tag:theconversation.com,2011:/fr/topics/decentralisation-26107/articlesdecentralisation – The Conversation2023-08-22T23:21:49Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2107162023-08-22T23:21:49Z2023-08-22T23:21:49ZWide verandas, picket fences or the CBD? How coastal cities near the capitals could ride post-COVID waves of growth<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/543654/original/file-20230821-17-mca6ku.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=11%2C0%2C3974%2C2653&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The COVID-19 pandemic triggered population <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/media-centre/media-releases/more-growth-regions-during-pandemic">growth in regions</a> at the expense of capital cities. Regional migration has since stabilised, but the pandemic has left its mark. Australians reassessed where they wanted to live and work. </p>
<p>Our <a href="https://imoveaustralia.com/project/project-outcomes/long-term-pandemic-impact-on-business-and-residential-location">research</a> released today shows Australian cities and regions are continuing to change beyond the initial pandemic impacts. It’s likely there will be a long-term effect on where we choose to live and work.</p>
<p>We found the pandemic has increased the attractiveness of regional cities that are large, coastal and close to a major capital city. Our research found most Australian households would prefer to live in such a regional city if they could find comparable work there. These preferences are likely to lead to two waves of decentralisation that drive growth in these cities.</p>
<p>We also predict the long-term impacts of the pandemic will be limited for regional cities that are either small, inland or far away from a capital city. </p>
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<img alt="aerial view of Geelong looking inland from the bay" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/543656/original/file-20230821-23-3kdumc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/543656/original/file-20230821-23-3kdumc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543656/original/file-20230821-23-3kdumc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543656/original/file-20230821-23-3kdumc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543656/original/file-20230821-23-3kdumc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543656/original/file-20230821-23-3kdumc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543656/original/file-20230821-23-3kdumc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Most households would prefer to live in a large regional coastal city, such as Geelong, if they can find suitable work there.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/lets-just-do-it-how-do-e-changers-feel-about-having-left-the-city-now-lockdowns-are-over-188009">'Let's just do it': how do e-changers feel about having left the city now lockdowns are over?</a>
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<h2>Businesses still love the CBD</h2>
<p>To discover the impacts of the pandemic on residential and business location choices, we surveyed over 2,900 households and 900 businesses Australia-wide in 2022 and 2023. We coupled this with extensive interviews and focus groups. We also examined multiple datasets. </p>
<p>We found businesses still want CBD locations in the largest capital cities. They believe regional centres lack access to the high-quality premises, labour and markets they need to succeed. </p>
<p>Businesses are willing to pay an extra $700 per square metre a year to be in a capital city CBD rather than a suburb in the same city. (This is significantly higher than current differentials in market rents). </p>
<p>The short-term impacts of the pandemic and lockdowns were especially harmful for businesses in capital city CBDs. Some 11% of these businesses reported downsizing, compared to 4% in regional cities. </p>
<p>However, we predict high levels of CBD vacancies that occurred through the pandemic won’t last. We found the underlying demand for commercial real estate in CBDs is still strong.</p>
<p>While <a href="https://population.gov.au/publications/statements/2022-population-statement">predictions</a> that Melbourne and Sydney will remain our most populous cities are strong, we have evidence that the pandemic has eroded their relative attractiveness. Brisbane has emerged as the most attractive destination for businesses. Adelaide and Perth have held steady, compared to pre-pandemic trends, and Melbourne and Sydney are now less favoured than before.</p>
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<img alt="View across river of Brisbane CBD at twilight" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/543655/original/file-20230821-19-qnon0v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/543655/original/file-20230821-19-qnon0v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543655/original/file-20230821-19-qnon0v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543655/original/file-20230821-19-qnon0v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543655/original/file-20230821-19-qnon0v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543655/original/file-20230821-19-qnon0v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543655/original/file-20230821-19-qnon0v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Brisbane is emerging as a preferred location for businesses.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/we-havent-built-it-and-theyve-come-the-e-change-pressures-on-australias-lifestyle-towns-188228">'We haven't built it, and they've come': the e-change pressures on Australia's lifestyle towns</a>
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<h2>I’m working from home. Where will I get my coffee?</h2>
<p>In terms of where people prefer their homes to be, the pandemic has increased the relative long-term popularity of middle and outer suburbs, at the expense of inner-city neighbourhoods. Workers strongly prefer suburban locations roughly 10km from the CBD. People not in the workforce want much more distance between them and the CBD – they prefer around 20-35km.</p>
<p>Our research shows uptake of remote work has stabilised at 20-25%. This is much higher than the pre-pandemic levels of <a href="https://imoveaustralia.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/IMove-UniSA-WfH-Research-Project-FINAL-CLEAN.pdf">2-8%</a>. </p>
<p>With more people working from home, and more preferring suburban neighbourhoods and the quality of life they offer, our dependence on the retail shops and restaurants associated with inner-city life will be reduced. In the long term, this is likely to change the composition of CBDs and move some of these supporting services to the suburbs. In other words, the more time we spend at home, the more services we need nearby, including a range of local choices in barista coffee. </p>
<p>While Melbourne and Sydney remain our most populous cities, since the pandemic, Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth have become Australia’s most popular capital city destinations for residents. With these cities being attractive to both residents and businesses, we are likely to see growth in Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/543646/original/file-20230821-25-3qb6yh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Conceptual framework of how pandemic-related long-term changes are likely to affect business and residential location patterns." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/543646/original/file-20230821-25-3qb6yh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/543646/original/file-20230821-25-3qb6yh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=266&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543646/original/file-20230821-25-3qb6yh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=266&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543646/original/file-20230821-25-3qb6yh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=266&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543646/original/file-20230821-25-3qb6yh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=335&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543646/original/file-20230821-25-3qb6yh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=335&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/543646/original/file-20230821-25-3qb6yh.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=335&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Conceptual framework of pandemic-related long-term changes that are likely to affect business and residential location patterns.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Source: Authors</span></span>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/regional-australias-time-has-come-planning-for-growth-is-now-vital-149170">Regional Australia's time has come – planning for growth is now vital</a>
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<h2>Two waves of decentralisation</h2>
<p>The combined effect of residential and business preferences means there are likely to be two waves of population decentralisation. Large coastal cities near the capitals are likely to benefit most from this.</p>
<p>In the short term, people not in the workforce and those with fully remote jobs will lead the first wave of population decentralisation. Without being tied to a work site, they are free to pursue the benefits of living in a regional location. </p>
<p>Then, as people move, jobs and businesses will follow. The result will be a second wave that includes a broad range of people, including those with jobs that cannot be done remotely.</p>
<p>These two waves of decentralisation will lead to population movement out of inner-city addresses, and growth in the suburbs. Large urban areas such as Sydney and Melbourne will continue to expand. Capital cities will swallow up surrounding smaller cities such as Wollongong and Newcastle. </p>
<p>And what about the wide verandas of our small, remote inland cities? Without industry diversification and government intervention, these places are unlikely to benefit from the predicted population and economic growth. </p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-do-small-rural-communities-often-shun-newcomers-even-when-they-need-them-199984">Why do small rural communities often shun newcomers, even when they need them?</a>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/210716/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Akshay Vij receives funding from the Commonwealth of Australia as represented by the Department of
Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts (DITRDCA); and the
iMOVE Cooperative Research Centre (CRC)</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lynette Washington does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Research on where businesses and households want to be points to growth in suburban and regional centres on the coast, with Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth also gaining ground on Sydney and Melbourne.Akshay Vij, Senior Research Fellow, University of South AustraliaLynette Washington, Research Fellow, UniSA Business, University of South AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2036072023-05-07T08:27:43Z2023-05-07T08:27:43ZGhana’s regions: why creating new territories has caused problems<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/522035/original/file-20230420-24-nbekse.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Dividing land borders in Ghana is a contentious issue</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Wikimedia Commons</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Ghana split four administrative regions between June 2017 and February 2019 to create <a href="https://www.graphic.com.gh/news/general-news/new-ghana-map-with-16-regional-capitals.html">six new ones</a>. The process proceeded calmly in some regions, but was so contentious in others that the government had to <a href="https://www.pulse.com.gh/news/local/oti-referendum-we-are-ready-for-troublemakers-police-warns/38lk15w">deploy security forces</a> to prevent clashes. Eventually, all six regions were created.<br>
The conflicts were unexpected. Unlike in other African countries, such as <a href="https://theconversation.com/ethiopias-new-year-offers-a-chance-to-unite-the-country-123026">Ethiopia</a> or <a href="https://theconversation.com/nigeria-must-wake-up-to-the-changing-role-of-state-governments-103269">Nigeria</a> where regions have some autonomy, regions in Ghana have no political autonomy. So the creation of new regions would not have resulted in a loss or gain in local political autonomy for the affected regions. What triggered the conflict then?</p>
<p>To explore this, I <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-modern-african-studies/article/explaining-region-creation-conflicts-in-ghana/F56916AAD0428D311DF07A3B30A903EB#article">conducted research</a>, comparing the new regions based on a number of factors. These included voting preferences, demographic profiles and whose voices dominated during the separation process. To provide historical context to the research, I drew on Ghana’s history by examining the 1959 <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/199910060210.html">split</a> of the Ashanti region to create Brong Ahafo. That was the first creation of a new region after Ghana’s independence in 1957.</p>
<p>I found that conflicts were most likely to occur in the regions where:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>the population supports the main opposition party;</p></li>
<li><p>there are traditional leaders who are competing on either side of the separated region; and</p></li>
<li><p>the contest is about the loss or gain of traditional authority or influence. </p></li>
</ul>
<p>So, even if there is no actual political power being disturbed by the division of territories at the local level, there are people or groups whose interests are affected. This raises the risk of the separation triggering conflict. Ghana and other central governments across Africa should take heed. Often, as seen in <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14678800802539317">Uganda</a> and <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/kenya/248-kenyas-rift-valley-old-wounds-devolutions-new-anxieties">Kenya</a>, central governments divide territories without considering the local interests at play. </p>
<h2>Dominant traditional figures in contest over traditional influence</h2>
<p>I found that conflicts occurred when traditional leaders supported or opposed the proposed split of an area into two administrative areas.</p>
<p>For instance, when the Northern region was being split to form the North East region, the Ya-Na (overlord of the <a href="https://sites.tufts.edu/dagomba/about-the-dagomba/">Dagbon traditional territory</a>) opposed the process being used to split it. The Na-Yiri (the overlord of the <a href="https://www.everyculture.com/Africa-Middle-East/Mamprusi-History-and-Cultural-Relations.html">Mamprugu traditional territory</a> supported it. </p>
<p>The Ya-Na opposed the process of the split because it would have resulted in part of Dagbon territory (Chereponi) being hived off onto an administration dominated by the Mamprugus (subjects of the Na-Yiri). The Ya-Na and other Dagbon chiefs <a href="https://www.pulse.com.gh/news/local/creation-of-new-regions-dagbon-chiefs-fight-removal-of-chereponi-from-northern-region/6xxx2ft">petitioned the government</a> against the slicing off of Chereponi. The Dagbon youth also <a href="https://www.myjoyonline.com/dagbon-youth-fight-to-keep-chereponi-out-of-new-region/">protested</a> against the separation. </p>
<p>The Na-Yiri council supported the addition of Chereponi to the new administrative region because they needed the new territory to meet the criteria for the establishment of a new region. </p>
<h2>Electoral concerns</h2>
<p>There is ample <a href="https://www-sciencedirect-com.eur.idm.oclc.org/science/article/pii/S0962629816301469">evidence</a> that when districts in Ghana are separated, the political party that is in power at the time performs better in elections. My research interviewees also said these benefits have occurred in history with the creation of the Upper West region in 1983.</p>
<p>This is because the people in the newly created territories feel they have been granted their “independence”, which motivates them to vote for the ruling party. The creation of a new administrative region often comes with new amenities and infrastructure, such as roads to improve the new region’s developmental profile. Also, the new region gets administrative offices, which creates employment opportunities for locals.</p>
<p>The electoral benefits for the governing party explain why the main opposition often opposes the creation of a new administrative region. This is most pronounced when the region that’s being split is the opposition party’s stronghold. For instance, during the split of the Volta region, the main opposition party’s parliamentary group <a href="https://www.myjoyonline.com/new-regions-debate-minority-walks-out-of-parliament/">boycotted</a> the debate in parliament. </p>
<p>I also found that the proposed creation of a new administrative region can exacerbate existing tension. A good example is the case of the <a href="https://unpo.org/article/22103">Homeland Study Group Foundation</a>, which opposed the split of the Volta administrative region. </p>
<p>The foundation <a href="https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/ewe.htm?utm_content=cmp-true">has long campaigned</a> for the secession of the ethnic Eweland from Ghana to create what they call Western Togoland. </p>
<p>The foundation opposed the separation because they were concerned it would affect their secession campaign. They submitted petitions to the country’s commission of inquiry to protest the separation. When this failed, the group <a href="https://unpo.org/article/21040?id=21040">warned the Ghanaian government</a> not to take away their lands.</p>
<h2>Future considerations</h2>
<p>The creation of administrative regions is not a common occurrence in Ghana because of the cumbersome referendum process. What does occur regularly is the creation of districts. Districts are the next lower level to regions. Unlike regions, the creation of districts in Ghana does not go through a strict constitutional referendum. </p>
<p>The lessons drawn from my study can be useful for managing district creation processes. </p>
<p>Those managing the process for the creation of districts should pay close attention to which types of stakeholders they consult. This could help them identify contentious issues and come up with ideas on how best to reframe these. Doing this could offer a better chance of mitigating these conflicts in the future.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/203607/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dennis Penu is also affiliated with The Hague University of Applied Sciences</span></em></p>Ghana’s regions have no autonomy, yet creating new ones is contentious as it threatens the interests of chiefs and political parties.Dennis Penu, Research Fellow, International Institute of Social StudiesLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1728962022-01-10T15:51:52Z2022-01-10T15:51:52ZHow Ghana lost its federalism – and lessons for others<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/435261/original/file-20211202-15-1mrlmp2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Kwame Nkrumah favoured continental federalism but worked against its practice in Ghana</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Wikimedia Commons</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Most of the 54 countries in Africa are unitary – the power to govern them resides mostly in a centralised government. </p>
<p>Only Ethiopia and Nigeria are fully federal while others like South Africa, the Comoros, Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Somalia have some features of federalism.</p>
