 3 generations of Muslim women reflect on hate in Canada, <em>Global News</em></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/podcasts/2022/1/24/canadas-homegrown-islamophobia">Canada’s homegrown Islamophobia, <em>Al Jazeera</em></a></p>
<p>To report a hate crime, <a href="https://www.nccm.ca/programs/incident-report-form/">go here</a>.</p>
<h2>Credits</h2>
<p><em>Don’t Call Me Resilient is a production from The Conversation Canada. This podcast was produced with a grant for Journalism Innovation from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. The series is produced and hosted by Vinita Srivastava. The co-producer on this episode is Vaishnavi Dandekar. Our other is producers are: Haley Lewis and Nahid Buie. Reza Dahya is our sound designer. Our sound producer is Lygia Navarro. Our consulting producer is Jennifer Moroz. Lisa Varano is our audience development editor and Scott White is the CEO of The Conversation Canada.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/180012/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
In today’s episode, we take a look at some ways lawmakers have legalized Islamophobia through niqab bans and other restrictive policies.Vinita Srivastava, Host + Producer, Don't Call Me ResilientVaishnavi Dandekar, Associate ProducerLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1784542022-03-30T15:50:16Z2022-03-30T15:50:16ZThe hijab is not a symbol of gender oppression – but those who choose to wear it risk Islamophobia<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/454725/original/file-20220328-17419-1ups4ti.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Covering is a matter of personal choice, faith and, for many women, freedom.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/hijab-girl-exercising-on-walkway-bridge-1247806204">Jacob Lund | Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In a recent <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-trojan-horse-affair-islamophobia-scholar-on-the-long-shadow-cast-by-the-scandal-176281">New York Times podcast</a> on the alleged <a href="https://theconversation.com/operation-trojan-horse-examining-the-islamic-takeover-of-birmingham-schools-25764">“Trojan Horse” Islamisation of schools in Birmingham, England,</a> a Muslim woman who worked in one of the schools under discussion relays what happened when she started wearing the hijab. She had just got married and non-Muslim colleagues interpreted her head covering as a sign that her new husband was controlling her, that she was oppressed. </p>
<p>In reality, as she explains to the podcasts’ hosts, she had not previously worn the hijab because she was afraid of exactly this: people’s biased reactions to it. She only started to cover when she felt more confident that the school was a safe place where she could be herself without fear of Islamophobic repercussions. </p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/what-does-islamophobia-feel-like-we-dressed-visibly-as-muslims-for-a-month-to-find-out-66786">Wearing a form of head covering</a> is the most visible symbol of Islam in the west – and the most misunderstood. The ways in which Muslim women cover are diverse, ranging from the face veil or niqab, to covering their hair and upper body with the headscarf or hijab. And like Muslim women themselves, these come in a huge variety of colours, styles and fashions and are shaped by place, time and trends.</p>
<p>Some people have equated covering with gender inequality and have seen it as a threat to social cohesion or, worse, as synonymous with <a href="https://www.bloomsburycollections.com/book/islam-and-the-veil-theoretical-and-regional-contexts/">Islamist extremism</a>. While there are women who are pressured into <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2019/05/iran-abusive-forced-veiling-laws-police-womens-lives/">covering by law</a> or society, assuming that this applies to all who do so feeds these stereotypes, promoting a climate of racism and Islamophobia of which Muslim women, in the UK and worldwide, bear the brunt. </p>
<p>Those who choose to cover have to navigate both these prejudicial views and the legislation, the routine media scrutiny and the <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/42843357?seq=5#metadata_info_tab_contents">political debate</a> they engender – often without being included in any of it – in their everyday lives. </p>
<p>But what these assumptions fail to recognise are the multiple meanings that covering holds for the women who choose to do so. <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.2016.1159710">Research shows</a> that for many of those who wear it, the veil is not a passive garment. Rather, it is very often an important and integral part of women’s identity, an expression of personal choice. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A woman in a leather jacket sits on a bench in a park with another woman in a pink hijab and marroon coat." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/454729/original/file-20220328-17748-jg7rno.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/454729/original/file-20220328-17748-jg7rno.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454729/original/file-20220328-17748-jg7rno.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454729/original/file-20220328-17748-jg7rno.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454729/original/file-20220328-17748-jg7rno.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454729/original/file-20220328-17748-jg7rno.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454729/original/file-20220328-17748-jg7rno.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Islamaphobia harms both women who cover and non-Muslims who are deemed to</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/two-british-muslim-women-meeting-urban-588826043">Monkey Business Images | Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Wearing the headscarf can be liberating</h2>
<p>When deciding to cover, quite how a woman negotiates both personal choice and the fear of gendered Islamophobia is not always straightforward. For some women, <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.2016.1159710">as our research shows</a>, covering is empowering. </p>
<p>We did a number of individual and focus group interviews with Muslim women who wear the niqab in the UK. One person, Jasmine, told us: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Sisters are forced to wear it in some places in the world. I will not deny this. This is not right. But I choose when to wear it and when to take it off. I choose what colours to wear, not just black and white.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Another, Khadija, said: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>It’s awesome! It’s a beautiful, religious fashion statement. I have drawers full of a variety of vibrant colours, materials and prints. I match them with my outfits and wear a different style every day.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>For these women, choosing to cover has been a way of demonstrating assertiveness and agency, of being in control of their bodies. In other words, the exact opposite of the passive, oppressed victimhood painted by stereotypical views.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A woman in a blue headscarf and yellow coat poses in front of a pink building." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/454731/original/file-20220328-23-kcn5o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/454731/original/file-20220328-23-kcn5o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454731/original/file-20220328-23-kcn5o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454731/original/file-20220328-23-kcn5o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454731/original/file-20220328-23-kcn5o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454731/original/file-20220328-23-kcn5o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454731/original/file-20220328-23-kcn5o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">As an active garment, the headscarf has great style potential.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/fashion-portrait-young-attractive-muslim-malay-1197876037">mentatdgt | Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Covering can also be complicated</h2>
<p>For other women, it can be a more nuanced experience. One French politician <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-48725-6?noAccess=true">told us</a> about how she sought out culturally inconspicuous ways of covering, to prevent being stereotyped as a Muslim woman or face the gendered Islamophobia that often comes with it. She said she finds ways to manage it.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I don’t wear a headscarf. I cover my hair with something, with a hat, with a beret, something culturally French. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Fashion designer and blogger <a href="https://www.refinery29.com/en-gb/2016/02/104067/news-uniqlo-hijab-tutorial-hana-tajima">Hana Tajima</a> has talked eloquently on social media about the challenges. In a recent post, she relayed how, on the one hand, there are people who don’t understand why anyone would want to cover in the first place: “They see the headscarf as a way of controlling and manipulating women.” And on the other hand, she said, “there are people who feel like, once you choose to wear the headscarf, you have a responsibility to maintain it.” </p>
<p><div data-react-class="InstagramEmbed" data-react-props="{"url":"https://www.instagram.com/p/CWT25GVFByH","accessToken":"127105130696839|b4b75090c9688d81dfd245afe6052f20"}"></div></p>
<p>She described the pressure of being expected to be the perfect embodiment of someone else’s idea about faith. As for women more broadly, the presumed significance and meaning of their dress is often externally prescribed by society. Still, wearing the headscarf can be a deeply personal choice and a personal expression of faith.</p>
<h2>Islamophobic reactions</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003023722-7/misogyny-hate-crimes-gendered-islamophobia-amina-easat-daas">Research shows</a> that the experiences of Muslim women who wear a covering in the west are part of a broader, intersecting pattern of prejudice, misogyny and racism. Muslim women who cover are stigmatised as threatening, their headscarf or veil the visual embodiment of what makes Muslims “other”.</p>
<p>Ultimately, <a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003023722-7/misogyny-hate-crimes-gendered-islamophobia-amina-easat-daas">our research shows</a> that visibly Muslim women face a disproportionate impact of Islamophobia. This ranges from being denied services to being physically attacked in public, including having their headscarves removed against their will on the street. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A mother in a black niqab and a daughter wearing white jeans and a white hijab walk down a shopping street." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/454727/original/file-20220328-17346-1nae39l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/454727/original/file-20220328-17346-1nae39l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454727/original/file-20220328-17346-1nae39l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454727/original/file-20220328-17346-1nae39l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454727/original/file-20220328-17346-1nae39l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454727/original/file-20220328-17346-1nae39l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/454727/original/file-20220328-17346-1nae39l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Navigating the wider public’s response to the hijab can be a fraught experience for many Muslim women in the west.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/london-uk-august-24-2016-woman-522871231">IR Stone | Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Visible Muslimness <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-does-islamophobia-feel-like-we-dressed-visibly-as-muslims-for-a-month-to-find-out-66786">correlates</a> with directly experiencing Islamophobia. However, we have found that Islamophobia also impacts people who <a href="https://theconversation.com/you-all-look-the-same-non-muslim-men-targeted-in-islamophobic-hate-crime-because-of-their-appearance-85565">are not Muslim</a>, simply because their <a href="https://theconversation.com/you-all-look-the-same-non-muslim-men-targeted-in-islamophobic-hate-crime-because-of-their-appearance-85565">physical appearance</a>, their skin colour and even, as <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/money/2004/jul/12/discriminationatwork.workandcareers">research suggests</a>, their names, mean they are deemed to “look” Muslim. Such anti-Muslim racism leads to people being further <a href="https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/31845/ssoar-2006-choudhury_et_al-Perceptions_of_discrimination_and_Islamophobia.pdf?sequence=1">discriminated against</a> in attempting to secure housing or access education.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/178454/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Ignorant assumptions about what the headscarf means fail to recognise how integral it can be to a woman’s identity.Irene Zempi, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, Nottingham Trent UniversityAmina Easat-Daas, Lecturer in Politics, De Montfort UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1540452021-02-03T13:12:14Z2021-02-03T13:12:14ZOne year on, Muslim women reflect on wearing the niqab in a mask-wearing world<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/380978/original/file-20210127-23-1qox18r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C613%2C408&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Muslim women say they are having an easier time wearing the niqab during pandemic times.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://pixabay.com/photos/tradition-women-culture-people-3635884/">hjrivas/Pixabay</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>One year into the pandemic, protective face masks have come to signify different things for different groups of people. </p>
<p>To <a href="https://www.vox.com/the-goods/2020/8/7/21357400/anti-mask-protest-rallies-donald-trump-covid-19">some</a> it’s an issue of protest, while for some <a href="https://umdearborn.edu/news/all-news/articles/study-finds-wearing-really-about-caring">others</a> it’s a statement of social responsibility. Some people have even turned it into a style statement and are willing to spend hundreds of dollars on <a href="https://www.insider.com/where-to-buy-designer-luxury-face-masks-2020-7">designer masks</a>.</p>
<p>At the same time, racialized perceptions related to masks have put an additional burden on groups that already experience racism and inequality. Across the country, several Black American men have been <a href="https://www.statnews.com/2020/06/03/which-deamany-black-men-fear-wearing-mask-more-than-coronavirus/">arrested, followed and challenged</a> by police officers who claimed they looked “suspicious” in pandemic masks. </p>
<p>But in a group I have studied since 2013 – Muslim women in the West who wear the <a href="https://modestish.com/i-wear-a-two-layer-niqab-when-i-want-to-look-really-marvelous-how-fashion-shapes-criteria-for-face-veils/">niqab, or the Islamic veil</a>, along with a headscarf, the experiences have been more positive.</p>
<h2>Challenges faced by many Muslim women</h2>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/DdtJnZqsGkg?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>The niqab is worn by a small minority of Muslim women. It is a piece of cloth tied over the headscarf (hijab) that comes in a variety of styles and colors. It is sometimes mistakenly labeled as the burqa, which is an all-enveloping garment that largely <a href="https://www.colorado.edu/gendersarchive1998-2013/2011/04/01/cross-cultural-identification-neoliberal-feminism-and-afghan-women">entered the American imagination</a> during the U.S.-led <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=Phy9DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT152&dq=Muslim+Women+and+Veiled+Threats:+From+Civilizing+Mission+to+Clash+of+Civilizations&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj71MWv_cHuAhUTBs0KHZ6DApYQ6AEwAnoECAYQAg#v=onepage&q=Muslim%20Women%20and%20Veiled%20Threats%3A%20From%20Civilizing%20Mission%20to%20Clash%20of%20Civilizations&f=false">invasion of Afghanistan</a>. At that time the Western media, while depicting burqa-clad women, <a href="http://www2.trincoll.edu/csrpl/RINVol5No1/Bush%20burqa.htm">wrote about</a> how the war would help advance the rights of Afghan women. </p>
<p>Niqab wearers are a difficult group to study, and scholars have described them as a “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13537903.2013.750834">rare and elusive religious sub-culture</a>.” Despite this challenge, I have been able to conduct three research projects that relied on interviews with women who wore the niqab. </p>
<p>Initially, I conducted a larger study of 40 women that I published in my book “<a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/wearing-the-niqab-9781350166035/">Wearing the Niqab: Muslim Women in the UK and the US</a>.” I also interviewed a group of 11 women in April 2020 after mask-wearing became mandated in public in many U.S. states and countries. In January I was able to reach 16 women who agreed to be interviewed about their experiences of wearing the niqab one year into the pandemic.</p>
<p>I found that many recently adopted the niqab because walking around with a covered face became less daunting as more people appeared in public with face masks. As I found, many wanted to wear the niqab to underscore the religious character of this practice. </p>
<p>Some women wore a mask under the niqab, mindful of the health guidance that requires masks to be constructed out of a “<a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/health/religious-face-coverings-covid-questions-answered-1.5657670">tightly woven fabric</a>,” in order to stop the virus from being spread. Others used thick, snugly attached niqabs in lieu of a mask. </p>
<p>Studies have shown that Muslim women <a href="https://www.aclu.org/other/discrimination-against-muslim-women-fact-sheet">more likely to experience prejudice</a> in public spaces, employment and other services, when they dress religiously. Over 80% of the women I interviewed for my book said they experienced some form of abuse in public, such as hostile stares, comments, having the niqab ripped off or being physically injured. </p>
<p>Legislation that bans religious face coverings in public has been passed in some countries and territories, such as France and Quebec. On March 7, Swiss citizens <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/1/19/swiss-govt-urges-voters-to-reject-niqab-ban-in-march-referendum">will be voting on a niqab ban</a> in a nationwide referendum. In the past, advocates of such laws have argued that face-covering is a sign of <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-france-islam-un/french-ban-on-full-face-islamic-veil-violates-human-rights-u-n-panel-idUSKCN1MX15K">religious extremism, social separation and patriarchal oppression</a> of Muslim women. </p>
<p>However, during the pandemic, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/19/style/face-mask-burqa-ban.html">criticism</a> has been leveled by <a href="https://theconversation.com/we-are-all-niqabis-now-coronavirus-masks-reveal-hypocrisy-of-face-covering-bans-136030">scholars</a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/19/style/face-mask-burqa-ban.html">activists</a> at governments that upheld such legislation while simultaneously requiring their citizens to wear masks.</p>
<p>In France, for example, one is liable to pay US$165 (or <a href="https://www.thelocal.fr/20210119/france-advises-against-fabric-face-masks-due-to-new-covid-variants">135 euros</a>) if caught in public without a mask, while wearing a niqab still carries a risk of being <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/france-burqa-ban-islamic-face-coverings-masks-mandatory/">fined up to $180</a>.</p>
<p>During my interviews in April with 11 niqab-wearing women in the United States and Europe about their experiences of face-covering <a href="https://theconversation.com/muslim-women-who-cover-their-faces-find-greater-acceptance-among-coronavirus-masks-nobody-is-giving-me-dirty-looks-136021">during the early phase of the pandemic</a>, I found their responses to be guardedly positive. Women reported decreased levels of the kinds of prejudice they experienced before the pandemic. They attributed this to the new social expectation that everyone was wearing a facial covering. Many enjoyed the sense of “invisibility” while wearing the niqab. </p>
<p>A woman from Illinois who I spoke with over Zoom (names of the respondents are withheld to preserve their anonymity) said: “There are so few of us, and still we were told we were a threat to society because we covered our faces. Now that argument has just disappeared. I just hope this sentiment doesn’t make a comeback once the pandemic is over.” </p>
<h2>Free to dress religiously</h2>
<p>Almost a year later, I went back to find out whether the “mask effect” held steady for these women. I spoke with 16 women who said that the niqab had become a much more accepted option among the pandemic masks. I found that many women were switching from wearing it only occasionally outside their homes to every time they were in public spaces. Some actually adopted this garment for the first time in their lives. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381807/original/file-20210201-17-1v5fczg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A covered Muslim woman is taking a selfie while seated on a bench" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381807/original/file-20210201-17-1v5fczg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381807/original/file-20210201-17-1v5fczg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=356&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381807/original/file-20210201-17-1v5fczg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=356&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381807/original/file-20210201-17-1v5fczg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=356&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381807/original/file-20210201-17-1v5fczg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=447&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381807/original/file-20210201-17-1v5fczg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=447&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381807/original/file-20210201-17-1v5fczg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=447&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Muslim women report feeling less visible when wearing a niqab in public spaces.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/worshipers-attend-friday-afternoon-prayers-in-the-mosque-at-news-photo/531453948?adppopup=true">Olivier Douliery/AFP via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In an online poll that I ran with the help of the owner of the online Islamic fashion boutique <a href="https://www.instagram.com/qibtiyyah_exlusive_uk/">Qibtiyyah Exclusive UK</a> as part of my 2021 study, 14 women out of 51 who responded said that they had decided to begin wearing the niqab during the pandemic. </p>
