tag:theconversation.com,2011:/fr/topics/hate-speech-10323/articlesHate speech – The Conversation2024-01-28T18:03:45Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2118962024-01-28T18:03:45Z2024-01-28T18:03:45ZHate speech is likely to intensify on social media ahead of Indonesia’s election<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/549262/original/file-20230920-21-z0r5fh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=25%2C0%2C5576%2C2650&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Illustration of online hate speech.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/fake-news-sharing-cyber-bullying-hate-2257240445">winnond/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>As Indonesia’s general election draws closer, the spread of hate speech targeting political figures is expected to intensify, similar to <a href="https://www.atlantis-press.com/proceedings/iccd-19/125919037">what happened in the 2019 election</a>.</p>
<p>The UN defines <a href="https://www.un.org/en/hate-speech/understanding-hate-speech/what-is-hate-speech#:%7E:text=To%20provide%20a%20unified%20framework,person%20or%20a%20group%20on">hate speech</a> as any communication that attacks an individual or uses pejorative or discriminatory language against an individual based on their religion, ethnicity, nationality, race, colour, descent or gender.</p>
<p>During the 2019 election, there were more than <a href="https://scholarhub.ui.ac.id/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1039&context=jsgs">200,000 mentions on X</a> containing hate speech targeted at the presidential, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and Prabowo Subianto, in addition to their vice presidential candidates.</p>
<p>That accounted for around <a href="https://blog.twitter.com/in_id/topics/events/2019/124-juta-tweet-seputar-pemilihan-umum-2019">0.2%</a> of the total election-related tweets in 2019. By comparison, hate speech accounted for between <a href="https://csmapnyu.org/news-views/news/did-hate-speech-on-twitter-rise-during-and-after-trump-s-2016-election-campaign">0.1% and 0.3%</a> of the one billion total election-related tweets during the US presidential election in 2016.</p>
<p>As part of my role as a fellow researcher for the <a href="https://greaterinternetfreedom.org/">Greater Internet Freedom (GIF) Harmful Speech Monitoring project</a>, which is backed by the independent media nonprofit <a href="https://internews.org/areas-of-expertise/disinformation-misinformation/">Internews</a>, I believe a similar pattern will emerge before next month’s Indonesia election based on my observations of social media platforms last June and July.</p>
<p><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/183yUIXhncG2P3sGaEyG5JN70HL1fa1Zl6Epwzs2lYhE/edit#gid=0">My research</a> found at least 60 instances of hate speech (predominantly on X, formerly Twitter), with 45 of these messages containing political overtones. Several offensive comments were directed at the three presidential hopefuls – Prabowo, Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo. This happened even before the three were officially named as candidates by Indonesia’s election commission.</p>
<h2>Hate speech against presidential contenders on X</h2>
<p>My research focuses on X because according to the Centre for Strategic and International Studies’ <a href="https://mediaindonesia.com/politik-dan-%20Hukum/622252/publik-masih-beli-information-sesat-di-media-social">National Survey Report</a>, it contains the most disruptive information compared to other social platforms.</p>
<p>I used <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/336094446_Using_keywords_analysis_in_CDA_evolving_discourses_of_the_knowledge_economy_in_education#fullTextFileContent">keyword and contextual analysis</a> to identify hate speech in my research. </p>
<p>I used keywords like the politicians’ names (“anies baswedan”, “anies”, “prabowo subianto”, “prabowo”, “ganjar pranowo”, “ganjar”), as well as other common phrases like “pilpres” or “pemilihan presiden” (presidential election) and “pemilu 2024” (election 2024).</p>
<p>By August 31, 2023, the <a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/183yUIXhncG2P3sGaEyG5JN70HL1fa1Zl6Epwzs2lYhE/edit#gid=0">60 hate speech posts</a> I had identified had been shared 6,827 times on X, YouTube and TikTok.</p>
<p>One pseudonym account, for instance, posted <a href="https://twitter.com/MJOEJOEF/status/1683403332214456321">hateful content</a> about Ganjar being a liar and pornography addict. It was in response to Ganjar’s <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/12/04/happy-happy-husbands-central-java-governor-says-porn-ok-for-married-men.html">statement</a> in <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ksbAAktR27U">a YouTube podcast</a> in 2019 that “there is nothing wrong with watching porn” and “I like it”. The majority of Indonesians <a href="https://www.neliti.com/publications/63228/pornography-manifestation-in-internet-media-content-analysis-on-popular-local-po">consider</a> watching porn as morally unacceptable.</p>
<p>Another anonymous account spread <a href="https://twitter.com/roby_bakar3000/status/1674627710214340608">negative sentiments</a> about Prabowo, a former army general and the current defence minister, regarding his role in the purchase of used fighter jets, which lately <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/indonesia-confirms-buying-used-fighter-jets-800-million-after-deal-criticised-2023-06-14/">sparked public criticism</a>.</p>
<p>The posts used hashtags like #Prabohong #Bahaya (Prabowo is a liar and dangerous). Platform X then suspended the account because it violated the platform’s <a href="https://help.twitter.com/en/rules-and-policies/hateful-conduct-policy">hateful profile policy</a>.</p>
<p>Anies, a popular former governor of Jakarta, was also targeted by hate speech on X. He was <a href="https://talenta.usu.ac.id/politeia/article/view/1083">endorsed</a> by <a href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/images/pdf/ISEAS_Perspective_2019_49.pdf">hardline Islamist groups</a> in his 2017 race for the governorship, which <a href="https://journal.uinsgd.ac.id/index.php/jispo/article/view/8923">helped him</a> win.</p>
<p>In July, a troll account with nearly 42,000 followers posted a one-minute video of Anies with several Muslim religious leaders at an event. The religious leaders mentioned Anies was the only governor in the world who received 65 awards in a year, which the account user said was a lie, using the hashtag #GubernurTukangNgibul (a lying governor). </p>
<p>The post received 42 comments, mostly expressing hate towards Anies.</p>
<h2>Offline harms</h2>
<p>What makes hate speech dangerous in Indonesia is it can lead to <a href="http://repository.umi.ac.id/3179/2/Similarity%20Check%20ANALYSIS%20OF%20HATE.pdf">excessive acts of offline harm</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://transparency.fb.com/en-gb/policies/community-standards/dangerous-individuals-organizations/">This can go as far</a> as instigating or advocating for violence against civilians or engaging in other criminal operations.</p>
<p>In 2016, for example, hateful and religious-themed posts on social media against Jakarta gubernatorial candidate Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama, who is a Christian, <a href="https://brill.com/view/journals/gr2p/15/2-3/article-p135_004.xml">turned into a massive rally</a> in Jakarta by conservative Islamic groups. They demanded Ahok be jailed for defaming Islam. He was later <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jan/24/ahok-jakartas-former-governor-released-after-jail-term-for-blasphemy">sentenced</a> to two years in prison for just that.</p>
<h2>What we can do</h2>
<p>Users can report posts and accounts violating X’s violent and <a href="https://help.twitter.com/en/rules-and-policies/violent-entities">hateful content policies</a>.</p>
<p>However, the platform must review and evaluate posts that are reported before acting. By the time X finally removes content, some content has already gone viral and gained public attention.</p>
<p>The government, civil rights organisations, nongovernmental organisations and social media platforms must work closely together to drive awareness of the issue in the lead-up to Indonesia’s election next month.</p>
<p>To tackle hate speech and disinformation, they must cooperate in monitoring and analysing such content when it is flagged, identify the actors and root causes behind such content and formulate stronger regulations that protect victims.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/211896/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The Greater Internet Freedom Harmful Speech Monitoring Fellowship 2023 was funded by the USAID and implemented by Internews.</span></em></p>My research found at least 60 instances of hate speech in a two-month span last year targeting presidential hopefuls.Jati Savitri Sekargati, PhD Candidate in Media and Journalism, Glasgow Caledonian UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2195662023-12-11T19:23:30Z2023-12-11T19:23:30ZWhy university presidents find it hard to punish advocating genocide − college free speech codes are both more and less protective than the First Amendment<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564911/original/file-20231211-30-y3c9sh.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=7%2C14%2C4727%2C3137&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Harvard President Claudine Gay, University of Pennsylvania then-President Elizabeth Magill and MIT President Sally Kornbluth testify before Congress on Dec. 5, 2023.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/dr-claudine-gay-president-of-harvard-university-liz-magill-news-photo/1833208996?adppopup=true">Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>If a student were to walk off the Harvard campus and onto a street in the city of Cambridge, Massachusetts, and argue for the genocide of Jews, the U.S. Constitution would bar prosecuting her for hate speech.</p>
<p>If the same student left her perch on the sidewalk and returned to the Harvard campus to continue the rant, the student could be silenced by campus police and either suspended or expelled from the university under <a href="https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/student-handbook/">the school’s code of conduct</a>. </p>
<p>The same is true for many other campuses across the nation, including the University of Pennsylvania and MIT. Private colleges and universities have speech codes that allow them to punish certain speech. But in their Dec. 6, 2023, testimony before Congress <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/12/10/opinion/college-presidents-antisemitism.html">about antisemitism on their campuses</a>, Presidents Elizabeth Magill of UPenn, Sally Kornbluth of MIT and Claudine Gay of Harvard failed to clearly state that, when pressed by U. S. Rep. Elise Stefanik to explain what would happen if someone on campus called for the genocide of Jews. Magill <a href="https://thehill.com/homenews/education/4352383-upenn-board-of-trustees-chairman-resigns-following-university-presidents-exit/">just resigned</a>, in large part over the furor that followed.</p>
<p>I taught undergraduates argumentation and First Amendment law for 15 years at Syracuse University and have written a user’s guide on the First Amendment: <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/distributed/W/bo156864042.html">When Freedom Speaks</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564929/original/file-20231211-26-x3hctl.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A large crowd of protestors, some holding signs." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564929/original/file-20231211-26-x3hctl.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564929/original/file-20231211-26-x3hctl.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564929/original/file-20231211-26-x3hctl.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564929/original/file-20231211-26-x3hctl.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564929/original/file-20231211-26-x3hctl.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564929/original/file-20231211-26-x3hctl.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564929/original/file-20231211-26-x3hctl.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Palestinian supporters gather for a protest at Columbia University on Oct. 12, 2023, in New York.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/IsraelPalestiniansProtestsExplainer/7fbba5a27e194932a0ab92fcb991ec80/photo?Query=university%20hamas%20%20palestinian&mediaType=photo&sortBy=arrivaldatetime:desc&dateRange=Anytime&totalCount=145&currentItemNo=17">AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura, File</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>I am surprised by the presidents’ failure <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5VtAZBvmzcQ">to respond clearly</a> to Stefanik’s question. The primary purpose of schools is to educate. Private colleges and universities are governed by codes of conduct that support and carry out that objective. </p>
<p>Although private colleges and universities can and often do attempt to recreate the <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/amendment-1/">broad boundaries of protected speech provided by the First Amendment</a>, those boundaries can legally be narrowed by their educational mission. They do this because hatred can poison a healthy learning environment and impair the ability of targeted students to participate fully. </p>
<p>Public colleges generally must apply broader constitutional standards regarding speech on campus. But campus codes at private colleges and universities seek to resolve the conflict between the right to speak freely and the educational mission of the institution. The ham-handed and over-legalistic responses by the three university presidents show how this attempt to balance speech and safety can create confusion, conflict and the opportunity for selective enforcement decisions based on academic fashion, not values of free and open debate.</p>
<h2>Private restrictions; public free speech</h2>
<p>Words matter. As long as the words don’t include a realistic threat that sticks, stones and worse will soon follow, the <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/amendment-1/">First Amendment</a> protects them from repression by the government. </p>
<p>Constitutionally speaking, ideas – whether they be mainstream or scorned – <a href="https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/article/incitement-to-imminent-lawless-action/">that do not incite violence</a> or <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/amdt1-7-5-6/ALDE_00013807/">intentionally terrorize the target</a> are permissible speech. The First Amendment requires such ideas be available to the public to examine and criticize. Hyperbolic hate speech, even speech that endorses genocide or calls for <a href="https://www.americanprogress.org/article/white-supremacy-returned-mainstream-politics/">forced racial and ethnic division</a>, cannot be criminally prosecuted by states or the federal government. Those words might offend and frighten, but they are often part and parcel of emotionally charged political speech.</p>
<p>Harvard provides an example of how campus conduct codes restrict speech that would normally be allowed under the First Amendment. The <a href="https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/student-handbook/guidelines-for-open-debate-protest-and-dissent/">student handbook</a> states that the free exchange of ideas must proceed within the “bounds of reasoned dissent.” The First Amendment does not demand any such limitation on speech, and state and federal governments are constitutionally prohibited from establishing or enforcing any such commitments. </p>
<p><a href="https://catalog.upenn.edu/pennbook/code-of-student-conduct/">The code of conduct at the University of Pennsylvania</a> requires the members of its community to “respect the health and safety of others.” Under the First Amendment, though, state and federal governments are constitutionally prohibited from requiring such limits.</p>
<p><a href="https://policies.mit.edu/policies-procedures/90-relations-and-responsibilities-within-mit-community/95-harassment">MIT prohibits harassment</a>, defined as “public and personal tirades.” The First Amendment provides no such moral guidelines. It does not distinguish between truth or lies, myth or reality, virtue or villainy. It only creates a space to speak where the government has limited power to interfere.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564932/original/file-20231211-27-iji2rm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A screenshot of a letter announcing the resignation of UPenn President Liz Magill." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564932/original/file-20231211-27-iji2rm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564932/original/file-20231211-27-iji2rm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=301&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564932/original/file-20231211-27-iji2rm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=301&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564932/original/file-20231211-27-iji2rm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=301&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564932/original/file-20231211-27-iji2rm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=378&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564932/original/file-20231211-27-iji2rm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=378&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564932/original/file-20231211-27-iji2rm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=378&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Dec. 9, 2023, announcement of President Elizabeth Magill’s resignation, by Scott L. Bok, chair of the Penn Board of Trustees.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://penntoday.upenn.edu/announcements/message-from-scott-bok">UPenn website</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Selective enforcement?</h2>
<p>Yet despite universities’ codes of conduct, there is a growing perception – supported by the highly technical and qualified answers given at the hearing by the college presidents – that they and other colleges and universities are <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/12/08/opinion/antisemitism-college-free-speech.html">selective in their application of conduct codes</a> and use them to promote a <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/12/08/opinions/israel-palestine-antisemitism-american-universities-zakaria/index.html">political agenda</a>. </p>
<p>In situations involving race and gender, schools have been quick to warn against, rein in or punish speech that administrators find offensive. In 2017, <a href="https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2017/6/5/2021-offers-rescinded-memes/">Harvard rescinded admission offers to 10 students</a> who posted sexually explicit memes, some targeting minority groups. Stefanik, <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/harvard-bans-cisheterosexism-but-shrugs-at-antisemitism-95a2c5d7">in a Wall Street Journal op-ed</a>, wrote that in 2022, as part of mandatory anti-bias training, Harvard warned its undergraduate students that <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/harvard-bans-cisheterosexism-but-shrugs-at-antisemitism-95a2c5d7">cisheterosexism, fatphobia and using the wrong pronouns was abusive</a>. </p>
<p>In 2016, several colleges issued proposed guidelines regarding <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/grade-point/wp/2016/10/28/enjoy-the-holiday-without-being-extremely-offensive-some-colleges-advise-students-on-halloween-costumes/">offensive Halloween costumes</a>. In 2013, two students at Lewis & Clark College were charged with discrimination or harassment for <a href="https://www.thefire.org/cases/lewis-clark-college-two-students-guilty-harassment-racial-jokes-party">hosting a private, racially themed party</a>. In 2006, the University of Wisconsin-La Crosse attempted to <a href="https://www.thefire.org/cases/university-wisconsin-la-crosse-censorship-student-magazine">limit printing of a satirical article</a> deemed by the administration to threaten the recruitment and retention of students from underrepresented groups, although that decision was later reversed. </p>
<p>In contrast, <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/12/harvard-mit-upenn-free-speech-congressional-hearings/676278/">Jewish students at the three universities</a> whose presidents testified in Congress accuse their schools of failing to <a href="https://news.yahoo.com/mit-faces-backlash-not-expelling-155058180.html">provide a clear response to alleged repeated harassment</a> of Jewish students and staff members. </p>
<h2>Advocates for campus free speech</h2>
<p>But rather than punishing certain speech, others call for colleges and universities <a href="https://www.thefire.org/news/fire-congress-university-presidents-dont-expand-censorship-end-it">to hold fast to the principle underlying First Amendment freedoms</a>: More speech, not less, leads to a healthy democracy. </p>
<p>Proponents of robust speech protections on campus argue that codes that confine speech to polite dialogue <a href="https://www.thefire.org/news/fire-congress-university-presidents-dont-expand-censorship-end-it">stifle the ability to learn</a> about <a href="https://www.thefire.org/news/blogs/eternally-radical-idea/coronavirus-and-failure-marketplace-ideas">different perspectives and truths</a>, which sometimes only find expression in heated diatribes. Instead, they propose that, in addition to clear condemnation, educational institutions should respond to hateful speech with <a href="https://campusfreespeechguide.pen.org/pen-principles/">countermessaging and dialogue as well as support for targeted individuals and groups</a>. </p>
<p>Many of today’s students have little understanding or respect for a campus – and by inference, a democracy – where all ideas are subject to scrutiny, particularly those that are loathsome to them. To me, <a href="https://buckleyinstitute.com/annual-surveys/">the data is alarming</a>: </p>
<ul>
<li>46% of students support shout-downs of speakers with whom they disagree.</li>
<li>51% of students believe some topics should be banned from being debated on campus.</li>
<li>45% of students believe that physical violence is justified in response to hate speech.</li>
</ul>
<p><a href="https://pen.org/about-us/">PEN America</a>, a 100-year-old organization dedicated to celebrating and protecting creative expression, urges colleges and universities to use caution when attempting to balance speech with safety. </p>
<p>Others warn that codes of conduct <a href="https://www.thefire.org/news/aclu-executive-director-delivers-blistering-critique-campus-speech-codes">offer a false sense of safety to targeted students</a>. Their point: Unless such codes are carefully crafted and applied only to speech that creates physical harm or terror, they will succeed mainly in <a href="https://www.cnet.com/tech/services-and-software/twitter-hate-speech-and-the-costs-of-keeping-quiet/">driving hatred underground into echo chambers</a>, where it tends to become more extreme and more dangerous.</p>
<p><em>This article was updated to clarify that the example from the University of Wisconsin occurred at the La Crosse campus.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/219566/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lynn Greenky does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>University codes of conduct support their mission to educate. But it’s not easy to balance those codes with the values of free speech, as the resignation of a prominent university president shows.Lynn Greenky, Professor Emeritus of Communication and Rhetorical Studies, Syracuse UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2166812023-11-08T20:16:39Z2023-11-08T20:16:39ZCampus tensions and the Mideast crisis: Will Ontario and Alberta’s ‘Chicago Principles’ on university free expression stand?<iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/campus-tensions-and-the-mideast-crisis-will-ontario-and-albertas-chicago-principles-on-university-free-expression-stand" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Our tolerance for expression that we value often exceeds our tolerance for expression we find distasteful. Nonetheless, if there’s a place in society where the high ground on free expression should be consistently held, <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/267/monograph/book/64763">surely it’s on university campuses</a>.</p>
<p>While universities are expected to foster robust debate on a range of contentious and controversial issues, finding the right balance between free expression and protection from harm is no easy task. </p>
<p>University campuses across Canada and <a href="https://www.wgbh.org/news/education-news/2023-10-18/colleges-struggle-to-balance-free-speech-and-student-safety-amid-israel-hamas-protests">the United States have been</a> consumed by <a href="https://apnews.com/article/israel-gaza-hamas-palestinians-war-mood-0cebcbcf0550ee08c0d757334f69851d">the war between Hamas and Israel</a>, and there have been <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/campus-free-expression-israel-hamas-1.7010284">concerning incidents of antisemitism and Islamophobia</a>. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau says antisemitic and Islamophobic incidents have left Canadians <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/trudeau-antisemitism-gaza-islamophobia-1.7022244">“scared in our own streets.”</a></p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/israel-hamas-war-canada-must-act-to-prevent-hate-crimes-against-muslim-and-jewish-communities-216416">Israel-Hamas war: Canada must act to prevent hate crimes against Muslim and Jewish communities</a>