<p>Federalism <a href="http://imej.wfu.edu/Articles/1999/1/02/demo/Glossary/glossaryhtml/federalism.html">involves</a> the division of power between a central government and regional governments. Each level has specified political power over different areas and regional governments have power to determine local policies and raise their own revenue. </p>
<p>Ghana is not known as one of the federations in Africa. However, it’s life as an independent state in 1957 began as a loosely formed federation with fairly high levels of regional autonomy included in the constitution. </p>
<p>The rules set down for changing that arrangement were very strict because the proponents of federalism wanted guarantees against unilateral changes by the government.</p>
<p>Yet, more than six decades later regional government officials have no direct powers to determine their own policies. The regional ministers are appointed by the president, regional policy is controlled by a central government ministry, and regions are funded directly from central government administered funds.</p>
<p>How did this come about? In Africa, the conventional expectation is that drastic shifts like this only happen when a government is overthrown – and the country’s constitution abandoned - through coup d’états. </p>
<p>But my <a href="https://academic.oup.com/publius/advance-article/doi/10.1093/publius/pjab035/6415420?searchresult=1#311960291">research </a> shows that gradual changes contributed to this outcome in Ghana. </p>
<p>I traced Ghana’s journey over the past 60 years (1957 - 2018) as it moved from a federal to an entrenched unitary arrangement. I found that during this period, there has been a steady erosion of regional autonomy. </p>
<p>This happened through several changes to the constitution – most notably those drawn up in 1960 when Ghana became a republic, and 1969 after the country’s first president <a href="https://theconversation.com/kwame-nkrumah-why-every-now-and-then-his-legacy-is-questioned-120790">Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown</a> .</p>
<p>I conclude from my findings that constitutional guarantees should not be taken for granted. They are subject to change, but the way they change depends on the decisions that stakeholders make. </p>
<p>These findings – and the realities of politics – suggest that other federations in Africa might well be at similar risk.</p>
<h2>Ghana’s federal beginnings</h2>
<p>The territory known as Ghana was <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/20204242?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents">formed in 1957</a> by a union of four regions: the British colony of the Gold Coast, Ashanti, Trans-Volta Togoland and the British Protectorate Northern Territories. This composition implied that federalism was the most practical way forward.</p>
<p>But the federal idea was a <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/182768?seq=2#metadata_info_tab_contents">key bone of contention</a> in the run-up to independence from British colonial rule. </p>
<p>On one side of the dispute was the the Convention People’s Party led by Kwame Nkrumah, who wanted full unitarism. On the other side was the opposition alliance led by the Asantes and their political wing, the <a href="https://www.eaumf.org/ejm-blog/2017/9/19/54recoyhe1930dp3kbvbq4hx5vy58q">National Liberation Movement</a> together with the <a href="https://www.eaumf.org/ejm-blog/2017/10/13/ta2pvuzhvi4mwdh1xfird4ybiqjnh1">United Party</a> led by <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Kofi-Busia">K.A Busia</a>, who wanted full federalism. </p>
<p>This contest was settled by a compromise in the <a href="https://vlex.co.uk/vid/ghana-constitution-order-in-812280049">1957 constitution</a>, giving regions autonomy. Headed by the native chiefs, regions had their own regional assemblies. These were responsible for directing financial expenditure, by-laws, and other government services in their regions. Referendums were required to alter the boundaries of a region. Any changes to this constitutional arrangement needed to be approved by two-thirds of the regional assemblies themselves. </p>
<p>However, in the <a href="https://www.artsrn.ualberta.ca/amcdouga/Hist247/winter_2017/resources/ghana_constitution_1960.pdf">1960 constitution</a>, these regional assemblies and the referendum requirements were abolished and replaced with national parliamentary approval. </p>
<p>Moreover, chiefs were demoted as heads of regions and replaced with centrally appointed regional commissioners. The referendum requirement reappeared in less-stringent forms in the 1969 and <a href="https://www.studocu.com/row/document/ghana-institute-of-management-and-public-administration/law/1979-constitution-of-ghana/8132339">1979</a> constitutions but neither the regional assemblies nor chiefs as their heads were re-instated. </p>
<p>The current <a href="https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Ghana_1996.pdf">1992 constitution</a> maintains the referendum thresholds contained in the 1979 constitution but still does not reinstate the regional assemblies or chiefs to regional headship. Nor do regional administrations have the executive, legislative, and financial autonomies they had at independence. </p>
<p>In view of this lost regional autonomy, a constitutional review commission in 2011 <a href="http://constitutionnet.org/sites/default/files/crc_research_report.pdf">recommended</a> that the regional government “should be designated as part of central government” (page 504).</p>
<h2>The why and the how</h2>
<p>Based on my research, I conclude that Ghana lost its federalism as a result of a mistaken political choice and missed opportunity by supporters of federalism.</p>
<p>First, politicians who supported federalism failed to take steps to stop the introduction of a unitary state.</p>
<p>This started shortly after independence in 1958 when the main opposition boycotted national polls to elect members of the regional and national assemblies. As a result, the ruling party won a huge majority in the assemblies. </p>
<p>This meant that the ruling party had sufficient numbers to vote to abolish regional assemblies when a bill was introduced to this effect in the national assembly in 1959.</p>
<p>The constitution adopted in 1960 declared, for the first time, that Ghana was a unitary state. Other changes included the removal of chiefs as the head of the regions and their replacement by regional commissioners appointed by the president. </p>
<p>A critical opportunity presented itself to reverse this trajectory between 1966 and 1969.</p>
<p>Some of those behind the coup that ousted Nkrumah in 1966 were supporters of the pre-independence notion of autonomous regions. Hence, a new constitution-drafting process was led by those who had called for federalism. Yet, instead of reversing the trajectory, the new leaders maintained the status quo. </p>
<p>The new constitution proposed and adopted in 1969 still maintained that “Ghana is a unitary republic” and made no specific naming of regions. It failed to re-instate the original mandate of the regional assemblies or the chiefs as regional heads.</p>
<p>All subsequent constitutions have consolidated Ghana’s unitary status.</p>
<h2>Lessons</h2>
<p>There are lessons for other countries that have federal structures, or any form of power-sharing arrangements. </p>
<p>The discussions around federalism in <a href="https://theconversation.com/nigerias-federal-system-still-isnt-working-what-should-change-149284">Nigeria</a> or <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-why-ethiopias-federal-system-is-deeply-flawed-119313">Ethiopia</a> are enough to show that when (federal) rules are made, they do not stay the same. Stakeholders are always looking for opportunities to change, keep or improve them.</p>
<p>If the changes reflect the interests of opposing political actors, as seen in Ghana’s case, then the change process is smoother with less violent outcomes. For instance, in Ghana today both the political parties that evolved from the opposing ‘Nkrumaist’ (mainly the National Democratic Congress ) and ‘Busiaist’ (mainly the New Patriotic Party) political traditions at independence have united around unitarism. Without such shared political interests, the campaign for change becomes a violent and protracted struggle, as seen in the <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2019/4/5/should-ethiopia-stick-with-ethnic-federalism">reform-related conflicts</a> in Ethiopia. </p>
<p>Another case in reference is Burundi where in 2014, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-burundi-crisis-idUSBREA1B0US20140212">news</a> emerged that the power-sharing arrangements were under threat of being dismantled through well-calculated steps by the ruling government. </p>
<p>So, can such power-sharing arrangements stand the test of time? </p>
<p>My central argument is that changes are inevitable. However, the lesson from Ghana is that perhaps when proposed changes reflect the common political interests for key stakeholder groups in the arena of governance, the outcomes are less problematic.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/172896/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dennis Penu is also affiliated with the University of Cape Coast</span></em></p>Ghana lost its federalism due to mistaken political choices and missed opportunities, suggesting that other federations in Africa might well be at similar risk.Dennis Penu, PhD Research Fellow, International Institute of Social StudiesLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1640022021-07-14T13:19:24Z2021-07-14T13:19:24ZAre new centres of power a good idea? People in Ghana’s Oti region are divided on the issue<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/410776/original/file-20210712-70712-1mt54g9.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The carving of the Volta region into two was met with resistance</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/kro_royal/1650327771">Felix Krohn/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">CC BY-NC-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Governments often pursue strategies to establish regional centres of power in an effort to decentralise and bring the state closer to the governed. </p>
<p>This is true in Ghana. The country has undergone a number of regional reorganisations. These happened in 1956, 1957 and 1983. Another took place in 2018 which led to the <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2018/12/27/ghana-referendum-for-creation-of-six-new-regions-underway//">creation of six more administrative regions</a>. This initiative was preceded by <a href="https://www.modernghana.com/news/898650/the-brouhaha-about-the-creation-of-the-oti-region.html">public upheavals</a>, <a href="https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Akufo-Addo-calls-for-circumspection-in-campaign-against-Oti-Region-creation-694676">civil unrest</a>, and a move by a segment of the people to declare a part of Ghana as <a href="https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/These-are-the-demands-of-the-Western-Togoland-separatist-group-1069117">an independent state</a>. </p>
<p>Ghana now has a total number of 16 regions. The designation of an area as a region signals that the allocation of state resources will increase. New structures include the creation of a coordinating council to administer the region. There is also the siting of a larger police command and a regional hospital. </p>
<p>I conducted <a href="https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/IJPL-09-2020-0095/full/html">research</a> to examine the implications of the reorganisation on socio-economic development among the people of <a href="https://www.statsghana.gov.gh/regionalpopulation.php?population=MTc2ODIyNTE2NS4yMjU1&&Oti&regid=12">Oti Region in Ghana</a>. The Oti Region was <a href="https://ghanadistricts.com/Home/Region/15">carved</a> out from the Volta Region in 2018. </p>
<p>I selected the Oti Region because it’s relatively new.</p>
<p>The main motive of the study was to understand the expectations and experience of the people of Oti in relation to the regional reorganisation. In particular, I wanted to establish if there was a link between the regional reorganisation and socio-economic development.</p>
<p>My findings showed that people’s views varied on whether regionalisation can help development in the local communities. Some were very supportive; others were not. </p>
<p>Some, mostly from the <a href="https://mofa.gov.gh/site/directorates/regional-directorates/volta-region">Volta region</a>, said they believed it was politically motivated. Others acknowledged that it could help development in the area.</p>
<p>I concluded from my research that the history of creating new administrative regions in Ghana – and the lack of development that followed – has led to people having doubts about the need to create new ones. The study recommended that in future the government should ensure that resources and development are fairly distributed across all regions. </p>
<h2>History of regional reorganisation</h2>
<p>Pre-independence Ghana had only <a href="https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/IJPL-09-2020-0095/full/html">three regions</a> — the Gold Coast Colony, the Ashanti Territory and the Northern Province. After a <a href="https://theconversation.com/ghanas-secessionist-conflict-has-its-genesis-in-colonialism-its-time-to-reflect-158953">referendum in 1956</a> the Trans-Volta Togoland was added to the three regions.</p>
<p>In 1957 the <a href="https://www.modernghana.com/news/909846/a-short-history-of-the-creation-of-regions-in-ghan.html">Colony of Gold Coast was reorganised</a> into Eastern, Western and Volta regions. Then the Brong Ahafo Region was <a href="https://www.modernghana.com/news/909846/a-short-history-of-the-creation-of-regions-in-ghan.html">carved out</a> from the Ashanti Territory, the Upper Region was carved out from the Northern Territory, the Central Region carved out from the Western Region and Greater Accra carved out from the Eastern Region. </p>
<p>Finally, the Upper Region was <a href="https://www.modernghana.com/news/909846/a-short-history-of-the-creation-of-regions-in-ghan.html">reorganised</a> into the Upper East and Upper West Regions in 1983.</p>
<p>There were no further creations until December 28, 2018 when six additional administrative regions were created, bringing the total to 16. </p>
<p>The prudence of creating regions has been debated by different <a href="https://www.ajol.info/index.php/gjds/article/view/178671/168048">scholars</a>. Those in favour <a href="https://www.ajol.info/index.php/gjds/article/view/178671/168048">argue</a> that regional administrations can meet the specific needs of a growing population, protect minority ethnic or group interests and ensure development that can tangibly be felt within a geographical polity.</p>
<h2>Mixed reactions</h2>
<p>I selected 35 people between the ages 40 and 50 years in communities in the Oti Region. They were interviewed based on their willingness and availability. Twenty-five were men, and 10 women. Their current and former occupations included education, dressmaking, farming, petty trading, fish mongering, driving, nursing, carpentry and painting.</p>
<p>Those in favour of the decision to create the Oti Region said they believed the decision would minimise conflicts of interest between the governed and the government. They said they believed that when the government moved closer to the governed, their needs become closer to the government.</p>
<p>A cross-section of the participants said the creation of the new region would mean increased funding for the area. This is because the geographical demarcations of Oti Region have absorbed other areas. The funding set aside by these could therefore be channelled into developing the Oti Region. </p>
<p>The benefits of the increased funding include regional hospitals, police stations and markets.</p>
<p>People felt that quality education, rapid infrastructure development and the rich culture of the people of Oti could soon be used to the advantage of the people in the region. </p>
<p>Some respondents were opposed to the decision.</p>
<p>They argued that the creation of the new regions was politically
motivated. They pointed to the fact that there had been very little development in the Upper East and West regions, which had some of the poorest in Ghana. </p>
<p>Others pointed out that Oti Region did not have any resources. This is contrary to the <a href="https://media.peacefmonline.com/docs/201812/762942613_800218.pdf">findings</a> of an analysis done by the government as part of its argument to create the region. It concluded that there was substantial demand in the proposed areas.</p>
<p>Lastly, respondents said the appointment of administrative heads by the central government was inconvenient: it curtailed their independence and slowed local development.</p>
<h2>Conclusion</h2>
<p>It is clear that the way in which regionalisation has been carried out in Ghana has led to people having doubts about the need to create new regions.</p>
<p>The study recommends that government should ensure that resources and development are fairly distributed across all regions to give people hope.</p>
<p>Local government heads should be elected by residents of the administrative space rather than appointed by the president, to ensure effective local accountability.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/164002/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anthony Nkrumah Agyabeng does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The decision to create new administrative units is grounded in split opinionsAnthony Nkrumah Agyabeng, Lecturer, Business Department, University of Professional Studies AccraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1570532021-03-16T18:52:01Z2021-03-16T18:52:01ZSocial media has huge problems with free speech and moderation. Could decentralised platforms fix this?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/389771/original/file-20210316-16-udbu79.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=132%2C114%2C3702%2C2437&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Over the past few months, Twitter took down the account of the then-President of the United States and Facebook temporarily stopped users from sharing Australian media content. This begs the question: do social media platforms wield too much power? </p>
<p>Whatever your personal view, a variety of “decentralised” social media networks now promise to be the custodians of free-spoken, censorship-resistant and crowd-curated content, free of corporate and political interference. </p>
<p>But do they live up to this promise?</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/trumps-twitter-tantrum-may-wreck-the-internet-139660">Trump’s Twitter tantrum may wreck the internet</a>
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<h2>Cooperatively governed platforms</h2>
<p>In “decentralised” social media networks, control is actively shared across many servers and users, rather than a single corporate entity such as Google or Facebook. </p>
<p>This can make a network more resilient, as there is no central point of failure. But it also means no single arbiter is in charge of moderating content or banning problematic users.</p>
<p>Some of the most prominent decentralised systems use blockchain (often associated with <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-is-bitcoins-price-at-an-all-time-high-and-how-is-its-value-determined-152616">Bitcoin currency</a>). A blockchain system is a kind of distributed online ledger hosted and updated by thousands of computers and servers around the world.</p>