<p>One anonymous respondent commented: “I feel this is the perfect opportunity for any Muslimah [Muslim woman] to start wearing the niqab. I would if I didn’t already.” Another wrote: “It’s been a flawless transition [to wearing the niqab]. No one says a word.” Another stated, “I’d been experimenting with the niqab before, but now, since COVID, I have worn the niqab full time.” </p>
<p>[<em>Deep knowledge, daily.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters/the-daily-3?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=deepknowledge">Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter</a>.]</p>
<p>The niqab is not mentioned by the Quran – which mandates only modest clothing for <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/muslim-men-hijab-forcing-women-islam-teaching-mohammed-quran-modesty-a7655191.html">both men and women</a> more generally. The Quran <a href="https://quran.com/24">(24:31)</a> says: “And tell the believing women to lower their gaze and guard their chastity, and not to reveal their adornments except what normally appears. Let them draw their veils over their chests, and not reveal their hidden adornments …”</p>
<h2>An individual practice</h2>
<p>There is a <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/made-by-history/wp/2018/08/17/what-westerners-get-wrong-about-the-hijab/">common misconception</a> in the West that this is an oppressive, patriarchal practice forced upon Muslim women. In reality, <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.2016.1159710">several studies</a> <a href="https://academic.oup.com/jaar/article-abstract/87/2/512/5359458">have shown</a> that many women choose to wear the niqab – sometimes against their families’ preferences. </p>
<p>The 40 niqab wearers I interviewed for my book considered it a religious practice. Many of them said that the <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/beliefs/niqab_1.shtml">wives of Prophet Muhammad reportedly wore it</a> regularly. A woman from Texas said: “I wear the niqab because I choose to follow what I believe to be the most accurate interpretation of God’s word that says women who cover their faces will be rewarded for fulfilling this extra duty.” </p>
<p>It is a highly individual practice to which the women I interviewed came after a long reflection. They acknowledged that while the niqab may be suitable for them, it might not work for others. A woman from the U.K. explained why some women choose to wear it while others don’t: “The Quran says to cover yourself modestly. Now, the interpretation of that is different to every group of Muslims. Some people believe it just to be the loose dress. Others believe it to be an outer garment as well as headscarf. Yet others would go one step further and say it’s the face covering as well, because [the Quran] says to cover yourself.” </p>
<p>Women who adopted the niqab after the beginning of the pandemic also described their experiences to me. Following years of doubt about the safety of wearing the niqab in their neighborhoods, they felt this was the best time to try. </p>
<p>A woman from Pennsylvania who began wearing the niqab in late 2020 sent me a message: “I wanted to wear the niqab for a long time, but I live in a very white area. I was afraid – I don’t like to be stared at and I already get enough of that in my hijab. With everyone wearing a mask, I figured now’s the time. At first, I wanted to only test it out, but literally nobody looked at me twice. So I’m just wearing it, with a mask underneath.”</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/154045/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anna Piela does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Muslim women say the practice of wearing masks has given them more confidence to wear face coverings in public.Anna Piela, Visiting Scholar in Religious Studies and Gender, Northwestern UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1431512020-07-23T09:24:34Z2020-07-23T09:24:34ZAbout-face: politicians switch from vilifying burqas to mandating masks<p>People in the UK will be soon be required by law to wear masks in shops to prevent the spread of coronavirus. This follows the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/face-coverings-to-become-mandatory-on-public-transport">introduction of mandatory face coverings</a> on public transport in June. </p>
<p>There is <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)31142-9/fulltext#%20">evidence</a> that supports the public health benefits of wearing face coverings in public. But the UK government and public have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/14/world/europe/uk-coronavirus-masks-mandate.html">slow to accept masks</a> as a pillar of the country’s coronavirus strategy. This should perhaps come as no surprise after two decades of negative messaging about face coverings, largely targeting Muslim women.</p>
<p>Since 9/11, Muslims in the west have endured constant scapegoating and vilification for their religious and lifestyle choices. This includes the wearing of the hijab, burqa, and niqab – different types of hair and face covering. </p>
<p>These garments have been attacked by politicians, including the UK prime minister himself, often characterised as impeding communication, being non-British and representing an anti-western patriarchal culture. </p>
<h2>Banning the burqa, mandating the face mask</h2>
<p>The fact that Boris Johnson is now calling for face coverings to be imposed is particularly ironic given his past comments on the subject.</p>
<p>When he was foreign secretary in 2018, Johnson <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/08/05/denmark-has-got-wrong-yes-burka-oppressive-ridiculous-still/">wrote in his column in the Telegraph newspaper</a> that while he opposed a ban on Muslim face coverings, he nonetheless felt “entitled” to see the faces of his constituents, and likened women who wore the niqab to letterboxes and bank robbers. “Human beings must be able to see each other’s faces and read their expressions,” he wrote. “It’s how we work.”</p>
<p>These beliefs are not restricted to the Conservative Party. In 2006, Labour foreign secretary Jack Straw <a href="https://metro.co.uk/2006/10/05/straw-sparks-muslim-veil-outrage-256394/">wrote</a> about his encounter with a Muslim couple, including a woman who covered her face, describing the “incongruity between the … entirely English accent, the couple’s education (wholly in the UK) - and the fact of the veil”. In doing so, he further cemented the notion that face coverings cannot be English. </p>
<p>For at least a decade there have been calls to ban Muslim face coverings in the UK. In the aftermath of the Brexit referendum in 2016, <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/islam-muslim-veil-burka-ban-burkini-poll-uk-britain-france-a7218386.html">more than half the British population</a> said they supported a burqa ban. Many countries across Europe have done so despite <a href="https://theconversation.com/so-few-muslim-women-wear-the-burqa-in-europe-that-banning-it-is-a-waste-of-time-82957">negligible numbers of people</a> who are affected by such a policy. </p>
<p>In an act of arguable hypocrisy, France, the <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/europe/09/14/france.burqa.ban/?hpt=T1">first country</a> to ban face coverings in 2011, made them <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-53471497">mandatory</a> this month to prevent the spread of coronavirus. Face masks are now required in all indoor public spaces in France from August, but the burqa remains banned. </p>
<p>This means <a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/CAxuI4Jg4JP/">fines</a> can be imposed for those who are not covering their face, but also for those whose face coverings are deemed to be religious in nature. In the UK, however, religious clothing can be used as the mandatory face covering in shops.</p>
<h2>Face coverings and ‘freedom’</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://theconversation.com/masks-help-stop-the-spread-of-coronavirus-the-science-is-simple-and-im-one-of-100-experts-urging-governors-to-require-public-mask-wearing-138507">evidence</a> for wearing a face mask in public to prevent the spread of coronavirus is clear, and research has shown that most face coverings, <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-science-of-how-you-sound-when-you-talk-through-a-face-mask-139817">including the niqab</a>, do not impede communication. </p>
<p>But the repeated association of Muslim women’s dress with lacking freedom and being controlled seems to have resulted in a psychological barrier around the use of masks. In a recent <a href="https://www.newsweek.com/north-carolina-takeout-customer-refuses-wear-mask-invokes-trump-2020-1517365">viral video</a>, an American woman screams, “We don’t cover our face in America. They don’t control us. We’re Americans!” </p>
<p>There are also echoes of the association between face coverings and stereotypes of “submissive” Muslim women. A recent <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-you-need-to-know-about-how-coronavirus-is-changing-science-137641">preprint</a> study – which has yet to be peer-reviewed – shows that men are <a href="https://psyarxiv.com/tg7vz/">less likely to wear a face mask</a>, with some believing it to be a “sign of weakness”.</p>
<p>In a bizarre act of parallel solidarity, many anti-maskers are protesting with the phrase, “<a href="https://www.newsweek.com/gop-lawmaker-my-body-my-choice-facemasks-1513121">My body, my choice</a>” – a feminist slogan about bodily autonomy that <a href="https://www.thelocal.fr/20200219/my-body-my-choice-muslim-women-in-france-on-why-they-wear-the-headscarf">Muslim women have used</a> to demand their right to cover their face or hair. </p>
<p>The truth is that Muslim women have always had agency in their choice of what they wear, and the reasons for their choices are manifold, as <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Family-Citizenship-and-Islam-The-Changing-Experiences-of-Migrant-Women/Ahmed/p/book/9780367597191">my research has shown</a>. Some women may well be pressured by their husbands to wear the hijab, just as some western women are pressured to dress in ways they don’t want to by their partners. This is an issue of misogyny, not one of religion. </p>
<p>Now we find ourselves in a situation where politicians, who have sought to use the personal dress codes of Muslim women to portray them as pitiful and controlled, have a battle on their hands to convince the population that masks do not restrict communication, are not a sign of coercion, and are actually a marker of being part of an integrated community where people care for each other. </p>
<p>As we move towards face masks becoming more widely accepted, we can only hope the positive messages of unity that are associated with preventing coronavirus infection now can persist in the longer term and be extended to all who cover their faces, no matter the reason.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/143151/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nilufar Ahmed does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Boris Johnson has attacked Muslim women for covering their faces. Now he wants the whole of the UK to do so.Nilufar Ahmed, Lecturer in Social Sciences, University of BristolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1360302020-04-27T18:19:59Z2020-04-27T18:19:59ZWe are all niqabis now: Coronavirus masks reveal hypocrisy of face covering bans<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/330826/original/file-20200427-145566-7wbzzt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=454%2C218%2C4880%2C3486&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Is a face mask used to help block coronavirus really that different from a niqab? </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Ashkan Forouzani/Unsplash)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>Grey’s Anatomy</em>, the longest running prime-time medical drama on U.S. television, contains <a href="https://tvguide1.cbsistatic.com/i/2016/11/10/3a58449f-2432-4a11-ab08-92b106385af7/161110-news-greys.jpg">many scenes of doctors and nurses in full gear (hospital scrubs, surgical caps, face masks) around the operating table</a>. As they talk, laugh and argue, close-ups of the actors’ eyes convey concentration and emotion. </p>
<p>These scenes contradict one of the <a href="https://www.ubcpress.ca/reasonable-accommodation">common arguments against face coverings</a> — or more accurately, niqabs worn by some Muslim women — that they are a barrier to communication.</p>
<p>Now that face masks are being used to help fight against the spread of COVID-19, it has caused <a href="https://theconversation.com/muslim-women-who-cover-their-faces-find-greater-acceptance-among-coronavirus-masks-nobody-is-giving-me-dirty-looks-136021">some to look anew at general discrimination against Muslim women</a> wearing niqabs. And it has got me wondering about Québec’s <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/25/world/canada/quebec-ban-face-coverings.html">face-covering ban</a>, which came into law in October 2017 as well as <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-13038095">France’s ban which came into law in 2011</a>.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1249373264524312581"}"></div></p>
<p>If Canadians, Americans and Europeans can get used to the new ubiquitous face masks, will they also get used to niqabs? Will <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0269758012446983">discrimination against the few women in the West who wear it</a> stop?</p>
<h2>History of face politics</h2>
<p>The European disapproval of the face veil has a long history, as I learned while researching for my book on <a href="https://iiit.org/en/book/rethinking-muslim-women-and-the-veil-challenging-historical-%E2%80%8Bmodern-stereotypes/">Canadian Muslim women and the veil</a>.</p>
<p>Niqab has been seen as both a symbol of cultural threat and also of the silencing of Muslim women. In her book, <a href="https://utpress.utexas.edu/books/kahwes"><em>Western Representations of the Muslim Woman</em></a>, Moja Kahf traces one of the first discussions of the veil in western fiction to the novel <em>Don Quixote</em>. One of the novel’s characters, Dorotea, asks about a veiled woman who walks into an inn: “Is this lady a Christian or a Moor?” The answer came: “Her dress and her silence make us think she is what we hope she is not.” As this scene from <em>Don Quixote</em> indicates, European women sometimes also covered their faces or hair but when they did so, it was not associated with something negative. </p>
<p>Eventually, the rise of western liberalism, with its prioritization of the individual, capitalism and consumerism led to a new “face politics.” Jenny Edkins, professor of politics at the University of Manchester, studied the rise of a politics centred around this new meaning of the “face,” including the idea that the face “<a href="https://www.routledge.com/Face-Politics/Edkins/p/book/9780415672184">if it can be ‘read’ correctly, may be seen to display the essential nature of the person within</a>.” </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/330798/original/file-20200427-145560-11i366x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/330798/original/file-20200427-145560-11i366x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330798/original/file-20200427-145560-11i366x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330798/original/file-20200427-145560-11i366x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330798/original/file-20200427-145560-11i366x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330798/original/file-20200427-145560-11i366x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330798/original/file-20200427-145560-11i366x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A scene from the operating room in ‘Grey’s Anatomy.’</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(ABC)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The flip side of this new face politics became true as well: concealing the face became something suspicious, as if the person had something they wanted to hide, and prevent others from knowing the real them.</p>
<p>At the same time, we grow up learning our face is something to be manipulated, in the same way actors manipulate their faces to entertain viewers. We learn about “putting on one’s face” with makeup; “facing the world” through our education and personal grit; cultivating “poker face” to deceive people in cards or lying to parents and teachers. We learn how to compose our face so as not to show emotion in the wrong places, like crying at work. </p>
<p>The face is often a mask of our real selves.</p>
<h2>Anti-niqab attitudes and hate crimes</h2>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327503/original/file-20200413-146889-b7cud6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=89%2C224%2C5631%2C3763&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327503/original/file-20200413-146889-b7cud6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=89%2C224%2C5631%2C3763&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327503/original/file-20200413-146889-b7cud6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327503/original/file-20200413-146889-b7cud6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327503/original/file-20200413-146889-b7cud6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327503/original/file-20200413-146889-b7cud6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327503/original/file-20200413-146889-b7cud6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327503/original/file-20200413-146889-b7cud6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Race may be a factor when it comes to the safety of wearing face masks. Here, a couple in Brooklyn, N.Y., during the coronavirus physical distancing.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Julian Wan/Unsplash)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Generally, hate crimes are <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181129/dq181129a-eng.htm">on the rise in Canada</a> with the highest increases in Ontario and Québec. In Ontario, the increase was tied to hate crimes against Muslims, Black and Jewish populations. In Québec, the increase was the result of crimes against Muslims. According to a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1332/239868019X15492770695379">recent peer-reviewed study by Sidrah Ahmad, a PhD student at the University of Toronto</a>, a tally of hate crimes in Canada released by Statistics Canada in 2015 noted that Muslim populations had the highest percentage of hate crime victims who were female.</p>
<p>The rise in hate crimes mirrors the opinion of many public leaders who have loudly proclaimed their anti-niqab attitudes. Jason Kenney, the former Canadian Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism, tried — and failed — to ban niqab in citizenship ceremonies. In 2015 he called the niqab “a tribal cultural practice where <a href="https://ccmw.com/women-in-niqab-speak-a-study-of-the-niqab-in-canada/">women are treated like property and not like human beings</a>.” In the same year, former Prime Minister Stephen Harper called it a dress “<a href="https://www.mawenzihouse.com/product/the-relevance-of-islamic-identity-in-canada/">rooted in a culture that is anti-women … [and] offensive that someone would hide their identity</a>.”</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327502/original/file-20200413-125133-1td0bnl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327502/original/file-20200413-125133-1td0bnl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=632&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327502/original/file-20200413-125133-1td0bnl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=632&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327502/original/file-20200413-125133-1td0bnl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=632&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327502/original/file-20200413-125133-1td0bnl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=795&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327502/original/file-20200413-125133-1td0bnl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=795&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327502/original/file-20200413-125133-1td0bnl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=795&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Polls on attitudes about the niqab have found people have grown increasingly opposed to its presence in Canadian society.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Charles Deluvio/Unsplash)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>A 2018 Angus Reid poll found that the majority of Canadians <a href="http://angusreid.org/religious-symbols-workplace-quebec/">support a ban of niqabs on public employees</a>. These contemporary attempts to unveil Muslim women echo British and French attempts to the same in both colonial and current times.</p>
<h2>Medical face veils</h2>
<p>In a recent <a href="https://www.thestar.com/opinion/contributors/2020/04/21/covid-19-exposes-the-hypocrisy-of-face-covering-in-quebec.html">op-ed for the <em>Toronto Star</em>,</a> University of Windsor law student Tasha Stansbury pointed out that in Montréal hospitals, people are being asked to wear surgical masks. They walk in and interact with medical staff without being asked to remove their mask for identity or security purposes. </p>
<p>But a woman wearing a niqab walking into the same hospital would be forced by law to remove it.</p>