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<p>In Ontario and in Alberta, university decision-making will be an important test of recent <a href="https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/january-2020/the-complexity-of-protecting-free-speech-on-campus">university policy shifts pertaining to free expression</a>.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/defending-space-for-free-discussion-empathy-and-tolerance-on-campus-is-a-challenge-during-israel-hamas-war-216858">Defending space for free discussion, empathy and tolerance on campus is a challenge during Israel-Hamas war</a>
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<h2>Conservative campaign promises</h2>
<p>When majority Conservative governments came <a href="https://cfe.torontomu.ca/blog/2021/03/free-expression-campus-assessing-alberta-ministerial-directive">to power in Ontario in 2018 and Alberta in 2019</a>, they <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-doug-ford-says-ontario-postsecondary-schools-will-require-free-speech/#">quickly implemented campaign promises</a> to compel post-secondary institutions to create or update their free expression policies. </p>
<p>These policy shifts arose in response to the perception of <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2021.1999762">a “crisis” of free expression at universities that has gained momentum</a> over the past decade.</p>
<p>They also followed high-profile expressive controversies on campus —
like <a href="https://thevarsity.ca/2016/10/24/u-of-t-letter-asks-jordan-peterson-to-respect-pronouns-stop-making-statements">the Jordan Peterson</a> and <a href="https://macleans.ca/lindsay-shepherd-wilfrid-laurier/">Lindsay Shepherd affairs</a> in 2016 and 2017 respectively. Provincial policies were intended to address what some conservatives believe is an inhospitable environment for them on campus. </p>
<p>Alberta touted its comparatively collaborative approach, and Ontario <a href="https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3800&context=scholarly_works">explicitly threatened funding cuts for non-compliance</a>. </p>
<p>Ontario reported <a href="https://heqco.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/HEQCO-2019-Free-Speech-Report-to-Government-REVISED-3.pdf">every public college and university complied</a>, and Alberta reported every institution obliged with <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9458130/alberta-government-free-speech-post-secondary-schools/">the exception of one university (Burman University)</a> for religious reasons.</p>
<h2>‘Chicago Principles’ and free expression</h2>
<p>Alberta instructed post-secondary institutions <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/calgary/free-speech-demetrios-nicolaides-ucp-university-lethbridge-1.6735905">to endorse</a> “<a href="https://edmontonjournal.com/news/politics/advanced-education-minister-promises-chicago-principles-details-coming-soon-as-students-academics-concerned-for-september-deadline">the Chicago Principles</a>,” a policy template with <a href="https://freeexpression.uchicago.edu">origins at the University of Chicago</a>, and Ontario told <a href="https://macleans.ca/education/will-new-rules-around-free-speech-on-campus-wind-up-silencing-protestors">post-secondary institutions to consult the Chicago Principles in creating or updating now-required policies</a>.</p>
<p>Key pillars of the Chicago Principles are:</p>
<ol>
<li><p>It’s up to the university community — not the administration — to make judgments about the merits of campus expression. </p></li>
<li><p>The proper response to problematic expression is argument rather than censorship. In the words of the report that spawned these principles: “The university’s fundamental commitment is to the principle that debate or deliberation may not be suppressed because the ideas put forth <a href="https://provost.uchicago.edu/sites/default/files/documents/reports/FOECommitteeReport.pdf">are thought by some or even by most members of the university community to be offensive, unwise, immoral or wrong-headed</a>.” </p></li>
<li><p>Universities ought not “shield individuals from ideas and opinions they find unwelcome, disagreeable or even deeply offensive.” </p></li>
</ol>
<h2>Widest possible latitude for expression</h2>
<p>While the Chicago Principles emphasize civility and collegiality, they also argue the absence of these values ought not be invoked as a justification for expressive restrictions, even in the context of “offensive or disagreeable” expression. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/should-you-be-civil-to-a-racist-yes-but-you-should-still-call-them-out-142703">Should you be civil to a racist? Yes, but you should still call them out</a>
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<p>The principles envision the widest latitude possible for campus expression, subject only to narrow time, place and manner restrictions (to ensure the proper functioning of the university) and any applicable legal prohibitions (that is, <a href="https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/ResearchPublications/201825E#a3.4">criminal hate speech and anti-discrimination legislation</a>). </p>
<p>The Chicago Principles are relatively uncontroversial for an academic environment, even if they reflect <a href="https://campusfreespeechguide.pen.org/the-law/the-basics">American laws that are much more tolerant of harmful expression</a>.</p>
<p>But applying them to a Canadian context is easier said than done. Although institutional policies now reflect them in some form, there is still some variability between them. Furthermore, most expression that sparks campus controversy exists in a grey area between the controversial and the potentially discriminatory. </p>
<h2>Challenges responding at universities</h2>
<p>Following Hamas’s attack <a href="https://apnews.com/article/israel-gaza-humanitarian-aid-hamas-attack-war-united-nations-a068d629255e803849ad5c78387380c8">on Israeli civilians and Israel’s siege of Gaza</a>, university administrations have issued statements <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9458130/alberta-government-free-speech-post-secondary-schools">condemning discriminatory forms of</a> expression and intimidation. </p>
<p>In response, some faculty and students have questioned administrations and are accusing them of bias and silencing dissent. </p>
<p>At York University, <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/york-university-israel-hamas-statement-update-1.7004246#">the administration gave student unions an ultimatum</a> in response to an open letter that it says has been widely interpreted as a “<a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-head-of-york-student-union-wont-retract-statement-on-hamas-attack-says">justification for attacking civilians and a call to violence</a>.” </p>
<p>As a result of such controversies, the reasonable limits for expression are being redefined in real time. </p>
<h2>Disagreement on expressive harms</h2>
<p>Within academic communities, there is <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/canadian-journal-of-political-science-revue-canadienne-de-science-politique/article/abs/expressive-freedom-on-campus-and-the-conceptual-elasticity-of-harm/6617A5755E9BAF0AC14077947D551819">intense disagreement</a> about which forms of expressive harms ought to result in expressive restrictions.</p>
<p>To complicate matters further, universities have significant discretion in their decision-making in the context of expressive restrictions. It’s subject to a deferential standard of “reasonableness” in administrative law, and Canada’s strongest protection for free expression — <a href="https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/csj-sjc/rfc-dlc/ccrf-ccdl/check/art2b.html#">Section 2(b) of the Charter of Rights</a> — scarcely applies at all. </p>
<h2>Legal remedies, questions of university mission</h2>
<p>Universities are faced with the dilemma of what to do about expression that may not be discriminatory as a point of law. </p>
<p>Universities can exercise their additional discretion and restrict expression if they believe it compromises their mission (facilitating an inhospitable environment) or rely solely upon the reasonable limits established by Canadian jurisprudence. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/free-speech-on-campus-means-universities-must-protect-the-dignity-of-all-students-124526">Free speech on campus means universities must protect the dignity of all students</a>
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<p>Each option has costs and benefits. In the context of polarizing issues, university decision-making will rarely satisfy everyone. </p>
<p>Given redoubled efforts to protect expression in Ontario and Alberta, universities arguably bear the burden of showing that any expression they restrict at least appears to cross a legal threshold. </p>
<h2>Conservatives embracing restrictions?</h2>
<p>However, the dilemma for some conservative politicians, parties and pundits who have insisted before now that free expression is imperilled on campus is more daunting. </p>
<p>Ontario Premier Doug Ford’s government recently took the <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/hamilton/sarah-jama-censor-1.6997689#">extraordinary step of barring Sarah Jama, an NDP member of the Ontario legislature, from speaking in the legislature</a> in response to her criticisms of Israel. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/sarah-jamas-censure-making-people-feel-uncomfortable-is-part-of-the-job-216704">Sarah Jama's censure: Making people feel uncomfortable is part of the job</a>
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<p>In response to campus reactions to the conflict in the Middle East, the <em>National Post</em> recently said “<a href="https://nationalpost.com/opinion/reaction-to-hamas-attack-on-campus-shows-canadian-universities-are-in-desperate-need-of-fixing">universities need to be fixed</a>,” including “reprimanding the most egregious professors.” </p>
<h2>Will calls for censorship grow?</h2>
<p>With no sign of campus unrest relenting, calls for censorship may grow. </p>
<p>In theory, compelling universities to conform <a href="https://www.wgbh.org/news/education-news/2023-10-18/colleges-struggle-to-balance-free-speech-and-student-safety-amid-israel-hamas-protests">to the Chicago Principles</a> means they bear a greater obligation to protect expression that is within the bounds of law. </p>
<p>But given the backlash and legitimate concern about discrimination and hate, how universities will navigate this fraught time is far from certain.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/216681/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dax D'Orazio receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. He is affiliated with the Centre for Constitutional Studies and Centre for Free Expression. </span></em></p>In Ontario and in Alberta, university decisions about balancing free expression and protection from harm will be an important test of recent university policy shifts pertaining to free expression.Dax D'Orazio, Peacock Postdoctoral Fellow in Pedagogy, Department of Political Studies, Queen's University, OntarioLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2149322023-10-24T21:07:06Z2023-10-24T21:07:06ZQueerphobic hate is on the rise, and LGBTQ+ communities in Canada need more support<p>In the past few years, people who identify as LGBTQ+ have been facing increasing harm and discrimination. Canada is not insulated from growing anti-queer and anti-trans sentiment.</p>
<p>The Saskatchewan government recently passed <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatchewan/sask-parental-rights-law-1.7002088">a controversial bill</a> that requires students to get their parents’ permission to change their pronouns in school. Critics have called the bill a “humiliation” for the province and experts have warned that it could further endanger at-risk youth.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/saskatchewan-naming-and-pronoun-policy-the-best-interests-of-children-must-guide-provincial-parental-consent-rules-212431">Saskatchewan naming and pronoun policy: The best interests of children must guide provincial parental consent rules</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The bill is part of a wave of reactionary anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment that has been on display in legislatures and on the streets. In September, marches were held <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9972437/anti-lgbtq2-rallies-canada-counter-protests/">across the country</a> to <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-the-parental-rights-movement-gave-rise-to-the-1-million-march-4-children-213842">protest inclusive public education</a>.</p>
<p>Drag queen story hours across Canada <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9220283/drag-story-time-cafe-protest/">have been targets</a> of <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-anti-gay-activists-target-childrens-libraries-and-drag-queen-story/">coordinated attacks</a>, with one in Québec being forced to <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/drag-story-hour-secret-location-1.6799385">move to an undisclosed location</a> because of safety concerns.</p>
<p>In the United States, the number of anti-LGBTQ+ bills introduced in state legislatures <a href="https://www.aclu.org/legislative-attacks-on-lgbtq-rights">has surpassed 500</a>, and the rate of online harassment against LGBTQ+ people <a href="https://www.adl.org/resources/report/online-hate-and-harassment-american-experience-2023">has been increasing</a>.</p>
<p>Discrimination against LGBTQ+ people is also taking place online. Sexual minority Canadians are <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2020001/article/00009-eng.htm">twice as likely to experience inappropriate behaviours online</a>, and LGBTQ+ youth in Canada are <a href="https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/75-006-x/2023001/article/00003-eng.htm">significantly more likely to be cyberbullied</a> than their straight, cisgender counterparts.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/5-things-to-know-about-drag-queen-story-time-206547">5 things to know about Drag Queen Story Time</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>We at the <a href="https://odlan.ca/">Ontario Digital Literacy and Access Network (ODLAN)</a> use the term “queerphobic online hate” to refer to all forms of online discrimination and hatred directed at LGBTQ+ people. ODLAN is a volunteer-led non-profit organization with a mission to enhance digital literacy, remove access barriers and support marginalized communities who experience challenges, including digital harms.</p>
<p>Some examples of digital harms include cyberbullying, online harassment and non-consensual image sharing. Queerphobic online hate can also start online and continue in person. For example, an LGBTQ+ gym in Edmonton was <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/edmonton/queerflex-lgbtq-gym-edmonton-doxing-1.5460939">forced to close</a> because of doxing. </p>
<h2>Queerphobic online hate</h2>
<p>Our goal at ODLAN is to develop digital strategies that mitigate problems LGBTQ+ communities face online. We recently partnered with <a href="https://www.wisdom2action.org/">Wisdom2Action</a>, a consulting firm that works to facilitate positive change related to gender justice and LGBTQ+ inclusion, to conduct a <a href="https://odlan.ca/research-report-2023/">research project</a> on how LGBTQ+ individuals and organizations in Canada have experienced queerphobic online hate. </p>
<p><a href="https://odlan.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/Mitigating-Online-Hate-ODLAN-Full-Report-Digital.pdf">For this project</a>, we conducted six focus groups with a total of 17 participants, including one focus group for racialized participants; one for trans, non-binary, Two-Spirit, genderqueer, agender, and gender non-confirming people; one for people with disabilities, two for any LGBTQ+ anglophones; and one for any LGBTQ+ francophones.</p>
<p>Our research found that LGBTQ+ people and organizations experience queerphobic online hate in many ways. This hate can happen <a href="https://glaad.org/smsi/lgbtq-social-media-safety-program/">on social media</a>, including in the form of public comments or private messages. Participants also reported receiving anti-LGBTQ+ comments in emails directed at them or their organization. Queerphobic online hate was expressed through text, images, videos and emojis, and many spoke about being victims of trolling and anti-trans rhetoric. </p>
<p>Queerphobic online hate can be perpetuated through virtual events. One participant said their organization frequently saw high levels of hateful activity during publicly live-streamed webinars.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, queerphobic online hate can sometimes come from LGBTQ+ people. Our research found that cisgender, gay, white men, including those from older generations, may speak out against trans, queer and non-binary people. Aphobia (<a href="https://www.asexuals.net/aphobia/">prejudice against asexual and aromantic people</a>) was identified as another form of <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2021.2020543">lateral hate</a> (when members of a marginalized group perpetuate harm against members of their own group). Other participants stated that transphobia is not uncommon in LGBTQ+ spaces and that <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/saskatoon/people-of-colour-say-racism-exclusion-fetishization-rampant-in-lgbtq-communities-1.6471430">those spaces are often unwelcoming to racialized people</a>. </p>
<h2>Misinformation and disinformation</h2>
<p>The roots of misinformation and disinformation about LGBTQ+ communities are diverse and rooted in <a href="https://juliaserano.medium.com/all-the-evidence-against-transgender-social-contagion-f82fbda9c5d4">pseudo-science</a> and <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c40e14112b13fb574c1214b/t/62cc7d667829b27c76818f6b/1657568631861/Mapping%2Bthe%2BLandscape%2Bof%2BFaith-Based%2BHeterosexism%2Band%2BTransphobia_2021.pdf">religion</a>. While this is not new, today’s digital world means that anti-LGBTQ+ beliefs can easily be spread far and wide online.</p>
<p>Sometimes, information is misinterpreted and misappropriated to justify anti-LGBTQ+ hate. Misinformation like this may not be shared intentionally, but it still causes harm. Disinformation about LGBTQ+ people, such as them <a href="https://www.npr.org/2022/05/11/1096623939/accusations-grooming-political-attack-homophobic-origins">being “groomers,”</a> is both intentional and harmful, having severe real-world impacts. </p>
<p>As trans people have gained visibility, the trans identity has been framed as a <a href="https://www.technologyreview.com/2022/08/18/1057135/transgender-contagion-gender-dysphoria/">contagion that is rapidly spreading, particularly among young people</a>. Information about rates of de-transition (when someone in the process of transitioning stops or returns to their gender assigned at birth) is often <a href="https://juliaserano.medium.com/spotting-anti-trans-media-bias-on-detransition-a9a782a46894">misinterpreted, taken out of context and posted to social media</a>. Disinformation like this aims to discredit trans people and justify discrimination against them.</p>
<h2>Discriminatory and conspiratorial beliefs</h2>
<p>Our research found that anti-LGBTQ+ ideologies were often combined with other bigoted and discriminatory beliefs and <a href="https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/us-politics/transgender-far-right-qanon-violence-b2108235.html">far-right politics</a>. One racialized participant reported that they had seen anti-immigration sentiment tied to claims that queer and trans people were immigrating to Canada.</p>
<p>Queerphobic online hate has been justified by pseudo-scientific beliefs or arguments about <a href="https://www.adl.org/resources/blog/what-grooming-truth-behind-dangerous-bigoted-lie-targeting-lgbtq-community">protecting children from perceived threats</a>. With an apparently <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/parental-rights-movement-us-canada-1.6796070">growing parental rights movement</a> and <a href="https://egale.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Egale_Pride_Unravelled_Government_Package_May23.pdf">escalating anti-LGBTQ+ hate in Canada</a>, more research on queerphobic online hate is urgently needed. LGBTQ+ organizations, staff and volunteers also need solidarity and support. </p>
<p>We recommend creating and providing targeted resources that help people deal with queerphobic online hate and develop digital literacy skills. This should be done at multiple levels, including the local level with community organizations, as well as the provincial and federal level with government agencies. It also means filling existing deficits among LGBTQ+ organizations by improving resources, offering mutual aid and sharing resources. </p>
<p>Queerphobic online hate must also be countered with systemic solutions like enhancing the resources and services available to LGBTQ+ organizations, including better and more accessible mental health support. We at ODLAN are invested in these goals by, for example, developing and launching training modules to help organizations develop strategies to address queerphobic online hate and protect themselves from such harms.</p>
<p>Until we have a society that is inclusive and safe for all LGBTQ+ people, individuals and organizations need to keep fighting against queerphobic online hate across Canada.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214932/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christopher Dietzel receives funding from the Fonds de Recherche du Québec - Société et Culture (FRQSC) and serves as the Community Research Advisor for the Ontario Digital Literacy and Access Network (ODLAN).</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hannah Maitland is the co-founder of the Ontario Digital Literacy and Access Network (ODLAN) which authored the report that forms the basis of this article. This report was funded by the Digital Citizen Contribution Program of the Department of Canadian Heritage. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephanie Jonsson is the co-founder and Executive Director of the Ontario Digital Literacy and Access Network (ODLAN) which authored the report, that forms the basis of this article. This report was funded by the Digital Citizen Contribution Program of the Department of Canadian Heritage.</span></em></p>LGBTQ+ people face significant harms from online hate.Christopher Dietzel, Postdoctoral fellow, Gender and Sexuality, McGill UniversityHannah Maitland, PhD Candidate in the Department of Gender, Feminist, and Women's Studies, York University, CanadaStephanie Jonsson, PhD candidate, Gender, Feminist and Women's Studies, York University, CanadaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2143012023-09-26T17:13:33Z2023-09-26T17:13:33ZOnline abuse could drive women out of political life – the time to act is now<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550072/original/file-20230925-25-y5lqv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=98%2C44%2C5892%2C3943&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock/vchal</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>It is becoming increasingly evident that life in modern politics is presenting women with a stark choice – endure almost constant online threats and abuse or get out of public life. </p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/jacinda-arderns-resignation-gender-and-the-toll-of-strong-compassionate-leadership-198152">Jacinda Ardern, the former prime minister of New Zealand,</a> and Sanna Marin, the former prime minister of Finland, are the two highest profile cases, but the problem is widespread. </p>
<p>Elected representatives have always faced criticism and public scrutiny. Some would argue this is par for the course. But the social media era has normalised ever more aggressive forms of abuse. Politicians can now expect insults, intimidation, cyberbullying and trolling as a regular part of their daily online interactions.</p>
<p>Women in politics can expect even worse. Everything from sexist comments to hate speech, cyberstalking, body shaming and even threats of assault, rape and death, all create a toxic virtual environment that poses a real risk to their participation in public life – and the health of democracy.</p>
<p>The problem is global. Research by the <a href="https://www.ipu.org/news/news-in-brief/2022-11/violence-against-women-parliamentarians-causes-effects-solutions-0">Inter-Parliamentary Union</a>, an organisation that seeks to represent parliaments around the world, revealed that four out of five women parliamentarians have been subjected to psychological violence such as bullying, intimidation, verbal abuse or harassment. </p>
<p>Two thirds have been targeted with humiliating sexual or sexist remarks and more than two out of five have received threats of assault, sexual violence or death.</p>