<p>And all of these plugged-in entities must agree on the contents of the ledger. Thus, it’s almost impossible for any single node in the network to meddle with the ledger without the updates being rejected.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/389773/original/file-20210316-24-4i7ir3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/389773/original/file-20210316-24-4i7ir3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/389773/original/file-20210316-24-4i7ir3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389773/original/file-20210316-24-4i7ir3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389773/original/file-20210316-24-4i7ir3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389773/original/file-20210316-24-4i7ir3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389773/original/file-20210316-24-4i7ir3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389773/original/file-20210316-24-4i7ir3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A blockchain is a type of ledger or database which is ‘immutable’, meaning its data can’t be altered. As new data comes in it is entered into a new block, which is then locked into an existing chain of blocks.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Gathering ‘Steem’</h2>
<p>One of the most famous blockchain social media networks is <a href="https://steemit.com/">Steemit</a>, a decentralised application that runs on the <a href="https://steem.com/">Steem</a> blockchain. </p>
<p>Because the Steem blockchain has its own cryptocurrency, popular posters can be rewarded by readers through micropayments. Once content is posted on the Steem blockchain, it can never be removed. </p>
<p>Not all decentralised social media networks are built on blockchains, however. The <a href="https://the-federation.info/">Fediverse</a> is an ecosystem of many servers that are independently owned, but which can communicate with one another and share data. </p>
<p><a href="https://joinmastodon.org/">Mastodon</a> is the most popular part of the Fediverse. Currently with close to three million <a href="https://the-federation.info/">users across more than 3,000 servers</a>, this open-source platform is made up of a network of communities, similar to Reddit or Tumbler.</p>
<p>Users can create their own “instances” of Mastodon — with many separate instances forming the wider network — and share content by posting 500-character-limit “toots” (yes, toots). Each instance is privately operated and moderated, but its users can still communicate with other servers if they want to.</p>
<h2>What do we gain?</h2>
<p>A lot of concern around social media involves what content is being monetised and who benefits. Decentralised platforms often seek to shift the point of monetisation. </p>
<p>Platforms such as Steemit, Minds and <a href="https://d.tube/">DTube</a> (another platform built on the <a href="https://steem.com/">Steem social blockchain</a>) claim to flip this relationship by rewarding users when their content is shared.</p>
<p>Another purported benefit of decentralised social media is freedom of speech, as there’s no central point of censorship. In fact, many decentralised networks in recent years have been developed in response to moderation practices.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/parler-what-you-need-to-know-about-the-free-speech-twitter-alternative-142268">Parler: what you need to know about the 'free speech' Twitter alternative</a>
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<p>But even the most pro-free-speech platforms face challenges. There are always malicious people, such as violent extremists, terrorists and child pornographers, who should not be allowed to post at will. So in practice, every decentralised network requires some sort of moderation.</p>
<p>Mastodon provides a <a href="https://mastodon.social/about/more">set of guidelines</a> for user conduct and has moderators <a href="https://docs.joinmastodon.org/admin/moderation/">within particular servers</a> (or communities). They have the power to disable, silence or suspend user access and even to apply server-wide moderation. </p>
<p>As such, each server sets its own rules. However, if a server is “misbehaving”, the entire server can be put under a <a href="https://docs.joinmastodon.org/admin/moderation/">domain block</a>, with varying degrees of severity. Mastodon publicly lists the moderated servers and the reason for restriction, such as spreading conspiracy theories or hate speech.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/389768/original/file-20210316-21-159elu6.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Mastadon's communities sign-up page" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/389768/original/file-20210316-21-159elu6.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/389768/original/file-20210316-21-159elu6.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389768/original/file-20210316-21-159elu6.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389768/original/file-20210316-21-159elu6.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389768/original/file-20210316-21-159elu6.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=529&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389768/original/file-20210316-21-159elu6.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=529&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/389768/original/file-20210316-21-159elu6.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=529&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Mastadon’s communities sign-up page says the platform is ‘committed to active moderation against racism, sexism and transphobia’.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Screenshot/Mastadon</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>Some systems are harder to moderate. Blockchain-based social network Minds claims to base its <a href="https://www.minds.com/content-policy">content policy</a> on the First Amendment of the US constitution. The platform attracted <a href="https://www.engadget.com/2018-04-20-minds-anti-facebook-crypto-social-network-extreme-content.html">controversy</a> for hosting <a href="https://www.vice.com/en/article/wjvp8y/minds-the-anti-facebook-has-no-idea-what-to-do-about-all-the-neo-nazis">neo-Nazi groups</a>. </p>
<p>Users who violate a rule receive a “strike”. Where the violation relates to “not safe for work” (NSFW) content, three strikes may result in the user being tagged under a NSFW filter. If this happens, other users must opt in to view the <a href="https://www.minds.com/minds/blog/power-to-the-people-the-minds-jury-system-975486713993859072">NSFW content</a>, for “total control” of their feed. </p>
<p>Minds’s content policy states NSFW content excludes posts of an illegal nature. These result in an immediate user ban and removal of the content. If a user wants to appeal a decision, the verdict comes from a randomly-selected <a href="https://www.minds.com/content-policy">jury</a> of users. </p>
<p>Even blockchain-based social media networks have content moderation systems. For example, <a href="https://peepeth.com/about">Peepeth</a> has a <a href="https://peepeth.com/a/terms">code of conduct</a> adapted from a speech by Vietnamese Thiền Buddhist monk and peace activist <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Th%C3%ADch_Nh%E1%BA%A5t_H%E1%BA%A1nh">Thích Nhất Hạnh</a>. </p>
<p>“Peeps” falling afoul of the code are removed from the main feed accessible from the Peepeth website. But since all content is recorded on the blockchain, it continues to be accessible to those with the technical know-how to retrieve it. </p>
<p>Steemit will also delete illegal or harmful content from its user-accessible feed, but the content remains on the Steem blockchain indefinitely.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/reddit-tackles-revenge-porn-and-celebrity-nudes-38112">Reddit tackles 'revenge porn' and celebrity nudes</a>
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<h2>The search for open <em>and</em> safe platforms continues</h2>
<p>While some decentralised platforms may claim to offer a free for all, the reality of using them shows us some level of moderation is both inevitable and necessary for even the most censorship-resistant networks. There are a host of moral and legal obligations which are unavoidable. </p>
<p>Traditional platforms including Twitter and Facebook rely on the <a href="https://kelsienabben.medium.com/grounds-for-conspiracy-assessing-censorship-resistance-in-decentralisation-platforms-f6b317d5ad7f">moral responsibility</a> of a central authority. At the same time, they are the target of <a href="https://theconversation.com/googles-and-facebooks-loud-appeal-to-users-over-the-news-media-bargaining-code-shows-a-lack-of-political-power-154379">political and social pressure</a>. </p>
<p>Decentralised platforms have had to come up with more complex, and in some ways less satisfying, moderation techniques. But despite being innovative, they don’t really resolve the tension between moderating those who wish to cause harm and maximising free speech. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/googles-and-facebooks-loud-appeal-to-users-over-the-news-media-bargaining-code-shows-a-lack-of-political-power-154379">Google's and Facebook’s loud appeal to users over the news media bargaining code shows a lack of political power</a>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/157053/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Chris Berg receives funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Elizabeth Morton and Marta Poblet do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Imagine if Facebook’s content was hosted on a blockchain — across many thousands of ordinary computers — and governed equally by each of them, rather than Mark Zuckerberg.Chris Berg, Principal Research Fellow and Co-Director, RMIT Blockchain Innovation Hub, RMIT UniversityElizabeth Morton, Research Fellow of the RMIT Blockchain Innovation Hub, Lecturer Taxation, RMIT UniversityMarta Poblet, Associate Professor, Graduate School of Business and Law, RMIT UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1362612020-04-27T20:04:33Z2020-04-27T20:04:33ZIf more of us work from home after coronavirus we’ll need to rethink city planning<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/329944/original/file-20200423-47847-13hiwjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/young-woman-engineer-headphones-sitting-desk-1576629223">Halfpoint/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>We have seen an unprecedented rise in the number of people working from home as directed by governments and employers around the world to help stop the spread of COVID-19. </p>
<p>If, as some expect, <a href="https://amp-theguardian-com.cdn.ampproject.org/c/s/amp.theguardian.com/technology/2020/mar/13/covid-19-could-cause-permanent-shift-towards-home-working">people are likely to work from home more often</a> after the pandemic, what will this mean for infrastructure planning? Will cities still need all the multibillion-dollar road, public transport, telecommunications and energy projects, including some already in the pipeline? </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/flexible-working-the-neglected-congestion-busting-solution-for-our-cities-122130">Flexible working, the neglected congestion-busting solution for our cities</a>
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</em>
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<h2>World’s largest work-from-home experiment</h2>
<p>Remote working was <a href="https://www.flexjobs.com/blog/post/flexjobs-gwa-report-remote-growth/">steadily on the rise</a> well before COVID-19. But the pandemic suddenly escalated the trend into the “<a href="https://time.com/5776660/coronavirus-work-from-home/">world’s largest work-from-home experiment</a>”. Many people who have had to embrace remote working during the pandemic might not want to return to the office every day once restrictions are lifted. </p>
<p>They might have found some work tasks are actually easier to do at home. Or they (and their employers) might have discovered things that weren’t thought possible to do from home <em>are</em> possible. They might then question why they had to go into the workplace so often in the first place. </p>
<p>But what impact will this have on our cities? After all, many aspects of our cities were designed with commuting, not working from home, in mind.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-could-spark-a-revolution-in-working-from-home-are-we-ready-133070">Coronavirus could spark a revolution in working from home. Are we ready?</a>
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<h2>Stress test for NBN and energy networks</h2>
<p>From a telecommunications perspective, the huge increase in people working from home challenges the ways in which our existing networks were designed. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.aussiebroadband.com.au/blog/aussie-broadband-reveals-bandwidth-usage-increases-by-25/">Data from Aussie Broadband</a> show evening peak broadband use has increased 25% during the shutdown. Additional daytime increases are expected due to home schooling with term 2 starting.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.communications.gov.au/publications/demand-fixed-line-broadband-australia">Research by the then federal Department of Communications</a> in 2018 estimated the average Australian household would need a maximum download speed of 49Mbps during peak-use times by 2026. If more people work from home after COVID-19, the size and times of peak use might need to be recalculated. </p>
<p>Another factor not modelled by the government research was the potential impact of an increase in <em>uploads</em>. This is a typical requirement for people working from home, as they now send large files via their suburban home networks, rather than their office networks in the city.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-telcos-are-picking-up-where-the-nbn-is-failing-heres-what-it-means-for-you-133905">Coronavirus: telcos are picking up where the NBN is failing. Here's what it means for you</a>
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<p><a href="https://octopus.energy/blog/domestic-energy-usage-patterns-during-social-distancing/">Recent research</a> by Octopus Energy in the UK has found domestic energy use patterns have also changed since COVID-19. With more people working from home, domestic energy use in the middle of the day is noticeably higher. Some 30% of customers use an average of 1.5kWh more electricity between 9am and 5pm.</p>
<p>Conversely, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/04/08/upshot/electricity-usage-predict-coronavirus-recession.html">data</a> from the US show electricity use in city centres and industrial areas has declined over the same period. </p>
<h2>Less commuting means less congestion</h2>
<p>Closer to home, <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/how-coronavirus-turned-peak-hour-into-a-sunday-morning-drive-20200402-p54gem.html">new data</a> from HERE Technologies illustrate just how much traffic congestion has eased. </p>
<p>Thursday afternoons from 5-5.15pm are normally the worst time of the week for traffic congestion in Melbourne. Last week the city’s roads recorded the sort of free-flowing traffic usually seen at 9.30am on a Sunday. Just 1.8% of Melbourne’s major roads were congested, a fraction of the usual 19.8% at that time. </p>
<p>All of Australia’s major cities are experiencing similar reductions. Transurban has reported traffic is down 43% on the Melbourne airport toll road, 29% on its Sydney roads and 27% in Queensland. </p>
<p>Passengers are also staying away from public transport in droves. For example, South Australian government <a href="https://indaily.com.au/news/2020/03/30/the-overland-in-limbo-public-transport-numbers-crash/">statistics</a> for Adelaide show passenger numbers have slumped by 69% for buses, by 74% for trains and by 77% for trams, compared with this time last year.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/for-public-transport-to-keep-running-operators-must-find-ways-to-outlast-coronavirus-134224">For public transport to keep running, operators must find ways to outlast coronavirus</a>
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</p>
<hr>
<h2>What does this mean for infrastructure planning?</h2>
<p>With these trends in mind, future investment in roads, public transport, energy and telecommunications will need to consider the likelihood of more people working from home. </p>
<p>Prior to COVID-19, <a href="https://theconversation.com/amp/flexible-working-the-neglected-congestion-busting-solution-for-our-cities-122130">Melbourne research</a> found 64% of city workers regularly worked from home, but usually only one day a week, even though 50% of their work could be done anywhere. While the changes we are now seeing are a result of extreme circumstances, it is not inconceivable that, on average, everybody could continue to work from home one extra day per week after the pandemic. Even this would have significant implications for long-term urban planning.</p>
<p>The most recent <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/by%20Subject/2071.0.55.001%7E2016%7EMain%20Features%7EFeature%20Article:%20Journey%20to%20Work%20in%20Australia%7E40">Australian Census data</a> show 9.2 million people typically commute to work each day. If people worked from home an average of one extra day per week, this would take 1.8 million commuters off the roads and public transport each day.</p>
<p>Many road and public transport projects will be based on forecasts of continuing increases in commuter numbers. If, instead, people work from home more often, this could call into question the need for those projects. </p>
<p>Areas outside city centres would also require more attention, as working from home creates a need for more evenly distributed networks of services for the likes of energy and telecommunications. Interestingly, such a trend could support long-term decentralisation plans, like those outlined in <a href="https://planmelbourne.vic.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/377206/Plan_Melbourne_2017-2050_Strategy_.pdf">Melbourne’s Metropolitan Planning Strategy</a>. And if such change encourages more people to live away from the big cities, it also could help to make housing more affordable. </p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/fancy-an-e-change-how-people-are-escaping-city-congestion-and-living-costs-by-working-remotely-123165">Fancy an e-change? How people are escaping city congestion and living costs by working remotely</a>
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</p>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/136261/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>John L Hopkins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>After the ‘world’s biggest work-from-home experiment’, many people (and their employers) might decide they needn’t commute every day. If even a fraction do that, infrastructure needs will change.John L Hopkins, Innovation Fellow, Swinburne University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1239162019-11-04T19:03:27Z2019-11-04T19:03:27ZNo Australian city has a long-term vision for living sustainably. We can’t go on like this<p><em>This article is part of a <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/anzsee-78179">series</a> on rebalancing the human–nature interactions that are central to the study and practice of ecological economics, which is the focus of the <a href="https://anzsee.org.au/2019-anzsee-conference/">2019 ANZSEE Conference</a> in Melbourne later this month.</em></p>
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<p>Australia was already <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/44609144?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">one of the most urbanised nations</a> by the end of the 19th century. Unlike European and North American countries, Australia’s pattern of settlement did not have a neat urban hierarchy. The gap between the large and small towns was huge.</p>
<p>These patterns have intensified in the decades since federation, especially after the second world war. International and internal <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/3218.0">migration trends have driven rapid growth</a> in the big cities, especially Melbourne and Sydney. This has created major problems with providing adequate <a href="https://theconversation.com/housing-policy-reset-is-overdue-and-not-only-in-australia-112835">housing</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/congestion-busting-infrastructure-plays-catch-up-on-long-neglected-needs-114598">infrastructure</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/some-suburbs-are-being-short-changed-on-services-and-liveability-which-ones-and-whats-the-solution-83966">services</a>. </p>