<p>A decade ago, U.S. philosophy professor <a href="https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/author/martha-nussbaum/">Martha Nussbaum</a> brilliantly exposed the hypocrisy of face veil bans, in an opinion piece for the <em>New York Times</em>. If it is security, she asked, why can we walk into a public building bundled up against the cold with our faces covered in scarves? Why are woolly scarves not seen to hamper reciprocity and good communication between citizens in liberal democracies? She wrote:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Moreover, many beloved, trusted professionals cover their faces all year round: surgeons, dentists, (American) football players, skiers and skaters … what inspires fear and mistrust in Europe … is not covering per se, but Muslim covering.”</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/330214/original/file-20200423-47784-yyn65v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/330214/original/file-20200423-47784-yyn65v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=556&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330214/original/file-20200423-47784-yyn65v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=556&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330214/original/file-20200423-47784-yyn65v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=556&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330214/original/file-20200423-47784-yyn65v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=699&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330214/original/file-20200423-47784-yyn65v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=699&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/330214/original/file-20200423-47784-yyn65v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=699&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A New York City police officer wears a patriotic face mask.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Julian Aan/Unsplash)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Is a face mask used to help block coronavirus really that different from a niqab? </p>
<p>Both are garments worn for a specific purpose, in a specific place and for a specific time only. It is not worn 24/7. Once the purpose is over, the mask and niqab come off.</p>
<p>The calling of the sacred motivates some to wear the niqab. A highly infectious disease propels many to wear face masks. </p>
<p>If we all start wearing masks does it mean we have succumbed to a form of oppression? Are we submissive? Does it mean we cannot communicate with each other? If we are in Québec, will we be denied employment at a daycare? Refused a government service? Not allowed on the bus?</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/136030/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Katherine Bullock does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Now that face masks are being used to help fight the spread of COVID-19, it has caused some to look anew at discrimination against Muslim women who wear niqabs.Katherine Bullock, Lecturer in Islamic Politics, University of TorontoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1360212020-04-10T19:13:40Z2020-04-10T19:13:40ZMuslim women who cover their faces find greater acceptance among coronavirus masks – ‘Nobody is giving me dirty looks’<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327165/original/file-20200410-80234-i9sbdl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C12%2C4072%2C2694&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A woman wearing a niqab and headscarf, with other shoppers in Istanbul, August 13, 2018. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/woman-wearing-a-niqab-holds-shopping-bags-as-she-walks-in-news-photo/1016425444?adppopup=true">YASIN AKGUL/AFP via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Americans began donning face masks this week after <a href="https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/prevent-getting-sick/cloth-face-cover.html">federal</a> and <a href="https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-04-08/coronavirus-los-angeles-mandatory-face-covering-rules">local</a> officials <a href="https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2020/04/mask-misinformation-and-the-failure-of-the-elites">changed their position on whether face coverings</a> protect against coronavirus. </p>
<p>This is new terrain for many, who find themselves unable to recognize neighbors and are <a href="https://graphics.wsj.com/glider/mask-portraits-e62781e3-4980-4381-b70c-67472f433627">unsure how to engage socially</a> without using facial expressions.</p>
<p>But not for Muslim women who wear the niqab, or Islamic face veil. Suddenly, these women – who are often received in the West with <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/13/fashion/13veil.html">open hostility</a> for <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2020/04/america-asia-face-mask-coronavirus/609283/">covering their faces</a> – look a lot more like everyone else. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327022/original/file-20200409-69938-1ifsnle.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=7%2C14%2C4803%2C3123&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327022/original/file-20200409-69938-1ifsnle.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=7%2C14%2C4803%2C3123&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327022/original/file-20200409-69938-1ifsnle.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=392&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327022/original/file-20200409-69938-1ifsnle.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=392&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327022/original/file-20200409-69938-1ifsnle.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=392&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327022/original/file-20200409-69938-1ifsnle.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=492&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327022/original/file-20200409-69938-1ifsnle.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=492&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327022/original/file-20200409-69938-1ifsnle.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=492&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Many people are using cloth to cover their faces during the coronavirus outbreak, San Francisco, California, April, 1, 2020.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/restaurant-owner-lorena-zeruche-looks-on-wearing-a-bandana-news-photo/1208909845?adppopup=true">JOSH EDELSON/AFP via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Targeted for their religious dress</h2>
<p>I interviewed 38 British and American niqab wearers for my upcoming <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Wearing-Niqab-Muslim-Women-Cultures/dp/1350166030/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=Anna+piela&qid=1586528684&sr=8-1">book on Muslim women who wear the niqab in the United States and United Kingdom</a>. Almost all of them were British and American citizens, but they came from all across the world and all walks of life. They were converts from Christianity, Judaism, former atheists, white, African American, African, Arab and South Asian women. </p>
<p>The niqab – a garment that is not required by Islam but is considered recommended in some interpretations – is usually worn with a loose, coat-like garment called an abaya and a hijab, or <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-do-muslim-women-wear-a-hijab-109717">headscarf</a>. Some women pair it with a long skirt and tunic to conceal the body shape.</p>
<p>All the women interviewed for the book felt the <a href="https://academic.oup.com/jaar/article-abstract/87/2/512/5359458">spiritual benefits of niqab-wearing</a>, which makes them feel closer to God and deepens their practice of Islam. But wearing it in public often subjected them to Islamophobic, racist and sexist street harassment. </p>
<p><a href="https://scholar.google.pl/citations?user=ukMNMT4AAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">Research</a> confirms that Muslim women who wear Islamic dress in non-Muslim majority countries are frequently subjected to abuse. In a <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/10.5406/womgenfamcol.5.1.0073.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3Aeb0e8e24d21fbd8aae566149dbe609b2">2017 American study of 40 Muslim women</a>, 85% reported verbal violence and 25% had experienced physical violence. </p>
<p>Wearing the niqab, the most conspicuous form of Islamic dress, is most dangerous. Eighty percent of British niqab wearers interviewed for a <a href="https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/uploads/f3d788ba-d494-4161-ac01-96ed39883fdd/behind-veil-20150401.pdf">2014 report by the human rights group Open Society Foundations</a> had experienced verbal or physical violence.</p>
<p>The perpetrators tend to perceive niqab-wearing women as oppressed, backward, foreign, socially separated or a threat. Attackers often excuse their actions by <a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=VfDwAwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PP1&dq=zempi&ots=MjYd9QrEJ7&sig=T3VyFNy2kxXV8AzrOiFG1G6aO2I#v=onepage&q=zempi&f=false">citing security and immigration concerns</a>. </p>
<h2>‘Everyone suddenly understands it!’</h2>
<p>Now, in an unexpected turn of events, people across the West are jogging in face masks and grocery shopping in bandannas tied across their mouths. That’s making public life in the niqab much more pleasant, say Muslim women.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327204/original/file-20200410-80234-12r1clc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327204/original/file-20200410-80234-12r1clc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327204/original/file-20200410-80234-12r1clc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327204/original/file-20200410-80234-12r1clc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327204/original/file-20200410-80234-12r1clc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327204/original/file-20200410-80234-12r1clc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327204/original/file-20200410-80234-12r1clc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327204/original/file-20200410-80234-12r1clc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Masked New Yorkers outside a grocery store, Brooklyn, New York, April 3, 2020.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/april-3-2020-people-wearing-face-masks-wait-in-line-outside-news-photo/1209435031?adppopup=true">Michael Nagle/Xinhua via Getty</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>“There’s a marked difference to the way I’m being perceived. Nobody is giving me dirty looks because of my gloves and the covered face,” said a woman I’ll call Afrah, from the the U.K., in a Facebook Messenger chat. “Everyone suddenly understands it!”</p>
<p>I use pseudonyms to protect the identify of the women in my research, as talking about niqab use is a sensitive issue.</p>
<p>“I was wearing a handcrafted niqab today and it was amazing,” Jameelah wrote to me from France, <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2018/10/23/europe/france-niqab-ban-un-intl/index.html">where the niqab is legally banned in most public spaces</a>. “Because of the situation, I didn’t receive malicious glares.” </p>
<p>Fashion designers are even trying to make face coverings look stylish – an effort that has Muslim women long perceived a security threat <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=2ahUKEwjf6d6t5tvoAhWCLc0KHV8NCksQFjAAegQIARAB&url=https%3A%2F%2Ftwitter.com%2Fnamirari%2Fstatus%2F1236761054753030149&usg=AOvVaw2hcxIVj6Kj97srjDgd0RUV">rolling their eyes</a> on <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=2&ved=2ahUKEwjf6d6t5tvoAhWCLc0KHV8NCksQFjABegQIAhAB&url=https%3A%2F%2Ftwitter.com%2Fmehdirhasan%2Fstatus%2F1236849487198539777%3Flang%3Den&usg=AOvVaw1MYupRj_bpBDto03r4Zbmv">social media</a>.</p>
<p>Rumana, a Muslim from Croatia, told me that the growing acceptance of face covering has helped her overcome a reluctance to use the niqab. </p>
<p>“I am usually an anxious person who doesn’t like to attract attention so that was always the biggest issue. Now that face coverings are seen everywhere,” she says, “I have finally found the courage to wear it.” </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1236761054753030149"}"></div></p>
<p>Even some non-Muslims are interested in the niqab as a means of protecting against coronavirus. </p>
<p>Afrah, from the U.K., told me that her non-Muslim aunt wants to use a niqab now because she finds regular face masks uncomfortable. And Sajida, an American Muslim, spoke of a convert friend whose father – a vehement critic of Islam and believer in anti-Muslim conspiracy theories – now encourages his daughter to wear a niqab to prevent the spread of coronavirus.</p>
<p>The niqab alone <a href="https://apps.who.int/iris/handle/10665/117087">is not sufficient protection</a> against influenza-like viruses because it is not airtight. Mosques are warning women who wear the niqab to additionally wear a mask underneath for more effective protection. However, the niqab, like any cloth face covering, is likely to <a href="https://health.clevelandclinic.org/unsure-about-actually-wearing-a-face-mask-heres-how-and-why-to-do-it/">protect others from the wearer’s sneezes</a> if worn snugly around the eyes, ears and nose. </p>
<h2>Experts in face covering</h2>
<p>The niqab-wearing women who commented for this story recognize that the improved perception of face covering comes at a time of crisis, when ordinary social norms and interactions are suspended. </p>
<p>“I’m wondering if this empathy will continue or will it disappear as soon as the pandemic’s over,” Afrah said via Facebook Messenger. “I wonder if people will keep this reflection, this need to protect oneself, no matter the reason.”</p>
<p>The same question holds within Muslim communities. </p>
<p>“I hope the sisters who were previously anti-niqab and then embraced it in a time of need and fear don’t return to their niqab-shunning ways,” Sajida said via email. </p>
<p>For now, niqab-wearing women say, they are in high demand as experts on face covering. </p>
<p>Muslim and non-Muslim friends donning the niqab for the first time need their help tying it securely, and ask whether it’s culturally appropriate to cover just the nose and the mouth – rather than the whole face except the eyes.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327027/original/file-20200409-92027-8wemye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=420%2C0%2C3943%2C2430&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327027/original/file-20200409-92027-8wemye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=420%2C0%2C3943%2C2430&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/327027/original/file-20200409-92027-8wemye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327027/original/file-20200409-92027-8wemye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327027/original/file-20200409-92027-8wemye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327027/original/file-20200409-92027-8wemye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327027/original/file-20200409-92027-8wemye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/327027/original/file-20200409-92027-8wemye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The eyes can say a lot even when one’s mouth is covered.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/groups-of-muslim-women-wearing-the-niqab-attend-the-news-photo/1206443245?adppopup=true">Nacho Calonge/Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Women who wear the niqab can also speak from experience about communicating with a covered face. Many people unused to wearing masks find it difficult to convey emotions or pick up on social cues. </p>
<p>But niqab-wearing women know that face coverings <a href="https://www.theodysseyonline.com/does-niqab-impair-communication">don’t prevent effective communication</a>. </p>
<p>“Smile! Facial expression is easily and quickly noticeable because of the eyes,” Asma recommended. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2020/02/200216184520.htm">Research</a> suggests that detecting human emotion requires looking at much more than facial expressions anyway. The niqab-wearing women I interviewed for my book “make an extra effort,” as they told me, to communicate. They wave, speak and use body language to connect.</p>
<p>“I have to be more outwardly chatty and friendly,” Soraya from Scotland said. “If I’m standing at a bus stop, I say ‘hi.’ You can see I am smiling because my eyes crinkle.” </p>
<p>[<em><a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=expertise">Expertise in your inbox. Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter and get a digest of academic takes on today’s news, every day.</a></em>]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/136021/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anna Piela does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>As people everywhere don face masks, scarves and bandanas to protect against coronavirus, Muslim women who wear the niqab, or Islamic veil, are feeling a lot less conspicuous.Anna Piela, Visiting Scholar in Religious Studies and Gender, Northwestern UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1273262019-11-29T02:00:57Z2019-11-29T02:00:57ZBanning niqab makes no sense in Indonesia, but wearing it does<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/304189/original/file-20191128-176602-1igz14g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1%2C1%2C997%2C664&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Aside from an externalised expression of their faith, the niqab is but a precarious shield from a misogynistic rape culture. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Less than two weeks after Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo installed his cabinet for his second term, one of his ministers <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/10/31/plan-to-ban-niqab-in-government-offices-stirs-controversy.html">stirred controversy</a> last month with a plan to ban the niqab in government offices. </p>
<p>Religious Affairs Minister Fachrul Razi suggested the plan as a <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/10/31/plan-to-ban-niqab-in-government-offices-stirs-controversy.html">security measure</a> following the knife attacks on former chief security minister Wiranto by two radicals in early October. </p>
<p>The niqab or face veil is typically worn in countries of the Arabian Peninsula. Due to its associations with the region, most Indonesians interpret it as “foreign” and immoderate. </p>
<p>Such assumptions grow from anti-Arab prejudices in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim population. Bias against Arabs has coalesced over the decades with the abuse of female domestic workers in Saudi Arabia and the rise of Arab-linked radical groups like Darul Islam and Jemaah Islamiyah. These two militant groups share a similar mission to purify the nation from secularism and establish an “Islamic State” within Indonesia. </p>
<p>Now, with the plan to ban the niqab in government offices, Jokowi’s newly formed cabinet is making a gendered statement of how “radical” Islam should be contained. </p>
<p>But it does not make much sense.</p>
<p>Consider the “slippery slope” argument: if we accept one instance of policing how women dress, it might mean opening the floodgates to further encroachment into women’s expression of identity and practice. </p>
<p>If we acquiesce to the ban on the niqab, what makes the banning of other types of women’s clothing any different? </p>
<h2>Why the ban does not make sense</h2>
<p>In a world that disproportionately targets what Muslim women wear, the niqab is somehow “different” from nearly all other items of women’s clothing. </p>
<p>Its function is to conceal as opposed to expose and flatter the female body. At the same time, it is seen as an affront to the ideological project to integrate women into a standard national model of femininity.</p>
<p>In Indonesia, the moral panic over the niqab takes place during moments of crisis and consolidation against the threat of “extremist” Islam to the sanctity of the nation and its ideology, <em>Pancasila</em>. </p>
<p>When the New Order banned the use of headscarves in schools, it did so with the objective of <a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=1tXlArv_HPcC&oi=fnd&pg=PA75&dq=jilbab+ban+schools+new+order+indonesia+&ots=jxAY1suN3i&sig=KqHsbX3l62fOXgPtTgDcg-PgjCQ#v=onepage&q&f=false">limiting the influence of Islamic fundamentalism</a> and the supposed tide of “Arabisation” of Indonesian culture.</p>
<p>But xenophobic fear of the fundamentalist “Other” interfered with women’s job prospects. During this period, veiled women faced difficulties with progressing in their careers in government bureaucracy. </p>
<p>Women wearing the <em>niqab</em> were labelled as “fanatics” and, ironically, immodest in their overt piety and sanctimoniousness. </p>
<p>There is, however, <a href="https://www.lrb.co.uk/v40/n16/azadeh-moaveni/the-garment-of-terrorism">very little</a> evidence that a niqab ban can curtail homegrown terrorism.</p>
<p>Banning what certain women can wear is a proxy for the highly symbolic low-hanging fruit that the Indonesian government is grasping for legitimacy. Women are the softest targets of crisis management. </p>
<p>As a group, they are the easiest to control because women are caught in a web of cultural and socioeconomic vulnerabilities. Being the bearers of culture and religion, control of this soft target is expected to yield maximum political results. But, in reality, women who join extremist groups are diverse in appearance and outlook.</p>
<p>Although some may hail the niqab ban as a symbolically expedient move in the present landscape of competing Islamist politics, it is a vestigial impulse from the New Order playbook. </p>
<p>The micromanagement of Indonesia’s bureaucratic class recalls the days of the New Order under General Suharto’s authoritarian rule. His regime regulated the personal lives of civil servants, who they could marry and how many, for example. </p>
<p>In a strictly hierarchical culture, a trickle-down emulation of model behaviour of monogamy and subservient domestic femininity legitimised by higher-ranking civil servants is impressed upon the rest of Indonesian society. </p>
<h2>Why women wear what they wear</h2>
<p>Sartorial policing is a reality that women the world over know intimately. </p>
<p>Being piously dressed is no guarantee of liberation from the male gaze and control. In the case of the niqab, men yet again dominate a public discourse on what a small minority of Indonesian women can or cannot wear, and whether a woman should be covered or exposed. </p>
<p>The testimony of women who participate in organisations that defend the niqab reveals a different logic that makes plenty of sense. Aside from an externalised expression of their faith, the niqab is but a precarious shield from a misogynistic rape culture. </p>
<p>The fabric that covers part of their face provides temporary relief from the unrelenting male gaze that judges, objectifies and violates. It is not a form of passive resistance either, but offers its wearer some control over what others can see. For some wearers, the niqab elicits unexpected pleasure. </p>
<p>There is a Foucauldian power in seeing others without being seen, a type of power that typically belongs to men, so this is a case of turning the tables on the male voyeur. </p>