<p>The abuse against Ardern has been so intense that even in retirement <a href="https://time.com/6250008/jacinda-ardern-ongoing-security-threats/">she’s expected to have extra police protection</a>. Work in the <a href="https://acleddata.com/2021/12/08/violence-targeting-women-in-politics-trends-in-targets-types-and-perpetrators-of-political-violence/">US and Canada</a>, <a href="https://decoders.blob.core.windows.net/troll-patrol-india-findings/Amnesty_International_India_Troll_Patrol_India_Findings_2020.pdf">India</a>, the <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2018/03/online-violence-against-women-chapter-1-1/">UK</a>, <a href="https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/Library/Publications/2014/Violence%20Against%20Women%20in%20Politics-Report.pdf">South East Asia</a>, across <a href="https://ogbv.pollicy.org/report.pdf">Africa</a> and in <a href="https://www.ipu.org/resources/publications/issue-briefs/2018-10/sexism-harassment-and-violence-against-women-in-parliaments-in-europe">Europe</a> reveal broadly similar findings there.</p>
<p>Ongoing research at the <a href="https://www.universityofgalway.ie/about-us/news-and-events/news-archive/2020/october/online-abuse-and-threats-of-violence-against-female-politicians-on-the-rise.html">University of Galway</a> on the experiences of female politicians in Ireland – from local councillors to former government ministers – paints a similarly worrying picture. In qualitative interviews, conducted as part of my ongoing research with colleagues, we’ve found more than nine out of ten reported they had received abusive messages. </p>
<p>These ranged from foul language to hateful comments about their appearance and intelligence. Almost three quarters said they had experienced threats of physical violence on social media and 38% said they had received threats of rape or sexual violence – all criminal offences under Irish law.</p>
<p>Joan Burton, the former tánaiste (deputy prime minister) of Ireland, previously revealed she had been <a href="https://www.irishmirror.ie/news/irish-news/politics/ex-tanaiste-joan-burton-reveals-12269260">threatened with an acid attack</a>, and had received death threats from internet trolls. Intersectional cyberabuse is also commonplace, according to a study published by the <a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2021/662621/EPRS_STU(2021)662621_EN.pdf">European Parliament</a>. Women politicians who belong to minority racial or ethnic backgrounds, or identify as LGBTQI+, are frequent targets.</p>
<p>And of course it is not just politicians who are at risk. The <a href="https://onlineviolencewomen.eiu.com/">Economist Intelligence Unit</a> has reported that more than one in three women have experienced online violence.</p>
<h2>Driving women out</h2>
<p>All this has the very real potential to pose a chilling effect on the participation and engagement of women in civic and political life – not just as politicians but as participants in the online debates that now drive so much of political culture. A global survey by Washington-based non-profit <a href="https://www.ndi.org/tweets-that-chill">National Democratic Institute</a> found that more than half of young women who posted political opinions online were attacked for their views.</p>
<p>This abuse isn’t just a collection of isolated incidents – it’s a systemic problem that erodes our democratic values. One in five Irish female politicians who responded to our study said they have considered quitting politics because of the online harassment they have received. Safety concerns for themselves, their staff and their families further deter participation. Some respondents also said they didn’t feel safe going to public meetings.</p>
<p>A 2021 report by <a href="https://stratcomcoe.org/publications/abuse-of-power-coordinated-online-harassment-of-finnish-government-ministers/5">Nato</a> tracked abuse received by Finnish female government ministers, including Marin, on X (formerly Twitter) and found volumes of hostile, gendered attacks. The report uncovered routine uses of terms like “lipstick government”, “feminist quintet” and “tampax team” to refer to the government. </p>
<p>A key point in the Nato report is that these attacks were coordinated by those actively seeking to disrupt democracy. This amounts to compelling evidence that the problem runs deep, illustrating that people attempting to undermine a government have recognised attacking women as a winning strategy. </p>
<p>The examples highlighted in the report don’t merely revolve around hatred towards these women. They underscore that those seeking to oppose a government understand this form of hatred is an effective means to achieve their goals. This suggests a disconcerting indifference on the part of the attackers but also a perception that nothing can or will be done to counter their attacks.</p>
<p>After years of progress on increasing female participation in political life, democracies around the world are now in real danger of regressing if women are driven out of politics.</p>
<h2>We know the problem, we know the solutions</h2>
<p>Tackling cyber-violence against women in politics is complicated but that doesn’t mean we cannot take action. Laws already exist that are supposed to protect women from this kind of abuse but they are not being vigorously enforced.</p>
<p>It’s also time to rein in the tech platforms and hold them legally accountable for the toxic content they host, pushed out by their algorithms. A collective international effort is needed to advocate for tough sanctions. </p>
<p>That should include, for example, an online safety tsar with the power to force these monoliths to take down abusive content and stop it from spreading. Tech companies that are consistent hate spreaders should face massive fines. </p>
<p>Public awareness and education campaigns should target boys and men, emphasising respectful online behaviour and critical thinking to encourage them to question harmful stereotypes and biases. They should be taught digital literacy to better understand the consequences of their actions online. Meanwhile, robust support systems are needed for women politicians facing abuse.</p>
<p>The impact of online abuse on <a href="https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/full/10.1089/cyber.2020.0253?casa_token=mYmW6o8HwcIAAAAA%3ANXbKJZWbltb-16jPYgMWXhLy52DYXNFzDF9qeUnGGT8Jz5QTpnKns32rgqzREOB8mB6Fyqs0J6-cdw">female politicians is significant</a>. And if the issue isn’t addressed, it could lead to dire consequences for democracy as women retreat from positions of power.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214301/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tom Felle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Inaction on gendered abuse is making it an even more effective tool for discouraging women from taking public office.Tom Felle, Associate Professor of Journalism, University of GalwayLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2117302023-09-04T04:38:59Z2023-09-04T04:38:59ZHow hate speech during the Voice campaign can harm personal wellbeing, as well as democracy<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/546094/original/file-20230904-21-ttjkz6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C98%2C8256%2C5388&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/exclusive-magazine-sketch-collage-image-angry-2282930813">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Last week, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-08-30/indigenous-voice-to-parliament-referendum-date-announcement-live/102786994">announced</a> Australia will vote in the Voice referendum on October 14.</p>
<p>When the proposal for a Voice to Parliament was first put forward in the <a href="https://ulurustatement.org/the-statement/view-the-statement/">Uluru Statement from the Heart</a>, it was <a href="https://hir.harvard.edu/the-uluru-statement-from-the-heart-contextualizing-a-first-nations-declaration/">mostly welcomed</a> as an invitation to Australians to come together. </p>
<p>The subsequent <a href="https://insight.thomsonreuters.com.au/legal/posts/beginnings-endings-and-the-implementation-of-the-uluru-statement-from-the-heart">announcement</a> of a referendum brought hope and history into alignment for a possible process of reconciliation – just as occurred with the 1967 referendum. </p>
<p>It was recognised that opinions would differ, but there was confidence these could be resolved through considered dialogue.</p>
<p>Now, however, we are <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/federal/criticise-the-voice-if-you-must-but-leave-out-the-racism-and-vitriol-20230824-p5dz4l.html">seeing</a> <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/voice-debate-spurs-rise-in-cyber-abuse-threats-and-harassment-20230520-p5d9wp.html">increases</a> in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/aug/14/indigenous-voice-to-parliament-zoom-meeting-abducted-racist-comments">racism</a> and hardening of entrenched positions instead of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/apr/05/indigenous-voice-no-campaign-event-reinforced-racist-stereotypes-watchdog-says">respectful dialogue</a>. </p>
<p>Where we need trustworthy analysis of and commentary on the proposed Voice, and careful, respectful discussion, there has been a torrent of misinformation, <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/federal/no-figure-s-stan-grant-lidia-thorpe-comments-labelled-disgusting-grotesque-20230814-p5dw9m.html">personal criticisms and even abuse</a>.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-we-can-avoid-political-misinformation-in-the-lead-up-to-the-voice-referendum-206500">How we can avoid political misinformation in the lead-up to the Voice referendum</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Misinformation has multiplied</h2>
<p>There have been claims and “theories” unleashed through the media, campaigning and social media that are often unverifiable and of uncertain origin. The surfacing of Donald Trump-style conspiracies has severed the link between political claims and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/books/2018/jul/14/the-death-of-truth-how-we-gave-up-on-facts-and-ended-up-with-trump">established standards of truth</a>.</p>
<p>We’ve heard claims such as the Voice would somehow lead to <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/anthony-albanese-opposes-reparations-for-indigenous-australians-20230815-p5dwq8.html">reparations</a> for Aboriginal people or a new “<a href="https://www.aap.com.au/factcheck/hanson-misleads-with-voice-claims-about-a-new-black-state/">Black State</a>”. It has also been argued Australia Day will be <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-06-30/checkmate-burney-voice-australia-day/102540942">abolished</a> and the courts would be <a href="https://theconversation.com/no-the-voice-isnt-a-radical-change-to-our-constitution-200056">overwhelmed</a> with claims from the Voice. Although there is no evidence for such claims, and a lot of them have been disproven, they have the potential to sow confusion and reap distrust of the proposed Voice.</p>
<p>However, the most concerning are the <a href="https://www.crikey.com.au/2023/08/14/rights-no-campaign-dangerous-hidden-agenda/#:%7E:text=The%20rise%20of%20conspiracies%20without,the%20future%20of%20the%20country">conspiracy claims</a> and personal attacks against First Nations <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/no-figure-s-stan-grant-lidia-thorpe-comments-labelled-disgusting-grotesque-20230814-p5dw9m.html">individuals</a> and groups. </p>
<p>There have been calls for <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/jul/24/gary-johns-faces-calls-to-resign-from-no-voice-campaign-over-offensive-comments">blood tests</a> to verify Aboriginal heritage, and even accusations that some people <a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-12407011/Top-Voice-No-campaigner-fire-suggesting-indigenous-broadcaster-Stan-Grant-darkened-skin-doubles-claim-people-said-that.html">darken their skin</a> to gain some kind of advantage. These inflammatory claims have focused on undermining the validity of First Nations people, securing political advantage regardless of the truth.</p>
<p>It is our argument that many of these attributions qualify as “hate speech”.
<a href="https://www.un.org/en/hate-speech/understanding-hate-speech/what-is-hate-speech">Hate speech</a> is written or spoken communication that incites discrimination, prejudice or hatred based on race, ethnicity, religion, gender or other characteristics. The damage hate speech can cause is <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.4159/harvard.9780674065086/html?lang=en">well established</a>. Harms include the normalisation and more frequent occurrence of deliberate derogatory, discriminatory and dishonest speech. </p>
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<h2>Hate speech can cause physical and psychological harm</h2>
<p>Hate speech causes harm at a social level, as it can worsen and even promote intolerance, divisiveness and hostility towards its targets. It <a href="https://johnmenadue.com/the-voice-debate-is-about-more-than-who-wins-this-is-a-battle-for-fundamental-values/">hinders</a> public discussion by using polarising and exaggerated claims, disrupting any chance of civil discussion. At its most extreme it can lead to the large-scale collapse of law and order, and <a href="https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-mass-shootings-collective-traumas;%20https://timesofsandiego.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/DemFund-report.pdf">catastrophic social division</a>, as we have seen in the United States, and even overt political violence, as in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/far-right-activists-on-social-media-telegraphed-violence-weeks-in-advance-of-the-attack-on-the-us-capitol-152861">assault on the Washington Capitol</a>.</p>
<p>At the individual level, evidence shows hate speech can also cause physical and <a href="https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/hpb20200929.601434/#:%7E:text=Experiences%20of%20hate%20are%20associated,posttraumatic%20stress%2C%20and%20suicidal%20behavior">psychological</a> <a href="http://jcn.cognethic.org/jcnv9i1.pdf#page=15">injury</a>, including <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7500692/">increased risk</a> of stress-related illnesses. Hate speech can cause fear and anxiety, leading to social exclusion and <a href="https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/hpb20200929.601434/full/health-affairs-brief-hate-behavior-public-health-cramer-1662583179887.pdf">isolation</a>. It can also lead to <a href="https://www.undp.org/sites/g/files/zskgke326/files/2023-06/from_hate_speech_to_non-violent_communication_en_web.pdf">discrimination becoming normalised</a> and accepted.</p>
<p>It is true our democracy has become increasingly fragile. Political debates can easily be distorted or compromised. Access to reliable information cannot always be assumed. Particular voices can be <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/2/article/39043/summary">excluded systematically from public discussions</a> – traditionally, the voices of women and minority groups.</p>
<p>The undermining of the Voice debate has far-reaching and potentially dangerous consequences. The apparent inability of the nation to conduct a reasoned, respectful debate about an issue central to its collective identity will likely inflict <a href="https://johnmenadue.com/the-voice-debate-is-about-more-than-who-wins-this-is-a-battle-for-fundamental-values/">lasting damage</a> on our society. It will undermine confidence in public institutions, the legitimacy of government and social policies.</p>
<p>These are not extreme predictions. We have already seen how the questioning of health policy by some groups during the COVID emergency in some states led to <a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/09/21/1039301977/anti-vaccine-protesters-clash-with-police-in-melbourne-for-the-second-straight-d">actual violence</a>. Overseas, examples of the <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/42844408">breakdown of civil order</a> have become common.</p>
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<h2>But it’s not too late to change course</h2>
<p>It is important the debate be depoliticised, with politicians from all sides stepping back. The voices of ordinary people, including especially ordinary Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, should be brought to the fore, in the spirit of the Uluru Statement. Careful truthfulness should be observed by all participants in the debate. And exaggerated claims calculated only to provoke discord should be named as such by existing fact-checking processes.</p>
<p>The authors of this article have developed a <a href="https://voicetoparliament.info/">compendium of key resources</a> that avoid ideological distortions and political grandstanding. It is available free of charge to all Australians to help them make up their minds about how to vote. Interested people are invited to visit <a href="https://voicetoparliament.info/">https://voicetoparliament.info/</a> and download the pdf, read the text, or search it using a ChatGPT-powered search facility.</p>
<p>Australia is facing a test of the resilience of its peaceful social infrastructure and the safety of individual citizens. </p>
<p>Regardless of the referendum outcome, we must return to respectful, ethical, fact-based dialogues and political processes.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/211730/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paul James is affiliated with Global Reconciliation.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sally May Gardner is affiliated with Global Reconciliation as a volunteer. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lisa Jackson Pulver and Paul Komesaroff do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Since the Indigenous Voice to Parliament was announced, there has been an increase of hate speech and personal attacks. Hate speech and misinformation can cause physical and mental harm.Paul Komesaroff, Professor of Medicine, Monash UniversityLisa Jackson Pulver, Deputy Vice-Chancellor, Professor of Public Health and Epidemiology, University of SydneyPaul James, Professor of Globalization and Cultural Diversity, Western Sydney UniversitySally May Gardner, Research Fellow, Deakin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2118492023-08-29T12:26:36Z2023-08-29T12:26:36ZQuran burning in Sweden prompts debate on the fine line between freedom of expression and incitement of hatred<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/544675/original/file-20230824-19-8rlhm4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=168%2C38%2C8433%2C5665&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Iraqis raise copies of the Quran during a protest in Baghdad, Iraq, on July 22, 2023, following reports of the burning of the holy book in Copenhagen.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/QuranProtests/a55d505a51d943e58a22e22e6536ba60/photo?Query=raqis%20raise%20copies%20of%20the%20Quran%20during%20a%20protest%20in%20Tahrir%20Square%20on%20in%20Baghdad,%20Iraq&mediaType=photo&sortBy=&dateRange=Anytime&totalCount=779&currentItemNo=0&vs=true">AP Photo/Hadi Mizban</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The Swedish government is <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/sweden-raise-terrorist-threat-assessment-daily-dn-2023-08-17/">concerned about national security</a> following several incidents involving the burning of the Quran that have provoked demonstrations and outrage from Muslim-majority countries.</p>
<p>The spate of Quran-burning incidents followed <a href="https://www.thequint.com/news/world/far-right-leader-rasmus-paludan-burns-quran-in-sweden-worldwide-condemnation-from-muslims-turkey-saudi-pakistan">an act of desecration</a> by far-right activist Rasmus Paludan on Jan. 21, 2023, in front of the Turkish embassy in Stockholm. On Aug. 25, Denmark’s government said it would “criminalize” desecration of religious objects and moved a bill <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/25/world/europe/denmark-quran-burning.html#:%7E:text=Denmark's%20government%20said%20on%20Friday,in%20many%20Muslim%2Dmajority%20countries.">banning the burning of scriptures</a>. </p>
<p>While freedom of expression is a fundamental human right in liberal democracies, the right to express one’s opinion can become complex when expressing one’s views clashes with the religious and cultural beliefs of others and when this rhetoric veers into hate speech.</p>
<p>As a <a href="https://www.arminlanger.net/">scholar of European studies</a>, I’m interested in how modern European societies are trying to navigate the fine line between freedom of expression and the need to prevent incitement of hatred; a few are introducing laws specifically addressing hate speech. </p>
<h2>Death penalty for insulting God and church</h2>
<p>Since medieval times, because of the dominant role of Christianity in political and cultural life, blasphemy against Christian beliefs in European countries was severely punished. </p>
<p>For instance, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108242189.018">the Danish Code from 1683 punished people</a> by cutting off their tongue, head or hands. Similarly, in Britain, both on the main island and in its overseas colonies, blasphemy was punished with executions. In 1636, English Puritan settlers in Massachusetts <a href="https://whyy.org/articles/anti-blasphemy-laws-have-a-history-in-america/">instituted the penalty of death</a> for blasphemy. </p>
<p>For centuries, blasphemy laws were viewed by religious and civil leaders as safeguards for keeping society orderly and strengthening religious rules and influence. These laws showed how much power and influence religious groups wielded back then. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/544778/original/file-20230825-21-am7gat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A black and white painting showing a church leader holding a crucifix and wood being piled up to burn a man, while a crowd looks on." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/544778/original/file-20230825-21-am7gat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/544778/original/file-20230825-21-am7gat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=389&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/544778/original/file-20230825-21-am7gat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=389&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/544778/original/file-20230825-21-am7gat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=389&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/544778/original/file-20230825-21-am7gat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=489&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/544778/original/file-20230825-21-am7gat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=489&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/544778/original/file-20230825-21-am7gat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=489&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A painting showing a man being executed for heresy in July 1826.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/08/AUTODAF%C3%89_A_VALENCE_%28Juillet_1826%29.jpg">(E)manccipa-Ment via Wikimedia Commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>During the Enlightenment, from the 1600s to the 1700s, <a href="https://world101.cfr.org/contemporary-history/prelude-global-era/what-enlightenment-and-how-did-it-transform-politics">religious institutions began losing power</a>. Advocating for a strict separation of church and state, France became the first country to repeal its blasphemy law in 1881. Seven other European countries repealed their laws between the 1900s and 2000s, including <a href="https://www.eurel.info/spip.php?rubrique542&lang=en">Sweden</a> <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jun/02/denmark-scraps-334-year-old-blasphemy-law">and, more recently, Denmark</a>.</p>
<h2>European landscape of blasphemy laws</h2>
<p>Several countries in Europe retain blasphemy laws, but their approaches are highly varied. Often the laws may not prevent present-day acts like dishonoring of religious texts. </p>
<p>In Russia, legislators introduced a federal law in 2013 <a href="https://www.article19.org/data/files/medialibrary/3729/13-05-03-LA-russia.pdf">criminalizing public insults</a> of religious beliefs. This followed some provocative performances by the Moscow-based feminist protest art group Pussy Riot. One such protest, a “punk prayer,” in a Moscow cathedral in 2012 criticized the close ties between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Putin regime. </p>
<p>Since 1969, the German penal code has forbidden the public slander of religions and worldviews. While Germany rarely enforces this law, in 2006 an anti-Islam activist got a <a href="https://www.irishtimes.com/news/man-who-made-koran-toilet-paper-escapes-jail-1.1019869">one-year suspended prison sentence</a> for distributing toilet paper with the words “Quran, the Holy Quran” printed on it. </p>
<p>Austria and Switzerland have laws quite similar to Germany’s in this regard. In 2011, a person in Vienna was fined for calling the Islamic prophet Muhammad a pedophile. This case later went up to the European Court of Human Rights, which supported the Viennese court’s decision. The court said that the person wasn’t trying to have a useful discussion but instead <a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/app/conversion/pdf/?library=ECHR&id=003-6234980-8105265&filename=Judgment%20E.S.%20v.%20Austria%20-">just wanted to show that the prophet Muhammad shouldn’t be respected</a>.</p>
<p>Spain, too, takes a <a href="https://www.mjusticia.gob.es/es/AreaTematica/DocumentacionPublicaciones/Documents/Criminal_Code_2016.pdf">strong stance against religious disrespect</a>. Its penal code makes it a crime to publicly belittle religious beliefs, practices or ceremonies in a way that could hurt the feelings of followers. While Spain introduced this law to safeguard Catholic interests, <a href="https://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/essays/national-laws-on-blasphemy-spain">it also covers religious minorities</a>. </p>