<p>The fundamental issue is the reluctance of urban communities and their leaders to discuss what might be sustainable populations. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/if-we-want-liveable-cities-in-2060-well-have-to-work-together-to-transform-urban-systems-119235">If we want liveable cities in 2060 we'll have to work together to transform urban systems</a>
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<h2>The folly of unlimited growth</h2>
<p>No Australian city has a long-term vision showing how a future stabilised population might be supported with the essential resources of food, water and energy. No Australian city has faced up to the inevitable social tensions of <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-did-the-rich-man-say-to-the-poor-man-why-spatial-inequality-in-australia-is-no-joke-73841">increasing inequality</a> between a well-served inner-urban elite and an increasingly under-resourced urban fringe. </p>
<p>Leaders in cities that have not grown as rapidly, such as Adelaide, <a href="https://www.news.com.au/finance/economy/australian-economy/as-the-east-coast-struggles-with-population-numbers-south-australia-is-desperate-for-a-boost/news-story/5ebca065ebe3f975ed83827d2373db37">lament their failure to grow like Sydney and Melbourne</a>, despite all the associated problems. All implicitly believe unlimited growth is possible. </p>
<p>In reality, the expanding ecological footprints of the large cities have created unsustainable demands on land to support urban dwellers. And the wastes the cities produce are straining the capacity of the environment to handle these.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/what-is-ecological-economics-and-why-do-we-need-to-talk-about-it-123915">What is ‘ecological economics’ and why do we need to talk about it?</a>
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<p>Given the many unpriced flow-on effects from dense urban growth and market-led development, governments are struggling to deal with the undesirable consequences. <a href="https://theconversation.com/australian-city-workers-average-commute-has-blown-out-to-66-minutes-a-day-how-does-yours-compare-120598">Congestion</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/walking-mightnt-be-good-for-you-if-its-through-australias-polluted-city-streets-88772">pollution</a> threaten to overwhelm the many social and economic benefits of urban life. </p>
<p>The growth and concentration of populations are also driving chronic excess demand for appropriate housing. The result is <a href="https://theconversation.com/affordable-housing-lessons-from-sydney-hong-kong-and-singapore-3-keys-to-getting-the-policy-mix-right-123443">serious affordability problems</a>, which are adding to inequality across society and generations. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/50-years-after-the-lucky-country-australias-sustainability-challenge-remains-56506">50 years after The Lucky Country, Australia's sustainability challenge remains</a>
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<p>In 1970, urban historian <a href="https://theaimn.com/book-review-ideas-for-australian-cities-by-hugh-stretton/">Hugh Stretton pointed</a> to the role of Australia’s widespread owner occupation in offsetting the inequalities generated in labour markets and by inherited wealth. This is no longer the case. </p>
<p>The dominant neoliberal economic ideology has resulted in a <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-needs-to-reboot-affordable-housing-funding-not-scrap-it-72861">retreat from providing public housing</a>. Abandoning would-be home-owners to the market has produced a situation in which urban land and house ownership is <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-the-housing-boom-is-remaking-australias-social-class-structure-66976">reinforcing class-based inequalities</a>. Home ownership is increasingly the preserve of the affluent and their children. </p>
<p>Housing-related inequality is also seen in the geography of our cities. <a href="https://theconversation.com/city-by-city-analysis-shows-our-capitals-arent-liveable-for-many-residents-85676">Poorer households are priced out of locations with better access</a> to good jobs, schools, transport, health care and other services.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/our-big-cities-are-engines-of-inequality-so-how-do-we-fix-that-69775">Our big cities are engines of inequality, so how do we fix that?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Failures of governance</h2>
<p>Governments in Australia’s federation are poorly placed to respond adequately. <a href="https://theconversation.com/metropolitan-governance-is-the-missing-link-in-australias-reform-agenda-55872">Responsibilities and fiscal resources are divided</a>, creating obstacles to effective planning and infrastructure provision.</p>
<p>The main factor driving urban population growth is an unprecedented <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1617/Quick_Guides/MigrationStatistics">rate of inward migration</a>. The national government <a href="https://immi.homeaffairs.gov.au/what-we-do/migration-program-planning-levels">sets large migration targets</a> as an easy way of creating economic growth. This leaves state governments with the impossible task of meeting the resulting demand for infrastructure. </p>
<p>Jane O’Sullivan <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/135517/subdr156-infrastructure.pdf">has shown</a> each extra urban citizen requires about A$250,000 of investment. The total sum is well beyond the capacity of state and local governments.</p>
<p>Arguments between federal and state governments are heavily politicised, especially when it comes to major transport investments. Even within single jurisdictions, complex demands and unexpected consequences prevent effective action. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-recycling-crisis-may-be-here-to-stay-112055">waste recycling crisis</a> is a prime example.</p>
<p>State governments must also deal with difficult trade-offs between, for example, allowing further <a href="https://theconversation.com/living-liveable-this-is-what-residents-have-to-say-about-life-on-the-urban-fringe-111339">development on the edges of cities</a> or <a href="https://theconversation.com/becoming-more-urban-attitudes-to-medium-density-living-are-changing-in-sydney-and-melbourne-84693">encouraging higher density in built-up areas</a>. This often involves <a href="https://theconversation.com/vested-interests-behind-city-shapers-often-subvert-higher-density-policies-74244">conflicts</a> with local governments and communities, concerned to protect their ways of life.</p>
<p>Australian planners and governments have long tinkered with <a href="https://theconversation.com/making-small-cities-bigger-will-help-better-distribute-australias-25-million-people-101180">policies to encourage decentralisation to smaller cities</a>. Despite these attempts, the dominant pattern of urbanisation with its seemingly intractable problems has hardened, a triumph of reality over rhetoric.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/our-cities-fall-short-on-sustainability-but-planning-innovations-offer-local-solutions-107091">Our cities fall short on sustainability, but planning innovations offer local solutions</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>What needs to change?</h2>
<p>To get beyond the rhetoric and make our cities more sustainably liveable requires a much more deliberate and interventionist role for government. It also requires residents of our cities and suburbs to be willing to allow their governments to interrupt business as usual. </p>
<p>This, we know from experience, is a big ask. It will step on the toes of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/housing-policy-is-captive-to-property-politics-so-dont-expect-politicians-to-tackle-affordability-55384">property lobby</a> and ordinary home owners. In some cases, for example, the short-term financial interests of property owners are leading local authorities to ignore scientific warnings about the impacts of climate change on coastal development.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/water-may-soon-lap-at-the-door-but-still-some-homeowners-dont-want-to-rock-the-boat-124289">Water may soon lap at the door, but still some homeowners don't want to rock the boat</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Major changes are also needed in how urban land is taxed and the proceeds invested. “Simple” reforms like <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-way-australia-taxes-housing-is-manifestly-unfair-58421">replacing stamp duty on land transfer with a universal land tax</a>, as the <a href="http://www.taxreview.treasury.gov.au/content/Content.aspx?doc=html/home.htm">Henry Tax Review</a> recommended, will take political courage that has been absent to date. </p>
<p>More complex policies like finding ways of diverting population growth to non-metropolitan regions will take careful thought and experimentation. This might include relocating government agencies to provincial cities. This has been tried sporadically in the past at the <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-04-19/decentralisation-push-for-federal-government-departments/8453816">federal</a> level and in states such as <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/may/04/victorian-public-service-jobs-to-move-to-ballarat-and-latrobe-valley">Victoria</a> and <a href="https://psa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/NSW-Decentralisation-Taskforce-Report-April-2013-FINAL.pdf">New South Wales</a>. However, such cases tend to be one-offs and do not reflect an overall strategic plan.</p>
<p>Future generations will inevitably be critical of the complete failure of current leaders to plan for sustainable development.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/123916/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mike Berry has received funding from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, an independent organisation funded by universities and the nine federal, state and territory governments, and the Australian Research Council. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ian Lowe was president of the Australian Conservation Foundation from 2004 to 2014. He is now chair of the Wakefield Futures Group.</span></em></p>The demands on land and resources from our fast-growing cities are unsustainable, as are the wastes they produce. Yet still our leaders act as if unlimited growth is possible.Mike Berry, Emeritus Professor, RMIT UniversityIan Lowe, Emeritus Professor, School of Science, Griffith UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1162662019-05-01T20:18:06Z2019-05-01T20:18:06ZIndonesia isn’t the only country planning new cities. Why not Australia?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271893/original/file-20190501-136784-1vrb4zb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Indonesia plans to relocate its capital from the sprawling city of Jakarta – and it isn't the only country with plans to build whole new cities.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AsiaTravel/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The announcement that President Joko Widodo’s government will <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-04-29/jakarta-to-no-longer-be-capital-of-indonesia-planning-minister/11056306">move Indonesia’s capital</a> to another location, due to the severity of <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-04-29/jakarta,-a-city-under-pressure-from-a-growing-population/8480226">human-induced degradation in Jakarta</a>, highlights a key tension for cities today. In the face of increasingly unsustainable urban environments, do we retrofit existing cities, or relocate and build new cities to achieve greater sustainability? </p>
<p>The answer is both. But each has its challenges.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/new-cities-its-an-idea-worth-thinking-about-for-australia-92990">New cities? It's an idea worth thinking about for Australia</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Creating new cities</h2>
<p>The goal of turning cities from sustainability problems to solutions is driving a suite of “future city” innovations. These include the planning and development of whole new cities.</p>
<p>An <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/08/smart-cities-forest-city-belmont/">increasing number of countries</a> are planning to build cities from scratch using technological innovation to achieve more sustainable urban development. <a href="https://www.nst.com.my/property/2018/09/411211/forest-city-%E2%80%94-model-other-cities">Forest City in Malaysia</a>, <a href="http://smartcityaz.com/">Belmont smart city</a> in the United States and the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/aug/06/five-years-ago-there-was-nothing-inside-duqm-the-city-rising-from-the-sand-oman-city-sand-luxury-hotels-housing">Sino-Oman Industrial City</a> are just some of the examples. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/ctkERUu7sdU?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Forest City is Malaysia’s biggest development project.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The urban ambition includes creating carless and walkable cities, green cities able to produce oxygen through eco-skyscrapers, high-speed internet embedded in the urban fabric, the capacity to convert waste into energy, and reclaiming land to create new strategic trade opportunities. </p>
<p>However, striking the right balance between innovative ideas and democratic expectations, including the public right to the city, remains a challenge.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/will-habitat-iii-defend-the-human-right-to-the-city-57576">Will Habitat III defend the human right to the city?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p><a href="http://www.mxcfilm.com/">The Minnesota Experimental City</a> offers a cautionary tale. The aim was to solve urban problems by creating a new city. It would use the latest technology including nuclear energy, automated cars and a domed roof enclosure. </p>
<p>Despite significant government and financial backing, including its own state agency, the Minnesota project failed due to a lack of public understanding and local support for a top-down futuristic project.</p>
<h2>Who gets left behind?</h2>
<p>In 1960, Brazil moved its capital from Rio de Janeiro to the futuristic city of <a href="https://brasilialifeafterdesign.com/">Brasilia</a>. While the city was designed to accommodate both rich and poor, it quickly became unaffordable for the average family. Half a century on, it was <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-20632277">reported</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The poor have been shunted out to satellite cities, which range from proper well-built cities to something more like a shanty town.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271890/original/file-20190501-136787-19tjt88.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271890/original/file-20190501-136787-19tjt88.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271890/original/file-20190501-136787-19tjt88.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=576&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271890/original/file-20190501-136787-19tjt88.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=576&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271890/original/file-20190501-136787-19tjt88.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=576&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271890/original/file-20190501-136787-19tjt88.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=724&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271890/original/file-20190501-136787-19tjt88.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=724&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271890/original/file-20190501-136787-19tjt88.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=724&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">The Indonesian capital Jakarta is part of a larger mega-city.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-vector/vector-map-indonesian-megacity-urban-area-1306511566?src=cXVttw8d5C49wehUebYppg-1-1">Rainer Lesniewski/Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p>In Indonesia, more than 30 million people – <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/20/the-need-a-national-urban-development-policy-indonesia.html">a fifth of the nation’s urban residents</a> and more than a tenth of the <a href="http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/indonesia-population/">269 million population</a> – live in Greater Jakarta. The capital city Jakarta is just one part of a larger mega-city agglomeration, the world’s <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jakarta">second-largest after Greater Tokyo</a>. This vast connected urban meta-region is known as <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jabodetabek">Jabodetabek</a>, from the initials of the cities within it: Jakarta (with a population of 10 million), Bogor (1 million), Depok (2.1 million), Tangerang (2 million), South Tangerang (1.5 million) and Bekasi (2.7 million). </p>
<p>A key reason for moving the capital is that Jakarta is prone to serious flooding and is <a href="https://www.deltares.nl/app/uploads/2015/09/Sinking-cities.pdf">rapidly sinking</a>. Jakarta also suffers <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-04-29/jakarta,-a-city-under-pressure-from-a-growing-population/8480226">overpopulation, severe traffic gridlock, slums</a> and a lack of critical urban infrastructure such as drainage and sanitation. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-sea-isnt-actually-level-why-rising-oceans-will-hit-some-cities-more-than-others-68378">The sea isn't actually 'level': why rising oceans will hit some cities more than others</a>
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<p>Relocating the capital away from the <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-04-29/jakarta-to-no-longer-be-capital-of-indonesia-planning-minister/11056306">crowded main island of Java</a> offers the opportunity to better plan the political and administrative centre using the latest urban design features and technology.</p>
<p>Two key questions arise. If environmental degradation and overpopulation are the key issues, what will become of the largely remaining population of Greater Jakarta? At a national scale, how will this relocation help overcome the <a href="https://theconversation.com/two-decades-of-economic-growth-benefited-only-the-richest-20-how-severe-is-inequality-in-indonesia-101138">socio-economic and spatial disparities</a> that exist in Indonesia?</p>
<p>Egypt, for example, is <a href="https://theconversation.com/egypt-is-building-a-new-capital-city-from-scratch-heres-how-to-avoid-inequality-and-segregation-103402">building a new capital city</a> to overcome severe urban congestion and overcrowding in Greater Cairo. But there is no guarantee the new capital will resolve these issues if the emphasis is solely on technological innovation, without adequate attention to urban equity and fairness.</p>
<h2>More of the same in Australia</h2>
<p>The Australian population is <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/mf/3222.0">projected to grow to 36 million in the next 30 years</a>. This is focusing political, policy and public attention on what this means for the future of the nation’s cities. </p>
<p>Despite all the advances that have occurred in technology, the arts, architecture, design and the sciences, there is surprisingly little innovation or public discussion about what might be possible for 21st-century Australian settlements beyond the capital cities.</p>