<p>Unlike the prevailing view that the appearance of the niqab in Indonesia represents an invasion of a “foreign”, “Arab” Islam into Indonesia, we are better off regarding it as a culmination of two processes; the unstoppable globalisation of Islam and a cultural refusal to adequately address gender inequality and violence against women and children. </p>
<p>This article is not interested in the vacuous rhetoric of “choice”. Making a case for a woman’s “choice” closes down debate and ignores the complex push and pull of ritualised obligation, social pressure and personal decision-making. </p>
<p>In a culture where it is impossible to dress without the comment or judgment of others, overt or otherwise, a woman’s decision to wear the niqab is never just about “choice”. Instead, it points more urgently to new ways of expressing Islamic identity and the failure to take misogyny and sexual harassment seriously. </p>
<p>The Indonesian government loses when it takes a leaf out of the Islamophobic logic behind similar bans in Europe. </p>
<p>Taking the ostensibly “moderate” line through illiberal means creates resentment and pushes pious and conservative Muslim women further into the margins while empowering the men who claim to speak for them.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/127326/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alicia Izharuddin tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.</span></em></p>If we acquiesce to the ban of the niqab, what makes the banning of other types of women’s clothing any different?Alicia Izharuddin, Visiting Senior Lecturer on Women’s Studies and Islam, Harvard UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1149072019-04-10T22:50:39Z2019-04-10T22:50:39ZThe supposed benefits of Québec secularism bill don’t outweigh the costs<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268461/original/file-20190409-2935-1uj6ge3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Premier François Legault, left, and Simon Jolin-Barrette, minister of immigration, diversity and inclusiveness, are seen at the provincial legislature in late March 2019.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jacques Boissinot</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Québec’s provincial government recently tabled Bill 21 on state secularism. The bill prohibits the wearing of religious symbols for public employees in positions of authority such as judges, police officers and teachers. The actual list is <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-bill-21-jobs-affected-1.5083041?cmp=rss&fbclid=IwAR3exOJK67LWgK1BOEw6nJsoW2Qp37a0geeIcjGAeypLAI_aH2r798FlWGc">much longer</a>.</p>
<p>Echoing the <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/charter-of-quebec-values-would-ban-religious-symbols-for-public-workers-1.1699315">Charter of Values</a> controversy of 2013-14, the bill sparked a heated debate in Québec and the rest of Canada. After assessing the main arguments put forward by critics and by the ruling Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ) government, I conclude that the supposed benefits of the bill don’t outweigh the social costs.</p>
<p>While few would deny secularism and religious neutrality are legitimate goals, they don’t justify the undue restriction of minority rights, as the current version of the bill does.</p>
<p>Here’s why.</p>
<h2>Critics’ arguments</h2>
<p>A common critique of Bill 21 is pragmatic: the bill is trying to <a href="https://theconversation.com/loi-sur-la-la-cite-comment-creer-un-probleme-la-ou-il-ny-en-avait-pas-114549">solve a problem that doesn’t exist</a>. Indeed, there has not been a single complaint against a religious-symbol-wearing provincial employee for not being neutral in their job. </p>
<p>But how about concerns regarding excessive reasonable accommodation requests? According to <a href="http://www.cdpdj.qc.ca/en/droits-de-la-personne/droits-pour-tous/Pages/accommodement_demandes.aspx">a report</a> by Québec’s Human and Youth Rights Commission, less than one per cent of such requests received were on religious grounds between 2009 and 2013. Not much of a problem to solve there either.</p>
<p>A second critique: For a bill that addresses no urgent issues, it sure jeopardizes a lot of basic human rights. It’s not a good sign when a bill legally shields itself from both the Canadian and Québec charters of rights and freedoms. </p>
<p>Bill 21 does exactly that. With Sections 29 and 30, it declares itself charter-proof, specifically bypassing clauses involving “fundamental freedoms and rights” and “equality rights,” among others. <a href="http://www.contact.ulaval.ca/article_blogue/laicite-deroger-aux-chartes-nempechera-pas-les-contestations/?fbclid=IwAR34D1Ma-aw1z-xGd4yuJD72_QFYkvdPE3vOgT8XMyDyp0t5roTJFGXNd34">Experts believe</a> a legal challenge is still possible.</p>
<p>Critics argue that the bill creates two categories of public employees and, indeed, citizens. It diminishes the employment and social advancement opportunities of those who wear a religious symbol — disproportionately affecting Sikh, Jewish and Muslim communities. This is a <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/what-bill-21-means-for-my-children-a-hard-lesson-1.5086538">gloomy message</a> to be sending to our minority youth.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/in-quebec-christian-liberalism-becomes-the-religious-authority-114548">In Québec, Christian liberalism becomes the religious authority</a>
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<p>Third, one should keep in mind the larger social context. For minorities, the impact of laws like Bill 21 goes well beyond their provisions because they encourage those who harbour deep-seated xenophobia to more openly express themselves.</p>
<p>A <a href="https://www.ledevoir.com/opinion/idees/551547/laicite-250-universitaires-contre-le-projet-de-loi-21?fbclid=IwAR1cE-lGAhAHj9C-8kXmMhlr8mRKkM4ztNPHxq4tgzX0_NNTbgKxykVKS8s">joint declaration</a> signed by 250 Québec academics contends that the bill “bolsters prejudices against religious minorities, and helps to target people on the basis of their religious beliefs.”</p>
<p>And this is against a backdrop of rising hate crimes across Canada. The <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/181129/dq181129a-eng.htm">latest figures</a> indicate an all-time high in 2017, with an 80 per cent spike in those targeting religious groups. </p>
<p>In this environment, politicians should consider the unintended consequences of their policies — not just what they write in their bills.</p>
<h2>The government response</h2>
<p>Against such concerns, the CAQ’s justifications for Bill 21 come across as thin. Premier François Legault <a href="https://montrealgazette.com/news/quebec/premier-legault-to-address-quebecers-on-secularism-sunday-at-530-p-m">defended the necessity of the bill</a> on the grounds that it “respects our history, our values, and … what the majority of Québecers want.”</p>
<p>The history and values reference here pertains to the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s. Immigration Minister Simon Jolin-Barrette, the bill’s sponsor, <a href="https://journalmetro.com/actualites/national/2301470/le-projet-de-loi-sur-la-laicite-de-letat-nest-pas-du-tout-raciste-martele-jolin-barrette/">elaborated that</a> the bill completes Québec’s journey of separating church and state as initiated more than 50 years ago.</p>
<p>This is a historical oversimplification. <a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/quiet-revolution">The Quiet Revolution</a> overcame the institutional domination of the Catholic Church to ensure freedom of conscience for Québecers. It <a href="https://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/rs/2011-v52-n3-rs5005802/1007658ar.pdf">never used</a> the principles of secularism or neutrality to go after individual expressions of religiosity.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268465/original/file-20190409-2901-k869qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268465/original/file-20190409-2901-k869qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268465/original/file-20190409-2901-k869qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268465/original/file-20190409-2901-k869qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268465/original/file-20190409-2901-k869qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=409&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268465/original/file-20190409-2901-k869qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268465/original/file-20190409-2901-k869qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268465/original/file-20190409-2901-k869qt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=514&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Legault speaks with the media in January 2019 in Gatineau, Que.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld</span></span>
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<p>In fact, isn’t this exactly why the makers of Bill 21 felt obliged to override Québec’s very own charter concerning fundamental freedoms? One can therefore argue that the restrictive clauses of Bill 21 actually break from Québec’s history and values, not further them.</p>
<p>Legault’s majority argument builds on <a href="https://quebec.huffingtonpost.ca/2019/03/29/sondage-les-quebecois-favorables-a-linterdiction-des-signes-religieux_a_23702412/">recent surveys</a> that suggest 69 per cent of Québecers support banning religious symbols for teachers. The CAQ government sees this as a free pass to move forward.</p>
<p>The premier even said they could consider <a href="https://www.lapresse.ca/actualites/politique/201904/04/01-5220849-laicite-legault-nexclut-pas-dutiliser-le-baillon.php">restricting parliamentary discussion</a> on the topic, because “we’ve talked about this for 11 years. I think all has been said.”</p>
<p>But having a majority is not equal to a “strong social consensus,” as <a href="http://www.assnat.qc.ca/fr/actualites-salle-presse/conferences-points-presse/ConferencePointPresse-51999.html?appelant=MC">Jolin-Barrette claims</a>. The two main opposition parties are against the bill, and so are many civil rights organizations. The government should let all sides, especially minorities, speak and be heard.</p>
<p>Majoritarianism falls dangerously close to populism, which Québec does not need or deserve. As <em>La Presse</em> editorialist <a href="https://www.lapresse.ca/debats/editoriaux/francois-cardinal/201903/29/01-5220186-projet-de-loi-sur-la-laicite-la-majorite-a-t-elle-toujours-raison.php?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=twitter">François Cardinal</a> wrote, Québec’s democratic institutions “did not come into being to suspend fundamental rights as soon as we feel the slightest threat to our identity, real or imagined!”</p>
<h2>Collective versus individual</h2>
<p>Let’s be clear: religious rights stipulated in law are not absolute. Québec can legitimately develop its own approach to secularity, seeking to balance “collective rights and individual liberties,” as government representatives <a href="https://ici.radio-canada.ca/premiere/emissions/gravel-le-matin/segments/entrevue/111910/simon-jolin-barrette-ministre-immigration-signes-religieux-projet-de-loi">remind us</a>. But the current version of the bill does not strike such balance. </p>
<p>The CAQ has <a href="http://plus.lapresse.ca/screens/eb27bf96-ffda-4501-b203-f47e1a748884__7C___0.html">yet to demonstrate</a> why it interprets secularism and neutrality in a way that firmly restricts individual freedoms, and what tangible benefit that serves for the common good. </p>
<p>Government officials have merely made vague references to history and values, and cited their majority support. And they’re doing everything to avoid justifying their position in court, and even considering cutting short the parliamentary debate.</p>
<p>As it stands, the claimed benefits for Bill 21 fall well behind its potential social costs. What Québec needs is a healthier, not a rushed, deliberation on the topic.</p>
<p>Such an approach is much more in line with Québec’s history and values.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/114907/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Efe Peker's postdoctoral research is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.</span></em></p>While few would deny secularism and religious neutrality are legitimate goals, they don’t justify Bill 21’s undue restriction of minority rights.Efe Peker, SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow in Sociology, McGill UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1044722018-10-04T21:38:21Z2018-10-04T21:38:21ZNew premier, same old story: Québec’s longtime anti-niqab efforts<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239412/original/file-20181004-52660-1fvpanj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Demonstrators take part in a protest against Quebec's proposed Values Charter in Montreal in September 2013.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ryan Remiorz</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>One day after the surprise victory of the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) in the recent Québec election, Premier-elect François Legault <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-francois-legault-to-invoke-notwithstanding-clause-to-ban-quebec-public/">told a news conference</a> that he plans to invoke the notwithstanding clause to finally pass legislation that will ban religious symbols for employees in “positions of authority” throughout the province.</p>
<p>But even though the Québec election is being described as a <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-election-analysis-1.4846600">landmark shift in political power</a>, the threat to ban religious symbols throughout the province’s public service sector is nothing new. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239403/original/file-20181004-52663-ynxnhz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239403/original/file-20181004-52663-ynxnhz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=833&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239403/original/file-20181004-52663-ynxnhz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=833&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239403/original/file-20181004-52663-ynxnhz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=833&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239403/original/file-20181004-52663-ynxnhz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1047&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239403/original/file-20181004-52663-ynxnhz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1047&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239403/original/file-20181004-52663-ynxnhz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1047&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">The crucifix in Québec’s national assembly is seen in this 2013 photo.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jacques Boissinot</span></span>
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<p>Politicians in the province have been trying to pass various religious symbols bans for the past decade, including the Parti Québecois’s sweeping Values Charter from 2013 <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/pq-values-charter-violates-human-rights-law-commission-says-1.2101449">outlawing “conspicuous” religious symbols</a> for anyone giving or receiving public services.</p>
<p>Under the leadership of Philippe Couillard, the Liberals passed more modest legislation: <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-niqab-burka-bill-62-1.4360121">Bill 62, which singled out full-face coverings in the public service sector</a>, was passed in October 2017. But the law was quickly stayed by a provincial judge.</p>
<h2>Challenged by civil liberty groups</h2>
<p>Each of these attempts has been challenged by groups like the National Council of Canadian Muslims, the Canadian Council of Muslim Women and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association.</p>
<p>These organizations point out that much of the proposed legislation has singled out a small number of Muslim women who choose to wear the full-face covering niqab rather than applying broadly to all religious symbols.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-link-between-quebecs-niqab-law-and-its-sovereignty-quest-86200">The link between Quebec's niqab law and its sovereignty quest</a>
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<p>The Charter of Rights and Freedoms has played a key role in preventing the widespread adoption of these laws, which appear only to circumscribe the religious symbols of minority groups.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239400/original/file-20181004-52684-zfdq5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239400/original/file-20181004-52684-zfdq5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239400/original/file-20181004-52684-zfdq5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239400/original/file-20181004-52684-zfdq5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239400/original/file-20181004-52684-zfdq5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=655&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239400/original/file-20181004-52684-zfdq5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=655&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239400/original/file-20181004-52684-zfdq5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=655&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The nun’s habit is not a concern in Québec.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ryan Remiorz</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Indeed, since the 2013 Values Charter, legislation banning religious symbols has included exemptions for “the emblematic and toponymic elements of Québec’s cultural heritage, in particular its religious cultural heritage, that testify to its history.” </p>
<p>This clause effectively exempts Catholics from the secularization mandate by redefining their religious symbols as “cultural” and “historical” rather than religious (and, notably, creates an exception for the large crucifix that hangs at the head of the National Assembly). It is yet unclear whether the CAQ’s attempt will include a similar exemption. </p>
<h2>Minority government</h2>
<p>PQ Premier Pauline Marois also <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/the-political-strategy-behind-quebec-s-values-charter-1.2418405">made threats about her party invoking the notwithstanding clause</a> to pass the Values Charter in 2013. </p>
<p>But the PQ had a minority government at the time, and Marois unsuccessfully risked an election to get a broader vote of confidence. </p>
<p>Legault’s comments, in comparison, come on the heels of Premier Doug Ford’s threat to use the notwithstanding clause for the first time in Ontario, suggesting that the Charter has become something of a pawn in the struggle between right-of-centre provincial populists and the federal Liberals.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/fords-fight-with-toronto-shows-legal-vulnerability-of-cities-103134">Ford's fight with Toronto shows legal vulnerability of cities</a>
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<p>That Legault’s comments also come before he enters the premier’s office — and backed by a majority government — signals that his attempt to pass a “secularization” bill might be successful. </p>
<p>If that’s the case, the CAQ’s success where other parties have failed will come at the cost of both civil rights in the province and the protective capacity of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/104472/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hannah Dick does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>If Quebec’s new premier succeeds in passing ‘secularization’ legislation by wielding the notwithstanding clause, it will come at the cost of civil rights and the protective capacity of the Charter.Hannah Dick, Assistant Professor, School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1010822018-09-03T13:56:09Z2018-09-03T13:56:09ZIslamophobia is preventing the empowerment of Muslim women repressed by political agendas<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/234454/original/file-20180831-195328-nz51rk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/woman-desert-wearing-arabic-dress-666033169?src=KG4d9lao1ivgPcQUdikfzA-1-20">Facecontrol.it/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>For many, Muslim veiling <a href="https://theconversation.com/five-truths-about-the-hijab-that-need-to-be-told-63892">represents the oppression</a> of women in Islam. The head and/or face veils are a <a href="https://theconversation.com/burqa-comments-like-boris-johnsons-are-pushing-muslims-to-reassert-their-identity-101362">frequent topic of debate</a>, which suggests that “saving” Muslim women from their oppressive religion is a moral duty of the West. </p>
<p>But focusing on the (in)visibility of women in Islam does not help the cause of empowering women in Muslim societies. Looking through the lens of Islamophobia, all Muslim societies are seen the same, where women are subjected to the same oppression. However, the contrasting examples of Saudi Arabia and Turkey show that this could not be further from truth. Muslim women are fighting for their rights, but are being held back by political moves.</p>
<h2>Saudi Arabia</h2>
<p>Saudi Arabia is one of the most religious countries in the Middle East and yet the denial of basic women’s rights is down to a unique combination of <a href="https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/saudi/analyses/wahhabism.html">Wahhabi culture</a> as well as Sharia (Islamic law). The women who live there are some of the most voracious Muslim campaigners, but it is the laws of the land that they fight, not their religion. </p>
<p>In August, a group of anonymous Saudi feminists <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/triplej/programs/hack/the-women-behind-saudi-arabias-anonymous-feminist-radio-station/10169198">launched a new internet radio station</a>, Nsawya FM (“Feminism FM”). Their main aims are to campaign for Saudi women’s rights, be “the voice of the silent majority” and to let the world <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-45181505">know they exist</a>. In recent years the internet has proven to be an important place to effect change. </p>