<p>Italy, another Catholic-majority country, punishes acts deemed to be disrespectful to religions. Its penal code has been used to punish actions that insult Christianity. For example, in 2017 <a href="https://hyperallergic.com/410323/hogre-jesus-chared-with-public-offense-italy/">authorities charged an artist</a> for depicting Jesus with an erect penis.</p>
<h2>Contemporary debate</h2>
<p>The Quran burnings in Sweden and Denmark, aren’t random – they’re part of a broader agenda of targeting Muslims that’s <a href="https://bridge.georgetown.edu/research/burning-the-quran-is-not-free-speech/">being pushed by far-right groups</a> across Europe. </p>
<p>In many European countries, lawmakers and others are asking whether these book burnings should be seen as exercises of free expression or more as incitement based on religion. </p>
<p>A few countries are introducing new legislation to <a href="https://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/2064/1/Amicus76_Kearns.pdf">curb hate speech against religious communities</a>. For example, in 2006 England got rid of the blasphemy law and <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/2007/2490/introduction/made">introduced The Racial and Religious Hatred Act</a>, which makes it an offense to stir up religious hatred. After repealing its blasphemy law in 2020, Ireland has been discussing the introduction of a <a href="https://www.gov.ie/en/press-release/74ed9-new-bill-to-tackle-hate-crime-and-hate-speech-includes-clear-provision-to-protect-freedom-of-expression/">hate speech law</a>, which will criminalize any communication or behavior that is likely to incite violence or hatred.</p>
<p>Sweden passed a hate speech law in 1970 protecting racial, ethnic, religious and sexual minorities. Swedish authorities pointed to this legislation when they <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/swedish-police-approve-small-anti-koran-demonstration-mosque-2023-06-28/">took action against a Quran-burning incident</a> that occurred in front of a mosque in June 2023. </p>
<p>The police argued that the Quran burning wasn’t just about religion but specifically <a href="https://www.voanews.com/a/why-does-sweden-allow-quran-burnings-it-has-no-blasphemy-laws-/7190103.html">targeted the Muslim community</a>. This was evident, according to the authorities, as the incident took place in front of a mosque <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/swedish-police-approve-small-anti-koran-demonstration-mosque-2023-06-28/">during the Islamic holiday of Eid</a>, setting it apart from other burnings that took place outside of the <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/8/14/copy-of-quran-desecrated-outside-stockholms-royal-palace">Swedish Royal Palace</a>, <a href="https://www.straitstimes.com/world/europe/swedish-police-grant-permit-for-protest-outside-iraqi-embassy-in-stockholm-where-quran-was-burned">the Turkish and Iraqi embassies</a> and other public spaces. Because of the existing hate speech law focusing on incitement against minorities rather than religions, the activist received a fine from the police.</p>
<p>In recent weeks, some have called for a stricter application of the hate speech law and have demanded a ban on all Quran-burning events for <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-66310285">implicitly inciting hatred against Muslims</a>. </p>
<h2>A global challenge</h2>
<p>This discussion isn’t limited to Europe alone. Even in the U.S., there’s an ongoing debate about the boundaries of free speech. The First Amendment of the Constitution allows free speech, which some can interpret as the right to burn holy books.</p>
<p>Terry Jones, for instance, is a controversial Christian pastor from Florida. He organized <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/education/florida-pastor-terry-joness-koran-burning-has-far-reaching-effect/2011/04/02/AFpiFoQC_story.html">Quran-burning events</a> in Gainesville in 2011 <a href="https://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012%2F04%2F29%2F211022">and 2012</a>. His only legal consequence was a <a href="https://talkabout.iclrs.org/2019/12/10/1045/">US$271 fine from Gainesville Fire Rescue</a> for not following fire safety rules. </p>
<p>Following Jones’ announcement that he was going to burn the Quran, President Barack Obama said that the <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/GMA/president-obama-terry-jones-koran-burning-plan-destructive/story?id=11589122">pastor violated U.S. principles of religious tolerance</a>. Legal scholar <a href="https://law.yale.edu/jack-m-balkin">Jack Balkin</a> recommended <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2010/OPINION/09/10/balkin.first.amendment/index.html">using free speech</a> in promoting pluralist values to counter Jones’ hatred. Scholar of law and religion <a href="https://talkabout.iclrs.org/authors-2/iclrs-authors/jane-wise/">Jane Wise</a> suggested that the <a href="https://talkabout.iclrs.org/2019/12/10/1045/">U.S. could follow the English example</a> by banning hate speech. </p>
<p>As societies change, I believe it has become important to recognize when freedom of speech has turned into promoting hatred. Figuring out where this boundary lies, understanding the standards applied and uncovering potential biases can spark important conversations. While a solution that applies to every single country may not exist, it’s essential to engage in this dialogue, recognizing its complexity and the varying perspectives across societies.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/211849/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Armin Langer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Several countries across Europe are introducing new legislation to curb hate speech against religions, even as they get rid of older blasphemy laws.Armin Langer, Assistant Professor of European Studies, University of FloridaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2029132023-06-30T12:37:12Z2023-06-30T12:37:12ZVisual misinformation is widespread on Facebook – and often undercounted by researchers<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/529681/original/file-20230601-15-aobw9h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C2621%2C1742&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">If your instincts say a lot of images on Facebook are misleading, you're right.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/FacebookBrazilMisinformation/fcd917b5e0224d29a3734d13a5fa7a6c/photo">AP Photo/Jenny Kane</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>How much misinformation is on Facebook? Several studies have found that the amount of misinformation on Facebook is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aau4586">low</a> or that the problem has <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168019848554">declined</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-023-01564-2">over</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-020-0833-x">time</a>. </p>
<p>This previous work, though, missed most of the story. </p>
<p>We are a <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=_4LS1xsAAAAJ&hl=en">communications researcher</a>, a <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=igL-0AsAAAAJ&hl=en">media and public affairs researcher</a> and a <a href="https://towcenter.columbia.edu/content/trevor-davis">founder of a digital intelligence company</a>. We conducted a study that shows that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqac051">massive amounts of misinformation have been overlooked</a> by other studies. The biggest source of misinformation on Facebook is not links to fake news sites but something more basic: images. And a large portion of posted pictures are misleading.</p>
<p>For instance, on the eve of the 2020 election, nearly one out of every four political image posts on Facebook contained misinformation. Widely shared falsehoods included QAnon conspiracy theories, misleading statements about the Black Lives Matter movement and unfounded claims about Joe Biden’s son Hunter Biden. </p>
<h2>Visual misinformation by the numbers</h2>
<p>Our study is the first large-scale effort, on any social media platform, to measure the prevalence of image-based misinformation about U.S. politics. Image posts are important to study, in part because they are the most common type of post on Facebook <a href="https://academic.oup.com/joc/advance-article/doi/10.1093/joc/jqac051/7060057?utm_source=authortollfreelink&utm_campaign=joc&utm_medium=email&guestAccessKey=feba5002-abd8-45d0-a725-44b8014de067&login=false">at roughly 40% of all posts</a>. </p>
<p>Previous research suggests that images may be especially potent. Adding images to news stories can <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12184">shift attitudes</a>, and posts with images are <a href="https://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3144139">more likely to be reshared</a>. Images have also been a longtime component of <a href="https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/documents/NewKnowledge-Disinformation-Report-Whitepaper.pdf">state-sponsored disinformation campaigns</a>, like those of Russia’s Internet Research Agency.</p>
<p>We went big, collecting more than 13 million Facebook image posts from August through October 2020, from 25,000 pages and public groups. Audiences on Facebook are so concentrated that these pages and groups account for at least 94% of all engagement – likes, shares, reactions – for political image posts. We used facial recognition to identify public figures, and we tracked reposted images. We then classified large, random draws of images in our sample, as well as the most frequently reposted images. </p>
<p>Overall, our findings are grim: 23% of image posts in our data contained misinformation. Consistent with <a href="https://academic.oup.com/book/26406">previous work</a>, we found that misinformation was unequally distributed along partisan lines. While only 5% of left-leaning posts contained misinformation, 39% of right-leaning posts did. </p>
<p>The misinformation we found on Facebook was highly repetitive and often simple. While there were plenty of images doctored in a misleading way, these were outnumbered by memes with misleading text, screenshots of fake posts from other platforms, or posts that took unaltered images and misrepresented them. </p>
<p>For example, a picture was repeatedly posted as “proof” that now-former Fox News anchor Chris Wallace was a close associate of sexual predator Jeffrey Epstein. In reality, the gray-haired man in the image is not Epstein but actor George Clooney.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1314520989498253312"}"></div></p>
<p>There was one piece of good news. Some previous <a href="https://dl.acm.org/doi/abs/10.1145/3487552.3487859">research</a> had found that misinformation posts generated more engagement than true posts. We did not find that. Controlling for page subscribers and group size, we found no relationship between engagement and the presence of misinformation. Misinformation didn’t guarantee virality – but it also didn’t diminish the chances that a post would go viral.</p>
<p>But image posts on Facebook were toxic in ways that went beyond simple misinformation. We found countless images that were abusive, misogynistic or simply racist. Nancy Pelosi, Hillary Clinton, Maxine Waters, Kamala Harris and Michelle Obama were the most frequent targets of abuse. For example, one frequently reposted image labeled Kamala Harris a “‘high-end’ call girl.” In another, a photo of Michelle Obama was altered to make it appear that she had a penis. </p>
<h2>Yawning gap in knowledge</h2>
<p>Much more work remains to be done in understanding the role visual misinformation plays in the digital political landscape. While Facebook remains the most used social media platform, more than a billion images a day are posted on Facebook’s sister platform Instagram, and billions more on rival Snapchat. Videos posted on YouTube, or more recent arrival TikTok, may also be an important vector of political misinformation about which researchers still know too little. </p>
<p>Perhaps the most disturbing finding of our study, then, is that it highlights the breadth of collective ignorance about misinformation on social media. Hundreds of studies have been published on the subject, but until now researchers have not understood the biggest source of misinformation on the largest social media platform. What else are we missing?</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/202913/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Yunkang Yang received funding from the Knight Foundation through his affiliation with George Washington University's Institute for Data, Democracy & Politics (IDDP) between 2020 and 2022. He is Assistant Professor of Communication at Texas A&M University.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Matthew Hindman received funding in partial support of this research from the Knight Foundation through his affiliation with GWU's Institute for Data, Democracy and Politics (IDDP). He is Professor of Media and Public Affairs at the George Washington University. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Trevor Davis receives funding from the Knight Foundation through George Washington University and a wage through Columbia University Tow Center for Digital Journalism.</span></em></p>The flood of misinformation on social media could actually be worse than many researchers have reported. The problem is that many studies analyzed only text, leaving visual misinformation uncounted.Yunkang Yang, Assistant Professor of Communication, Texas A&M UniversityMatthew Hindman, Professor of Media and Public Affairs, George Washington UniversityTrevor Davis, Fellow, Tow Center for Digital Journalism, Columbia UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2042512023-04-26T12:28:10Z2023-04-26T12:28:10ZA tweak to the University of Nebraska’s logo shows how the once benign ‘OK’ sign has entered a ‘purgatory of meaning’<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/522694/original/file-20230424-24-f223jw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=15%2C54%2C5160%2C3391&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Nebraska Cornhuskers mascot Herbie Husker pumps up the crowd during a 2015 football game.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/nebraska-cornhuskers-mascot-herbie-husker-is-seen-during-news-photo/493666358?adppopup=true">Michael Hickey/Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>On April 17, 2023, the Nebraska Cornhuskers unveiled the latest version of their beloved mascot, <a href="https://myhusker.com/herbie-husker-nebraska/">Herbie Husker</a>.</p>
<p>Herbie’s left hand no longer forms the “OK” symbol. Instead, an <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2023/04/19/nebraska-herbie-husker-mascot-change/">index finger is raised</a> to indicate that the team is No. 1.</p>
<p>The change was made, University of Nebraska officials explained, because the universal <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-do-we-say-ok-122528">symbol of approbation</a> – curling the index finger to touch the thumb, forming an “O” – had become associated with white supremacy and <a href="https://www.npr.org/2019/09/26/764728163/the-ok-hand-gesture-is-now-listed-as-a-symbol-of-hate">hate speech</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Two cartoon logos of farmers in overalls wearing red cowboy hats." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/522812/original/file-20230425-14-dy9dxg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/522812/original/file-20230425-14-dy9dxg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522812/original/file-20230425-14-dy9dxg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522812/original/file-20230425-14-dy9dxg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522812/original/file-20230425-14-dy9dxg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522812/original/file-20230425-14-dy9dxg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522812/original/file-20230425-14-dy9dxg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The University of Nebraska determined that the ‘OK’ gesture was too prone to misinterpretation, prompting a change to one of its logos.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.si.com/.image/c_limit%2Ccs_srgb%2Cq_auto:good%2Cw_700/MTk3MzE2MzY5MjI0NTc0MjI5/herbiehuskeroldnew.webp">University of Nebraska Athletics</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>How did something as benign and commonplace as the “OK” hand gesture come to assume such sinister undertones? And what does the University of Nebraska’s willingness to change its mascot say about the ways in which ambiguous signs and symbols can take on a life of their own?</p>
<h2>A new way to hate?</h2>
<p>In 2015, Milo Yiannopoulos, Richard Spencer and other figures of the “<a href="https://www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/ideology/alt-right">alt-right</a>,” a white nationalist movement, started using the hand gesture in <a href="https://twitter.com/RichardBSpencer/status/796132542739083264">posed photos of themselves</a>. But it took off in February 2017, when a prank message was posted on <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-intersect/wp/2014/09/25/absolutely-everything-you-need-to-know-to-understand-4chan-the-internets-own-bogeyman/">4-chan</a>, the anonymous messaging site that has been a breeding ground for racism and conspiracy theories.</p>
<p>“<a href="https://i.kym-cdn.com/photos/images/original/001/249/757/858.jpg_large">Operation O-KKK</a>” encouraged the flooding of social media sites like Twitter with posts proclaiming the familiar gesture to be a symbol of the alt-right. But what began as an effort to “<a href="https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2018/09/18/ok-sign-white-power-symbol-or-just-right-wing-troll">troll the libs</a>” quickly took on a life of its own.</p>
<p>In May 2019, an attendee at a Chicago Cubs baseball game made the gesture on camera behind a Black reporter, <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/sports/cubs-fan-banned-wrigley-field-after-flashing-white-power-symbol-n1003681">prompting the team to ban him</a> from Wrigley Field.</p>
<p>Shortly thereafter, school officials recalled yearbooks in <a href="https://abc7chicago.com/white-power-sign-yearbook-photo-symbol-gesture/5323243/">Petaluma, California</a>, and <a href="https://www.insider.com/oak-park-river-forest-high-school-reprinting-yearbooks-white-power-symbols-2019-5">Chicago</a> after discovering pictures of students making the gesture. The Anti-Defamation League went on to <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2019/09/26/okay-hand-sign-has-moved-trolling-campaign-real-hate-symbol-civil-rights-group-says/">add the gesture</a> to its database of hate symbols.</p>
<p>There have also been cases of mistaken identity, however.</p>
<p>During the 2019 Army-Navy football game, midshipmen and cadets flashed what seemed to be the white power gesture on-camera behind the ESPN commentator – a game that was politically charged because then-President Donald Trump was in attendance.</p>
<p>The academies, however, determined that the students had been playing the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/20/us/army-navy-circle-game.html">Circle Game</a> instead – a practical joke in which participants try to trick each other into looking at a circle gesture, which prompts a punch.</p>
<p>The Army-Navy incident was a high-profile example of misperception. But there have been several similar episodes involving the same gesture.</p>
<h2>Symbolic overreaction</h2>
<p>In June 2020, for example, a utility employee in San Diego supposedly made a white power sign while dangling his arm from a company truck. Another motorist took a picture and reported the worker to his company. The employee was fired, even though he claimed to be merely <a href="https://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/news/502975-california-man-fired-over-alleged-white-power-sign-says-he-was/">cracking his knuckles</a>.</p>
<p>And in April 2021, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/16/business/media/jeopardy-hand-gesture-maga-conspiracy.html">a contestant on “Jeopardy!”</a> held up three fingers when he was introduced in celebration of having won the three previous games. Yet the belief that it was a white power gesture prompted nearly 600 former contestants to <a href="https://medium.com/@j.contestants.letter/letter-from-former-jeopardy-2eda854efdf1">sign a statement</a> denouncing what they perceived as a gesture of hate.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/9ET15AOp-6Q?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">A ‘Jeopardy!’ contestant came under fire for flashing a symbol meant to indicate his three wins in 2021.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>As I describe in my recently published book on the <a href="https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781633888906/Failure-to-Communicate-Why-We-Misunderstand-What-We-Hear-Read-and-See">causes of miscommunication</a>, these types of incidents are not new and not unusual. </p>
<p>They can be characterized as symptoms of <a href="https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100208829;jsessionid=C4EB93703624B46E08D17572D94A202C">moral panic</a>, in which the media, politicians and activists fan the flames of uncertainty and worry.</p>
<p>In the case of the “OK” symbol, <a href="https://theconversation.com/did-far-right-extremist-violence-really-spike-in-2017-89067">concerns about white supremacy snowballed</a> in the wake of events like <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-ryan-kellys-pulitzer-prize-winning-photograph-an-american-guernica-82567">the 2017 Unite the Right rally</a>, when white nationalists and far-right militias converged on Charlottesville, Virginia.</p>
<p>The ensuing clashes with counterprotesters resulted in more than 30 injuries and one death. Afterward, many Americans were particularly sensitive to racist symbols – and perhaps more prone to interpret ambiguous gestures as white power signs.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Marchers holding Nazi and Confederate flags." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/522839/original/file-20230425-14-3mecq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/522839/original/file-20230425-14-3mecq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=383&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522839/original/file-20230425-14-3mecq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=383&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522839/original/file-20230425-14-3mecq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=383&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522839/original/file-20230425-14-3mecq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=482&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522839/original/file-20230425-14-3mecq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=482&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/522839/original/file-20230425-14-3mecq7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=482&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Demonstrators carry Confederate and Nazi flags during the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va., on Aug. 12, 2017.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/demonstrators-carry-confederate-and-nazi-flags-during-the-news-photo/830922288?adppopup=true">Emily Molli/NurPhoto via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Gang signs and moral panic</h2>
<p>A very similar dynamic involving gang signs has played out over the past couple of decades. </p>
<p>In 2007, the Virginia Tourism Agency created an <a href="https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-2007-08-19-0708180225-story.html">ad campaign</a> that included actors making the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/11/fashion/hand-heart-gesture-grows-in-popularity-noticed.html">heart sign</a>: curled fingers joined with thumbs pointing downward. The campaign was changed when state officials discovered that the street and prison gang the Gangster Disciples <a href="https://www.c-ville.com/Thug_life">also used the symbol</a>.</p>
<p>In 2013, a group of California <a href="https://www.wtvr.com/2013/11/06/police-students-could-be-mistaken-as-gang-members-with-new-school-sweatshirt">high school seniors</a> ordered sweatshirts with “XIV” – their year of graduation – emblazoned on them. However, the number is also a symbol of the northern California <a href="https://unitedgangs.com/nortenos-norte-14/">Norteños gangs</a>, as “N” is the 14th letter of the alphabet. To avoid any association with the gangs, school officials advised students to avoid wearing the clothing.</p>
<p>And in March 2014, a Mississippi high school placed a student on indefinite suspension after he had been photographed standing next to his biology project. He was accused of flashing a gang sign because his thumb and two other fingers were outstretched. These form a “V” and an “L” – a symbol of the Vice Lords gang. But the student <a href="https://reason.com/2014/03/10/mississippi-high-school-suspended-studen/">protested that he was merely indicating</a> “3,” the number of his football jersey, which he was also wearing in the photo.</p>
<p>Tragically, there have also been episodes in which sign language was <a href="https://www.newsweek.com/deaf-woman-asl-sign-language-shot-gang-signs-1639018">misinterpreted</a> as gang symbols, leading to <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/US/deaf-man-stabbed-sign-language-mistaken-gang-signs/story?id=18213488">acts of violence</a> against those simply trying to communicate.</p>
<h2>Kids, cats and devils?</h2>
<p>As these examples make clear, moral panics often reflect society’s anxieties. </p>