<p>Future Australian city planning and development focuses largely on enlarging and intensifying the footprints of existing major cities. The current urban policy trajectory is in-fill development and expansion of the existing state capital mega-city regions, where <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Latestproducts/3218.0Main%20Features12017-18?opendocument&tabname=Summary&prodno=3218.0&issue=2017-18&num=&view=">two-thirds of the population live</a>. But what is lost through this approach? </p>
<p>In Australia only two ambitious “new city” plans have been put forward in the last 50 years: <a href="https://crawford.anu.edu.au/pdf/pep/pep-283.pdf">the Multifunction Polis</a> (MFP) and <a href="http://www.clara.com.au/index.html">the CLARA Plan</a>. </p>
<p>In the late 1980s the MFP was envisaged as a high-tech city of the future with nuclear power, modern communication and Asian investment. It failed to gain the necessary political, investment and public support and was never built. </p>
<p>The current CLARA Plan proposes building up to eight new regional smart cities connected by a high-speed rail system linking Sydney and Melbourne via Canberra. Each of these cities is designed to be compact, environmentally sustainable and just a quick train trip away from the capital cities. </p>
<p>CLARA has outlined a “<a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-is-value-capture-and-what-does-it-mean-for-cities-58776">value capture</a>” business model based on private city land development, not “government coffer” funding. How these new cities propose to function within the constitutional framework of Australia is as yet unclear and untested.</p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">The privately funded CLARA plan is to build up to eight compact, sustainable, smart cities connected via high-speed rail.</span></figcaption>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/high-speed-rail-plan-still-needs-to-prove-economic-benefits-will-outweigh-costs-63330">High speed rail plan still needs to prove economic benefits will outweigh costs</a>
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<h2>A bipartisan challenge</h2>
<p>Are we thinking too narrowly when we talk about future Australian cities?</p>
<p>The “future city” prompts us to rethink and re-imagine the complex nature and make-up of our urban settlements, and the role of critical infrastructure and planning within them. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/whats-critical-about-critical-infrastructure-73849">What's critical about critical infrastructure?</a>
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<p>The future of Australian cities will require creativity, vision (even courage) to respond effectively to the challenges and opportunities of sustainable development. </p>
<p>This will not be the remit of any one political party, but a bipartisan national urban settlement agenda that affects and involves all Australians.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116266/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Wendy Steele receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is an Urban Scholar with the UN Global City Compact and member of the Australasian Cities Research Network.</span></em></p>Other countries are planning new cities using technological innovation to achieve more sustainable development. Such plans aren’t new for Australia, but existing city growth is the focus of attention.Wendy Steele, Associate Professor, Centre of Urban Research and Urban Futures Enabling Capability Platform, RMIT UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1131392019-03-11T14:47:36Z2019-03-11T14:47:36ZWeb 3.0: the decentralised web promises to make the internet free again<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/263139/original/file-20190311-86690-65ppll.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/group-people-devices-hands-working-together-685860454">Khakimullin Aleksandr/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Have you recently considered <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/deletefacebook-facebook-movement-2018-3?r=US&IR=T">deleting your Facebook</a> account, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/dec/17/amazon-boycott-customers-holiday-shopping">boycotting Amazon</a> or trying to find an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2013/may/02/how-stop-using-google-search-services">alternative to Google</a>? You wouldn’t be alone. The tech giants are <a href="https://theconversation.com/online-privacy-must-improve-after-the-facebook-data-uproar-94435">invading our privacy</a>, misusing our data, strangling <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2018-11-26/tech-monopolies-strangle-economic-growth">economic growth</a> and helping governments <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/dec/20/googles-earth-how-the-tech-giant-is-helping-the-state-spy-on-us">spy on us</a>. Yet because these few companies own so many of the internet’s key services, it seems there is <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/01/business/boycott-facebook-apple-google-failed.html">little people can do</a> to avoid having to interact with them if they want to stay online.</p>
<p>However, 30 years after the world wide web <a href="https://home.cern/science/computing/birth-web">was created</a>, a third generation of web technology might offer a way to change things. <a href="https://hacks.mozilla.org/2018/07/introducing-the-d-web/">The DWeb</a>, a new decentralised version of cyberspace, promises to enable better user control, more competition between internet firms and less dominance by the large corporations. But there are still serious questions over whether it’s possible – or even desirable.</p>
<p>The first generation of the web lasted from its creation by Sir Tim Berners Lee in 1989 to roughly 2005. It was mostly a passive, <a href="https://www.w3.org/History.html">“read-only” web</a> with minimal interaction between users. Most of us were merely recipients of information. Then came Web 2.0, <a href="https://www.oreilly.com/pub/a/web2/archive/what-is-web-20.html">a “read-write web”</a> based on social networks, wikis and blogs that let users create and share more of their own content, which increased their participation and collaboration.</p>
<p>Web 3.0 is the next step. In part it will be a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2006/05/23/technology/23iht-web.html">“semantic web”</a> or a <a href="https://www.w3.org/standards/semanticweb/">“web of data”</a> that can understand, combine and automatically interpret information to provide users with a much more enhanced and interactive experience. But it could also be a decentralised web that challenges the dominance of the tech giants by moving us away from relying so heavily on a few companies, technologies and a relatively small amount of internet infrastructure</p>
<h2>Peer-to-peer technology</h2>
<p>When we currently access the web, our computers use the HTTP protocol in the form of web addresses to find information stored at a fixed location, usually on a single server. In contrast, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/sep/08/decentralisation-next-big-step-for-the-world-wide-web-dweb-data-internet-censorship-brewster-kahle">the DWeb</a> would find information based on its content, meaning it could be stored in multiple places at once. As a result, this form of the web also involves all computers providing services as well as accessing them, known as peer-to-peer connectivity. </p>
<p>This system would enable us to break down the immense databases that are currently held centrally by internet companies rather than users (hence the decentralised web). In principle, this would also better protect users from private and government surveillance as data would no longer be stored in a way that was easy for third parties to access. This actually harks back to the the original philosophy <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-the-internet-was-born-the-network-begins-to-take-shape-67904">behind the internet</a>, which was first created to decentralise US communications during the Cold War to make them less vulnerable to attack.</p>
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<p>Some of the technologies that could make the DWeb possible are already being developed. For example, the <a href="https://www.databoxproject.uk/about/">Databox Project</a> aims to create an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/feb/01/control-personal-data-databox-end-user-agreement">open-source device</a> that stores and controls a user’s personal data locally instead of letting tech companies gather and do whatever they like with it. <a href="https://zeronet.io/">Zeronet</a> is an alternative to the existing web, where websites are hosted by a network of participating computers instead of a centralised server, protected by the same cryptography that’s used for Bitcoin. There’s even a DWeb version of YouTube, <a href="https://about.d.tube/">called DTube</a> that hosts videos across a decentralised network of computers using a “blockchain” public ledger as its database and payment system.</p>
<p>However, this technology is still in its <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/the-decentralized-internet-is-here-with-some-glitches/">early stages</a>. And even once it’s ready, it will be difficult to get users to use new, DWeb-based applications. Whereas Web 2.0 provided an obviously more attractive and easy-to-navigate experience to all users in an open marketplace, the DWeb offers something with less obvious benefits, and requires more user responsibility. Yet enough people would have to be tempted to adopt the technology for it to break down the established oligopoly and succeed.</p>
<h2>Risks and regulation</h2>
<p>The DWeb also comes with some significant legal and regulatory risks. It would make policing cybercrime, including online harassment, hate speech and child abuse images, even more difficult because of its lack of central control and access to data. A centralised web helps governments make large corporations enforce rules and laws. In a decentralised web, it wouldn’t even necessarily be clear which country’s laws applied to a particular website, if its content was hosted all around the world.</p>
<p>This concern brings us back to debates from the 1990s, when <a href="http://www.temple.edu/lawschool/dpost/Anarchy.html">legal scholars</a> were <a href="http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1001&context=occasional_papers">arguing</a> for and against the influence national laws could have on internet regulation. The DWeb essentially reflects the <a href="https://www.eff.org/cyberspace-independence">cyber-libertarian views and hopes of the past</a> that the internet can empower ordinary people by breaking down existing power structures. </p>
<p>But this relies on users taking more initiative and responsibility for their data and their online interactions. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2012/jan/18/sopa-blackout-protest-makes-history">We’ve seen</a> that large numbers of people are willing to take action when their day-to-day experience of the internet is threatened. However, it’s not yet clear whether the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2017/jul/02/is-it-time-to-rein-in-the-power-of-the-internet-regulation">current push</a> for more regulation will align with the DWeb’s principles of responsibility or place internet freedoms at risk.</p>
<p>Decentralised systems also don’t necessarily abolish unequal power structures, but can instead replace one with an another. For instance, Bitcoin works by saving records of financial transactions on a network of computers and is designed to bypass traditional financial institutions and give people greater control over their money. But its critics argue that it has turned into an oligopoly, since a large percentage of Bitcoin wealth <a href="https://www.digitaltrends.com/computing/who-owns-all-the-bitcoin/">is owned by</a> a very small number of people.</p>
<p>The DWeb certainly has its benefits and the potential to give ordinary internet users more power. But it would require some major shifts in how we perceive the web and our place in it. Whether its benefits will be sufficient to drive enough users away from the tech giants to make it viable remains to be seen. However, with governments becoming keen <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld201719/ldselect/ldcomuni/299/29902.htm">to increase regulation</a> of the internet, the DWeb might actually offer a more liberal alternative in the long run.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/113139/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Edina Harbinja is affiliated with Open Rights Group (member of the Advisory Council).
</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Vasileios Karagiannopoulos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A third generation of web technology could return the web to its original ideals – but do we really want it?Edina Harbinja, Senior Lecturer in Law, Aston UniversityVasileios Karagiannopoulos, Senior Lecturer in Law and Cybercrime, University of PortsmouthLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1116142019-02-24T19:14:02Z2019-02-24T19:14:02ZRethinking traffic congestion to make our cities more like the places we want them to be<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/259890/original/file-20190220-148530-1hfav3j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Vancouver used traffic congestion as a 'stick' and the SkyTrain as a 'carrot' in a strategy to discourage car use and make the city a better place to live.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/surrey-canada-september-5-2018-modern-1175636920?src=nfZfdOvrLpU_Q-q66ph7bA-1-62">Oleg Mayorov/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Soon after becoming prime minister last year, Scott Morrison appointed a minister for “<a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/morrison-looks-to-future-with-new-ministry_1">congestion busting</a>”, signalling the importance he attaches to this issue. The large number of Google search results on “traffic congestion in Australian cities 2019” (9.5 million) and “traffic congestion in Australian cities costing the economy 2019” (8.3 million) seems to support his opinion.</p>
<p>But what if this concern for traffic congestion is based more on “groupthink” than a careful look at the relevant data? What if congestion is not such a big social or economic problem? What if congestion costs are overemphasised? </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/stuck-in-traffic-we-need-a-smarter-approach-to-congestion-than-building-more-roads-84774">Stuck in traffic: we need a smarter approach to congestion than building more roads</a>
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<p>In thinking about these questions, it should be recognised that there is always an <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/opinion/why-sydney-needs-congestion-20160511-gos5dz.html">underlying demand for driving</a>, which exceeds the road space available, so building more roads <a href="https://www.sydney.org.au/better-cities-myths-surrounding-great-urban-choke/">induces more traffic</a>. Congestion soon returns but with more vehicles affected than before. In addition, <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0967070X03000623">congestion is likely to increase</a> with rising population and living standards.</p>
<h2>Is traffic congestion a problem for the economy?</h2>
<p>The Bureau of Infrastructure, Transport and Regional Economics (BITRE) estimated the <a href="https://bitre.gov.au/publications/2007/files/wp_071.pdf">“avoidable social costs” of traffic congestion</a> for Australia’s eight capital cities at <a href="https://bitre.gov.au/publications/2015/files/is_074.pdf">A$16.5 billion in 2015</a>. While the estimate is carefully calculated, there is scope to consider other relevant factors such as:</p>
<ol>
<li><p>traffic congestion is usually a problem only for commuters in or near metropolitan CBD areas – for other road users, their average time delay is a relatively <a href="https://theconversation.com/stuck-in-traffic-we-need-a-smarter-approach-to-congestion-than-building-more-roads-84774">minor problem</a></p></li>
<li><p>the BITRE estimate is a small proportion (about 1%) of Australia’s 2015 GDP </p></li>
<li><p>more than one-third of the A$16.5 billion estimate is for private time costs that <a href="https://bitre.gov.au/publications/2007/files/wp_071.pdf">aren’t factored into GDP calculations</a> </p></li>
<li><p>except perhaps for <a href="https://theconversation.com/road-user-charging-belongs-on-the-political-agenda-as-the-best-answer-for-congestion-management-65027">congestion charging</a>, avoiding the BITRE cost estimate would require capital expenditure, reducing the net benefit that action to reduce congestion costs could capture</p></li>
<li><p>the BITRE estimate gives insufficient attention to <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0885412211409754">changes in travel behaviour and location decisions</a> in response to congestion. </p></li>
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<p>There is evidence that road users, both private and business, adapt to congestion by changing travel route and time of travel, as well as changing location. In addition, the effects of the so-called <a href="https://theconversation.com/defying-the-one-hour-rule-for-city-travel-traffic-modelling-drives-policy-madness-53099">Marchetti travel time budget</a> (time saved on one route tends to be <a href="https://theconversation.com/modelling-for-major-road-projects-is-at-odds-with-driver-behaviour-63603">used for more travel elsewhere</a> rather than for non-travel purposes) does not seem to have been considered in the BITRE calculations. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/modelling-for-major-road-projects-is-at-odds-with-driver-behaviour-63603">Modelling for major road projects is at odds with driver behaviour</a>
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<h2>Using congestion to guide development</h2>
<p>While the avoidable social costs of road congestion are arguably not a big deal, it’s pretty clear congestion plays a significant role in <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0885412211409754">structuring urban areas</a>.</p>
<p>Urban planners in Vancouver recognised this some 40 years ago. Rather than trying to reduce traffic congestion, they consciously used that congestion to limit commuter car access to the city centre. They went so far as to say “<a href="https://www.cnu.org/sites/default/files/Beasley.pdf">congestion is our friend</a>”.</p>
<p>A “carrot and stick” approach was adopted in Vancouver. Traffic congestion was used to discourage commuting by car from the suburbs to the CBD. At the same time, complementary urban planning and design policies were enacted to make the inner city a more attractive place to live for all family types including those with young children. High-quality public transport (particularly the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SkyTrain_(Vancouver)">SkyTrain metro system</a>) to the CBD was expanded to cover more of the metropolitan area, providing an attractive alternative to commuting by car. </p>
<p>Of course, congestion management can be used to support other land use planning strategies, such as <a href="https://theconversation.com/brisbanes-cross-river-rail-will-feed-the-centre-at-the-expense-of-people-in-the-suburbs-79418">metropolitan decentralisation</a>. Again this would require a “carrot and stick” approach. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/brisbanes-cross-river-rail-will-feed-the-centre-at-the-expense-of-people-in-the-suburbs-79418">Brisbane's Cross River Rail will feed the centre at the expense of people in the suburbs</a>
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<h2>Congestion narrative fuels ‘the infrastructure turn’</h2>