<p>Also notable has been the <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-13928215">Women2Drive campaign on social media</a>. Saudi Arabia was, until recently, the only country in the world where women were not allowed to drive – although this was more about Saudi culture, not explicitly against Islam and its doctrine. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-real-reason-saudi-arabia-lifted-its-ban-on-women-driving-economic-necessity-97267">eventual overturning of the ban</a> was seen as a victory for Saudi women, and yet several leading activists who challenged the ban <a href="https://www.buzzfeed.com/laurasilver/women-in-saudi-arabia-are-finally-able-to-drive?utm_term=.xsNy2q4d4#.bsdPq1LXL">were arrested</a> – some of whom <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2018/08/saudi-arabia-outrageous-ongoing-detention-of-women-rights-defenders-reaches-100-days/">are still in jail</a> without charge. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://theconversation.com/saudi-decree-allowing-women-to-drive-cars-is-about-politics-not-religion-84809">driving ban was lifted</a> in June 2018 as part of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-will-saudi-arabias-vision-2030-mean-for-its-citizens-58466">Vision 2030 programme</a> to modernise some aspects of Saudi society. Eight months prior, Saudi Arabia took a truly unique step by becoming the first country to <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/gadgets-and-tech/news/saudi-arabia-robot-sophia-citizenship-android-riyadh-citizen-passport-future-a8021601.html">award citizenship to a robot named Sophia</a>. Clearly the Saudi authorities want to create a new international image, but many critics have raised concerns, <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/International/saudi-arabia-criticized-giving-female-robot-citizenship-restricts/story?id=50741109">questioning why</a> the country would advance robot rights while still holding women back. They asked whether Sophia would have to follow the strict laws concerning Saudi women, and whether “she” would be required to cover her head.</p>
<p>Unsurprisingly, many conservative clerics <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/saudi-arabias-once-powerful-conservatives-silenced-by-reforms-and-repression/2018/06/04/5332bdec-3dad-11e8-955b-7d2e19b79966_story.html?utm_term=.25737a6b0567">disagreed with the Crown Prince’s social reforms</a> – as they erode cultural boundaries between men and women – and criticised the modernisation policies for being too close to Washington. And, despite the seemingly progressive moves, there has been an increasing crackdown on dissent. On August 22, Saudi Arabia’s public prosecutor <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/aug/22/saudi-arabia-seeks-its-first-death-penalty-against-a-female-human-rights-activist">appealed for the death penalty</a> for the first time against a woman. Activist Israa al-Ghomgham is on trial because of her work <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/08/saudi-arabia-seeks-death-penalty-female-activist-180822111933881.html">documenting human rights-related demonstrations</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/234453/original/file-20180831-195301-1fe6u4f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/234453/original/file-20180831-195301-1fe6u4f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/234453/original/file-20180831-195301-1fe6u4f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/234453/original/file-20180831-195301-1fe6u4f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/234453/original/file-20180831-195301-1fe6u4f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=490&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/234453/original/file-20180831-195301-1fe6u4f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=490&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/234453/original/file-20180831-195301-1fe6u4f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=490&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">In the spotlight, but for the wrong reason.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/arab-woman-islamic-headscarf-back-light-27646588?src=KG4d9lao1ivgPcQUdikfzA-2-1">robert paul van beets/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Turkey</h2>
<p>Some 1,500 miles away, Turkey – once regarded the most progressive country for Muslim women’s rights – has been turning back the clock. When the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002, Turkey, as a secular democracy, had been a beacon of hope for many Muslim countries looking towards economic growth and modernisation, while retaining their religious identity. Under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, however, women’s rights have been regressing further every year. </p>
<p>In November 2017, the government passed a new law that allowed state-approved clerics (muftis) to conduct marriage ceremonies. This practice had previously been outlawed by Turkey’s Civil Code because they lacked the legal protections of secular marriages. The change <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-religion/turkey-to-allow-muftis-to-conduct-weddings-sparking-uproar-on-left-idUSKBN1CP226">paved the way</a> for any girl who has reached puberty to be able to marry.</p>
<p><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2018/03/1004192">UN assessments</a> show that child marriage (under the age of 15 years) is one of the biggest obstacles to the education and empowerment of women. While child marriages are <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-43297085">declining worldwide</a>, <a href="http://www.tpfund.org/put-an-end-to-child-brides/">40% of Turkish women</a> between the ages of 15 and 49 were married before the age of 18. </p>
<p>Child brides are among the world’s most vulnerable individuals. Once girls are forced into marriage their basic rights of and claims to education, equality and opportunities are lost forever. Despite opposition and secular groups <a href="http://www.milliyet.com.tr/turkiye-de-181-bin-cocuk-gelin-var-pembenar-detay-aile-1629435/">calling for investigations</a>, the future of half of Turkish society continues to be impeded.</p>
<p>The oppression of women from Saudi Arabia and Turkey – though on different scales – show that it is not Islam and its faith that represses women. It is political agendas. </p>
<p>Islamophobia dehumanises Muslim women and denies their agency. By focusing on the role of religion, Western Islamophobic views ignore the patriarchal and political structures within which women are oppressed. Activists are silenced, and child brides are victimised. The way forward for empowering Muslim women requires looking beyond Islamophobia, and recognising the urgency of gender equality irrespective of any race, religion or culture. </p>
<p><em>This article has been edited to correct the figure on the rate of child marriages in Turkey. It originally stated that 40% of girls were forced into marriage in 2017.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/101082/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ayla Göl does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>From Turkey to Saudi Arabia, Muslim women are battling for their rights - but religion is not at fault.Ayla Göl, Visiting Senior Fellow, Aberystwyth UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1013622018-08-10T12:10:56Z2018-08-10T12:10:56ZBurqa comments like Boris Johnson’s are pushing Muslims to reassert their identity<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/231495/original/file-20180810-2897-1sj0k29.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Burqas and niqabs (pictured here) are often thought of as one type of dress in the UK.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/istanbul-turkey-april-01-2018-woman-1075946099?src=5phXKPOnqPTwA_QmNmJljA-4-7">Smarta/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Boris Johnson’s <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-45114368">inflammatory remarks about women who wear the burqa</a> have sparked outrage and fierce debate on an issue that was already highly emotive. Since the European Union referendum, community relations between Muslims and non-Muslims have become increasingly fraught. There have been <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/racist-hate-crimes-surge-to-record-high-after-brexit-vote-new-figures-reveal-a7829551.html">rises in race and hate crimes</a>, many of which have been <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/attacks-muslims-uk-terror-islam-hate-crime-brexit-tell-mama-a8457996.html">Islamophobic</a> in nature – with the targets mainly being women of Asian ethnicity, <a href="https://theconversation.com/eight-ways-that-islamophobia-operates-in-everyday-life-64444">assumed to be Muslim</a>.</p>
<p>While some have <a href="https://www.standard.co.uk/news/politics/boris-johnson-burka-controversy-latest-live-former-foreign-secretary-facing-mounting-pressure-to-a3906156.html">tried to excuse</a> Johnson’s comments – he referred to burqa wearers as <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/08/05/denmark-has-got-wrong-yes-burka-oppressive-ridiculous-still/">letterboxes or bank robbers</a> – this is not the first time he has made statements with <a href="https://metro.co.uk/2016/07/14/11-things-boris-has-said-that-make-him-the-perfect-foreign-secretary-6005960/">overtly racist terminology</a>. Some commentators have argued the former foreign secretary’s words are an attempt to remain at the forefront of politics, amid the possibility of a Conservative party <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/boris-johnson-comments-niqab-islamophobic-anti-muslim-conservative-leadership-bid-baroness-warsi-a8481031.html">leadership contest</a>.</p>
<p>If this is an attempt to grab headlines, Johnson’s tactics are a copy and paste of what worked so successfully for US President Donald Trump and former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon. Their campaign focused on <a href="https://blogs.spectator.co.uk/2017/08/the-ominous-political-genius-of-steve-bannon/">evoking a sense of nationalism</a> that had apparently been lost, and making contentious statements in the media that would <a href="https://www.usnews.com/opinion/thomas-jefferson-street/articles/2017-01-30/use-trump-and-bannons-tactic-against-them">provoke angry responses</a>. Johnson appears to be <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/elections/2018/07/boris-johnson-s-meeting-steve-bannon-sign-his-true-character">in contact with Bannon</a> who has <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2018/jul/14/steve-bannon-boris-johnson-theresa-may-prime-minister">endorsed him as a possible future Tory leader</a>. </p>
<p>The success of the Trump campaign and the <a href="http://theweek.com/articles/764645/why-trump-more-popular-than-ever">continued grassroots support</a> the US president enjoys have illustrated that if politicians are able to create a shared scapegoat(s) that can be blamed for all social ills, then it doesn’t matter what the facts are. The narrative just needs to be repeated without pause. </p>
<p>The Trump administration’s ongoing criticism of Muslims, and his <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/jun/26/trump-travel-ban-supreme-court-ruling-explained">ban on travel</a> from certain Muslim countries, has <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/jun/26/muslim-americans-trump-travel-ban">had an effect</a> on the <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/us-politics/trump-islam-muslim-islamophobia-worse-911-says-leader-a8113686.html">lives of Muslims in America</a>. It has also led to an increase in hate crimes and <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/think/opinion/trump-s-muslim-ban-doesn-t-just-target-eight-countries-ncna868971">targeting of Muslims in America</a>. </p>
<h2>Asserting identity</h2>
<p>At the heart of all of this are the communities being used for collateral in the furthering of political aspirations. When politicians make statements like those Johnson did, they <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/07/nigel-farage-helping-to-legitimise-racism-justin-welby-says">legitimise racism</a> – or at the very least ridicule and harassment. </p>
<p>Often these comments <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/brexit-politicians-have-legitimised-hate-crime-must-end-polarisation-equalities-and-human-rights-a7441911.html">are taken to justify much darker actions</a>. For those who already despise Muslims, the comments of a senior public figure who likens Muslim women to criminals could be an invitation to do harm. Earlier this year a young man was sentenced to a <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-leicestershire-43553545">minimum 20 years in prison</a> for repeatedly running over a Muslim woman in a hate crime. He reportedly said <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/amp/uk-43544115">he was doing it for his country</a>, and tried to blame the London 7/7 bombings for his actions.</p>
<h2>Modes of dress</h2>
<p>Muslims in the UK are feeling besieged by the constant threat they are under. The face covering veil, the niqab (a face veil that <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/24118241">leaves the area around the eyes clear</a> which is often referred to as the burqa in the media and popular discussion), which has come to define Muslims in Europe, is only worn by a tiny proportion of Muslims. Numbers are almost impossible to garner as generally statistics on women’s clothing are not collected widely. But <a href="https://theconversation.com/so-few-muslim-women-wear-the-burqa-in-europe-that-banning-it-is-a-waste-of-time-82957">based on figures</a> available from other European countries it can roughly be estimated that with a UK Muslim population of 2.8m, around 836 women (0.001% of the UK population) will be wearing a niqab/burqa. </p>
<p>It is staggering that such a tiny proportion has created so much consternation and the need to fight so much negativity. At least 100 women who identify as wearing the burqa have <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/100-women-who-wear-niqab-or-burka-demand-boris-johnson-be-kicked-out-of-conservative-party-11467011">written to the Tory party</a> demanding action against Johnson, and women who wear face veils have <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/british-muslim-women-boris-johnson-racist-burka-comments-180808220020282.html">spoken about their choices</a> following his comments. </p>
<p>What has been interesting to note is that despite the growing rates of attacks on Muslim women, there is some anecdotal evidence of a rise in <a href="https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2018/aug/08/belittled-by-burqa-row-british-muslims-fear-rise-in-hate?CMP=share_btn_tw&__twitter_impression=true">sales of niqab</a>. While this might seem inimical to welfare given the situation, this act demonstrates a well understood phenomena of groups under threat. When a group feels that their identity is being challenged, they work hard to protect it, often by <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.obhdp.2017.09.007">reinforcing and reproducing acts that clearly define them</a>. In the aftermath of 9/11, the global backlash against Muslims resulted in more young American Muslims <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/20453163.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%253A3b9b3806187db44c4770a30fe22f37ce">adopting more visible Islamic dress</a> – the hijab (headscarf) for women and beards for men. </p>
<p>Now, the ongoing and resurgent Islamophobia requires a more elevated step in identity affirmation. And that may be one of the reasons why the niqab is becoming more visible in society. This points to the ironic fact that it is relentless attacks on Muslims that are creating a more visible Muslim presence in the UK. And as this visibility grows so do attacks and further tensions. It is imperative for community relations that this destructive cycle of attack and defiance is broken soon.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/101362/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nilufar Ahmed does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Muslim women and men are choosing to wear Islamic clothing in the face of rising religious hatred.Nilufar Ahmed, Senior Lecturer in Public Health, Policy and Social Sciences, Swansea UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/929752018-03-09T14:00:07Z2018-03-09T14:00:07ZWomen should be allowed to wear the niqab in court – here’s why<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/209346/original/file-20180307-146671-msd9mb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/niqab-long-tunic-that-covers-completely-595364105?src=GFujb4ZSduC9qng_YHb80Q-1-0">Satur/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The debate about whether a woman who wears the niqab should be allowed to do so when giving evidence in court is one which polarises opinion. The niqab is the full face veil worn by a small number of Muslim women. Unlike <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/life/burka-bans-the-countries-where-muslim-women-cant-wear-veils/">many other countries</a>, the United Kingdom has not sought to criminalise the wearing of full face veils and many consider it to be a legitimate expression of religious belief protected by the European Convention on Human Rights. </p>
<p>But there remains a tension between respecting the rights of a minority to manifest their religion and the needs of the courts to ensure trials are conducted fairly. <a href="https://www.judiciary.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/equal-treatment-bench-book-february2018-v5-02mar18.pdf">New guidance</a> issued to judges in reminds them of the need to consider carefully whether or not a witness should be asked to remove her veil when giving evidence. But does it strike the right balance?</p>
<p>The number of niqabis in England and Wales (the jurisdiction to which the guidance applies) is unknown, but they represent small proportion of the population – and cases where a judge is required to make a ruling involving the niqab are rare. When these cases do arise they are subject to enormous public scrutiny. In 2013, the judge Peter Murphy made headlines when he <a href="https://www.judiciary.gov.uk/judgments/thequeenvd/">ruled</a> that a defendant in a criminal trial could wear her niqab for the duration of her trial but if she wanted to give evidence in her defence she had to remove it. Many <a href="http://www.felicitygerry.com/felicity-writes-halsburys-law-exchange-ruling-defendant-must-remove-face-covering-give-evidence/">praised</a> the judge’s pragmatic approach to the situation, but others were concerned that it represented a disproportionate intrusion into how a person could dress.</p>
<h2>Objection!</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/law/2013/sep/17/veil-court-ruling-wrong-balance">most common objection</a> to the wearing of the niqab is that it prevents the fact-finder seeing the witness’s face and detecting changes in demeanour that might be a clue that the witness is lying. Without this, <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/law-and-order/11290365/Remove-Muslim-veil-when-giving-evidence-in-court-says-top-woman-judge.html">it is argued</a>, there is a risk that a jury might fail to realise that a witness is lying or has something to hide and reach the wrong decision. The harm caused by this would outweigh any harm caused by interfering with an individual’s right to manifest her religion. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/209347/original/file-20180307-146700-ckobes.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/209347/original/file-20180307-146700-ckobes.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=343&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/209347/original/file-20180307-146700-ckobes.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=343&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/209347/original/file-20180307-146700-ckobes.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=343&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/209347/original/file-20180307-146700-ckobes.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/209347/original/file-20180307-146700-ckobes.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/209347/original/file-20180307-146700-ckobes.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">How much does a person’s demeanour actually influence a jury?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-vector/twelve-jurors-sit-jury-box-court-729558217?src=NdJFKClhKz-7RKsv5Y3WWA-1-2">Aleutie/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><a href="http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/27752/">My research</a> indicates that the approach taken by judges all over the world is to assume that the veil will hamper the assessment of credibility and order its removal to ensure a fair trial. While this argument seems compelling, it is based on flawed assumptions. It has been established that people are generally very poor at using demeanour to assess credibility – indeed, <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/record/2016-31604-001">recent research</a> has established that assessments of credibility are more reliable when the witness has their face covered. And if there is no evidence to support to prove wearing the veil does impact upon the trial process, then there is no basis to order its removal.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-2421455/MELANIE-PHILLIPS-No-human-right-hide-justice-veil.html?ito=feeds-newsxml">Many would argue</a> that there is little harm in requiring a witness to remove her veil and that as the veil is a sign of male subjugation and should not be protected. But this is too broad an approach to a complex issue. Many women choose to cover their face as a matter of choice to achieve a state of piety. The wearing of the niqab is a visible representation of this and being required to remove it represents an invasion with their deeply held beliefs. </p>
<h2>Seen but not heard?</h2>
<p>Unlike many other public spaces (such as schools), courts often offer individuals no control over how people engage with them. Someone who wishes to seek the protection of the law often has no choice but to proceed through the courts. If a victim of a criminal offence wants the protection of the police, they make their complaint knowing that ultimately they may be required to give evidence in court. </p>
<p>In this context, the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-41648865">worrying rise in hate crime</a> towards Muslims since 2016 is relevant. Many of the victims of these attacks have been singled out because of their clothing. Women who wear the niqab have been <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/nov/20/muslim-women-islamaphonic-attacks">particularly vulnerable</a> to such attacks, with attackers often seeking to humiliate them by removing the niqab. For the victim of such an attack, the prospect of having to further compromise their beliefs by removing their veil in court can only add to their sense of persecution. This may discourage them from seeking help at all.</p>