<p>They run the gamut, from uneasiness about young children <a href="https://theconversation.com/banning-smartphones-for-kids-is-just-another-technology-fearing-moral-panic-74485">using smartphones</a> to <a href="https://theconversation.com/dont-blame-cats-for-destroying-wildlife-shaky-logic-is-leading-to-moral-panic-138710">house cats killing wildlife</a> and even to role-playing games fostering <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/18/us/when-dungeons-dragons-set-off-a-moral-panic.html?">demon worship</a>.</p>
<p>Fears of gangs and hate groups are just the latest manifestation of this phenomenon.</p>
<p>At the time of the Army-Navy game, The Washington Post wrote that the “OK” gesture “now lives in a <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2019/12/16/how-okay-hand-sign-keeps-tricking-us-into-looking/">purgatory of meaning</a>.” </p>
<p>It’s hardly surprising, then, that universities are distancing themselves from ambiguous and controversial symbols. </p>
<p>Moral panics may not be grounded in reality, but the concerns they give life to can still be bad for one’s image – or one’s team.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/204251/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Roger J. Kreuz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Hand gestures are notoriously prone to misinterpretation.Roger J. Kreuz, Associate Dean and Professor of Psychology, University of MemphisLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2037672023-04-18T12:19:39Z2023-04-18T12:19:39ZKenya should decriminalise homosexuality: 4 compelling reasons why<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/520830/original/file-20230413-14-r1pv5c.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Activists agitate for equal rights for all in Nairobi, Kenya, in January 2020. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Tony Karumba/AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Kenya has recently seen the <a href="https://kohljournal.press/health-and-freedom">increasing visibility</a> of sexual and gender minorities. However, this has been met with <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/3/15/how-an-lgbtq-court-ruling-sent-kenya-into-a-moral-panic">a growing backlash</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t4uGzjZIzM8">Religious</a> and <a href="https://ntvkenya.co.ke/news/gachagua-on-lgbtq-those-are-satanic-beliefs/">political leaders</a> have been spreading homophobic and transphobic rhetoric. This has happened with the <a href="https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/09/28/issue-violence/attacks-lgbt-people-kenyas-coast">tacit approval</a> of a law enforcement apparatus that’s supposed to guarantee the right to equal protection. </p>
<p>The continued criminalisation of same-sex sexual relations among consenting adults in Kenya worsens social disparities and inequalities. It fuels socioeconomic and health vulnerabilities. </p>
<p>It <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/308163037_Freedom_Corner_Redefining_HIV_and_AIDS_care_and_support_among_men_who_have_sex_with_men_in_Nairobi_Kenya">deprives members of these minority groups</a> access to education, a livelihood, and basic services like housing and healthcare. Criminalisation pushes <a href="https://pure.uva.nl/ws/files/18012125/Thesis.pdf">sexual and gender minorities to the margins of society</a>. Research has shown that sexual and gender minorities are <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/308163037_Freedom_Corner_Redefining_HIV_and_AIDS_care_and_support_among_men_who_have_sex_with_men_in_Nairobi_Kenya">consistently targeted</a> for unfair dismissal from jobs or business opportunities. </p>
<p>The decriminalisation of same-sex relations among adults would lead to four positive outcomes: inclusive development for economic growth, improved health outcomes, the safety and security of sexual minorities, and an acceptance of diversity and equality. This view is based on our <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Emmy-Kageha">research on social exclusion</a>, with a focus on <a href="https://kohljournal.press/health-and-freedom">sexual and gender minorities</a>.</p>
<h2>Inclusive development for economic growth</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.worldbank.org/en/region/afr/brief/social-inclusion-in-africa">Social inclusion</a> is the process of improving the conditions for individuals and groups to participate in society. Social exclusion based on sexual orientation leads to lower societal standing. </p>
<p>This often leads to poorer outcomes in terms of income, human capital endowments and access to employment. People who are discriminated against tend to lack a voice in national and local decision making. </p>
<p>Decriminalisation of same-sex sexual relations would help address institutionalised stigma and discrimination. It would enhance access to equal opportunities by eliminating barriers to employment and other livelihood opportunities.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/lgbti-refugees-seeking-protection-in-kenya-struggle-to-survive-in-a-hostile-environment-182810">LGBTI refugees seeking protection in Kenya struggle to survive in a hostile environment</a>
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<p><a href="https://pure.uva.nl/ws/files/18012125/Thesis.pdf">Research</a> shows that sexual and gender minorities with access to income opportunities support their families financially. This is true even in cases where families aren’t accepting. People who are educated can also compete effectively in the job market. The exclusion of minorities, therefore, means <a href="https://open-for-business.org/kenya-economic-case">the loss of a workforce and their contribution to economic development</a>. </p>
<h2>Better health outcomes</h2>
<p>Social exclusion contributes to poor health among sexual and gender minorities. In 2020, <a href="https://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/2021-global-aids-update_en.pdf#page=6">1.5 million people</a> were newly infected with HIV. Those <a href="https://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/2021-global-aids-update_en.pdf#page=23">most vulnerable</a> to infection include people who inject drugs, transgender women, sex workers, men who have sex with men, and their sexual partners. </p>
<p>These key populations accounted for <a href="https://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/2021-global-aids-update_en.pdf#page=23">65% of HIV infections</a> globally. In sub-Saharan Africa, they accounted for <a href="https://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/2021-global-aids-update_en.pdf#page=24">39% of new infections</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://open-for-business.org/about">Open for Business</a> is a global research coalition that seeks to address the backlash against the LGBTIQ+ community. In a <a href="https://open-for-business.org/kenya-economic-case">2020 report</a>, the group estimated that discrimination against sexual minorities costs Kenya up to Sh105 billion (US$782 million) annually in poor health outcomes. </p>
<p>Decriminalisation enhances access to healthcare. <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17441692.2018.1462841">Our</a> <a href="https://kohljournal.press/health-and-freedom">research</a> shows, for example, better health such as decreased new HIV infections in societies that adopt laws that advance non-discrimination and decriminalise same-sex relationships. </p>
<h2>Enhancing safety and security</h2>
<p>In 2014, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights adopted <a href="https://achpr.au.int/en/adopted-resolutions/275-resolution-protection-against-violence-and-other-human-rights-violations">Resolution 275</a>. The resolution expresses grave concerns about increasing violence and other human rights violations – including murder, rape and assault – of individuals based on sexual orientation or gender identity. </p>
<p>Safety and security are some of the <a href="https://www.article19.org/resources/kenya-murder-lgbtq-activist-urgent-reform/">biggest challenges</a> facing sexual and gender minorities in Kenya. The country has seen an escalation of <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/3/15/how-an-lgbtq-court-ruling-sent-kenya-into-a-moral-panic">negative rhetoric and violence</a> targeting sexual and gender minorities, and <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-64491276">related organisations</a>. Hate speech, verbal and physical abuse, sexual violence and police harassment <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/uganda-lgbt-hatecrime-idUSL4N3584J1">have increased</a>. </p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/justiceforsheila-highlights-the-precarious-lives-of-queer-people-in-kenya-183102">#JusticeForSheila highlights the precarious lives of queer people in Kenya</a>
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<p>In Kenya’s coastal city of Mombasa, for instance, sexual minorities <a href="https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2023-03-16-gay-people-fear-for-their-lives-escape-mombasa-over-planned-demos/">fled</a> recent <a href="https://twitter.com/citizentvkenya/status/1636702221743079425?s=20">homophobic street protests</a>. A <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334681176_Are_we_doing_alright_Realities_of_violence_mental_health_and_access_to_healthcare_related_to_sexual_orientation_and_gender_identity_and_expression_in_East_and_Southern_Africa_Research_report_based_on_">2019 report</a> on the experiences of the <a href="https://ccprcentre.org/files/documents/INT_CCPR_CSS_KEN_44420_E.pdf#page=6">LGBTIQ+ community in Kenya</a> found that 53% have been physically assaulted and 44% sexually assaulted. </p>
<p>The criminalisation of same-sex sexual relations among adults contributes to a climate of violence and discrimination. Moreover, criminalisation supports the perpetrators of violence who take the law into their own hands. </p>
<h2>Acceptance of diversity</h2>
<p>Sexual and gender minorities are socially excluded because of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/homosexuality-remains-illegal-in-kenya-as-court-rejects-lgbt-petition-112149">criminal label</a> the law imposes on them. This affects their self-acceptance and mental health. </p>
<p>Homophobic acts are widespread even in countries where <a href="https://theconversation.com/sam-smith-how-queerphobia-and-fatphobia-intersect-in-the-backlash-to-the-im-not-here-to-make-friends-video-199437">same-sex relations are legal</a>. However, decriminalisation helps facilitate some level of acceptance among minority groups and within wider society. </p>
<p><a href="https://ualr.edu/socialchange/2013/01/13/impact-of-the-decriminalization-of-homosexuality-in-delhi-an-empirical-study">Studies</a> <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9293432/">have found</a> that decriminalisation reduces societal violence. </p>
<h2>The way forward</h2>
<p>Same-sex relations, or sexual and gender minorities, <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/43904926">aren’t new</a> <a href="https://www.arcados.ch/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/MURRAY-ROSCOE-BOY-WIVES-FEMALE-HUSBANDS-98.pdf">in Africa</a>. They aren’t a <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332192031_An_Exploratory_Journey_of_Cultural_Visual_Literacy_of_Non-Conforming_Gender_Representations_from_Pre-Colonial_Sub-_Saharan_Africa">foreign ideology</a>. </p>
<p>Social exclusion constitutes perhaps the most serious challenge towards attaining sustainable and inclusive development. The criminalisation of same-sex relations among consenting adults in Kenya’s penal code exposes the weaknesses of the constitution in ensuring inclusivity. The law must, therefore, be changed. </p>
<p>Repealing criminalisation clauses is an important step toward reducing stigma, violence and discrimination. It would certainly open a new chapter in the lives of sexual and gender minorities.</p>
<p>There’s also an urgent need to make sexual and gender minorities visible. Awareness campaigns can help debunk perceptions that they are “anti-religious” or “un-African”. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/what-does-the-bible-say-about-homosexuality-for-starters-jesus-wasnt-a-homophobe-199424">What does the Bible say about homosexuality? For starters, Jesus wasn't a homophobe</a>
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<p>There’s an equally urgent need to identify all forms of discrimination against sexual and gender minorities under domestic and international laws. This will help address the root causes of inequalities.</p>
<p>Decriminalisation of same-sex relations is imperative. It will help address widening disparities, inequalities in society and the gaps in social integration.</p>
<p><em>Nicholas Etyang, a senior policy advocacy officer at the African Population and Health Research Center, is a co-author of this article.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/203767/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lucy Wanjiku Mung’ala is affiliated with Hivos, where she works as the strategy and impact lead - gender equality, diversity and inclusion. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Emmy Kageha Igonya does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The criminalisation of same-sex sexual relations among consenting adults in Kenya worsens social disparities and inequalities.Emmy Kageha Igonya, Associate research scientist, African Population and Health Research CenterLucy Wanjiku Mung’ala, PhD Researcher, University of AmsterdamLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2024392023-04-10T09:25:57Z2023-04-10T09:25:57ZTikTok’s poor content moderation fuels the spread of hate speech and misinformation ahead of Indonesia 2024 elections<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/518968/original/file-20230403-26-ymxurn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C12%2C4031%2C3005&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Franck/Unsplash</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Researchers and civil society organisations must start to study TikTok’s potential impact on Indonesia as the country will hold its general and presidential elections in February 2024.</p>
<p>Indonesia is home to <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/1299807/number-of-monthly-unique-tiktok-users/#:%7E:text=Countries%20with%20the%20most%20TikTok%20users%202023&text=As%20of%20January%202023%2C%20the,around%20110%20million%20TikTok%20users.">the platform’s second-largest audience globally</a></p>
<p><a href="http://ddfv.ufv.es/bitstream/handle/10641/2767/3411-Article%20Text-14981-2-10-20210629.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y">Research has also found</a> TikTok has a role in facilitating the spread of <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-tiktok-became-a-breeding-ground-for-hate-speech-in-the-latest-malaysia-general-election-200542">hate speech</a> as well as <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2022/09/18/business/tiktok-search-engine-misinformation/index.html">misinformation and disinformation</a>.</p>
<p>So it is imperative to scrutinise its potential impact on Indonesian public opinion. And the public must also pressure TikTok to boost monitoring of what is said on the platform. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Purple ink on finger after presidential election in Indonesia." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/518972/original/file-20230403-16-kxq4i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/518972/original/file-20230403-16-kxq4i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=343&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518972/original/file-20230403-16-kxq4i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=343&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518972/original/file-20230403-16-kxq4i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=343&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518972/original/file-20230403-16-kxq4i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518972/original/file-20230403-16-kxq4i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518972/original/file-20230403-16-kxq4i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=431&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Purple ink on finger after presidential election in Indonesia to prove that someone has cast his or her vote.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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<h2>Ethnoreligious propaganda on TikTok</h2>
<p>TikTok has experienced <a href="https://influencermarketinghub.com/tiktok-stats/">remarkable growth and gained immense popularity</a>, especially among younger audiences in <a href="https://sf16-sg.tiktokcdn.com/obj/eden-sg/nultubfnuhd/WhatsNext_SEA.pdf">Southeast Asia</a>, underlining its significant effects on <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-tiktok-can-be-the-new-platform-for-political-activism-lessons-from-southeast-asia-155556">public opinion and behaviours</a>. </p>
<p>This was clearly demonstrated during protests against the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-tiktok-can-be-the-new-platform-for-political-activism-lessons-from-southeast-asia-155556">2020 Indonesia Omnibus Law on Labour</a>, when young Indonesians effectively utilised the app to disseminate political messages and rally support.</p>
<p>In Indonesia, a multicultural country with a multitude of ethnic and religious communities, the rise of <a href="https://theconversation.com/mob-violence-shows-indonesia-must-act-against-online-hate-speech-63509">ethnoreligious hate speech</a> as well as <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-have-candidates-in-indonesian-elections-increasingly-been-rallying-ethnic-and-religious-support-145102">misinformation and disinformation</a> in the digital realm has emerged as a pressing issue. </p>
<p>Ethnoreligious propaganda, including hate speech, misinformation and disinformation, is undeniably widespread across various social media platforms. </p>
<p>But TikTok’s distinct features and <a href="https://www.campaignasia.com/article/from-pargoy-to-jill-gorden-tiktoks-power-in-indonesias-attention-economy/481807">expanding influence in Indonesia</a> make it particularly noteworthy. </p>
<p>TikTok’s short-form video format presents different challenges compared to traditional text-based platforms. </p>
<p>The limited duration of videos makes it difficult to provide context and <a href="https://theconversation.com/three-fact-checking-challenges-in-southeast-asia-148738">fact-checking for the information presented</a>, making it a <a href="https://www.isdglobal.org/isd-publications/hatescape-an-in-depth-analysis-of-extremism-and-hate-speech-on-tiktok/">fertile ground for hate speech and mis/disinformation</a> to spread. </p>
<p>TikTok also designs algorithms to show users <a href="https://blog.hootsuite.com/tiktok-algorithm/">content based on their interests</a>, creating <a href="https://scholar.umw.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1445&context=student_research">echo chambers</a> that further reinforce existing beliefs and biases. </p>
<p>Without appropriate oversight, TikTok could potentially become a breeding ground for political actors and “cyberarmies.”</p>
<p>Cyberarmies are organised groups of individuals that engage in coordinated cyber activities, often with the goal of influencing public opinion, disrupting online communication, or conducting cyber warfare.</p>
<p>In this case, political actors deploy cyberarmies to disseminate ethnoreligious propaganda, further exacerbating tensions and divisions.</p>
<p>This was apparent during the <a href="https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2022/11/30/mcmc-cops-seek-explanation-from-tiktok-over-may-13-riot-videos/?__cf_chl_tk=h3TpbDLWx9YMhJKQ_8xRFCzyEFLbRvufHN04ZyYc5_E-1679512948-0-gaNycGzNCzs">2022 Malaysian election</a>, when harmful narratives circulated rapidly on the platform, while TikTok’s intervention proved to be insufficient in curbing their spread.</p>
<h2>Political gain and public opinion</h2>
<p>My preliminary investigations indicate ethnoreligious propaganda is already circulating ahead of the upcoming elections.</p>
<p>An example of such content is a smear video that targets former Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan, who is a candidate for the forthcoming election. </p>
<p>The video, posted by <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@logikapolitik/video/7187933990433672474?is_from_webapp=1&sender_device=pc&web_id=7203385989596366382">@logikapolitik</a> on January 12 2023, begins with the inflammatory statement, “giving a baptismal name is worse than eating pork”. The narrator goes on to suggest Anies, who was previously backed by Islamist hardliners, in an attempt to appeal to Christian supporters, “converted” to Christianity after receiving the name Yohanes. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/519756/original/file-20230406-28-qxpxs1.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/519756/original/file-20230406-28-qxpxs1.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=1299&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/519756/original/file-20230406-28-qxpxs1.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=1299&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/519756/original/file-20230406-28-qxpxs1.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=1299&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/519756/original/file-20230406-28-qxpxs1.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1633&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/519756/original/file-20230406-28-qxpxs1.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1633&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/519756/original/file-20230406-28-qxpxs1.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1633&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">@logikapolitik alleges that Anies Baswedan posed as a fake Christian in order to gain support from Christian followers. Reportedly, Anies Baswedan was baptised, given the Christian name Yohanes, and subsequently became an apostate of Islam. In the video, @logikapolitik highlights that Anies Baswedan frequently used ethnoreligious rhetoric during his campaigns and has now abandoned Islam in an effort to appease Christians and secure political power. The caption on the video reads ‘with the goal to advance in the presidential candidate selection, Yohanes employs various strategies.’</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Nuurrianti Jalli</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>This example exemplifies how political actors can exploit propaganda on TikTok to advance agendas and manipulate public opinion. As of April 6 2023, the video remains on the platform.</p>
<p>We should also anticipate the use of cyberarmies on platforms like TikTok, as has been the case in previous elections. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jul/23/indonesias-fake-twitter-account-factories-jakarta-politic">These individuals often operate through anonymous or fake accounts</a>, enabling them to rapidly propagate and amplify discriminatory messages. </p>
<p>By making these messages appear more popular than they truly are, they can effectively influence public opinion and exacerbate divisions within society.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/517121/original/file-20230323-18-mhga3z.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/517121/original/file-20230323-18-mhga3z.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=1062&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/517121/original/file-20230323-18-mhga3z.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=1062&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/517121/original/file-20230323-18-mhga3z.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=1062&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/517121/original/file-20230323-18-mhga3z.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1334&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/517121/original/file-20230323-18-mhga3z.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1334&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/517121/original/file-20230323-18-mhga3z.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1334&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">An example of concerning content on TikTok is a post from April 13, 2022, which remains on the platform to this day. The account, initially known as jomblollimited, has since changed its handle to @garasiinspirasi1. This post is just one example of numerous pieces of content on TikTok that contain strong ethnoreligious undertones. The video’s caption claims, ‘the American Jewish CIA and its allies have already prepared a puppet president for the Presidential Election 2024.’ Islam is merely being used as a tool for mobilisation.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Nuurrianti Jalli</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Real life consequences</h2>
<p>Ethnoreligious propaganda on platforms like TikTok can lead to real-life consequences, like increased tensions among diverse ethnic and religious groups.</p>