<p>Urban researchers have identified what has been called “<a href="https://theconversation.com/making-sense-of-the-global-infrastructure-turn-73853">the infrastructure turn</a>”. This is an excessive focus on building infrastructure, particularly large transport infrastructure, rather than on integrated strategic land use and transport planning. </p>
<p>The infrastructure focus is a simplistic response to growing city populations. Importantly, it fails to manage travel demand towards a more sustainable long-term result, such as metropolitan decentralisation like Sydney’s “<a href="https://www.greater.sydney/three-cities">three cities</a>” approach. </p>
<p>Emphasising congestion and its estimated costs reinforces a sense that <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/08111146.2016.1235033?src=recsys">urgent action is needed</a>, and supports the “infrastructure turn”.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/reimagining-sydney-with-3-cbds-how-far-off-is-a-parramatta-cbd-102197">Reimagining Sydney with 3 CBDs: how far off is a Parramatta CBD?</a>
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<h2>Planning for the city we desire</h2>
<p>A best practice approach to metropolitan planning requires that transport planning and land use planning work together to achieve a desired future for the city. And <a href="http://activedemocracy.net/articles/dialogue-city.pdf">community deliberation</a> determines this desired future. The performance of the transport system should be measured mainly by how well this desired future is being achieved, rather than by the level of traffic congestion.</p>
<p>While traffic congestion is real and annoying to many (and also a worry for politicians like the prime minister), it’s not a big social or economic problem. Instead, the congestion could be managed – rather than just catering to projected demand – so our cities become more like the places we want them to be.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/111614/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Brian Feeney is a volunteer with the Gecko Environment Council, a not-for-profit group located at the Gold Coast</span></em></p>Instead of spending ever more on roads, we can learn from Vancouver’s use of congestion as a ‘friend’ in managing the development of transport networks and of the city itself.Brian Feeney, Adjunct Fellow, School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/979402018-06-17T10:03:03Z2018-06-17T10:03:03ZWhy ordinary people must have a say in water governance<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/223193/original/file-20180614-32347-zf2cxi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Without proper support it's hard for villagers in Namibia to manage water. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Irene Kunamwene </span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Most emerging democracies in Africa have implemented <a href="http://bulletin.ids.ac.uk/idsbo/article/view/2856/ONLINE%20ARTICLE">decentralisation</a> in some form since the 1990s. In the water sector, decentralisation aims to share responsibility for managing water resources and services. It shifts responsibility from national government to include lower-level governmental and community organisations. </p>
<p>Participation is a crucial element of decentralisation. Its aim is to ensure that a range of people, across sectors and scales, are involved in making decisions around how to use and manage resources. </p>
<p>There is something to learn from those who have tried and tested how to encourage participation in the water sector over the past 20 to 30 years. Although there are challenges with decentralisation there are also successes as examples from Ghana, Kenya and India show. </p>
<p>Our ongoing <a href="http://www.assar.uct.ac.za/news/when-participation-not-enough-lessons-decentralised-water-governance-namibia">research</a> looks at three rural villages in Namibia’s Onesi constituency, bordering Angola. This research suggests that decentralised water governance might not have the impact that was intended. This is because decentralisation efforts have not paid enough attention to strengthening the voice of local people and their ability to participate in decision making.</p>
<h2>The challenges of managing water in rural areas</h2>
<p>Since 1997, Namibia has followed a community based water management strategy. This means that rural communities need to manage and pay for water services. Locally elected committees consist of volunteers who are responsible for opening taps at standpipes and collecting user fees. </p>
<p>Most of the volunteers can’t read. They also live in poverty. They find it difficult to balance their water point responsibilities with doing what they need to survive, like farming. This has created a situation where many community water points are closed and poor people cannot afford to get water from private taps. When taps shut down villagers often rely on hand-dug wells to draw free water during the dry season. This often has negative health implications because the water quality is poor. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/223194/original/file-20180614-32307-1002dxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/223194/original/file-20180614-32307-1002dxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/223194/original/file-20180614-32307-1002dxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/223194/original/file-20180614-32307-1002dxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/223194/original/file-20180614-32307-1002dxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/223194/original/file-20180614-32307-1002dxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=505&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/223194/original/file-20180614-32307-1002dxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=505&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/223194/original/file-20180614-32307-1002dxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=505&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Namibia has followed a community based water management strategy since 1997.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Irene Kunamwene</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Villagers often complained that planning decisions didn’t consider their needs. The lines of communication were not clear to them and they didn’t have a space to discuss issues or grievances. So decentralisation that involved local people in some ways actually ended up isolating the most vulnerable in other ways.</p>
<p>Decentralisation is a complex process. This example from Namibia shows its failings when local people’s capacity is not sufficiently considered. Without the institutional knowledge, distributed finances and technical support from government, it is hard for villagers to manage water successfully. </p>
<h2>Lessons from other areas</h2>
<p>Drawing on similar projects from our <a href="http://www.assar.uct.ac.za/">research group</a> in other regions, a few lessons can be learnt. In India and Ghana, women’s representation is promoted by having seats for women from marginalised groups on local bodies. The aim is to include more diverse voices in water governance. Although this is a good step, entrenched patriarchy can mean that female representation on village committees is simple tokenism.</p>
<p>New approaches to governance are needed to support effective participation of different groups that might contribute to more sustainable use of water resources. There is a growing presence of non-state actors that are helping to mobilise and facilitate participation at the local level. Some examples include NGOs in Kenya, Ghana and Namibia.</p>
<p>These organisations can provide support and expertise where local and national governments can’t. In Ghana, irrigation farmer associations and landlords located near the Black Volta River have been collaborating with the <a href="http://www.wrc-gh.org/basins/black-volta/">Water Resources Commission</a> to ensure safe farming practices.</p>
<p>One of the opportunities that decentralisation has provided in Kenya has been the integration of customary resource institutions into formal water management. These institutions manage water and pasture, and their integration has resulted in more equitable and inclusive outcomes for the communities they work with. </p>
<p>It has also resulted in partnerships between communities and the private sector as well as proper regulation and reduced water theft. Such partnerships have also helped to reduce water conflicts between upstream and downstream users and between pastoralists and agro-pastoralists.</p>
<h2>Implications for climate change adaptation</h2>
<p>Decentralisation has also been billed as a critical factor to help communities face the challenges of climate change. In many cases, attempts to help communities adapt to climate changes rely on technical solutions. But the experience from decentralisation in the water sector has shown just how important it is to embed technical solutions in effective governance.</p>
<p>Experience from decentralisation suggests that coordination and development of roles and responsibilities between different stakeholders and government levels is hard to put into practice. The biggest challenge results from undemocratic practices.</p>
<p>If local communities are the ones that need to benefit most from adaptation, it is critical that their voice is heard. But to achieve this, it is crucial to make them capable. To realise this there needs to be partnerships between national and local government, academia, NGOs and the private sector.</p>
<p>Participation does not just happen once there is a shift in responsibility. Participation for both decentralisation and climate adaptation needs to be developed intentionally and collaboratively.</p>
<p>This will be a focus at the upcoming <a href="https://adaptationfutures2018.capetown/">Adaptation Futures 2018</a> conference in water-scarce Cape Town. Academics and practitioners from around the world will gather to explore questions about climate change adaptation.</p>
<p><em>Brendon Bosworth and Irene Kunamwene made key contributions to this article.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/97940/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>This work was carried out under the Adaptation at Scale in Semi-Arid Regions project (ASSAR). ASSAR is one of four research programs funded under the Collaborative Adaptation Research Initiative in Africa and Asia (CARIAA), with financial support from the U.K. Government’s Department for International Development (DfID) and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), Canada. The views expressed in this work are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of DfID and IDRC or its Board of Governors.</span></em></p>Namibia has followed a community based water management strategy.Gina Ziervogel, Associate Professor, Department of Environmental and Geographical Science and African Climate and Development Initiative Research Chair, University of Cape TownSalma Hegga, Research Consultant - Adaptation at Scale in Semi-Arid Regions Project (ASSAR), University of Cape TownLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/929902018-03-14T19:00:58Z2018-03-14T19:00:58ZNew cities? It’s an idea worth thinking about for Australia<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/209634/original/file-20180309-30969-1dg93hp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Benjamen Gussen’s proposal for a 'charter city' in the Pilbara stimulated this imaginary depiction.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Justin Bolleter</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Is there a case for revisiting the idea of new cities for Australia in the light of recent population projections and resurgent debate about the implications of a big Australia? </p>
<p>By big we’re talking in the order of <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Latestproducts/3222.0Main%20Features62012%20(base)%20to%202101?opendocument&tabname=Summary&prodno=3222.0&issue=2012%20(base)%20to%202101&num=&view">another 12 million people by mid-century</a>. That’s said to be <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-03-12/australia-is-struggling-to-handle-its-swelling-population/9535116">equivalent to adding a Canberra every year</a> for the next 30 years. But, on business-as-usual projections, three-quarters of that growth will be accommodated in our four biggest cities: Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane and Perth. <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/3222.0main+features72012%20(base)%20to%202101">According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics</a>, this could mean a Sydney of almost 9 million people and Melbourne of almost 10 million by just after 2050.</p>
<hr>
<p><em><strong>Read more:</strong> <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/is-australia-full-39068">Is Australia full?</a></em></p>
<hr>
<p>The last time the nation seriously confronted the reality of sustained and accelerated population growth was in the early 1970s. And there was a mood to do something decisive. In 1972 an Australian Institute of Urban Studies task force emphatically <a href="https://trove.nla.gov.au/work/9420956?selectedversion=NBD1633419">recommended</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>efficient and humane alternatives to overconcentrated growth … A massive new-cities program needs to be started NOW. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The Whitlam government obliged with a <a href="http://www.johncainfoundation.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/lyndsay-neilson-presentation.pdf">national growth centre program</a>. Undertaken jointly with the states, this produced some positive outcomes. These included an expanded Albury-Wodonga and systematic longer-term planning for Campbelltown in southwest Sydney and eventually Joondalup in northwest Perth. Admittedly there were some duds, such as the tri-city <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/articles/2002/11/29/1038386312281.html">Bathurst-Vittoria-Orange</a> and Monarto outside Adelaide, now a free-range zoo. </p>
<p>Funding and enthusiasm trailed off. This more or less reflected trends globally, certainly in the UK, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2002/may/15/communities.guardiansocietysupplement">heartland of new town thinking</a>, where the Commission for New Towns was abolished by 1998. </p>
<p>But <a href="http://www.newtowninstitute.org/spip.php?article420">Paris carried on</a> and even the private sector in the US developed new communities, <a href="http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/maryland/howard/howard-magazine/ph-mg-ho-columbia-planned-cities-20170606-story.html">bringing innovation to the design process</a>. Other nations with high population growth, such as <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/wadeshepard/2017/12/12/why-hundreds-of-completely-new-cities-are-being-built-around-the-world/#4ad64fc514bf">China, maintained engagement</a>. Now even <a href="https://www.nic.org.uk/news/adonis-new-infrastructure-can-bring-first-new-towns-half-century-billions-national-economy/">Britain is returning</a> to <a href="http://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN06867/SN06867.pdf">new-look garden cities as models of sustainable growth</a>.</p>
<h2>So what’s going on in Australia?</h2>
<p>If Australia had a fair dinkum national urban and population policy, then future patterns of national settlement would be firmly in its sights. But we don’t, and those <a href="https://theconversation.com/hopes-of-a-new-urban-age-survive-ministers-fall-52975">hopes of a new era</a> under Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull just haven’t ignited. Instead, we mostly have a scattershot of initiatives, incentives and deals on offer within an overall economistic rhetoric of smartness and value capture. </p>
<p>Infrastructure Australia’s recent report, <a href="http://infrastructureaustralia.gov.au/policy-publications/publications/files/future-cities/Future-Cities-Summary-Report-2018.pdf">Future Cities: Planning for our growing population</a>, is not much help. It concentrates on the largest cities only, and reiterates the conventional wisdom of their evolution towards higher-quality, higher-density cities. </p>
<p>It is worth asking why existing – and presumed inevitable – patterns of growth are the equivalent of a new city, but new urban places are not tabled as viable options. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/210047/original/file-20180313-30983-q1df03.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/210047/original/file-20180313-30983-q1df03.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/210047/original/file-20180313-30983-q1df03.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/210047/original/file-20180313-30983-q1df03.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/210047/original/file-20180313-30983-q1df03.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/210047/original/file-20180313-30983-q1df03.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/210047/original/file-20180313-30983-q1df03.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/210047/original/file-20180313-30983-q1df03.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Australia created a new city for its capital and annual population growth is now being equated to ‘new Canberras’, so why not consider more new cities?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/aerial-view-canberra-city-center-1040423728?src=iwImnPPAC2OgKnPtvdHwYg-1-18">Yicai/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>There is nothing approaching a coherent vision of national urban system planning. This scale of thinking has largely dropped out of the policy realm. The rise of design-driven planning has brought many benefits in balancing public and private interest, but these are usually played out at the local scale. </p>
<p>Metropolitan planning strategies display more comprehensive thinking but are jurisdictionally constrained. They also inevitably converge on the same suite of aspirations – growth management, housing supply and affordability, employment, density, mixed-use activity centres and transit-oriented development. And, as we see in Melbourne, the progressive liberalisation of urban growth boundaries to allow greater expansion <a href="https://theconversation.com/australian-cities-and-their-metropolitan-plans-still-seem-to-be-parallel-universes-87603">misses opportunities for more radical rethinks</a>.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/australian-cities-and-their-metropolitan-plans-still-seem-to-be-parallel-universes-87603">Australian cities and their metropolitan plans still seem to be parallel universes</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/all-the-signs-point-to-our-big-cities-need-for-democratic-metro-scale-governance-92417">Metropolitan governance is the order of the day</a>, without doubt, but what spatial framework does that sit in? The <a href="https://www.greater.sydney/">Greater Sydney Commission</a> is proving its worth in this direction and organising local authorities into a co-ordinated assemblage. But its strategy has almost nothing to say about the rest of the state. </p>
<p>There is no spatial state plan. Wollongong, Newcastle, the Central Coast (contributing over 200,000 daily return commuter trips into Sydney) and regional areas lie out of view. </p>
<p>Where state planning strategies do exist (such as Western Australia) these tend to be toothless and lacking in vision. </p>