<p>Despite the importance of this issue, there is no guidance in legislation or from the appeal courts. The <a href="https://www.judiciary.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/equal-treatment-bench-book-february2018-v5-02mar18.pdf">latest edition</a> of the Equal Treatment Bench Book reminds judges to only require removal of the veil where they consider it to be “essential” and reminds judges hearing non-criminal cases of the fallibility of evaluation of credibility from demeanour. But judges in criminal trials are told that not removing the veil might impair the court’s (so the jury’s) ability to evaluate reliability. </p>
<p>Although the language of the guidance provides some clarity, and stresses the need for sensitivity, it still suggests that juries benefit from seeing witness’s face when there is no basis for doing so and implies that where it is the defendant who wishes to wear the veil they should remove it to give evidence. There may be always be exceptional cases which justify the removal of the veil and judges should have the power to order this, but it is not enough to do so on the basis of what the jury may or may not think.</p>
<p>A better course of action would be to permit the wearing of the niqab where it has been requested and to direct the jury that it makes no difference to their assessment of the evidence. For a justice system to truly represent all of society it must ensure that the most marginalised groups are able to access it without having to compromise their beliefs unless it is absolutely necessary.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92975/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jeremy Robson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The principle argument as to why women should remove the niqab in court seems compelling, but it is based on flawed assumptions.Jeremy Robson, Senior Lecturer Faculty of Business and Law, De Montfort UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/911922018-02-26T11:30:16Z2018-02-26T11:30:16ZAfter the niqab: what life is like for French women who remove the veil<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207135/original/file-20180220-116355-r2sso.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Saliha (left) and Alexia in 2012. Alexia no longer wears the veil. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Agnès De Feo</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Islamic headscarves and veils continue to be the subject of intense debate in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/14/headscarves-and-muslim-veil-ban-debate-timeline">Europe</a>. Countries’ approaches toward the burqa and niqab, which cover the face, range from <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/sep/17/veil-womans-choice-theresa-may">tolerance in the UK</a> to an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/jan/31/french-muslim-burqa-veil-niqab">outright ban in France</a>. Reactions of Muslim women to restrictions have varied, including protests by some, reluctant acceptance by others and also <a href="https://www.spectator.co.uk/2017/03/the-right-to-ban-the-veil-is-good-news-for-everybody-including-muslims/">support</a> for bans.</p>
<p>But what happens when a woman who has worn a niqab, sometimes for years, makes the decision to leave it behind?</p>
<p>Hanane and Alexia – whose names are pseudonyms to protect their identity – were both born in France. Hanane grew up in a non-practicing Muslim family, while Alexia converted to Islam at age 22. For five years they both wore a niqab. Hanane began in 2009, just before France banned the full-face veil, while Alexia adopted it later. Once ardent defenders of the right to wear the niqab, both women have now completely abandoned it. But the transition took place gradually and was accompanied by a growing distance from extreme <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/markaz/2016/07/15/islamism-salafism-and-jihadism-a-primer/">Salafist ideology</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207938/original/file-20180226-120971-17yc4d2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207938/original/file-20180226-120971-17yc4d2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=372&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207938/original/file-20180226-120971-17yc4d2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=372&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207938/original/file-20180226-120971-17yc4d2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=372&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207938/original/file-20180226-120971-17yc4d2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207938/original/file-20180226-120971-17yc4d2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207938/original/file-20180226-120971-17yc4d2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Hanane today.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Agnès De Féo</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>‘Start living again’</h2>
<p>On January 10, during the New Year’s discount sales in France, Alexia and I met near Paris’ Gare du Nord train station. She wanted to buy clothes and “start living again”. In the first shop she bought four slim pairs of pants and a trim jacket. She then tried out some Nepalese clothes designed for Western tastes, including a colourful jacket and pants with huge bell bottoms.</p>
<p>As she came out of the dressing room, Alexia gauged herself in front of the mirror: “It’s really me, I finally feel like myself again after years of being locked up.” With her hair brushing her face, she looked like a modern woman, fully alive. I was impressed with her metamorphosis: it’s hard to imagine that she wore a niqab for five years and was one of the most radical women I’d ever met.</p>
<p>I met Alexia in August 2011 in the context of <a href="https://ehess.academia.edu/Agn%C3%A8sDeFeo">my research on the full-length veil</a> during a demonstration by the Salafist group <a href="http://www.liberation.fr/societe/2015/06/10/forsane-alizza-nous-entendions-creer-une-police-musulmane_1326640">Forsane Alizza</a> (literally Knights of the Pride) in a city near Paris. She was wearing a niqab and presented herself as the wife of one of the group’s leaders.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/203250/original/file-20180124-107967-1arfh7v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/203250/original/file-20180124-107967-1arfh7v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203250/original/file-20180124-107967-1arfh7v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203250/original/file-20180124-107967-1arfh7v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203250/original/file-20180124-107967-1arfh7v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203250/original/file-20180124-107967-1arfh7v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203250/original/file-20180124-107967-1arfh7v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Event of the Salafist group Forsane Alizza in August, 2011. At the centre is its leader, Mohamed Achamlane, who was jailed in 2015 for criminal conspiracy in connection with a terrorist enterprise.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Agnès De Féo</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Alexia remembers that time:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We considered all Muslim supporters of the French Republic to be unbelievers. We were doing the <em>takfir</em> (excommunication) against those who did not practice like us. We were opposed to the <em>taghout</em> (idolatry in the broad sense), i.e., the state and institutions. We defined ourselves as <em>ghûlat</em>, which means ‘extremists’ in Arabic.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Estimates of the number of women who wear the niqab vary widely, from a few hundred to <a href="http://www.lefigaro.fr/actualite-france/2009/09/09/01016-20090909ARTFIG00040-deux-mille-femmes-portent-la-burqa-en-france-.php">several thousand</a>. In terms of even France’s Muslim population the percentage is tiny.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/203251/original/file-20180124-107959-1gghw1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/203251/original/file-20180124-107959-1gghw1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203251/original/file-20180124-107959-1gghw1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203251/original/file-20180124-107959-1gghw1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203251/original/file-20180124-107959-1gghw1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203251/original/file-20180124-107959-1gghw1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/203251/original/file-20180124-107959-1gghw1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Hanane, whom I met on the side-lines of a demonstration in front of the French National Assembly, 2010.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Agnès De Féo</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>‘The niqab was protecting me’</h2>
<p>I’ve known Hanane even longer than Alexia. We met during a January 2010 demonstration of women in niqab at the Place de la République in Paris and then in front of the National Assembly. She and others were protesting a proposed measure that would <a href="http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/13/dossiers/dissimulation_visage_espace_public.%20asp">outlaw concealing one’s face in public</a>.</p>
<p>At the beginning of 2017, Hanane reached out to ask me to help her write a book about her life. In the book she’d like to write, Hanane doesn’t want to denounce the niqab, but to tell the story of the rapes she says were repeatedly inflicted by her father-in-law. To her, they help explain her involvement in Salafism.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Religion brought a lot that helped me escape from the trauma of rape. I was 19 to 20 years old when I started wearing the niqab, I took it off when I was 25. The further I went, the more I wanted to cover myself. The niqab protected me, I liked hiding from men. I could see them, but they couldn’t see me.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Unlike Alexia, who decided on her own to begin wearing a veil, Hanane remembers the influence of her social circle at the time:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We were a bunch of girlfriends and wore niqab almost all at the same time. In our group the earliest was <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/paris-shootings-police-hunting-for-grocery-shop-gunmans-girlfriend-hayat-boumedienne-9969144.html">Ayat Boumédiène</a>, who adopted it more than two years before the law. At first everything was normal with her, and then she started to organise gatherings to encourage us to take up arms. It was her husband, Ahmadi Coulibaly, who turned her head – he was low-key until he went to jail. Ayat wanted to introduce me to a man she said I should marry, she really pushed hard. He was later imprisoned for murder. Thank goodness I didn’t give in – I’d be in Syria today.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>On January 9, 2015, Ahmadi Coulibaly attacked the <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/01/09/amedy-coulibaly-paris-kosher-market_n_6444418.html">Hyper Cacher market near Paris</a>. Boumédiène left Paris one week earlier, and was spotted at the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/video/2015/jan/12/hayat-boumeddiene-shown-on-cctv-at-istanbul-airport-video">Istanbul airport</a>. She remains at large. Coulibaly killed five people during his attack and died when the police assaulted the grocery store in which he was holding hostages.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/IJTyWhq_w40?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Trailer of the film <em>Forbidden Veil</em>, directed by Agnès De Féo and produced by Marc Rozenblum, 2017.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>‘I felt like I was getting out of jail’</h2>
<p>When France banned full-length veils in 2010, some of the women who wore the niqab switched to the jilbab, which covers the whole body except the face, while others <a href="http://www.slate.fr/story/153005/islam-pourquoi-quinquagenaires-virulentes-contre-niqab">gave in to public pressure</a> and ceased wearing it. Both Alexia and Hanane are different: they say they’ve turned the page completely.</p>
<p>Alexia has even become a fierce opponent of the Islamic veil and Salafism. She continues to define herself as a Muslim but reads the texts with a critical eye. Hanane admits that she has become less diligent in her rituals: “I often skip prayers or make them late. Some days I don’t even have time to pray. When I wore the niqab I was a little more regular, even though I was often late.”</p>
<p>Both say they’ve put aside the more radical texts they once favoured, and no longer frequent fundamentalist websites. But this process didn’t happen all at once – it took several months. Alexia says she decided to remove the niqab on the advice of the man who shared her life at the time. A convert to Islam and Salafism, he was a supporter of conservative dress for women, but nonetheless suggested she cease wearing the niqab:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>When he saw my physical condition, he asked me to remove the niqab – he feared for my health. I had worn it to please Allah, but because of the lack of sunlight I wasn’t synthesising vitamin D any more – my health was failing. I followed his advice, but it’s been long and hard.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Alexia remembers:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>When I took the niqab off, I felt like I was getting out of jail. But that doesn’t mean I was released – I still felt bad. It takes years to get by and I haven’t finished cleaning my head yet.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Hanane abandoned her veil after the attacks on the French satirical magazine <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-30710883">Charlie Hebdo in 2015</a> because she feared for her safety, facing more and more insults in the street. She said the hardest part has been the exclusion from her social circle:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Since I removed my veil, many of my Muslim sisters no longer want to talk to me. I find them stuck-up and unfair, because anyone can choose to take off their veil. A few rare ones talk to me, but it’s not like it used to be.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>For a long time Alexia would put her veil back on when returning to her old neighbourhood in northeast Paris where social and religious conservatism is strong in certain communities. Then she finally changed her life entirely.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>My life began to change when I enrolled in a gym, which allowed me to get out of the Salafist social networks that were my only source of socialisation before. Then I got a job and then I finally said goodbye to my past.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>And it was at this job that she met the man whom she would marry. He is not Muslim and the civil marriage took place at city hall, an unthinkable choice for this woman who once hated French institutions.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202265/original/file-20180117-53328-1oxp5mh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202265/original/file-20180117-53328-1oxp5mh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202265/original/file-20180117-53328-1oxp5mh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202265/original/file-20180117-53328-1oxp5mh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202265/original/file-20180117-53328-1oxp5mh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202265/original/file-20180117-53328-1oxp5mh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202265/original/file-20180117-53328-1oxp5mh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Alexia visits a booth at the annual salon for French Muslims at Le Bourget, north of Paris, 2017.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Agnès De Féo</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>A bitter taste</h2>
<p>In hindsight, neither Alexia nor Hanane spoke of their “exit” from the niqab as a liberation. Instead, the experience has left them with a bitter taste. They say they were convinced at some point in their lives of the importance of wearing a full-length veil: Alexia believed that she was achieving Muslim perfection and giving meaning to her life – she imagined meeting the pious and virtuous man who would save her from her life as a single mother. For Hanane, the goal was to heal the wounds of an adolescence torn apart by family trauma and foster care.</p>
<p>Alexia now feels that this period cost her years of her life and expresses anger at the propaganda coming from Saudi Arabia. She blames the entire system that indoctrinated her, even though she acknowledges it was, in a sense, voluntary. According to her, the Islamic State benefits from the naivety of those who believe they are committed to Salafism for legitimate reasons.</p>
<p>Even if they’ve both renounced the niqab, neither Hanane nor Alexia support the 2010 ban. Hanane told me recently: “The law is counterproductive. The only way out is by yourself. The ban will never convince any woman to take it off.” Alexia has the same reaction, saying that the law that has led some women to cut themselves off from society and that some might adopt it as a rebellious gesture.</p>
<p>Testimonies of those who’ve chosen to “leave the niqab behind” are rare. The number of women who have adopted it is extremely low, and the ones who then choose to renounce it must often sever their old relationships and adopt what is in many ways a new identity – they change their e-mail addresses, phone numbers and move on completely. For them the full-length veil has become something firmly in the past, representative of a transitional stage in their lives.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>Translated from the original French by Leighton Walter Kille.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91192/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Agnès De Féo is co-founder of Sasana Productions and teaches at the journalism school CFPJ.</span></em></p>A number of women who once wore and defended the full Islamic veil known as the niqab later chose to renounce it. Here two of them tell their stories.Agnès De Féo, Sociologue, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/860552017-10-23T22:52:37Z2017-10-23T22:52:37ZQuebec’s niqab ban uses women’s bodies to bolster right-wing extremism<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/191480/original/file-20171023-1746-1rqg0dq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Warda Naili poses for a photograph on a city bus in Montreal. Last week, Bill 62 was passed in Quebec, outlawing the wearing of a niqab on public transit.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source"> THE CANADIAN PRESS/Graham Hughes</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>“I should see your face and you should see mine.”</em>
- Premier Philippe Couillard on the passing of Bill 62 in Quebec.</p>
<p>The recent passage of Bill 62 — banning the wearing of the niqab in Quebec for those seeking access to public services, including taking public transit — raises an important question about why such a draconian move was considered necessary for such a tiny portion of the population. </p>
<p>Only a minority of a minority chooses to cover their faces, as Global News radio host <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/3811998/commentary-nobody-surprised-quebec-going-after-niqab-again/">Supriya Dwivedi pointed out in her recent commentary</a>. Only 114,000 people identify as Muslim women in Quebec, of which an even smaller minority wear the hijab (which covers the head and neck), and only a fraction of them wear the niqab (which covers the head and face). That represents perhaps as little as 0.7 per cent of the entire population, or about 90 women. </p>
<p>While there has been considerable condemnation of this bill, both in Quebec and the rest of Canada, this issue needs to be contextualized within the larger perspective of how women’s bodies are used. To be sure, the insistence on visibility has been legitimized by the War on Terror — the U.S.-led military campaign following the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001 — where surveillance became the new normal and everything had to be open for scrutiny. </p>
<p>As a communications scholar, I have explored representations of Muslim women over the last decade, both in the context of war and femicide (the murders of women because they are women). This knowledge propels me to challenge and interrogate Premier Philippe Couillard’s insistent need to see someone’s face. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/191420/original/file-20171023-1689-1lp8izu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/191420/original/file-20171023-1689-1lp8izu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191420/original/file-20171023-1689-1lp8izu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191420/original/file-20171023-1689-1lp8izu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191420/original/file-20171023-1689-1lp8izu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191420/original/file-20171023-1689-1lp8izu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191420/original/file-20171023-1689-1lp8izu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Quebec Premier Philippe Couillard has defended the need for Bill 62, claiming everyone’s face should be visible when using public facilities.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(THE CANADIAN PRESS/Paul Chiasson)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Data mining and commodification of women’s bodies</h2>
<p>Technologies like the telephone, before its new incarnation as the smart phone with video-calling apps, have long been used to talk to others without seeing their faces.</p>
<p>But data mining relies on visibility. Every time we agree to use an app, we input our details and make aspects of our lives known. This information is used to create products that suit our tastes. Like audiences of television shows, we are sold to advertisers who then promote products designed to cash in on our attention - our mind share.</p>