<p>This was evident during the <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/26938889">2019 Indonesian elections</a>, where a significant rise in hate speech, misinformation and disinformation on social media led to real-life protests and incidents of violence.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Joko Widodo wins 2014 Presidential election" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/518971/original/file-20230403-16-2w22a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/518971/original/file-20230403-16-2w22a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518971/original/file-20230403-16-2w22a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518971/original/file-20230403-16-2w22a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518971/original/file-20230403-16-2w22a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518971/original/file-20230403-16-2w22a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/518971/original/file-20230403-16-2w22a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Joko Widodo wins 2014 Presidential election.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Hate speech during the election often took the form of false claims made about opposing candidates and their supporters, aimed at inciting anger and hostility. </p>
<p>These protests turned violent, with clashes between protesters and security forces resulting in <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2019/05/22/asia/indonesia-protests-election-intl/index.html">several deaths and numerous injuries</a></p>
<p>To prevent similar situations from arising in the future, it is crucial to address the issue of hate speech and misinformation on TikTok, ensuring that they do not contribute to tensions and violence.</p>
<h2>TikTok’s needs to improve its content moderation system ##</h2>
<p>As the Indonesian elections approaches, it is vital for TikTok to enhance its content moderation system to limit propaganda on its platform. </p>
<p>To tackle this issue, TikTok must enhance AI and machine learning algorithms with diverse data sets for improved propaganda detection. Additionally, employing more skilled moderators proficient in local languages and norms is vital for handling nuanced content.</p>
<p>To further understand the Indonesian context, TikTok should increase collaboration with local experts, NGOs and academia to gain valuable insights to address hate speech and disinformation challenges. </p>
<p>Lastly, TikTok should be transparent about its moderation efforts, policies, and progress, including publishing transparency reports and engaging in open dialogue with users and stakeholders. </p>
<p>By taking a comprehensive and proactive approach, TikTok can help create a safer and more inclusive online environment during the upcoming Indonesian election.</p>
<p><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/498128/original/file-20221129-22-imtnz0.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=144&fit=crop&dpr=1" width="100%"></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/202439/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nuurrianti Jalli tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.</span></em></p>We need more scrutiny of TikTok as Indonesia gears up for general and presidential elections next year.Nuurrianti Jalli, Assistant Professor of Communication Studies College of Arts and Sciences Department of Languages, Literature, and Communication Studies, Northern State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2005422023-03-23T07:38:48Z2023-03-23T07:38:48ZHow TikTok became a breeding ground for hate speech in the latest Malaysia general election<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/516173/original/file-20230319-6746-bv0f2a.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=8%2C25%2C5742%2C3802&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Photo by Solen Feyissa on Unsplash</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Hate speech on social media is a major issue across many regions of the world, including Southeast Asia. </p>
<p>Hate speech includes expressions to discriminate, insult, demean, or provoke violence against individuals or groups based on race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation, nationality or others.</p>
<p>In Southeast Asia, TikTok has become a breeding ground for hate speech. Several studies have demonstrated that TikTok has been used to propagate <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/1057610X.2020.1780027">racist</a>, <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/03623319.2021.1969882?casa_token=qmHfMYxUhRMAAAAA:fm6ZXlrSkTPHjwgsHa8GFHaPr9be33xT-3GfIqJ8Rv-uGk0UuZo8cIu2sLRN4cy4qlXnqFkH7_Hy">sexist, and homophobic language</a>. </p>
<p>TikTok has policies against hate speech and disinformation, but such content persists, exacerbating the issue of hate speech in the region.</p>
<p>My latest research - to be published as a book chapter by Ateneo Policy Center, Ateneo University, the Philippines in January, 2024 - focusing on the 15th Malaysia general election last year, echoes this pattern.</p>
<h2>The election in Malaysia</h2>
<p>Malaysia has a diverse population with various ethnicities and religions, sometimes leading to tensions and conflicts. </p>
<p>Throughout history, <a href="https://koreascience.kr/article/JAKO201901435966443.pdf">Malaysian elections have frequently been marred by hate speech and propaganda</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A Pakatan Harapan campaign in Penang, Malaysia" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/516174/original/file-20230319-7741-kwemx1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/516174/original/file-20230319-7741-kwemx1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/516174/original/file-20230319-7741-kwemx1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/516174/original/file-20230319-7741-kwemx1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/516174/original/file-20230319-7741-kwemx1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/516174/original/file-20230319-7741-kwemx1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/516174/original/file-20230319-7741-kwemx1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">You Le/Unsplash</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Hate speech can pose a <a href="https://www.arabnews.com/node/2204766/media">grave threat to national harmony and security</a>. It is not only capable of <a href="https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2022/11/17/social-media-monitor-finds-ketuanan-melayu-narrative-on-the-rise-ahead-of-ge15-pas-hadi-key-amplifier-of-hate-speech/40286">polarising voters</a> but can also incite violence.</p>
<p>With the rise of <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/research/democracy-disconnected-social-medias-caustic-influence-on-southeast-asias-fragile-republics/">technology and the popularity of social media</a>, the spread of hate speech and propaganda in Malaysia is becoming more widespread, making it an urgent issue that requires attention.</p>
<p>TikTok is popular among young Malaysians. And for the first time in Malaysia’s history, the government is allowing <a href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/articles-commentaries/iseas-perspective/2022-63-the-paradox-of-malaysias-lowering-of-voting-age-expanded-enfranchisement-devalued-by-more-unequal-representation-by-james-chai/">18-year-olds to vote.</a> Previously, the minimum age to vote was 21. </p>
<p>I utilised specific keywords encompassing the acronyms for the 15th general election in both Malay and English.</p>
<p>These included “PRU 15” (Pilihanraya 15, which means 15th general election in Malay) and “GE15” (15th General Election), as well as the names of significant political coalitions such as “Perikatan Nasional” and “Pakatan Harapan”. </p>
<p>I also included acronyms for key political parties such as “DAP” (Chinese-majority Democratic Action Party), “PAS” (the Malaysian Islamic Party), “BN” (Barisan Nasional) and “GPS” (the Sarawak Alliance Party). </p>
<p>In addition, I include the names of select political leaders such as “Anwar Ibrahim” (leader of the Keadilan political party), “Muhyiddin” (former minister Muhyiddin Yassin), “Lim Guan Eng” (Chairman of DAP) and “Abdul Hadi” (Abdul Hadi Awang, president of PAS). </p>
<p>To observe the content uploaded on TikTok approximately two weeks before and after the November 19, 2022 election, I identified 2,789 videos on the platform using specific keywords posted between November 1 and December 15, 2022.</p>
<p>I analysed 679 videos with over 1,000 views and <a href="https://says.com/my/news/pdrm-warns-social-media-users-after-tiktok-creators-use-13-may-incident-to-conjure-hate">found 373 containing hateful narratives and propaganda</a>.</p>
<p>The results revealed Malay-language hate speech targeting non-Malays, especially the Chinese community and Chinese-language content focused on Malays and Islam in Malaysia. </p>
<p>For example, on November 11, 2022, a TikTok user (<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@125cc_madi">@125cc_madi)</a> posted a video with over <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@125cc_madi/video/7167726501138353434?_t=8XWJpZrQ6Ij&_r=1">16,000 views showing DAP supporters criticising the Muslim PAS as “stupid Muslim ulama.</a>” </p>
<p>Another TikTok user, <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@muhdasyari6">@muhdasyari6</a>, had asserted in a video that DAP, which is predominantly Chinese, <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://vt.tiktok.com/ZSREcTrD7/&sa=D&source=editors&ust=1679082150346582&usg=AOvVaw1G66dROfUB38UZX2urdbXD">is a racist political party that seeks to eliminate the special rights of Malays</a>. It should be noted that DAP is not a racist political party. Although the videos have been removed, <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@semutpinkbergerak/video/7163550581057948954?_r=1&_t=8XWJvtwteZV">controversial content</a> related to ethnicity and religion can still be found on TikTok.</p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/512041/original/file-20230223-26-ip51n7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/512041/original/file-20230223-26-ip51n7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=645&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/512041/original/file-20230223-26-ip51n7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=645&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/512041/original/file-20230223-26-ip51n7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=645&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/512041/original/file-20230223-26-ip51n7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=811&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/512041/original/file-20230223-26-ip51n7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=811&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/512041/original/file-20230223-26-ip51n7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=811&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Nuurrianti Jalli</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>A notable example is a video posted on November 7, 2022, by a user called Tuan Shafik (<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@tengkushafik1">@tengkushafik1</a>). </p>
<p>It displays the text, <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@tengkushafik1/video/7163468123331415322"><em>Haram Umat Melayu Islam undi PH (Pakatan Harapan)</em></a>, implying that it’s forbidden for Malay Muslims to vote for Pakatan Harapan, as the Chinese-majority DAP in the coalition is portrayed as anti-Malay and anti-Islam. </p>
<p>Another example, on November 8, 2022, <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@hussen_zulkarai/video/7163845119806803226?is_from_webapp=1&sender_device=pc&web_id=7203385989596366382">@Hussen_Zulkarai</a> posted a video below accusing DAP of being sympathetic to communism, even though they are not affiliated with it. Despite being in the standard Malay language, this video is still publicly viewable on TikTok.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/XIHcgG_DEwc?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">@Hussen_Zulkarai posted a TikTok video on November 8, 2022, where he made false allegations against DAP, accusing the party of being a communist organisation. The video included various baseless claims, including one about former Deputy Minister of Defence Liew Chin Tong wearing communist uniforms to visit an army base.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>These videos remained on TikTok as of March 15, 2023. </p>
<p>This has raised questions about the effectiveness of TikTok content moderation for hate speech in non-native English-speaking countries such as Malaysia. </p>
<h2>Emerging trending hashtags on May 13 incident</h2>
<p>During my exploratory research, I found that hashtags #13mei and #13Mei1969 inundated TikTok amid the recent election. </p>
<p>These hashtags refer to the May 13 Incident, <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/0967828X.2021.1914515">a 1969 conflict between Malay and Chinese communities in Kuala Lumpur triggered by a rally protesting the election results</a>. This conflict led to violence, casualties, and property damage.</p>
<p>The #13mei videos on <a href="https://www.thevibes.com/articles/news/78211/netizens-raise-alarm-over-may-13-hate-content-posted-on-tiktok">TikTok sparked outrage among Malaysians during the latest election</a>, accusing political actors of exploiting the incident to incite anti-China sentiment. </p>
<p>On TikTok, neo-nationalists and alleged cyber troopers associated with the ruling Perikatan Nasional government posted videos suggesting a possible recurrence of the 1969 “race war” tragedy if the Chinese-majority Democratic Action Party and its coalition, Pakatan Harapan, came to power in Malaysia.</p>
<p>As <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/19/asia/malaysia-election-race-parliament-intl-hnk/index.html">Malaysia faced its first-ever hung parliament</a>, with no major parties securing enough votes to form a new government, concerns arose that if Pakatan Harapan won the election, it could potentially trigger a backlash against the Chinese community.</p>
<h2>How did TikTok respond?</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/tiktok-high-alert-malaysia-tensions-rise-over-election-wrangle-2022-11-23/">Malaysian authorities contacted TikTok</a> to address hate speech and disinformation, particularly due to the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/malaysian-police-warn-ethnic-tensions-social-media-after-divisive-election-2022-11-22/">prevalence of #13Mei content</a>. </p>
<p>Although TikTok’s automated <a href="https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2022/12/07/tiktok-took-down-1126-provocative-videos-after-ge15-says-fahmi">system blocked thousands of videos</a>, it was deemed insufficient as hateful content persisted on the platform even months after the election. Reports of TikTok permitting <a href="https://www.therakyatpost.com/news/malaysia/2022/12/01/mcmc-pdrm-call-up-tiktok-over-paid-13-may-videos/">paid partnerships for political content during Malaysia’s election</a> also raised concerns. </p>
<p>While TikTok has policies in place to address <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/community-guidelines?lang=en#38">hate speech</a> and <a href="https://newsroom.tiktok.com/en-us/an-update-on-our-work-to-counter-misinformation">disinformation and misinformation</a>, insufficient enforcement of these policies could lead to significant real-world ramifications. </p>
<p>This includes heightened tensions and misunderstandings between different groups, which could potentially impact the outcome of elections.</p>
<p><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/498128/original/file-20221129-22-imtnz0.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=144&fit=crop&dpr=1" width="100%"></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/200542/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nuurrianti Jalli tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.</span></em></p>My research reiterates the roles of TikTok in fostering hate speech in electionsNuurrianti Jalli, Assistant Professor of Communication Studies College of Arts and Sciences Department of Languages, Literature, and Communication Studies, Northern State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2018302023-03-20T13:02:03Z2023-03-20T13:02:03ZAntisemitism on Twitter has more than doubled since Elon Musk took over the platform – new research<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/516136/original/file-20230317-4292-df14ze.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=30%2C90%2C5015%2C3267&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">What goes on in the Twitter shadows. </span> </figcaption></figure><p>In the days after Elon Musk <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/27/technology/elon-musk-twitter-deal-complete.html">took over Twitter</a> in October 2022, the social media platform saw a “surge in hateful conduct,” which its <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/video/twitter-own-head-safety-reported-173641824.html">then safety chief put down to</a> a “focused, short-term trolling campaign.” New research suggests that when it comes to antisemitism, it was anything but.</p>
<p>Rather, antisemitic tweets have <a href="https://beamdisinfo.org/deployments/antisemitism-on-twitter-before-and-after-elon-musks-acquisition/">more than doubled</a> over the months since Musk took charge, according to <a href="https://demos.co.uk/people/carl-miller/">research that I</a> and colleagues at tech firm <a href="https://www.casmtechnology.com">CASM Technology</a> and the <a href="https://www.isdglobal.org">Institute for Strategic Dialogue</a> think tank conducted. Between June and Oct. 26, 2022, the day before Twitter’s acquisition by Musk, there was a weekly average of 6,204 tweets deemed “plausibly antisemitic” – that is, where at least one reasonable interpretation of the tweet falls within the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s <a href="https://www.holocaustremembrance.com/sites/default/files/inline-files/legal%20analysis%20IHRA%20working%20definition%20of%20antisemitism.pdf">definition of the term</a> as “a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred towards Jews.”</p>
<p>But from Oct. 27 until Feb 9, 2023, the average was 12,762 – an increase of 105%. In all, a total of 325,739 tweets from 146,516 accounts were labeled as “plausibly antisemitic” over the course of our study, stretching from June 1, 2022 to Feb. 9, 2023. </p>
<p><iframe id="ya6mD" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ya6mD/1/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<h2>Finding antisemitism with AI</h2>
<p>To identify plausibly antisemitic tweets, my co-authors and I combined 22 published hate speech-identifying algorithms into a single mechanism and used even more machine learning to see which combinations of decisions led to the correct result. We then passed through all tweets – over a million in total – that contained any one of 119 words, phrases, slurs and epithets related to antisemitism.</p>
<p>No such process is perfect. We estimate our model to make a correct decision about 75% of the time. We also no doubt missed some antisemitic tweets not containing any of those 119 key words, as well as those taken down before early December when we collected the data. </p>
<p>We then used an algorithm to draw out 10 different themes of antisemitism seen in the tweets. Some centered around the use of specific antisemitic derogatory epithets. Others alluded to conspiracy theories concerning hidden Jewish influence and control.</p>
<p>Antisemitic tweets directed at Jewish investor and philanthropist George Soros warranted its own category. He was mentioned more than any other person in our data, over 19,000 times, with tweets <a href="https://www.adl.org/resources/blog/soros-conspiracy-theories-and-protests-gateway-antisemitism">claiming he was a member</a> of a hidden globalist, Jewish or “Nazi” world order.</p>
<p>Another theme were tweets defending the rapper Ye, formerly Kanye West, who had made a <a href="https://www.ajc.org/news/5-of-kanye-wests-antisemitic-remarks-explained">number of antisemitic remarks</a> after he had his account briefly reinstated by Musk.</p>
<p>Our research, which has not yet been peer-reviewed, also found around 4,000 of the antisemitic tweets were <a href="https://www.pbs.org/wnet/exploring-hate/2022/05/10/yales-eliyahu-stern-on-antisemitism-and-the-ukraine-war/">focused on the Russian invasion of Ukraine</a>. These variously claimed that the conflict was caused by Jews, or that Jews secretly caused the U.S. to support Ukraine. They also contained direct antisemitism directed against the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who is Jewish.</p>
<h2>Musk rolls back content moderation</h2>
<p>Musk’s acquisition of Twitter came on the back of what I have observed as a decadelong trend among tech giants to take more responsibility for hate speech, harassment, incitement, disinformation and other harms lurking in the information flowing through their platforms. Over that period, companies such as Facebook and Twitter gradually enacted policies to respond to extremism, hate speech and harassment, or increase “civility,” as Twitter itself <a href="https://www.cnet.com/tech/tech-industry/twitter-partners-with-academics-for-more-healthy-conversation/">described it in 2018</a>,
and built out the teams and tools to enforce them.</p>
<p>Musk, a self-professed “free speech absolutist,” pointed the platform in a different direction after taking control. In short order, Twitter’s independent Trust and Safety Council was <a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/twitter-dissolves-trust-safety-council-2022-12-13/">dissolved</a>, previously <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/twitter-accounts-reinstated-elon-musk-donald-trump-kanye-ye-jordan-peterson-kathy-griffin-andrew-tate/">banned accounts were reinstated</a> and over half of <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/26/technology/twitter-layoffs.html">Twitter’s staff was laid off</a> or simply left – including many of those responsible for enforcing the company’s hate speech policies. </p>
<p>As someone who has tracked hate speech on places like Twitter for around 10 years, I believe the changes to Twitter’s moderation practices are only partly to blame for the jump in antisemitism on the platform. </p>
<p>The media spectacle surrounding Musk’s takeover, along with his very vocal views on free speech, likely also encouraged exactly those people to join or rejoin the platform who had fallen foul of its previous attempts to confront hate. Our research gives some backing to this theory. Some 3,855 accounts we identified as posting at least one plausibly antisemitic tweet joined Twitter in the 10 days after Musk took over. This is, however, only a small proportion of the 146,516 accounts that sent at least one antisemitic tweet over the course of the entire study. </p>
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<h2>Little effect on curbing hate speech</h2>
<p>A surge in hate speech on Twitter was <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/10/28/musk-twitter-racist-posts">flagged</a> by researchers in the weeks after Musk took over, concerns the billionaire <a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1598755659499044879">dismissed</a> as “utterly false,” having earlier vowed to “<a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1593673339826212864?lang=en">max deboosted & demonetized</a>” hateful tweets.</p>
<p>If Twitter has been de-amplifying antisemitism, our research shows almost no evidence of it. Before Oct. 27, antisemitic tweets received an average of 6.4 “favorites” and 1.2 retweets. Since then, they have averaged 6 “favorites” and 1 retweet. Although such engagement isn’t a perfect measure for visibility, tweets made much less visible to users would generally receive less engagement. </p>
<p>We also attempted to measure takedowns of antisemitic tweets. On Feb. 15, 45 days after we initially collected the data, we tried to re-collect all the tweets we identified as antisemitic. Tweets can be unavailable for lots of reasons, and Twitter’s enforcement is only one of them. Imperfect though this is, it does give us a tentative glimpse of what might be happening in regard to the removal of antisemitic posts. And across those dates, 17,589 antisemitic tweets were taken down – 8.5% of the total.</p>
<h2>Rising tide of antisemitism</h2>
<p>Our findings come at a time when many fear <a href="https://www.npr.org/2022/11/30/1139971241/anti-semitism-is-on-the-rise-and-not-just-among-high-profile-figures">growing threats to Jewish communities</a>. In 2021, the Anti-Defamation League tracked the highest number of antisemitic incidents – including harassment, vandalism and assaults – in the U.S. since they started tracking numbers in 1979. And this is not just a U.S. phenomenon; in the U.K., the Community Security Trust has recorded <a href="https://cst.org.uk/news/blog/2023/02/09/antisemitic-incidents-report-2022">a similar spike in anti-Jewish activity</a>, while in Germany, anti-Jewish crimes <a href="https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/politically-motivated-crimes-hit-a-record-high-in-germany-57018">surged</a> by 29% over the pandemic. </p>
<p>Studying social media has shown me again and again just how powerfully it helps to form the cultures and ideas that underlie its users’ behavior. Ultimately, the proliferation of tweets that hold Jews responsible for all the world’s ills, that circulate dark conspiracies of control and cover-up, or that fire derogatory attacks directed toward Jews, can only support antisemitism online – and in the real world.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/201830/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Carl Miller is a Partner of CASM Technology and a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue. They conduct a wide range of public-interest social media research on online harms for a range of philanthropic, foundation and public sector institutions.