<p>Since mid-2017 some bigger-picture thinking has surfaced in submissions and presentations to the House Standing Committee on Infrastructure, Transport and Cities, which is conducting a timely <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/House/ITC/DevelopmentofCities">inquiry into the Australian government’s role in city development</a>. The message is that there are no quick fixes, single solutions or optimum city sizes. There is also an awareness that the path dependency of growth in metropolitan areas will ensure their continuing primacy. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/glossary/agglomeration-economies/">agglomeration economies</a> favouring non-metropolitan locations are admitedly weaker but a strengthening narrative relates to the links between 21st-century transportation and settlement. <a href="https://theconversation.com/high-speed-rail-at-200-billion-wed-better-get-it-right-62541">High-speed rail</a> is not just an inter-city technological marvel but – done well to an integrated spatial plan – becomes a nation-building instrument for expanding key regional centres. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/high-speed-rail-at-200-billion-wed-better-get-it-right-62541">High-speed rail? At $200 billion we'd better get it right</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Think longer term, think big</h2>
<p>Long-term thinking compels bigger vision. The 2013 book <a href="http://www.publish.csiro.au/book/7215/">Made in Australia</a> by Richard Weller and Julian Bolleter attempts this, by daring to imagine a future beyond the conventional wisdom of low-density spread and urban consolidation. Guided by ABS national population projections – <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Latestproducts/3222.0Main%20Features52012%20(base)%20to%202101?opendocument&tabname=Summary&prodno=3222.0&issue=2012%20(base)%20to%202101&num=&view">70 million by 2101</a> – its sights are firmly <a href="https://www.parksleisure.com.au/documents/item/2693">set on a whole new conception of megaregions and new cities</a>. Northern Australia, in particular, comes into view as a new urban frontier.</p>
<p>There are various scenarios to explore within a new city paradigm:</p>
<ul>
<li>the polycentric city (think: Hunter to the Illawarra in NSW)</li>
<li> integrated planning for regional centres and expanded towns (a more targeted <a href="http://regional.gov.au/regional/programs/regional-growth-fund.aspx">Regional Growth Fund</a>)</li>
<li>regional satellites (network city regions focused on metropolitan cores)</li>
<li>upscaled master plan communities set within a regional vision (<a href="https://www.greaterspringfield.com.au/">Springfield</a>)</li>
<li>“new cities in cities” (<a href="https://theconversation.com/flying-into-uncertainty-western-sydneys-aerotropolis-poses-more-questions-than-answers-73682">Western Sydney aerotropolis</a>).</li>
</ul>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/flying-into-uncertainty-western-sydneys-aerotropolis-poses-more-questions-than-answers-73682">Flying into uncertainty: Western Sydney's 'aerotropolis' poses more questions than answers</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The contemporary new city idea cannot be a tired rerun of town and country planning policies from the past. These elevated post-war welfare-state British new towns as the benchmark and ignored their many shortcomings as urban environments. </p>
<p>The population tap is unlikely to be turned off even if politically leveraged downward. Humanitarian migration is also likely to grow. This means we need to have a debate that is not just about population size but also about its distribution. </p>
<p>Australia is a post-colonial country built largely through relatively new, planned cities. We have a capital city famously built from scratch. Australians should be able to engage with a more nuanced evaluation of the role of new cities in delivering the desired triple bottom line of urban productivity, liveability and sustainability.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92990/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Robert Freestone receives funding from the Australian Research Council. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Elizabeth Taylor receives funding from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, the Henry Halloran Trust, the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) and the City of Melbourne.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julian Bolleter is employed by the Australian Urban Design Research Centre, which is funded by Landcorp, the Western Australian Department of Communities, and the Western Australian Department of Planning, Lands and Heritage.</span></em></p>Business-as-usual projections assume our four biggest cities must absorb three-quarters of Australia’s population growth over the next 30 years. Might new cities be a better way to deal with it?Robert Freestone, Professor of Planning, Faculty of Built Environment, UNSW SydneyElizabeth Taylor, Vice Chancellor's Post-Doctoral Research Fellow, RMIT UniversityJulian Bolleter, Research Fellow, Australian Urban Design Research Centre, The University of Western AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/813932017-08-23T15:43:59Z2017-08-23T15:43:59ZConflicting laws keep Nigeria’s electricity supply unreliable<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/183181/original/file-20170823-4869-1m2jd0a.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A man fixes electric wires in the Lagos Island district. Nigeria has serious power challenges made worse by the way the sector is regulated.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Akintunde Akinleye</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Nigeria’s energy sector is regulated centrally by the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission. This has created the conditions for corruption to thrive. The result is that the supply of electricity is unstable and cannot support economic development. Decentralised regulation is the solution, but has been prevented by conflicting laws.</p>
<p>Supplying electricity is a complex business. The sector has many aspects, all complex in themselves: engineering, accounting, tax, financing, laws and regulations, governance, consumer concerns and safety. </p>
<p>Countries often <a href="https://groups.google.com/forum/#!topic/usaafricadialogue/DPbXhjA6XaE.">decentralise authority</a> to simplify the management of the sector. They also decentralise the sources of energy generation, transmission and distribution and the means of funding the sector. </p>
<p>But <a href="http://www.ajumogobiaokeke.com/assets/media/1656f5aded41ecbbbb7e451a778c5e1d.pdf">Nigeria</a> has done the reverse. Under the 2005 <a href="http://www.power.gov.ng/download/Electric%20Power%20Sector%20Reform%20Act%202005.pdf">Electric Power Sector Reform Act</a>, all regulations concerning electricity are made centrally for the 36 states and their 774 local government areas.</p>
<p>The central regulator cannot monitor all the players effectively. The result is corruption, poor service delivery and use of substandard equipment. Gas pipelines are sometimes vandalised by frustrated citizens whose local needs are not understood or met.</p>
<h2>Why decentralise?</h2>
<p>If the administration of electricity was brought closer to each area of the country, it would: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>Increase efficiency </p></li>
<li><p>Allow for more innovation and business adventure </p></li>
<li><p>Create competition among the players in the industry and lead to better services. </p></li>
</ul>
<p>Decentralised governance has helped reposition the energy sectors of several countries. Kenya, the UK, and many countries in Latin America have benefited from it. When these countries privatised their electricity sectors, they attracted private sector funds which were put into the system to improve supply. </p>
<h2>The Constitution versus the Act</h2>
<p>The Nigerian Constitution supports decentralised electricity regulation. It gives federal and state governments the authority to make laws that would improve supply. </p>
<p>So why isn’t this happening? Why is electricity regulation still in the hands of the federal government alone? </p>
<p>Provisions in the Act stand in the way. </p>
<p>The Constitution is clear. It allows both federal and state governments to regulate electricity. Electricity appears on what is known as the <a href="http://www.waado.org/NigerDelta/ConstitutionalMatters/1999Constitution/SecondSchedule.html">concurrent legislative list</a>. </p>
<p>At the federal level, the Constitution charges the National Assembly with the responsibility to make the laws. It provides that the National Assembly may make laws for the entire federation or any of its constituent parts with respect to: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>electricity and the establishment of electric power stations; </p></li>
<li><p>the generation and transmission of electricity in or to any part of the federation and from one state to another state.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>At the state level, the Constitution charges the state Houses of Assembly with the responsibility of making laws to regulate electricity. They can make laws for the state with respect to:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>electricity and the establishment, in that state, of electric power stations; </p></li>
<li><p>the generation, transmission and distribution of electricity to areas not covered by a national grid system within that state; and </p></li>
<li><p>the establishment within that state of any authority for the promotion and management of electric power stations established by the state.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>The Act provides for the establishment of the Rural Electrification Agency. This administers a Rural Electrification Fund which is meant to provide, promote and support rural electrification programmes. </p>
<p>The roles played by the agency and the fund conflict with the Constitution. This is because the Constitution assigns these roles to the states. The Constitution gives states the powers to regulate off-grid electric power. And rural electricity is off-grid power. </p>
<p>The idea of the Rural Electricity Fund is a noble one, at least on paper. Just like its regulatory agency. But vesting rural electrification in the hands of the federal government runs counter to what is clearly intended in the Constitution. </p>
<p>An attempt to bring “off-grid” subjects within the national grid amounts to what I have previously referred to as <a href="http://punchng.com/?option=com_k2&view=item&id=6922:?national-grid?-or-?national-greed??-1&Itemid=579">“national greed”</a>. </p>
<p>There is a third problem with the act.</p>
<p>It gives the <a href="http://www.nercng.org/">Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission</a> the power to make <a href="http://www.nercng.org/nercdocs/Regulation-for-Captive-Power-Generation.pdf">regulations </a> for the granting of permits for “captive power” generation. The objective is to streamline the procedure for those who want to generate more than one megawatt of power for their own use. </p>
<p>This power should ordinarily vest in state governments. Like rural electricity, captive electricity generation is off-grid, and should be regulated by state governments as the Constitution intended.</p>
<p>The commission’s powers are therefore unconstitutional. </p>
<h2>Finally…</h2>
<p>Nigerians expect that as the electric power sector develops, state governments will set up State Electricity Regulatory Commissions as is the case in countries like <a href="http://www.cercind.gov.in/serc.html">India</a>. Their job will be to license private companies to get involved in off-grid electricity generation, transmission and distribution. </p>
<p>To achieve a regular supply of power for economic development, federal and state governments must act as collaborators, not as competitors. </p>
<p>A good place to start would be to nullify the provisions of the Power Sector Reform Act 2005 that are in conflict with the Constitution.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/81393/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Yemi Oke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The centralised regulation of electric power in Nigeria is stalling progress in the sector. To achieve stable power supply, the country must obey its constitution and decentralise regulation.Yemi Oke, Associate Professor of Energy/Electricity Law, University of LagosLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/589782016-05-26T00:56:00Z2016-05-26T00:56:00ZDeal or no deal: are UK-style City Deals a good bet for Australia?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/123699/original/image-20160524-11017-1tigz7v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The UK's 'City Deals' have been claimed as responsible for the renaissance of Greater Manchester.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/naeemtilly/8268426359/">Naeem Tilly</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The Property Council <a href="https://www.propertycouncil.com.au/Web/Content/Media_Release/National/2016/Government_commitment_to_city_deals_welcome.aspx">heralded</a> the federal government’s proposal to introduce UK-style City Deals as part of a new <a href="https://www.pm.gov.au/media/2016-04-29/smart-cities-will-grow-innovation-economy">Smart Cities Plan</a> as:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… a real innovation in policy [that will] break down the barriers between federal, state and local government – and make all of them partners in economic growth.</p>
</blockquote>
<p><a href="http://www.niesr.ac.uk/publications/city-deals-decentralisation-and-governance-local-infrastructure-funding-and-financing#.V0AU_Kzru00">Our evidence</a> from the UK experience suggests there are pros and cons in both City Deals and Devolution Deals. </p>
<h2>The pros and cons</h2>
<p>These deals have emerged as the preferred methods of formulating public policy and resource allocation in UK decentralisation. This kind of explicitly “informal governance” is novel and innovative.</p>
<p>“Deal-making” is good at providing a channel for local authorities to talk to central government. It empowers local actors, encourages strategic thinking, promotes innovation and stimulates governance reform. </p>
<p>But the process is marked by problems. These include:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>uneven information and power between central and local actors;</p></li>
<li><p>the ambiguous role of the centre as supporter and appraiser of the plans of local actors;</p></li>
<li><p>capacity nationally and centrally limited by budget austerity;</p></li>
<li><p>lack of transparency;</p></li>
<li><p>highly uneven resource allocation;</p></li>
<li><p>slippage from announcement to implementation; and </p></li>
<li><p>limited evaluation of progress to date.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>As the process has matured with each new round of deal-making, common elements have emerged alongside more bespoke and particular dimensions. But participants are fatigued by the centrally orchestrated deal-making process and episodic timetable, are unclear about the criteria for assessing proposals and uncertain about where it is heading next – and to what ends. </p>
<p>Those negotiating the deals have experienced the paradox that central government is dominating this chapter of decentralisation.</p>
<h2>What Australia might expect</h2>
<p>Unpacking some of these issues may help us understand the rationale behind Australia’s interest in City Deals. </p>
<p>First, against a background of rising public debt, City Deals are <a href="https://theconversation.com/city-deals-still-no-more-than-a-pamphlet-after-budget-2016-58737">said to represent</a> an attempt by the federal government to introduce a new approach to investing in urban infrastructure. However, Australia’s net debt-to-GDP ratio (19%) remains a fraction of the UK’s, <a href="http://cdn.budgetresponsibility.org.uk/Executive-summary-1.pdf">which is nearly 83%</a>. </p>
<p>Clues as to what is expected of City Deals were evident in the <a href="https://www.pm.gov.au/media/2016-04-29/smart-cities-will-grow-innovation-economy">press release</a> launching the Smart Cities Plan. The government said the plan will:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… draw on the Commonwealth’s co-ordination capacity and the strength of its balance sheet at a time of historically low interest rates, to get the best infrastructure projects off the ground. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The government’s fiscal position can be used in various ways – either through direct borrowing or de-risking private investment. The City Deal approach’s logic suggests that, in return for “drawing upon” federal capacity, states and local government will be asked to agree mechanisms that ensure local areas prioritise infrastructure projects that deliver growth. </p>
<p>Despite the rhetoric surrounding innovative funding and financing, such concepts have proved difficult to implement in the UK. Instead, emasculated local authorities, facing continued budgetary pressures, have sought long-term (up to 30 years) grant funding from the national government. </p>
<p>For its part, the UK government has also found grants <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/221014/Greater-Manchester-City-Deal-final_0.pdf">easier to manage</a> than complex earn-back arrangements of the kind devised initially in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-devo-manc-a-good-model-for-english-devolution-almost-41643">Greater Manchester City Deal</a>.</p>
<p>Second, if City Deals are introduced in Australia, then individual agreements will be negotiated between three tiers of government. The experience of the newer City Deals in Scotland (Glasgow, Aberdeen and Inverness) and Wales (Cardiff) – involving UK government, devolved administrations and local authorities more akin to a federal-type situation – may be more instructive for Australian policymakers.</p>
<p>Like the UK, Australia’s national government <a href="https://cities.dpmc.gov.au/city-deals">is proposing</a> to incentivise actions and accountabilities at the sub-national level. </p>
<p>The UK government has dangled the carrot of long-term grant funding to “encourage” local authorities to establish statutory governance partnerships across city regions. </p>
<p>City Deals in Australia may be part of a similar drive for local government reform. This <a href="http://regional.gov.au/local/lgifr/files/20120622-strong-foundations.pdf">reflects arguments</a> that direct funding of local government by federal government creates efficiencies, and that new investment in local infrastructure requires effective cross-border local government collaboration.</p>
<p>Finally, <a href="http://www.act.ipaa.org.au/pm-address">statements</a> that the City Deals have been instrumental in the “renaissance of Greater Manchester and Glasgow” should be treated with great caution. UK City Deals and Devolution Deals are still at an early stage. Monitoring and evaluation of their impact remains <a href="https://www.nao.org.uk/report/devolving-responsibilities-to-cities-in-england-wave-1-city-deals/">in its infancy</a>.</p>
<p>Ultimately, City Deals may prove successful in Australia and the UK. But, at this initial stage, adopting the model without careful scrutiny and analysis feels more like taking a punt than backing a certainty.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/58978/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The research for this article was undertaken as part of the iBUILD infrastructure research centre funded by the UK Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council and the Economic and Social Research Council.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>The research for this article was undertaken as part of the iBUILD infrastructure research centre funded by the UK Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council and the Economic and Social Research Council. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>The research for this article was undertaken as part of the iBUILD infrastructure research centre funded by the UK Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council and the Economic and Social Research Council.