<p>Women’s bodies are used in similar ways. They are data-mined to extract information from them that is then used to target-market them — while also making them complicit in the act of fitting into the normative standards of beauty. As feminists have long pointed out, visibility is also tied to the sexual commodification of women. To make bodies visible is to make them accessible.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/191438/original/file-20171023-1748-b3c4e1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/191438/original/file-20171023-1748-b3c4e1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=523&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191438/original/file-20171023-1748-b3c4e1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=523&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191438/original/file-20171023-1748-b3c4e1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=523&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191438/original/file-20171023-1748-b3c4e1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=658&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191438/original/file-20171023-1748-b3c4e1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=658&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191438/original/file-20171023-1748-b3c4e1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=658&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Zunera Ishaq (left) embraces her friend Nusrat Wahid after a 2015 decision by the Federal Court of Appeal that overturned a ban on the wearing niqabs at citizenship ceremonies.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin Tang)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Like companies that mine data to subsequently monetize and capitalize on consumers, the government uses women’s bodies as a commodity to work for its own messages. The slender, sexually available and beautiful young woman then works as a symbol of an open, sexually liberated society. </p>
<p>Sanctioning such norms, the Quebec government portrays itself as righteously secular, although it operates literally <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/editorials/national-assemblys-crucifix-cements-a-duplessis-era-bond-between-politics-and-religion/article14016418/?arc404=true">under a Christian cross</a>, thereby appeasing the political demands of the <a href="http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/quebec-city-labeaume-far-right-concerns-1.4259325">ultra-right, a growing segment in the province</a>.</p>
<p>The government knows full well that its legislation is going to be challenged, but they are sending a clear message to their constituents. Bill 62 also “outlaws” sunglasses and balaclavas — a strategic camouflage to conceal the law’s true intent. </p>
<p>The Quebec government doesn’t just want to deter Muslims from settling in the province, they are actually using Muslim women’s bodies as a political ploy. The insistence of visibility conveys the message that to belong to Quebec, Muslim women must toe the line; they must dress, talk and behave in particular ways.</p>
<h2>Symbolism of women’s bodies</h2>
<p>Yet another aspect of visibility is its symbolic value. A potent example is how women’s bodies are used in times of war. Enemy forces often capture women, use and abuse them, and then either murder or abandon them. All of this has propaganda value. And it has to be effectively carried out if it’s to have the desired outcome. </p>
<p>This serves a threefold function for the enemy: First, it provides the rank and file with access to the “spoils of war” — where women are the spoils. Second, it allows the enemy to destroy the reproductive capacities of those they are warring with either by killing women or by impregnating women, thus making them carriers of the enemy’s offspring. Without women, a nation cannot reproduce itself. </p>
<p>Third, women are often the symbolic boundaries of the nation, socializing and educating the next generation. Take away the women, and you destroy the nation in terms of its social reproduction over time. Witness the history of Indigenous women and one can quickly get a sense of how this works.</p>
<h2>Couillard and Bill 62: An assertion of Quebec sovereignty</h2>
<p>As a state targets the women of a community, they also target and impact their families and the men in their families. Bill 62 follows a long trajectory of <a href="https://beta.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/quebec-muslims-facing-more-abuse-since-charter-proposal-womens-groups-say/article14672348/?ref=http://www.theglobeandmail.com&">abuses against Muslim women</a>, not to mention the <a href="http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/pig-head-mosque-quebec-city-reaction-1.3643119">rising tide of Islamophobia</a> within both daily life and <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2010/03/25/quebec_niqab_bill_would_make_muslim_women_unveil.html">in national affairs</a>.</p>
<p>Muslim women have become the battleground for the reassertion of Quebec’s sovereignty in the endless federal-provincial melée. Visibility works as a way of ensuring compliance — those who want to remain within the nation know how not to dress, talk and behave. </p>
<p>Conversely, it allows the state to demonstrate that it is responding to a majority. The irony of all of this is that the Taliban, under the guise of Islam, imposed restrictions that forced women to dress in particular ways, whereas now, this secular state forces women to unveil themselves.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/191437/original/file-20171023-1695-1jumq4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/191437/original/file-20171023-1695-1jumq4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191437/original/file-20171023-1695-1jumq4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191437/original/file-20171023-1695-1jumq4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191437/original/file-20171023-1695-1jumq4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=490&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191437/original/file-20171023-1695-1jumq4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=490&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/191437/original/file-20171023-1695-1jumq4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=490&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Similar attempts to ban the niqab and burqa have taken place across Europe, the Netherlands and Australia. Ayse Bayrak stands in front of a banner during a demonstration of about two dozen Muslim women outside the Dutch parliament against a proposed ban on the burqa, in The Hague, Netherlands in 2006.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/ Fred Ernst)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/86055/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Yasmin Jiwani has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for her research on the gendered discourses of war and on the reporting of femicides.</span></em></p>Bill 62, a bill passed last week banning the wearing of Niqab in Québec for those seeking access to public services, is widely seen as an attack on Muslim women. Why is it even necessary?Yasmin Jiwani, Professor of Communication Studies; Research Chair on Intersectionality, Violence and Resistance, Concordia UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/721202017-01-31T15:53:14Z2017-01-31T15:53:14ZWhy Morocco’s burqa ban is more than just a security measure<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/154974/original/image-20170131-13227-1j9woal.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Moroccan women walking in capital Rabat.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/STR</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Moroccan authorities have recently banned the manufacturing, marketing and sale of the burqa – an outer garment worn by some Muslim women to cover themselves in public. It completely conceals the face, with a mesh cloth shielding the eyes from view.</p>
<p>The decision is noteworthy in a country whose population is <a href="http://acad.depauw.edu/%7Emkfinney/teaching/Com227/culturalportfolios/Morocco/W-Religion.html">99% Muslim</a>. So what does the ban mean?</p>
<p>The Moroccan Ministry of Interior <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/01/reports-morocco-bans-production-sale-burqa-170110140716164.html">cited</a> security concerns as the reason for the ban. It argued that wearing the burqa could help criminals and terrorists hide their identities. Indeed, several criminals have <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/morocco-bans-burqa-security-fears-bandit-a7520156.html">reportedly</a> used the burqa or niqab – a veil that covers the face but not the eyes – to perpetrate crimes, including theft.</p>
<p>But beyond immediate security concerns, the real worry for the moderate Moroccan government is the spread of radical, <a href="http://www.theweek.co.uk/world-news/6073/what-is-salafism-and-should-we-be-worried-by-it">Salafist</a>
Islam. Salafism <a href="http://www.ffgi.net/en/files/dossier/dossier-morocco-schuckmann_en.pdf">has been linked</a> to ISIS and terrorism in North Africa. Morocco’s concern with terrorism is exacerbated by the fact that it receives about <a href="http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ST.INT.ARVL">10 million visitors</a> a year and partly depends on tourism revenues for its development. The government believes that banning the burqa will limit expression of radical Islam and will help contain it. </p>
<h2>Women’s wear tells a story</h2>
<p>A very small minority of women wear the burqa in Morocco – a country where modernity and tradition live together and whose king, Mohammed VI, fosters moderate Islam. </p>
<p>The djellaba – a hooded robe – is the historical, national garment of Moroccan women. It’s traditionally worn with a veil called a litham and worn together they cover the woman’s face and body, except her eyes. During the fight for independence, especially in the 1940s, the djellaba was a symbol of nationalism and a shield of identity. </p>
<p>Today, the djellaba is mostly worn without the litham.</p>
<p>But with the rise of <a href="http://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/political-islam">political Islam</a> in the mid-1980s came various new, foreign veiling practices – including the hijab, the niqab and the burqa. Under the influence of the Gulf nations, the hijab – a scarf that covers the hair – gradually infiltrated Moroccan society and came to be worn along with the djellaba or other western-type clothing.</p>
<p>Like the hijab, the niqab and the burqa are linked to the spread of Salafist Islam in North Africa. The niqab and burqa are worn especially in radical Islamist or <a href="http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/06/morocco-salafist-sheikhs-regime-isis.html">Salafist</a> circles in conservative regions in the north of Morocco. Hundreds of jihadists have <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/morocco-fight-islamic-state-recruitment-by-moha-ennaji-2015-10?barrier=accessreg">travelled from this region</a> to fight in Syria and Iraq . </p>
<p>Within this context, the burqa is perceived by many Moroccans as alien to their culture. Among intellectuals in general – except the ultra conservative Salafists – the wearing of the burqa is perceived as an unwelcome <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/03/29/what-is-wahhabism-the-reactionary-branch-of-islam-said-to-be-the/">Wahhabi</a> practice.</p>
<h2>Opinions split</h2>
<p>It’s notable that the ban hasn’t created a mass outcry. This can probably be attributed to the decision to ban the sale and production of burqas, rather than the burqa itself – at least for the time being. But the burqa ban has certainly split opinion in the country. </p>
<p>The Salafist extremist Abu Naim issued a <a href="http://fr.le360.ma/politique/burqa-le-salafiste-abou-naim-excommunie-a-tort-et-a-travers-103437">video</a> on his Facebook page calling those who made this decision “infidels, apostates and renegades who are leading a war against God”. </p>
<p>Some Salafist Muslim groups like <a href="http://enhancedwiki.altervista.org/en.php?title=Party_of_Renaissance_and_Virtue">Annahda wa Al Fadila</a> (Renaissance and Virtue) have strongly criticised the move. They warn that the burqa ban is a first step towards banning the niqab. This, they argue, would lead to a real split in Moroccan society, where more women wear the niqab. </p>
<p>Progressive women’s organisations argue that the ban is justified because the burqa oppresses women. Nouzha Skalli, a former Minister for Family and Social Development, welcomed the ban and <a href="http://www.breitbart.com/national-security/2017/01/11/morocco-bans-burqa/">described it</a> as “an important step in the fight against religious extremism”. Saida Drissi, Chair of the Democratic Association of the Women of Morocco, <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/01/12/morocco-bans-sale-production-burka/">pointed out</a> that “when it’s about wearing a hijab, a burqa, Salafists all agree… but we never hear them [protest] when a girl can’t wear a miniskirt”. </p>
<p>Others reject the burqa as a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/11/world/africa/morocco-ban-burqa-niqab.html">neocolonial import</a> from the Gulf states.</p>
<p>The Northern Moroccan National Observatory for Human Development <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-38574457">considered</a> the decision “arbitrary” and an “indirect violation of women’s freedom of expression”.</p>
<p>But for the Amazigh researcher and activist Ahmed Assid the ban of the manufacture and sale of the burqa is legitimate and desirable. He <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/morocco-bans-burqa-security-fears-bandit-a7520156.html">welcomed the move</a> because this foreign garment has been used improperly to aid criminal and terrorist acts. </p>
<h2>The new paradox and women’s rights</h2>
<p>The burqa ban and the debate that it has fomented has drawn attention to the tension that exists in Morocco between official moderate Islam and conservative Islam, which is a growing minority. </p>
<p>This is the new paradox in Morocco. And it has significant implications for women’s rights. On the one hand, recent legal and institutional reforms have had a significant impact on democracy and the modernisation process in Moroccan society. These include the <a href="http://english.dohainstitute.org/release/c0c2a631-7718-4525-a30c-f7101e5cd767">amended constitution</a> of 2011, which guarantees gender equality and women’s political participation, and the <a href="http://buffett.northwestern.edu/documents/working-papers/ISITA_09-002_Harrak.pdf">reform of the Family Code</a> in 2004. </p>
<p>On the other hand, the Salafists who defend the burqa and the niqab want to Islamise society further. They ultimately <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2014/06/what-is-an-islamic-caliphate-and-why-did-isis-make-one/373693/">aim</a> to establish the Islamic caliphate in Morocco, which allows beheadings, the captivity of women, sexual jihad, and anti-women fatwas. </p>
<p>Given this paradox, the burqa ban, which favours moderate Islam and secularism, is significant. Although it’s obviously motivated by security concerns, the ban is part of a broader fight against religious extremism and terrorism.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/72120/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Moha Ennaji does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The recent burqa ban in Morocco highlights tensions between radical Salafists and a moderate Islamic government that has taken steps to further women’s rights.Moha Ennaji, Professor of Linguistics, Gender, and Cultural Studies, International Institute for Languages and CulturesLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/315582014-10-03T01:39:10Z2014-10-03T01:39:10ZBurqa and Niqab: they cover the face, not the mind<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60699/original/mbrs7xm9-1412297697.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Visitors of Afghan nationality wearing hijabs outside Parliament House yesterday. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lukas Coch/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>A call to ban the burqa has permeated Australian political discussions since police <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/police-swoop-on-sydney-brisbane-homes-in-terror-raids/story-e6frg6nf-1227062160671">raided the homes</a> of suspected Islamist extremists in Sydney and Brisbane on September 18. </p>
<p>Liberal Senator Cory Bernardi and Palmer United Party Senator Jacqui Lambie linked both fundamentalism and the alleged oppression of women to the burqa: Bernardi’s tweet (see below) was matched by <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/jacqui-lambie-says-islamic-law-involves-terrorism-as-she-stands-firm-on-burqa-ban-20140921-10jw4b.html">Lambie’s characterisation</a> of the burqa as “a national security risk”. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"512381674881949696"}"></div></p>
<p>On Wednesday Prime Minister Tony Abbott <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/01/tony-abbott-finds-burqa-confronting-and-would-not-oppose-parliament-ban">offered</a> his opinion. Let’s remind ourselves what he said:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I have said before that I find [the burqa] a fairly confronting form of attire. Frankly, I wish it was not worn but we are a free country, we are a free society and it is not the business of government to tell people what they should and shouldn’t wear.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>He also indicated he wouldn’t oppose a parliamentary ban on the burqa, were it to be proposed. </p>
<p>Yesterday, new security changes for the Senate and House of Representatives <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2014/oct/02/parliamentary-burqa-rules-send-signal-of-intolerance-to-australian-public">were approved</a>: visitors wearing facial coverings will have to sit in a separate area of the public gallery shielded by glass panels. </p>
<p>Speaker of the House Bronwyn Bishop, and Stephen Parry (the president of the Senate), approved the changes; Abbott <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/tony-abbott-to-kill-off-parliament-house-burqa-ban-20141002-10pjoh.html">asked</a> officials to reconsider last night.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60690/original/6yycrf9s-1412296069.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60690/original/6yycrf9s-1412296069.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60690/original/6yycrf9s-1412296069.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60690/original/6yycrf9s-1412296069.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60690/original/6yycrf9s-1412296069.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60690/original/6yycrf9s-1412296069.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60690/original/6yycrf9s-1412296069.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A niqab is a type of veiling practice that covers the entire body, hair and the face but it leaves the eyes uncovered, in contrast to the burqa, which also covers the eyes. Hijab on the other hand is an umbrella term that refers to Muslim modest clothing and head cover. It does not cover the face.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/eltpics/8858410688/in/photolist-euMESL-6p9Qd9-5MJBvf-8b6py8-dBVZ6A-4t2hQU-b6GQs2-bejh5B-b6GXve-aUcEvi-b2zoza-b2zs4D-b6GQQV-b6GM3V-aUcExe-8JFUsg-b2zouB-b6GR4x-aUcHnV-aUcECX-49JGEx-aUcEEr-biokED-biokjc-bioku4-b6GQvi-biokkV-aUcHmR-b2zs72-b2zs5V-b6GQhp-aUcEye-aUcFGK-b2zset-aUcHiX-64irYP-4dpGh1-5cu7W-8dLtr5-8tP4j4-2zsmd-b2zsdg-dkAAVB-A6ndg-6wYqsf-4dpGah-fEFWJb-4dkH9Z-5Wm41B-4kwzY1">eltpics/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Curiously, despite this mounting anxiety over the burqa and the political debates to which it has given rise in the Australian Parliament, there has never been a report of national security risk related to women wearing the burqa or niqab, and no woman dressed in this fashion has ever tried entering Parliament House, the very place from which senators are campaigning to ban them. So if women in niqab or burqa have never caused a national security risk in Australia, what is this hype about? </p>
<p>National security is important to everyone, let there be no doubt about it. And Muslims are no exception. They too want to live and raise their families in a safe and secure society. </p>
<p>Women’s liberation is important too. And if Australia really wants to liberate women, there are many pressing battles they can join. Women’s education, particularly in the face of current <a href="https://theconversation.com/natsem-uwa-model-would-lift-uni-debt-for-women-disadvantaged-32138">budgetary proposals</a>, and women’s safety (especially Aboriginal women’s) from domestic physical and sexual violence are just two examples. </p>
<p>If there are concerns in Australia about national security or about the oppression of women, they have nothing to do with Muslim women or their clothing. It is time to change the narrative about Muslim women’s identities and to stop defining them exclusively by their clothing.</p>
<p>Many non-Muslims perceive veiling – the burqa and niqab especially – as a sign of religious extremism and possible political militancy. What may be less known is the fact that many Muslims also tend to be wary of women who cover their face. While most Muslims acknowledge that covering one’s hair as a religious duty, many believe the face veil is not an Islamic prescription, but rather a cultural tradition from certain geographical areas (notably, from <a href="http://www.everyculture.com/wc/Afghanistan-to-Bosnia-Herzegovina/Pashtun.html">Pashtun areas</a> in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and from the Gulf region) that has been superimposed on Islam and fused with its teachings. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60691/original/j37q4cph-1412296830.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60691/original/j37q4cph-1412296830.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60691/original/j37q4cph-1412296830.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60691/original/j37q4cph-1412296830.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60691/original/j37q4cph-1412296830.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60691/original/j37q4cph-1412296830.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60691/original/j37q4cph-1412296830.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60691/original/j37q4cph-1412296830.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Afghan burqa-clad women sit at the venue of an election campaign event of incumbent Afghan President and presidential candidate Hamid Karzai in Herat, western Afghanistan, in 2009.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Jalil Rezayee/EPA</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>To substantiate their condemnation, some Muslims point to the fact that wearing a face veil is <a href="http://www.mecca.net/hajj-information.html">forbidden</a> during the pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj). </p>
<p>In fact, there are many jokes that circulate in Arab and Muslim-majority societies about women who wear the burqa. Many of these are published in daily newspapers with or without cartoons and relished by younger and older people alike. One such joke comments on people’s reactions when seeing a woman wearing a black burqa: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Which part of her is the front and which is her back?</p>