</span></em></p>New research shows that antisemitic posts surged as the ‘free speech absolutist’ took over the social media giant. And it has settled at a higher level since.Carl Miller, Research Fellow, King's College LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2015932023-03-16T12:22:40Z2023-03-16T12:22:40ZTunisia: President’s offensive statements targeted black migrants - with widespread fallout<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/514908/original/file-20230313-20-ic1z6x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">President of Tunisia, Kais Saied (R) meets Guinea-Bissau's President Umaro Sissoco Embalo in Tunis on 8 March 2023.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Tunisian Presidency / Anadolu Agency via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The <a href="https://www.facebook.com/Presidence.tn/posts/pfbid02gkXqJK8EByDtaRHhJQeSmEBMhHutAcGa3az5V3NEFzr9Rdsqm11qsmusGA53zra4l">statement</a> by <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Kais-Saied">Tunisian President Kais Saied</a> that “urgent measures” were needed “against illegal immigration of nationals from sub-Saharan Africa” which were causing “violence and crime” set off a nation-wide violent backlash against migrants. </p>
<p>The statement, which followed a national security meeting, and the subsequent backlash against migrants, were followed by international condemnation, including from within Africa.</p>
<p>Estimates of migrants in Tunisia vary, from <a href="https://theconversation.com/tunisias-president-is-targeting-migrants-to-divert-attention-from-serious-domestic-problems-a-classic-tactic-201404#:%7E:text=Immigrants%20in%20Tunisia%20account%20for,These%20basic%20figures%20are%20important.">21,000</a> formally documented migrants, to <a href="http://www.ins.tn/publication/rapport-de-lenquete-nationale-sur-la-migration-internationale-tunisia-hims">59,000</a>, including <a href="https://www.unhcr.org/tunisia.html">9,000</a> registered refugees and asylum-seekers. </p>
<p>The president noted in his inflammatory statement that the “incessant flow” and “hordes of illegal migrants” were aimed at changing the demographics of the country “threatening its Arabic and Islamic character”. </p>
<p>The offensive statement – and consequent reprisals – are deeply shocking and have already had repercussions. In Tunisia, where anti-immigrant sentiment is on the rise, far-right groups have been <a href="https://www.arab-reform.net/publication/the-ghost-people-and-populism-from-above-the-kais-saied-case/">bolstered</a> in their aggressive stance towards immigrants. Thousands of immigrants have fled. Those that remain face attacks on their <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2021/11/tunisia-and-libya-un-experts-condemn-collective-expulsion-and-deplorable">dignity</a>.</p>
<p>Tunisia has been condemned by the African community, the strongest measure being taken by the African Union. It <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/6/african-union-cancels-tunisia-meeting-after-migrant-attacks">cancelled</a> its meeting scheduled for Tunis, the Tunisian capital. Four West African countries - Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast - either evacuated their citizens or called for caution. </p>
<p>There have also been <a href="https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2023/03/354346/calls-for-boycotting-tunisian-products-intensify-in-african-countries">calls</a> by sub-Saharan African countries for a boycott of Tunisian products. Tunisian civil society groups, human rights activists, and artists also <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2023/02/26/tunisian-civil-society-groups-denounce-anti-migrant-rhetoric//">condemned</a> the attacks on migrants.</p>
<p>This is yet another outcome of the migration policies imposed by the European Union on Tunisia. It also adds to a gradual isolation and alienation of the country from its neighbours on the continent in a time of political and socio-economic crisis. </p>
<p>Within Tunisia, the recent attacks on migrants contribute to further polarisation within the different factions of the society, especially between NGOs mobilising against anti-migrant racism and the perpetual spread and appeal of populist and conspiracy-theory parties.</p>
<h2>Anti-migrant violence</h2>
<p>The migrants and refugees in the country come from different parts of the world, including Syria. But most are from countries in sub-Saharan Africa, West Africa in particular. Reasons for their stay <a href="https://theconversation.com/tunisias-president-is-targeting-migrants-to-divert-attention-from-serious-domestic-problems-a-classic-tactic-201404">vary</a> but include study, work and for many the transit onward to Europe when the opportunity arises.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/39955/refugees-demand-evacuation-from-tunisia">Racist incidents</a> against sub-Saharan refugees and migrants and <a href="https://www.france24.com/fr/afrique/20230304-discours-antimigrants-en-tunisie-une-fa%C3%A7on-de-faire-oublier-les-probl%C3%A8mes-du-pays">hate speech</a> are not new in Tunisia. Nevertheless, what followed this particularly inflammatory speech by President Saied was a large scale “security” campaign of <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/3/sub-saharan-africans-recount-tunisia-hell-amid-crackdown">random and arbitrary arrests</a> by the security forces of hundreds of sub-Saharan migrants. They have been detained in illegal centres. </p>
<p>This <a href="https://www.thenationalnews.com/mena/tunisia/2023/03/02/african-migrants-in-tunisia-plead-for-help-amid-rise-in-racially-motivated-attacks/">systematic and racist violence</a> has affected a range of men, women, children and even infants from immigrant families. It included physical attacks, migrants being fired from their jobs, <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/world/africa/2023-03-02-african-migrants-evicted-and-fired-amid-crackdown-in-tunisia/">kicked out</a> of their accommodation and even schools and daycare centres. </p>
<p>Fear was widespread and hundreds of migrants <a href="https://meshkal.org/black-people-attacked-evicted-in-tunisia-after-presidents-racist-stat/">camped</a> in front of the <a href="https://www.iom.int/">International Organisation for Migration</a> and <a href="https://www.unhcr.org/uk/">United Nations High Commission for Refugees</a> offices in the cold, seeking protection. </p>
<p>Online anti-migrant discussion and hate speech have risen recently. The far-right Tunisian Nationalist Party grew from a few thousand subscribers in January to more than <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/le-monde-africa/article/2023/02/23/in-tunisia-president-kais-saied-claims-sub-saharan-migrants-threaten-country-s-identity_6016898_124.html">50,000</a> by the end of February, alarming in the speed that the appeal to this party took on. </p>
<p>Even prior to the statement by the president, the group had succeeded in raising more than <a href="https://nawaat.org/2023/02/14/parti-nationaliste-tunisien-racisme-autorise-par-letat/">a million signatures</a> in a petition to expel undocumented sub-Saharan migrants. This shows his populist attempt to respond to an already widely spread xenophobic sentiment. </p>
<p>The anti-migrant violence comes in an overall context of failure to deal with the deep economic and social crises in Tunisia. These have worsened since Saied’s authoritarian <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2021/07/26/kais-saieds-power-grab-in-tunisia/">power grab</a> on the 25 July 2021. </p>
<p>This has not only involved a frequent link to conspiracy theories in public narratives, but has also created an environment of <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2022/10/11/food-shortages-and-rising-food-prices-hit-tunisia/">high unemployment</a>, amid shortages in basic products and soaring food prices. </p>
<p>Tunisian society has been polarised. Fear and <a href="https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/tunisia-hate-speech-black-africans-social-media">hate speech</a> have spread online, and there has been an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/feb/24/tunisia-forces-arrest-senior-opposition-figure-as-crackdown-escalates">increasing crackdown</a> on civil society and political opposition. </p>
<h2>Scapegoating</h2>
<p>The anti-migrant backlash is politically useful in this environment: scapegoating migrants can divert from the continuous failure to address many of these domestic issues, as seen in other contexts such as <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15562948.2021.2007318">South Africa</a>. </p>
<p>Migrants are constructed as “a burden” to an already poor infrastructure and economy, a danger to the public, and <a href="https://www.facebook.com/Presidence.tn/posts/pfbid02gkXqJK8EByDtaRHhJQeSmEBMhHutAcGa3az5V3NEFzr9Rdsqm11qsmusGA53zra4l">pawns of foreign funded parties</a> in Tunisia to colonise it again. The statement and crackdown on migrants is aimed at gaining more popularity, especially after the <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/12/18/low-voter-turnout-clear-message-to-saied-democratic-bloc-leader">low elections</a> turn out in 2022.</p>
<h2>Reactions</h2>
<p>Dozens of civil society groups, human rights activists and artists signed a <a href="https://ltdh.tn/%D8%AA%D9%88%D9%86%D8%B3-%D9%84%D9%86-%D8%AA%D9%83%D9%88%D9%86-%D9%81%D8%A7%D8%B4%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D9%83%D9%85%D8%A7-%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%AF%D9%87%D8%A7-%D8%B1%D8%A6%D9%8A%D8%B3-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%85/?fbclid=IwAR3bBFnDiFmz5NSk6oyFTfiW5mhGh6uBDRO_HY572RUi1f_ioHqrQaisThM">collective statement</a> calling for a rally against Saied’s comments and the aftermath it caused. Hundreds of people have <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/2/26/what-you-need-to-know-about-tunisia-anti-racism-protests">protested</a> on the streets, chanting “Down with fascism, Tunisia is an African country.” </p>
<p>Countries within the region were quick to respond. <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/3/sub-saharan-africans-recount-tunisia-hell-amid-crackdown">Guinea </a> was the first to repatriate around 50 of their nationals for their own safety and dignity. Mali flew home around three times as many a few days later. </p>
<p>Cote d’Ivoire also <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-64813850">offered</a> to fly back their own citizens. The Burkina Faso ambassador in Tunis expressed his solidarity in this “difficult situation”. There have been <a href="https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2023/03/354346/calls-for-boycotting-tunisian-products-intensify-in-african-countries">calls</a> to boycott Tunisian products, especially in Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea, Senegal and Mali. </p>
<p>The African Union (AU) <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20230224/chairperson-african-union-commission-strongly-condemns-racial-statements">released a statement</a> a day after the offensive remarks. It strongly criticised Tunisia and urged it to avoid “racialised hate speech”. A previously planned AU meeting in Tunis for mid-March was <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/6/african-union-cancels-tunisia-meeting-after-migrant-attacks">cancelled</a>. </p>
<p>These responses remind us of the reaction in 2017 to the release of <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2017/11/14/africa/libya-migrant-auctions/index.html">CNN footage</a> of African migrants and refugees being auctioned off in slave markets in Libya. A major outrage unfolded across the continent and reactions included Burkina Faso <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-burkina-libya-idUKKBN1DK2IC">recalling</a> its ambassador to Libya. </p>
<p>Countries including Nigeria <a href="https://www.medam-migration.eu/publications/research-papers/2019-research-papers/the-political-economy-of-migration-governance-in-nigeria-14227/">airlifted</a> thousands of their citizens out of Libya. </p>
<p>Governments have been reluctant to accept returns from Europe. But attitudes towards <a href="https://www.medam-migration.eu/publications/policy-papers/policy-briefs/challenges-in-eu-african-migration-cooperation-west-african-perspectives-on-forced-return-14152/">returns from the region</a> are different.</p>
<p>It is difficult to know what the <a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/01/11/tunisian-foreign-policy-under-kais-saied-pub-88770">foreign policy aims</a> are of Tunisia under Saied. </p>
<p>On 8 March, <a href="https://africa.cgtn.com/2020/02/27/umaro-embalo-officially-becomes-president-in-guinea-bissau/">President Cissoko Emballo</a> from Guinea Bissau visited Tunisia, also in his role as chairperson of the Economic Community of West African States. During the visit, Saied backtracked from his insidious remarks, arguing his statement was misinterpreted. Not only were members of his family married to “Africans” and he had friends who were “Africans”, but in response to President Emballo, he conceded “I am indeed [<a href="https://www.africanews.com/2023/03/09/tunisian-president-denies-racism-accusation-after-migrant-crackdown/">African</a>], and a proud African”. </p>
<p>A range of <a href="https://apnews.com/article/tunisia-migrants-racism-africa-eu-saied-2733a73f42816094fe55be4a4868f806">new measures</a> were quickly announced including a hotline to report human rights violations, psychological assistant for migrants and a waiver of fees for residency permit violations if migrants agree to return to their country of origin. </p>
<p>But the state-sponsored violence has <a href="https://www.amnestyusa.org/press-releases/tunisia-presidents-racist-speech-violence-against-black-africans/">continued</a>. </p>
<h2>The fallout</h2>
<p>For countries and people in the region, this is just another dimension of the unpopular <a href="https://comparativemigrationstudies.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s40878-019-0141-7">externalisation policies</a> imposed on them by the European Union. The goal is reduce migration to Europe.</p>
<p>Making Tunisia unlivable for sub-Saharan migrants plays into the <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/233150241700500103">deterrence</a> strategy being pursued by the European Union. But the attacks are likely to affect Tunisia’s standing on the continent. Diplomatic relations will be adversely affected by the racist attacks.</p>
<p>Civil society groups are already <a href="https://journalismecitoyens-org.over-blog.com/2023/03/racisme-un-groupe-de-travail-exige-la-suspension-de-la-tunisie-de-l-union-africaine.html">demanding</a> the suspension of Tunisia from the African Union. </p>
<p>The outlook for individual migrants is bleak. They will continue living in an atmosphere of fear and danger. And for the wider Tunisian population the xenophobic attacks will only create more division at a time when soaring living costs and multiple international and domestic crises make solidarity - including on the continent - essential. </p>
<p>Tunisia needs allies to overcome these multiple crisis. Increasing isolation will not help. </p>
<p><em>Nermin Abbassi, a graduate student of political sciences at the University of Cologne and research assistant contributed to this article</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/201593/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Franzisca Zanker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>In Tunisia, scapegoating migrants diverts from the continuous failure of government to solve deep economic and social crisis.Franzisca Zanker, Senior research fellow, Arnold Bergstraesser InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2010992023-03-13T12:24:32Z2023-03-13T12:24:32ZThe Banyamulenge: how a minority ethnic group in the DRC became the target of rebels – and its own government<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/513396/original/file-20230303-18-fisnxr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Banyamulenge community members at the funeral of one of their own in eastern DRC.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Alexis Huguet/AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>The Banyamulenge are a minority ethnic group in South Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In December 2022, the UN adviser on the prevention of genocide raised concerns about attacks against the community based on “<a href="https://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/december-2022/un-special-adviser-prevention-genocide-condemns-escalation-fighting-drc">ethnicity or perceived allegiance with neighbouring countries</a>”. The Banyamulenge have <a href="https://www.ecoi.net/en/file/local/2071779/ACCORD_DR+Congo_Situation+of+Banyamulenge.pdf">long been viewed</a> as not being Congolese. The government, however, has often dismissed claims that the community is facing targeted attacks <a href="https://www.politico.cd/encontinu/2022/11/24/pretendus-discours-de-haine-en-rdc-une-fiction-qui-ressemble-aux-discours-segregationnistes-portes-par-le-rwanda-patrick-muyaya.html/121636/">as fiction</a>. Delphin R Ntanyoma, who has <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Behind-Scenes-Banyamulenge-Military-extinction/dp/2343186979">extensively researched</a> the Banyamulenge, explains why they are facing persecution.</em></p>
<h2>Who are the Banyamulenge and how has their status changed over time?</h2>
<p>The Banyamulenge live in eastern DRC in South Kivu province. They are mostly seen as affiliated to the Tutsi of the <a href="https://www.africangreatlakesinform.org/page/african-great-lakes">African Great Lakes region</a>, and they speak a language close to Kirundi (Burundi) and Kinyarwanda (Rwanda). The Banyamulenge settled in South Kivu between the 16th and 18th centuries, having come from what are today Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. They are largely cattle keepers. </p>
<p>They mostly occupy the southern part of South Kivu province: the Fizi, Mwenga and Uvira territories. In the 1960s and 1970s, some Banyamulenge moved to Katanga in the DRC’s southern region. The region has rich pastures for cattle herding and is close to the large cities of Lubumbashi and Mbujimayi, providing business opportunities. However, in 1998, nearly 20,000 Banyamulenge were forced to flee Katanga after they were <a href="https://www.africa.upenn.edu/Hornet/irin_10298.html">attacked for being “foreigners”</a>. </p>
<p>Since 1984, the DRC has not organised a <a href="https://securelivelihoods.org/wp-content/uploads/DRC-census-working-paper-fina-online.pdf">general census</a>. The historian <a href="https://www.worldcat.org/nl/title/banyamulenge-qui-sont-ils-dou-viennent-ils-quel-role-ont-ils-joue-et-pourquoi-dans-le-processus-de-la-liberation-du-zaire/oclc/42719868">Joseph Mutambo</a> estimated the group had around 400,000 people in 1997. There are no clear estimates today, but it’s safe to assume that they have grown in number. </p>
<p>Colonial history in the Great Lakes region has categorised local communities into <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-history-matters-in-understanding-conflict-in-the-eastern-democratic-republic-of-congo-148546">“native” and “immigrants”</a>. Farmers are seen as native, while cattle herders are largely perceived as immigrants, foreigners and invaders. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-history-matters-in-understanding-conflict-in-the-eastern-democratic-republic-of-congo-148546">Why history matters in understanding conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo</a>
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<p>Based on these assumptions, the Banyamulenge have been viewed as foreigners and were <a href="https://www.hrw.org/legacy/worldreport/Africa-04.htm">denied citizenship in the 1980s</a>. A decade later, the Congolese state <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/congo/drc-banyamulenge-seeking-political-solution-tensions">sought to expel them</a> after a parliamentary resolution to send back all Rwandan and Burundian descendants. </p>
<p>This added to the perception that the Banyamulenge were “invaders”. I have researched the drivers of violence in South and North Kivu for six years, with a focus on the <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Behind-Scenes-Banyamulenge-Military-extinction/dp/2343186979">Banyamulenge situation</a>. It’s clear that much of the <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/14687968211009895">violence targeting them</a> revolves around the misconception that they are <a href="https://www.jpolrisk.com/the-banyamulenge-genocide-in-the-democratic-republic-of-congo-on-the-interplay-of-minority-groups-discrimination-and-humanitarian-assistance-failure/">strangers in their own country</a>. </p>
<h2>Who’s who on the list of their political adversaries?</h2>
<p>The Banyamulenge’s political adversaries range from local politicians to armed groups and militias. Most of the politicians who rally their constituents against the Banyamulenge are from neighbouring ethnic communities. These include the Babembe, Bafuliro, Banyindu and Bavira. Members of these ethnic communities consider themselves “native”. Political figures outside South Kivu have also spread the idea that the Banyamulenge are outsiders. </p>
<p>Those who take issue with the Banyamulenge claim to be protecting their country from “invaders”. This has led to armed mobilisations and the use of local militias, like the MaiMai and Biloze-Bishambuke. These militias have vowed to <a href="https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/genocide-warning-the-vulnerability-of-banyamulenge-invaders">expel the Banyamulenge or eliminate them</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-conflicts-intertwined-over-time-and-destabilised-the-drc-and-the-region-185432">How conflicts intertwined over time and destabilised the DRC – and the region</a>
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<p>Since 2017, Burundian rebel groups like Red-Tabara and Forces Nationales de Liberation have joined local militias in attacks against the Banyamulenge. The Red-Tabara’s involvement raised questions about <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-burundi-rwanda-un-idUSKCN0VD04K">Rwanda’s role</a> after UN reports claimed that the country had supported the rebel group with logistical and training skills. </p>
<h2>How are the Banyamulenge targeted?</h2>
<p>The Banyamulenge have been targeted by Congolese security services and local militias in major attacks <a href="https://www.africa.upenn.edu/Hornet/irin_brf2287.html">in 1996</a>, <a href="https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/report/27798/drc-belgium-pursues-case-against-ex-minister-icj">1998</a> and <a href="https://www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/africa/burundi/2004/0904/index.htm">2004</a>. </p>