</span></em></p>Evidence from the UK experience suggests there are pros and cons in both City Deals and Devolution Deals.Peter O'Brien, Research Associate, Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies (CURDS), Newcastle UniversityAndy Pike, Professor of Local and Regional Development, Newcastle UniversityJohn Tomaney, Professor of Urban and Regional Planning, UCLLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/590842016-05-17T00:54:35Z2016-05-17T00:54:35ZNew name, new look for latest national urban policy, but same old problem<p>Globally, interest in national urban policy peaked in the late 1970s and declined sharply thereafter. The trend held true for Australia, peaking under the Whitlam government.</p>
<p>The decades after the Whitlam government produced a <a href="https://theconversation.com/hopes-of-a-new-urban-age-survive-ministers-fall-52975">variety of federal housing and other urban policies</a>. None had the scope of a national urban policy.</p>
<p>Not until 2011, with Labor’s <a href="http://infrastructureaustralia.gov.au/policy-publications/publications/Our-Cities-Our-Future-2011.aspx">Our Cities, Our Future</a>, was a national urban policy launched. This did not mirror a similar resurgent interest in Western countries. These countries promote intergovernmental decentralisation, while Australia has increased centralisation.</p>
<p>Australian exceptionalism – both its “<a href="http://www.acelg.org.au/sites/default/files/MetroWorkingPaper2012.pdf">unique model of metropolitan governance</a>” and its extreme <a href="https://theconversation.com/renewing-federalism-what-are-the-solutions-to-vertical-fiscal-imbalance-31422">vertical fiscal imbalance</a> (VFI) – provides the setting for federal policy that <a href="https://theconversation.com/metropolitan-governance-is-the-missing-link-in-australias-reform-agenda-55872">assumes the prerogatives of state and metropolitan urban policy</a>.</p>
<h2>Commonwealth role rarely challenged</h2>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122411/original/image-20160513-13529-1nyvpx8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122411/original/image-20160513-13529-1nyvpx8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122411/original/image-20160513-13529-1nyvpx8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122411/original/image-20160513-13529-1nyvpx8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122411/original/image-20160513-13529-1nyvpx8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122411/original/image-20160513-13529-1nyvpx8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122411/original/image-20160513-13529-1nyvpx8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122411/original/image-20160513-13529-1nyvpx8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Our Cities, Our Future marked a return to a national urban policy in 2011.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Commonwealth Department of Infrastructure and Transport</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Urban academics and professional organisations such as the Planning Institute of Australia celebrated Our Cities, Our Future – perhaps due to the increased prominence accorded urban affairs. </p>
<p>Few questioned the rationale for federal engagement in matters such as metropolitan strategic planning, infrastructure investment and housing. No significant urban outcomes can be attributed to Our Cities, Our Future.</p>
<p>Yet the policy environment at the time did have a legacy, following the <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/news/national/rudd-speeds-traffic-plan/2008/01/21/1200764171297.html">creation in 2008 of Infrastructure Australia</a>. In a context of VFI, then-prime minister Kevin Rudd sought to rationalise federal infrastructure funding based on the “business case” for projects. He tasked the COAG Reform Council with <a href="https://pmtranscripts.dpmc.gov.au/release/transcript-17349">preparing guidelines for capital city strategic planning systems</a> that would provide an “evidence base” for federal decision-making.</p>
<p>In 2014, the remit of Infrastructure Australia was expanded. It was to undertake an <a href="http://infrastructureaustralia.gov.au/policy-publications/publications/Australian-Infrastructure-Audit.aspx">Australian Infrastructure Audit</a> and prepare an <a href="http://infrastructureaustralia.gov.au/policy-publications/publications/Australian-Infrastructure-Plan.aspx">Australian Infrastructure Plan</a>. The plan, <a href="https://theconversation.com/australian-infrastructure-plan-has-some-way-to-go-to-give-our-cities-what-they-need-54954">finalised in 2016</a>, holds that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The Australian government should drive change in the planning and operation of Australia’s cities through the use of Infrastructure Reform Incentives.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This approach would:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… tie the provision of additional funding for infrastructure to the delivery of a range of city-based reforms, focused on improving the quality of planning, development and infrastructure across Australia’s cities.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122415/original/image-20160513-16410-mabj7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122415/original/image-20160513-16410-mabj7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122415/original/image-20160513-16410-mabj7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=379&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122415/original/image-20160513-16410-mabj7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=379&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122415/original/image-20160513-16410-mabj7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=379&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122415/original/image-20160513-16410-mabj7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122415/original/image-20160513-16410-mabj7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122415/original/image-20160513-16410-mabj7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Australian Infrastructure Plan asserts the primacy of the federal government in matters of urban policy.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Infrastructure Australia</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This is an extraordinary assertion of power over planning for, and infrastructure investment in, cities. It has no constitutional foundation. VFI, however, frees the pens of the drafters of urban policy and the presumptions of their political masters.</p>
<p>Lest we forget, at the time the plan was being finalised, for 99 days <a href="https://theconversation.com/urban-policy-could-the-federal-government-finally-get-cities-47858">there was a minister for cities and the built environment</a>. Again, responding to the attention given to urban affairs, urban academics and professionals feted the creation of this position. No significant urban outcomes can be attributed to the ministry.</p>
<p>Following <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-12-29/mal-brough-and-jamie-briggs-stand-down-from-frontbench/7058266">Jamie Briggs’ misadventure</a> and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/memo-to-our-latest-cities-minister-heres-what-needs-to-be-done-55768">appointment of Angus Taylor</a> as assistant minister for cities and digital transformation, the <a href="https://cities.dpmc.gov.au/smart-cities-plan">Smart Cities Plan</a> was launched. Its <a href="https://theconversation.com/smart-cities-plan-offers-signs-of-hope-but-are-turnbull-and-taylor-just-dreamin-58628">potential significance is huge</a>. Its ambition is to “rethink the way our cities are planned, built and managed”, with the Commonwealth to lead the rethinking.</p>
<h2>So what’s in the latest plan?</h2>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122412/original/image-20160513-16435-ipx95y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122412/original/image-20160513-16435-ipx95y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122412/original/image-20160513-16435-ipx95y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=849&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122412/original/image-20160513-16435-ipx95y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=849&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122412/original/image-20160513-16435-ipx95y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=849&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122412/original/image-20160513-16435-ipx95y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1067&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122412/original/image-20160513-16435-ipx95y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1067&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122412/original/image-20160513-16435-ipx95y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1067&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Released on the eve of the election campaign, the Smart Cities Plan contains much of interest, but little substance.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The plan contains much that is interesting, but little that is substantial. It has the appearance <a href="https://theconversation.com/city-deals-still-no-more-than-a-pamphlet-after-budget-2016-58737">more of a think-piece than a substantive policy document</a>. Some prominent ideas are plugged in, then ignored. </p>
<p>An example is the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-30-minute-city-how-do-we-put-the-political-rhetoric-into-practice-56136">“30-minute city”</a>. It gets headlines, but it is difficult to identify what this adds to the urban agenda once the actual commitment to public transport is considered.</p>
<p>What the 30-minute city concept does do is reveal the extent of federal presumption about city planning. Can one really argue that this is the job of federal government?</p>
<p>Together, the Australian Infrastructure Plan and the Smart Cities Plan amount to a new national urban policy based on metropolitan strategic planning, infrastructure funding and <a href="https://theconversation.com/city-deals-nine-reasons-this-imported-model-of-urban-development-demands-due-diligence-57040">City Deals</a>.</p>
<p>While acknowledging the states’ constitutional prerogatives to undertake metropolitan strategic and infrastructure planning and to implement projects, VFI makes federal presumptions possible. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/national-spotlight-on-cities-must-not-leave-local-input-in-the-shade-50311">views of a metropolitan community of interests</a> are not a consideration.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.pm.gov.au/media/2016-04-29/smart-cities-will-grow-innovation-economy">federal commitment</a> is to:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>A$50 million for infrastructure planning;</p></li>
<li><p>establish an infrastructure financing unit; and</p></li>
<li><p>invite state and territory governments to partner the Commonwealth on City Deals.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>Any federal discussion about financing infrastructure in Australia’s cities is interesting and the Smart Cities Plan does appear to presage innovative public and private financing opportunities.</p>
<p>As for City Deals, these are to be based on federal and state/territory partnerships to “drive national priorities tailored to local needs”. So, at the local level, national priorities prevail. The federal government knows best.</p>
<p>In the UK, City Deals are <a href="https://theconversation.com/will-budget-2016-deliver-a-new-deal-for-australian-cities-58581">premised on “devolution”</a> and the creation of metropolitan governments. Deals are negotiated with local and metropolitan governments and business leaders, with reference to civil society as well. Metropolitan governments are seen as desirable because it is believed the economic growth of cities is best promoted by city leadership.</p>
<p>However, neither Labor nor Coalition conceptions of national urban policy envisage city leadership serving a metropolitan constituency. Representative, revenue-generating metropolitan government, which can enter the infrastructure finance market, would threaten federal and state power and influence.</p>
<h2>How can federal policy make a difference?</h2>
<p>There are two preconditions for effective federal engagement in urban policy.</p>
<p>The first is a policy that survives the next election. Because the Labor and Coalition approaches incorporate urban issues from local to federal, they are essentially political treatises. Long-lived policies are unlikely.</p>
<p>The second precondition is to recognise that most policies are urban in a country that is 90% urban. The <a href="http://www.publish.csiro.au/pid/6784.htm">unintended urban consequences</a> of federal policies have outweighed those of policies having urban intent. Examples include negative gearing, immigration and climate-change policies. The criterion of urban consequences should be integral to federal policy formation.</p>
<p>A federal concern with urban policy requires locating responsibility and funding for policies to the level of government where they are most effectively addressed. Often this will be at a metro scale. It is then <a href="https://theconversation.com/our-cities-need-city-scale-government-heres-what-it-should-look-like-55873">best undertaken by metropolitan government</a>.</p>
<p>Rather than tied infrastructure and social grants, untied fiscal decentralisation is desirable. Australia should welcome policy and expenditure differences, experimentation and mutual learning among metros.</p>
<p>The way forward is to consider what level of government is best placed to resolve contested urban issues, in partnership with the private sector and civil society.</p>
<p>A federal urban policy should be limited to issues that explicitly require federal intervention. The determination of these issues will be subject to debate. But the operating assumption should be federal policy modesty in relation to states and cities, devolution of responsibilities, and fiscal decentralisation.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/59084/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Richard Tomlinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Turnbull government’s cities policy is the latest incarnation of ‘the-Commonwealth-knows-best’ approach, with little regard for whether urban issues are best resolved at the metropolitan level.Richard Tomlinson, Professor of Urban Planning, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/558722016-04-04T01:09:56Z2016-04-04T01:09:56ZMetropolitan governance is the missing link in Australia’s reform agenda<p>Perhaps all Western countries with which Australia might choose to compare itself have, since the early 1990s, engaged in intergovernmental decentralisation. They have done so as part of a metropolitan “renaissance” that includes <a href="http://eur.sagepub.com/content/10/4/297.short?rss=1&ssource=mfc">“experiments” with metropolitan government</a>. </p>
<p>In contrast, Australia’s state governments are responsible for metropolitan governance. The state responsibility exists in a context of increasing intergovernmental centralisation that favours the federal government, as well as finance and treasury in federal and state governments.</p>
<p>New forms of metropolitan governance and a claimed worldwide decentralisation of roles and responsibilities have been a response to neoliberalism and the competitive forces arising from globalisation. How might Australia’s “<a href="http://www.acelg.org.au/sites/default/files/MetroWorkingPaper2012.pdf">unique model of metropolitan governance</a>” be explained? Does it enhance economic competitiveness and the building of fair cities?</p>
<p>At first blush an answer lies in Australia’s Constitution. Federalism in Australia is <a href="https://theconversation.com/rebalancing-government-in-australia-to-save-our-federation-33365">premised on subsidiarity</a> between the federal and state levels of government. No provision is made for the possibility that metropolitan governments might best undertake metro-scale roles and responsibilities.</p>
<p>Metropolitan governments can be created through constitutional change, but this is improbable. Instead, the governance of Australia’s urban regions is premised on local government being a “creature” of state government. This notion, a product of the 19th century, empowers state governments to legislate metropolitan governments. </p>
<p>A precedent exists for a state government creating a metropolitan government. Created in 1925, Brisbane City Council incorporated all the urban region’s local authorities with an eye to financial viability and metro-scale efficiencies in the delivery of water, sanitation, roads and so on. The council now serves about half of the effective metropolitan population.</p>
<h2>‘Rescaling’ is missing element of reform</h2>
<p>Neoliberalism, from an urban perspective, comprises reducing government spending and the role of government in the economy and in delivering infrastructure and services. The responsibility of government does not change – that is, to ensure the delivery of hitherto public goods and services. Its role changes substantially: government is not itself responsible for delivery.</p>
<p>Both the Labor and the Coalition, at all levels of government, have embraced public sector reform. This has involved increased competition, deregulation and privatisation and the outsourcing of infrastructure and service delivery. Where this cannot be done profitably, civil society is promoted – an example is NGOs’ involvement in social housing. </p>
<p>But government still bears responsibility for ensuring services are delivered. For example, failures in the private delivery of public transport services contributed to the <a href="http://electionwatch.edu.au/victoria-2014/welcome-election-watch-victoria">fall of the Brumby government</a> in Victoria in 2010.</p>
<p>Setting Australia apart, institutional restructuring has not been accompanied by intergovernmental decentralisation. In comparison, throughout the European Union the metropolitan “rescaling” of urban regions <a href="https://www.routledge.com/products/9780415274494">was undertaken</a> to enhance their global competitiveness. </p>
<p>This is especially relevant to global city strategies and, one might think, to Australia. Every state, except Tasmania, and the Northern Territory claim their capital cities are, or should become, <a href="http://www.saskiasassen.com/pdfs/publications/the-global-city-brown.pdf">global cities</a> (“world city” in the case of Queensland).</p>
<p>The metropolitan impetus arising elsewhere from globalisation is not felt in Australia. Australia has not created metropolitan governments. Consequently, there has been no debate by a metropolitan constituency about the desirability of a global city strategy. </p>
<p>Such strategies are closely associated with enhancing <a href="https://theconversation.com/beyond-lockouts-sydney-needs-to-become-a-more-inclusive-city-55821">inner-city economies and lifestyles</a>. A common outcome is <a href="https://theconversation.com/sydneys-global-vision-bad-news-for-local-housing-affordability-22761">increased social and spatial divides</a>. The global city machismo of state governments is not matched by a concern for fairness.</p>
<h2>The missing link: metropolitan governance</h2>
<p>In effect, while Australia has embraced neoliberal institutional restructuring and state governments pursue global competitiveness as the foundation for urban policies, decentralisation is not on the agenda. While metropolitan governance is discussed, metropolitan government seldom is. </p>
<p>For example, after pointing to metropolitan governance, planning and democratic “deficits”, urban commentators refer to the need for “<a href="https://www.griffith.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0012/199299/urp-ip12-gleeson-et-al-2010.pdf">metropolitan-scale institutions</a>” and for a “<a href="http://www.sgsep.com.au/publications/taking-metropolitan-planning-authority-next-level">metropolitan governance forum</a>”.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.sgsep.com.au/people/marcus-spiller">Marcus Spiller</a>, a prominent urban economist and planner, has written that state governance of Australia’s urban regions is leading to ineffectual metropolitan planning and infrastructure investment. The result is less productive and more socially divided cities. Spiller’s views should be read in the light of an OECD report that “<a href="http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/urban-rural-and-regional-development/what-makes-cities-more-productive-evidence-on-the-role-of-urban-governance-from-five-oecd-countries_5jz432cf2d8p-en;jsessionid=5pkf2nfdr9soh.x-oecd-live-03">cities with fragmented governance structures have lower levels of productivity</a>”.</p>
<p>Transport and planning ministerial silos also compromise effective state leadership in the development of urban regions. Big-budget transport ministries show scant regard for planning ministries. </p>
<p>A consequence is that despite a professed commitment to compact cities in state-prepared metropolitan strategic plans, infrastructure investment has contributed to urban sprawl. This diminishes access to jobs and education opportunities, and negatively affects household incomes. The city loses the full productive potential of its labour force.</p>
<h2>Cities pay high price for funding imbalance</h2>
<p>Ineffectual planning and investment and compromised productivity also reflect Australia’s extreme vertical fiscal imbalance. In the <a href="http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1448853">words of Paul Keating</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The national perspective dominates Australian political life because the national government dominates revenue raising and only because the national government dominates revenue raising.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/116559/original/image-20160329-17862-1s11b76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/116559/original/image-20160329-17862-1s11b76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/116559/original/image-20160329-17862-1s11b76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=890&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/116559/original/image-20160329-17862-1s11b76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=890&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/116559/original/image-20160329-17862-1s11b76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=890&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/116559/original/image-20160329-17862-1s11b76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1118&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/116559/original/image-20160329-17862-1s11b76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1118&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/116559/original/image-20160329-17862-1s11b76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1118&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Paul Keating: ‘The national perspective dominates Australian political life because the national government dominates revenue raising.’</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://primeministers.naa.gov.au/primeministers/keating/before-office.aspx">NAA: A6135, K15/9/89/28</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Without a constitutional remit to do so, vertical fiscal imbalance has created a “<a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2010.00687.x/abstract">perverse incentive</a>” for the federal government to get involved in transport funding, housing and other matters about which metropolitan residents might presume to know best.</p>
<p>Thus strategic plans that last the term of a state government and metro-scale infrastructure projects and services that depend on an alignment of state and federal priorities have proven fraught. This is epitomised by the <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/east-west-link-could-be-revived-by-infrastructure-victoria-20160226-gn54bp.html">East West Link</a> road project in Victoria. </p>
<p>Melbourne’s residents (75% of the state’s population) <a href="http://www.danielbowen.com/2013/07/17/transport-priorities/">favour public transport</a>, but this was irrelevant to the federal and state Coalition. Victorians now <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-12-09/auditor-general-reports-on-east-west-link-costs/7012618">have to pay the A$642 million termination fee</a> for the East West Link. </p>
<p>Federal priorities have changed between public transport, the “<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/sep/25/abbott-road-plan-criticised">roads of the 21st century</a>” and “agnosticism”. State priorities have fluctuated between public and private transport, and have been much influenced by federal priorities – that is, following the money. No wonder Infrastructure Australia complains about <a href="http://infrastructureaustralia.gov.au/policy-publications/publications/Australian-Infrastructure-Plan.aspx">“infrastructure gaps”</a>.</p>
<p>Dysfunctional infrastructure planning and funding, ineffectual metropolitan governance and endless blame-shifting poorly serve the creation of competitive and fair cities. It is no surprise that Jane-Frances Kelly and Paul Donegan of the Grattan Institute <a href="https://www.mup.com.au/items/154135">held that Australia’s cities “are broken”</a> and “are no longer keeping up with changes in how we live and how our economy works”. </p>
<p>It is at the scale of metropolitan areas where issues pertaining to globalisation, economic competitiveness, social diversity and inequality are embedded.</p>
<p>Labor and the Coalition, at federal and state level, serve metropolitan constituencies with an eye on the next election. Politicians parade trophy projects, services and plans with power, not a metropolitan perspective, in mind.</p>
<p>There is a wealth of comparative experience to guide us. Effective metropolitan governance requires intergovernmental decentralisation. Metro-scale planning, infrastructure investment and services, and partnerships with the private sector and civil society are best led by a representative and accountable metropolitan government.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/55872/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Richard Tomlinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Representative and accountable metropolitan government is needed to lead metro-scale planning, infrastructure investment and services, and partnerships with the private sector and civil society.Richard Tomlinson, Professor of Urban Planning, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.