</blockquote>
<p>In an illustrated book now translated into several European languages and titled <a href="http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/11662679-burqa?from_search=true">Burqa!</a> (2007), Simona Bassano di Tuffilo, an Italian artist, drew 24 illustrations to accompany a short piece written by Jamila Mujahed, an Afghani journalist. </p>
<p>The text describes Mujahed’s experience as a woman before and after the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban. The story tells of her difficulties at the news that she had to stop work and wear a burqa, her challenges learning to wear it and walk around covered from head to toe, and the violence against women perpetrated by the Taliban that she witnessed on the streets.</p>
<p>The illustrations in the book depict some of the ironic social consequences of all women wearing the burqa. In one, a small terrorised boy searches for his mother in a room full of women all dressed alike, screaming, “mommy!”. In another, two women in burqas speak to each other, one of them asking, “Who are you?,” and the other responding, “Your sister”. </p>
<p>In a third, one woman in a burqa says to another: “Sorry to be late, I did not know what to wear.”</p>
<p>Other illustrations focus on men’s hypocrisy when they force women to wear the burqa, on the one hand, and then, on the other, take advantage of women’s anonymity to flirt with them with impunity. My favourite is the one in which two men attend an event full of women in burqas. They look around with concern and say, “You never know if your wife is observing you”.</p>
<p>I enjoy these cartoons because they humanise both men and women who act in recognisable ways, whether in a Muslim-majority society or in a Muslim-minority one. I also enjoy them because they voice genuine questions and thoughts that many people have when faced with a woman in burqa or niqab.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60694/original/ntq7j632-1412297208.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60694/original/ntq7j632-1412297208.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60694/original/ntq7j632-1412297208.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60694/original/ntq7j632-1412297208.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60694/original/ntq7j632-1412297208.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60694/original/ntq7j632-1412297208.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60694/original/ntq7j632-1412297208.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60694/original/ntq7j632-1412297208.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Women wearing the niqab participate in a flash mob protest in Sydney, 2010.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP Image/Dean Lewins</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>I am not unfamiliar with such questions. I have often had mixed feelings about women who wear a niqab or burqa. I even admit to having felt some anxiety when I encountered a woman who wore an ultra-conservative style of veiling. I understand why many non-Muslims (and some Muslims) are afraid of women in burqas, or why they perceive them as passive and oppressed.</p>
<p>But I have also been powerfully challenged in my own thinking, especially since the news coverage of the <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2013/12/year-four-seasons-turn-arab-spring-2013121762345793639.html">Arab Spring</a>, the 2011 revolutions that rocked the Arab world. I have been struck by the way some Arab and Muslim women have been portrayed during the various Arab revolutions and until today. Many who appeared on newscasts and who expressed strong political views against Arab dictators and offered sophisticated analyses were veiled. Some of them covered their face.</p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60702/original/jrzhz45k-1412299557.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60702/original/jrzhz45k-1412299557.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/60702/original/jrzhz45k-1412299557.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=814&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60702/original/jrzhz45k-1412299557.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=814&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60702/original/jrzhz45k-1412299557.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=814&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60702/original/jrzhz45k-1412299557.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1023&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60702/original/jrzhz45k-1412299557.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1023&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/60702/original/jrzhz45k-1412299557.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1023&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Melbourne street art.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/mikecogh/8263207489/in/photolist-aCVnYo-bgGQDe-dAc6GD-8eVmCe-dYpTPD">Michael Coghlan</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Such images have made me question some of my own presuppositions about women in the burqa and niqab. These women could not be labelled as ultra-conservative or cast away as brain-washed. And they were certainly not silent or submissive. These women surprised me and the world. </p>
<p>These were revolutionary women who did not let men speak for them and who were not shy to speak their minds in front of national and international cameras. It did not matter how they were dressed and what their faith was. What mattered were their staunch beliefs and political actions.</p>
<p>So today, when I see a woman wearing the burqa, I remind myself a woman who wears the most conservative style of niqab or burqa still has a mind, a political perspective, and a voice. The niqab may cover her face and head, but it does not cover her mind.</p>
<p>As I discuss in my <a href="https://gleebooks.worldsecuresystems.com/BookingRetrieve.aspx?ID=180362">recent book</a> <a href="https://www.newsouthbooks.com.au/books/what-veiling/">What Is Veiling?</a> (2014), women who wear the hijab, niqab or burqa may appear conservative on the outside. But anyone who actually engages in a conversation with them quickly learns that underneath their veils, one often finds sociopolitically active citizens, assertive individuals engaged in personal, social, economic, political and spiritual advancement. </p>
<p>In a liberal democratic society, we ought to uphold women’s rights and protect their choice to wear any kind of veil, no matter how long it is or how much of the body and face it covers.</p>
<p><br>
<em><a href="http://uncpress.unc.edu/books/10540.html">What Is Veiling?</a> by Sahar Amer is published by The University of North Carolina Press and Edinburgh University Press. It is distributed in Australia through New SouthBooks</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/31558/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sahar Amer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A call to ban the burqa has permeated Australian political discussions since police raided the homes of suspected Islamist extremists in Sydney and Brisbane on September 18. Liberal Senator Cory Bernardi…Sahar Amer, Professor and Chair of Department, University of SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/316282014-09-22T00:05:45Z2014-09-22T00:05:45ZBanning the burqa is not the answer to fears about public safety<p>The <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burqa">burqa</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Niq%C4%81b">niqab</a> are often viewed as symbols of extremism. In the wake of the rise of Islamic State, it is unsurprising, therefore, that in recent days a number of Australian politicians have called for their banning. </p>
<p>Reverend <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/state-politics/christian-democrat-rev-fred-nile-again-moves-to-ban-burqa-in-nsw/story-e6frgczx-1227055228568">Fred Nile has already introduced</a> the Summary Offences Amendment (<a href="http://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/prod/parlment/nswbills.nsf/131a07fa4b8a041cca256e610012de17/faf88f7a5826ee80ca257d4e001e3eb2?OpenDocument">Full-face Coverings Prohibition</a>) Bill 2014 (NSW) into the New South Wales parliament which, if passed, will ban the wearing of <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-09-23/why-do-muslim-women-wear-a-burka-niqab-or-hijab/5761510">various face coverings</a> in public. The Bill does not refer to Muslims, Islam, the burqa or niqab. <a href="http://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/prod/parlment/hansart.nsf/V3Key/LC20140911019?open&refNavID=HA8_1">Comments by Nile</a> clearly indicate, however, that the law is designed to target Islamic face veils. </p>
<p>While the proposed ban, if passed, would affect only a small number of women, it would force them to make unenviable choice. Obey the law and deny their faith. Obey their faith and risk criminal charges. Stay at home and become isolated from the community. </p>
<p>Government senator Cory Bernardi and Palmer United Party senator Jacqui Lambie have also called for the <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-09-18/cory-bernardi-renews-call-for-burqa-ban/5752784">burqa to be banned</a>. In a <a href="https://twitter.com/corybernardi/status/512381674881949696">tweet</a> Bernardi linked recent raids on suspected terrorists to the burqa, claiming that burqa wearers had been found in several of the houses raided.</p>
<p>Nile made three arguments in support of his legislative ban. First, several European countries have banned face coverings in public or are considering such a ban. Second, criminals and terrorists can use face coverings such as the burqa and niqab to hide their identities. Third, women are forced to wear the Islamic face veil by their families and religion. </p>
<p>This is not the first time Nile has tried to ban face coverings. In <a href="https://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/prod/parlment/nswbills.nsf/d2117e6bba4ab3ebca256e68000a0ae2/1b106ecb7420c2a8ca2576d50003dfa6?OpenDocument">2010</a> and <a href="https://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/prod/parlment/nswbills.nsf/d2117e6bba4ab3ebca256e68000a0ae2/e4056a30b3319309ca2578860029c6ee?OpenDocument">2011</a> he unsuccessfully introduced similar Bills. There are two key differences between then and now: the handing down of the <a href="http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.aspx?i=001-145466#%7B%22itemid%22:%5B%22001-145466%22%5D%7D">European Court of Human Rights’ decision</a> on the French burqa ban and the rise of Islamic State. </p>
<p>In July this year, the European Court of Human Rights upheld France’s ban on face coverings in public. The court found that the ban impinged upon the freedom of religion of Muslim women. However, it found that the ban was permissible to promote the minimum requirements of life in society or living together (<em>le vivre ensemble</em>). The decision has been <a href="https://theconversation.com/french-burqa-ban-upheld-a-victory-for-democracy-and-a-setback-for-human-rights-28784">heavily criticised</a>.</p>
<h2>Blowing the dog whistle</h2>
<p>While the court ultimately found that the ban was permissible, it rejected a number of arguments put forward in support of the ban. This includes those relied upon by Nile. </p>
<p>His arguments rests heavily on the assertion that a ban on face veils is necessary to protect public safety. He has explicitly linked this latest push to ban the burqa to the rise of Islamic State.</p>
<p>Criminals and terrorists can and do use face coverings to hide their identities. However, a blanket ban is not the only solution. <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/burka-laws-ready-for-nsw/story-e6frg6nf-1226117944473?nk=6d6787f7169e4b0ae1feee15be5d1f1b">New South Wales</a>, the <a href="http://www.canberratimes.com.au/act-news/act-assembly-passes-laws-to-force-removal-of-burqas-20120320-1vi7j.html">Australian Capital Territory</a> and <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/wa-parliament-passes-new-burqa-law/story-fn59niix-1226751339897">Western Australia</a> have all passed laws dealing with face coverings in public.</p>
<p>Police have been given the power to request a person remove their face covering for the purposes of checking their identity. This is a proportionate and sensible approach. Face veils can, in certain circumstances, impede identification and pose a security risk. However, there is no security threat from women wearing the burqa while having coffee at their favourite café. </p>
<p>While some supporters of Islamic State may wear the burqa, it does not necessarily follow that the two issues are linked. The attempts by Nile, Bernardi and Lambie to draw a link are little more than a dog whistle to the frightened and intolerant. </p>
<p>The direct security threat posed the face veil is very low. Only <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/2071.0main+features902012-2013">2.2%</a> of the population is Muslim. An even smaller fraction wear the face veil. Only <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/burqa-bandit-in-armed-cash-grab-20100506-ub1r.html">one instance</a> of the burqa being used as a disguise in the commission of a crime has been recorded in Australia.</p>
<h2>Tolerance is a source of strength</h2>
<p>While fighters returning from overseas conflicts, including those fighting for Islamic State, do <a href="https://theconversation.com/if-blocked-from-returning-home-where-will-australias-jihadists-go-31289">pose a security threat</a>, banning face coverings is little more than a knee-jerk reaction. Such a ban is more likely to inflame tensions within Australia’s Muslim community. </p>
<p>Lambie argued that <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-09-19/jacqui-lambie-calls-for-ban-on-burkas-in-public/5756136">the burqa should be banned</a> because:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The burkas are obviously designed by men who have an obsessive need to have extreme control and power over women.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>However, the European Court of Human Rights rejected the argument that a ban on the burqa was necessary to promote equality between men and women. The court commented that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… A State Party cannot invoke gender equality in order to ban a practice that is defended by women.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The applicant in that case strongly asserted that wearing the face veil was her choice. That she, along with many other women, chose to wear the face covering as a sign of devotion and even empowerment. </p>
<p>Even if some women are forced to wear the face veil, a ban is not the best solution. Banning the face veil will not result in oppressed women throwing off their veils and revelling in their new-found freedom. Instead, the more likely result is their exclusion from society as their oppressors force them to remain at home.</p>
<p>Rather than encouraging tolerance, pluralism and respect, a ban on the burqa simply removes the face veil from the public. Studies conducted in <a href="http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/voices/france-s-burqa-ban-enforcing-not-solving-inequality">France</a> and <a href="http://www.ugent.be/re/publiekrecht/en/research/human-rights/faceveil.pdf">Belgium</a> point to an increase in intolerance, even violence, towards women wearing face veils after the introduction of the ban in those countries. </p>
<p>Instead of following France and Belgium, Australia should continue to seek measures to accommodate a diverse range of religious expressions. </p>
<p>Rather than feeling uncomfortable when seeing a veiled woman, Australians should feel proud. Our society is tolerant and open-minded enough for a diverse range of religious beliefs and practices, which includes wearing the burqa and niqab.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/31628/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Renae Barker is an Honorary Research Fellow at the Centre for Muslim States and Societies </span></em></p>The burqa and niqab are often viewed as symbols of extremism. In the wake of the rise of Islamic State, it is unsurprising, therefore, that in recent days a number of Australian politicians have called…Renae Barker, Lecturer in Law , The University of Western AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/182652013-09-17T11:39:14Z2013-09-17T11:39:14ZBritain does not need a French-style burqa ban<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/31466/original/cz2n77s5-1379407076.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The individual's freedoms must be balanced by pragmatism in the courtroom.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Amexta</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The debate on full veils - burqas and niqabs - in British courts and British schools was always bound to happen. The issue flared up a few years ago following <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2006/oct/06/politics.uk">some remarks</a> by Jack Straw but it had not yet turned into a discussion over the possibility of a <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/sep/19/battle-for-the-burqa">French style</a> umbrella ban. </p>
<p>Politicians such as Phillip Hollobone, Jeremy Browne and Nick Clegg seem to propose something along these lines. Yet, I believe, this country will not eventually generate a law similar to the French one in force since 2011. If it did, it would not be beneficial, but it is still important that we have this discussion.</p>
<p>Public deliberation is healthy for democracy. In particular, debating is a highly treasured feature of British democracy, but so are individual freedoms and so is pragmatism. From this latter perspective, I am not sure that the numbers of women wearing niqabs or burqas in this country is so sizeable to actually deserve so much public attention, as well as expenditure of much public resources. </p>
<p>Unlike the French, Britain has taken a fluid approach to difference and the multicultural character of its society, and in the current circumstances, it is unclear - perhaps impossible - to establish where the limit for “difference” lies.</p>
<p>Ultimately the difficult question for everybody nowadays is how to <a href="http://www.bihr.org.uk/human-rights-in-action/chapter-3-different-rights-%E2%80%93-a-balancing-act">balance the rights</a> of the citizens as a group and the rights of the individual. Although France and Britain share their beliefs in human rights and the principle of religious freedom and their respect for the rule of law, their political cultures and legal systems are quite diverse. </p>
<p>The French attribute a strong symbolic role to state institutions. Institutions are also highly respected in Britain but the political culture and legal system of this country lead to a more practical approach to these matters (there is, for example, not even a single document called a “Constitution”). </p>
<p>The French discussed their anti-burqa law over nearly two years, hypothesising possible scenarios where the full veil could challenge the sacrosanct principle of <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/3325285.stm">laicité (secularism)</a>. Instead, British society seems to have not taken the significance of the veil that seriously until it appeared to cause a dilemma in a <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-24112067">specific very “concrete”</a> case where the state is represented, a law court. And even in this hotly contested context, the solution adopted is still far from the French one.</p>
<p>Judge Murphy’s decision on how to deal with the niqab case in his London court has proven that, in Britain, pragmatism prevails in relation to the contested issue of whether full veils should be banned in public spaces. Some have accused the judge of having compromised too much in this. Instead his ruling is firm and cleverly spelt-out.</p>
<p>While avoiding the route of a broad ban, his request for the woman to unveil only while giving evidence does set a precedent, even if technically it has been reiterated that this solution was ad hoc and that similar situations in the future will be discussed on a case-by-case basis. </p>
<p>In taking a nuanced approach that allows the woman to sit with the veil during the trial but to identify herself to public officers when she enters and to unveil while giving evidence, the judge has in fact highlighted the two roles and two sets of priorities in rights for the defendant, as well as the institutional position of a judge and of a law court. As an individual simply sitting in court, the woman’s individual right to freedom of religion has been prioritised, but when she takes on the “official” role of defendant then the interests of the state (which “requires” her to go to court) and its rules for identification, transparency and communication during a trial take over.</p>
<p>Without being a fan of the integral veil “fashion” (as I like to see it), I still understand the position and logic of those that decide to wear it and the significance that they attribute to their <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jan/15/landmark-judgment-cross-religious-freedom">right to express their faith</a>. I also appreciate that maintaining peace, freedom and social order is a key task for the state. </p>
<p>For these reasons an overarching ban would be more dangerous than beneficial for public interest and for the cohesion of society. It would needlessly stir up feelings in all corners of society, may exacerbate real or perceived divides among communities and may cause anxiety among Muslims. It may also give encouragement to individuals and groups already engaged in or leaning towards offences towards racial or religious groups.</p>
<p>Tunnel mentality and exclusivism are two big threats for contemporary society. They can lead to fundamentalism, extremism, and totalitarianism. Flexibility and pragmatism are to be welcomed on all sides to protect democracy, individual freedoms and the common good. So let’s welcome the debate but let’s also hope that, once the debating is done, there is found to be no need for a law.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/18265/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sara Silvestri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The debate on full veils - burqas and niqabs - in British courts and British schools was always bound to happen. The issue flared up a few years ago following some remarks by Jack Straw but it had not…Sara Silvestri, Senior Lecturer, Department of International Politics, City, University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.