<p>A new wave of violence against the group <a href="https://www.ifri.org/fr/publications/notes-de-lifri/province-sud-kivu-un-champ-de-bataille-multidimensionnel-meconnu">began in 2017</a>, and has since led to the deaths of thousands of civilians and the destruction of <a href="https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/rapport-sur-les-attaques-anti-banyamulenge-en-rd-congo">hundreds of villages</a>. That year was marked by <a href="https://theconversation.com/2017-the-year-the-democratic-republic-of-congo-would-like-to-forget-88170">intensifying conflict in the DRC</a> over election delays. </p>
<p>The looting of Banyamulenge-owned cattle has been a constant occurrence <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/26309798">since the 1960s</a>. Cattle constitute a major source of income and livelihood, and looting has worked as a strategy to impoverish the community and jeopardise their future. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/burundis-gatumba-massacre-offers-a-window-into-the-past-and-future-of-the-drc-conflict-191351">Burundi's Gatumba massacre offers a window into the past and future of the DRC conflict</a>
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<p>Due to the widespread destruction of villages, the remaining Banyamulenge in South Kivu live in small localities like Minembwe, Murambya/Bijombo, Mikenge and Bibokoboko. They continue to face <a href="https://kivutimes.com/minembwe-attaque-des-mai-mai-biloze-bishambuke-ilunga-et-yakutumba-plusieurs-villages-sous-le-feu-la-societe-civile-alerte-les-autorites/">regular and coordinated attacks</a>, which have prevented the community from accessing pastures and farmland beyond a two-kilometre radius. </p>
<p>Armed militias in South Kivu have <a href="https://www.jpolrisk.com/the-banyamulenge-genocide-in-the-democratic-republic-of-congo-on-the-interplay-of-minority-groups-discrimination-and-humanitarian-assistance-failure/">prevented and constrained</a> humanitarian organisations from getting aid into Banyamulenge settlements. </p>
<p>Hate speech has played a major role in <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14623528.2022.2078578">fuelling violence</a> against the community. Twitter, Facebook, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eG2YPRq3Uqw">YouTube</a> and other social media platforms have thousands of posts and videos that claim the Banyamulenge are not Congolese citizens and shouldn’t be in the country. </p>
<p>Such dehumanising and hateful speech feeds the minds and hearts of young people, mainly men, who consider attacks against the Banyamulenge a <a href="https://www.refworld.org/docid/5253c0784.html">“noble” cause</a>. <a href="https://www.ushmm.org/genocide-prevention/blog/democratic-republic-of-congo-rising-concern-banyamulenge">Researchers</a> and <a href="https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/hate-speech-and-genocide-in-minembwe-d-r-congo">activists</a> have called for greater attention to be paid to these attacks.</p>
<h2>Who’s behind the attacks?</h2>
<p>The Banyamulenge are targeted because they are viewed as “foreigners”. For decades, local armed groups and militias have mobilised to get rid of those perceived as invaders. This ideology is transmitted across generations. </p>
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<p>In addition, the Congolese national army has played a role in enabling attacks against the Banyamulenge by <a href="https://twitter.com/KivuSecurity/status/1304083139334156289">providing ammunition to militias</a> or <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LXYdu8U7At0">opening breaches when rebels attack civilians</a>. Huge destruction has taken place in areas where the <a href="https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2019/10/28/eastern-Congo-Kivu-conflict-regional-tensions">Congolese army is present</a> but didn’t intervene. </p>
<p>There are three possible reasons for the army’s general inaction. First, some military commanders and soldiers may believe the narrative that the Banyamulenge are not Congolese. Second, some military commanders create chaos and conflict pocket zones to serve one or more protagonists in the <a href="https://www.africangreatlakesinform.org/page/african-great-lakes">Great Lakes region</a>. Third, violence allows military commanders to access operational funds – and looted cattle can be turned into money.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/201099/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Delphin R. Ntanyoma does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Banyamulenge have been viewed as strangers in their own country – the violence targeting them revolves around this misconception.Delphin R. Ntanyoma, Visiting Researcher, University of LeedsLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1976042023-02-08T13:42:04Z2023-02-08T13:42:04ZWhat the First Amendment really says – 4 basic principles of free speech in the US<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/507966/original/file-20230202-5680-ll0ht.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=298%2C381%2C2619%2C1641&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A protection that is, at least in this Philadelphia park, carved in stone.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:First_Amendment_to_the_U.S._Constitution.jpg">Zakarie Faibis via Wikimedia Commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Elon Musk has claimed he believes in free speech no matter what. He calls it a <a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1597405399040217088">bulwark against tyranny in America</a> and promises to reconstruct Twitter, which he now owns, so that its policy on free expression “<a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1519036983137509376">matches the law</a>.” Yet his grasp of the First Amendment – the law that governs free speech in the U.S. – appears to be quite limited. And he’s not alone.</p>
<p>I am a lawyer and a professor who has taught constitutional concepts to undergraduate students for over 15 years and has written a book for the uninitiated about the <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/distributed/W/bo156864042.html">freedom of speech</a>; it strikes me that not many people educated in American schools, whether public or private – including lawyers, teachers, talking heads and school board members – appear to have a working knowledge about the right to free speech embedded in the <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/amendment-1/">First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution</a>. </p>
<p>But that doesn’t have to be the case.</p>
<p>In short, the First Amendment enshrines the freedom to speak one’s mind. It’s not written in code and does not require an advanced degree to understand. It simply states: “Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech.” The liberties embraced by that phrase belong to all of us who live in the United States, and we can all become knowledgeable about their breadth and limitations.</p>
<p>There are just four essential principles.</p>
<h2>1. It’s only about the government</h2>
<p>The Bill of Rights – the other name for the first 10 amendments to the U.S. Constitution – like the Constitution itself and all the other amendments, sets limits only on the relationship between the U.S. government and its people.</p>
<p>It does not apply to interactions in other nations, nor interactions between people in the U.S. or companies. If the government is not involved, the First Amendment does not apply.</p>
<p>The First Amendment ensures that Twitter is, in fact, free of government restrictions against <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/20/opinion/donald-trump-twitter-return.html">spreading misinformation and disinformation</a> or virtually anything else. The company is similarly free to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2022/dec/17/elon-musk-reinstates-twitter-accounts-of-suspended-journalists">expel any users</a> who offend Musk’s personal sensibilities. They can be <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2022/dec/17/elon-musk-reinstates-twitter-accounts-of-suspended-journalists">booted off Twitter</a> and any charges of “Censorship!” don’t apply.</p>
<h2>2. For decades, speech has faced very few limits</h2>
<p>Freedom of expression was understood by the nation’s founders to be a <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3016815">natural, unalienable right</a> that belongs to every human being. </p>
<p>Over the course of the first 120-plus years of the country’s democratic experiment, judicial interpretation of that right slowly evolved from a limited to an expansive view. In the middle of the 20th century, the Supreme Court ultimately concluded that because the right to speak freely is so fundamental, it is subject to restriction <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/395/444/">only in limited circumstances</a>. </p>
<p>It is now an accepted doctrine that tolerance for discord is built into the very fabric of the First Amendment. In the words of one of the most revered Supreme Court justices, Louis D. Brandeis, “<a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/274/357/#tab-opinion-1931857">it is hazardous to discourage thought, hope and imagination</a>; … fear breeds repression; … repression breeds hate; … hate menaces stable government.” </p>
<p>Opinions, viewpoints and beliefs – which are sometimes based on provable fact, other times on hypothetical theories and occasionally on lies and conspiracies – all contribute to what constitutional scholars and lawyers refer to as the “<a href="https://www.mtsu.edu/first-amendment/article/999/marketplace-of-ideas">marketplace of ideas</a>.” Similar to the commercial marketplace, the marketplace of ideas subjects all products to competition. The hope is that only the best will survive.</p>
<p>Therefore, members of the <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/2010/09-751">Westboro Baptist Church can picket the funerals of fallen soldiers</a> with signs disparaging the LGBTQ+ community, <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/432/43/#tab-opinion-1952312">Nazi hate groups</a> can hold rallies and <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/373/262/">civil rights groups can participate in lunch-counter protests</a>. The ideas expressed by each of these groups represent one perspective in the public debate about rights and privileges, government responsibility and religion. Other people and groups may disagree, but their perspectives are also protected from government censorship and repression.</p>
<p>Messages communicated by means other than speech or writing are generally protected by the First Amendment, too. A jean jacket bearing the Vietnam-era anti-war slogan “<a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/1970/299">F*ck the Draft</a>” is protected, as is the act of <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/491/397/">burning a United States flag</a> in front of a crowd. These were potentially more emotionally powerful than politely worded statements opposing government policies.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/507967/original/file-20230202-16618-otink6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A group of people stand nearby while a U.S. flag burns." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/507967/original/file-20230202-16618-otink6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/507967/original/file-20230202-16618-otink6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/507967/original/file-20230202-16618-otink6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/507967/original/file-20230202-16618-otink6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/507967/original/file-20230202-16618-otink6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/507967/original/file-20230202-16618-otink6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/507967/original/file-20230202-16618-otink6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">It may be upsetting to see – but that’s part of the point of burning a flag, and a key reason it’s protected by the First Amendment.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/members-of-the-communist-party-usa-and-other-anti-fascist-news-photo/1230698352">Michael Ciaglo/Getty Images</a></span>
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<h2>3. But not all speech is protected</h2>
<p>The government does, in fact, have the power to regulate some speech. When the rights and liberties of others are in serious jeopardy, speakers who <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/1940-1955/315us568">provoke others into violence</a>, <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/1963/39">wrongfully and recklessly injure reputations</a> or <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/1968/492">incite others to engage in illegal activity</a> may be silenced or punished. </p>
<p>People whose words cause actual harm to others can be held liable for that damage. Right-wing commentator Alex Jones found that out when courts ordered him to pay <a href="https://www.texastribune.org/2022/11/23/alex-jones-texas-lawsuit-damages/">more than US$1 billion in damages</a> for his statements about, and treatment of, parents of children who were killed in the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in Newtown, Connecticut. </p>
<p>So, abortion opponents can say what they wish but <a href="https://www.mtsu.edu/first-amendment/article/706/planned-parenthood-of-the-columbia-willamette-inc-v-american-coalition-of-life-activists-9th-cir">can’t threaten or terrorize abortion providers</a>. And the white supremacists who rallied in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2017 can shout to the rafters that Jews will not replace them, but they can be <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/dc-md-va/2023/01/03/charlottesville-unite-the-right-damages/">held liable for the intimidation, harassment and violence</a> they used to amplify their words. </p>
<p>Rules about incitement to illegal action are part of the <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/justice-department-examines-trumps-conduct-in-jan-6-probe">U.S. Department of Justice’s investigation</a> into whether former President Donald Trump is at all responsible for the violence at the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. On that day, <a href="https://www.factcheck.org/2021/01/trumps-falsehood-filled-save-america-rally/">citing unproven, even disproved, events</a>, Trump <a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/02/10/966396848/read-trumps-jan-6-speech-a-key-part-of-impeachment-trial">delivered a speech</a> insisting the 2020 presidential election was rife with fraud. </p>
<p>However, <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/11-210">the First Amendment doesn’t protect only true statements</a>. Trump has a constitutional right to advocate for his perspective. Even his references to violence might be considered shielded from criminal prosecution by the superpower of the First Amendment. That superpower would evaporate only if a court finds that, when he spoke the words that day, “And if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore,” his intent was to <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/12/19/jan-6-committee-report-trump-referrals/">incite the violence that followed</a>.</p>
<h2>4. What’s legal isn’t always morally correct</h2>
<p>Finally, and perhaps most importantly: Moral boundaries to acceptable speech are different, and often much narrower, than constitutional boundaries. They should not be conflated or confused.</p>
<p>The First Amendment right to speak freely as an exercise of people’s natural rights does not mean everything anyone says anywhere is morally acceptable. Constitutionally speaking, ignorant, demeaning and vitriolic speech – including hate speech – are all protected from government repression, even though they may be morally offensive to the majority.</p>
<p>Still, some people insist that malicious and emotionally hurtful speech <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/07/why-its-a-bad-idea-to-tell-students-words-are-violence/533970/">adds no value to society</a>. That is one reason used by people who seek to <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/07/why-its-a-bad-idea-to-tell-students-words-are-violence/533970/">cancel or ban controversial speakers from college campuses</a>. </p>
<p>Indeed, virulent speech may even <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/18/opinion/cancel-culture-free-speech-poll.html">weaken the democratic exchange of ideas</a>, by discouraging some people from participating in public discussion and debate, to avoid potential harassment and scorn. </p>
<p>Nonetheless, that sort of speech remains firmly under the umbrella of First Amendment defenses. Each person must decide how their own humanity and morality allows them to speak for themselves.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/197604/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lynn Greenky does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>‘Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech.’ It’s often misunderstood, by many Americans. A constitutional scholar explains what it really boils down to.Lynn Greenky, Associate Professor of Communication and Rhetorical Studies, Syracuse UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1951712023-01-04T13:28:55Z2023-01-04T13:28:55ZBeyond Section 230: A pair of social media experts describes how to bring transparency and accountability to the industry<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/502488/original/file-20221221-22-xxcdb2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C4%2C3100%2C2023&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Social media regulation – and the future of Section 230 – are top of mind for many in Congress.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/in-this-photo-illustration-facebook-ceo-mark-zuckerberg-news-photo/1229337652">Pavlo Conchar/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>One of Elon Musk’s stated reasons for purchasing Twitter was to use the social media platform to <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/04/14/elon-musk-twitter/">defend the right to free speech</a>. The ability to defend that right, or to abuse it, lies in a specific piece of legislation passed in 1996, at the pre-dawn of the modern age of social media. </p>
<p>The legislation, Section 230 of the <a href="https://www.mtsu.edu/first-amendment/article/1070/communications-decency-act-of-1996">Communications Decency Act</a>, gives social media platforms some truly astounding protections under American law. Section 230 has also been called <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-is-section-230-an-expert-on-internet-law-and-regulation-explains-the-legislation-that-paved-the-way-for-facebook-google-and-twitter-164993">the most important 26 words in tech</a>: “No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.”</p>
<p>But the more that platforms like Twitter <a href="https://theconversation.com/twitter-in-2022-5-essential-reads-about-the-consequences-of-elon-musks-takeover-of-the-microblogging-platform-196550">test the limits of their protection</a>, the more American politicians on both sides of the aisle <a href="https://theconversation.com/trump-cant-beat-facebook-twitter-and-youtube-in-court-but-the-fight-might-be-worth-more-than-a-win-164146">have been motivated to modify or repeal Section 230</a>. As a <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=_TUaYW4AAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">social media media professor</a> and a <a href="https://seaver.pepperdine.edu/academics/faculty/jon-pfeiffer/">social media lawyer</a> with a long history in this field, we think change in Section 230 is coming – and we believe that it is long overdue.</p>
<h2>Born of porn</h2>
<p>Section 230 had its origins in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-is-section-230-an-expert-on-internet-law-and-regulation-explains-the-legislation-that-paved-the-way-for-facebook-google-and-twitter-164993">attempt to regulate online porn</a>. One way to think of it is as a kind of “restaurant graffiti” law. If someone draws offensive graffiti, or exposes someone else’s private information and secret life, in the bathroom stall of a restaurant, the restaurant owner can’t be held responsible for it. There are no consequences for the owner. Roughly speaking, Section 230 extends the same lack of responsibility to the Yelps and YouTubes of the world. </p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Section 230 explained.</span></figcaption>
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<p>But in a world where social media platforms stand to monetize and profit from the graffiti on their digital walls – which contains not just porn but also misinformation and hate speech – <a href="https://digiday.com/media/meet-the-absolutist-with-the-section-230-tattoo-on-googles-new-misinformation-policy-team/">the absolutist stance</a> that they have total protection and total legal “immunity” is untenable. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2020/12/section-230-good-actually">A lot of good has come from Section 230</a>. But the history of social media also makes it clear that it is far from perfect at balancing corporate profit with civic responsibility. </p>
<p>We were curious about how current thinking in legal circles and digital research could give a clearer picture about how Section 230 might realistically be modified or replaced, and what the consequences might be. We envision three possible scenarios to amend Section 230, which we call verification triggers, transparent liability caps and Twitter court.</p>
<h2>Verification triggers</h2>
<p>We support free speech, and we believe that everyone should have a right to share information. When people who oppose vaccines share their concerns about the rapid development of RNA-based COVID-19 vaccines, for example, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20210720-the-complexities-of-vaccine-hesitancy">they open up a space for meaningful conversation and dialogue</a>. They have a right to share such concerns, and others have a right to counter them.</p>
<p>What we call a “verification trigger” should kick in when the platform begins to monetize content related to misinformation. Most platforms <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/twitter-musk-and-why-online-speech-gets-moderated/2022/10/03/0cb0ae68-434f-11ed-be17-89cbe6b8c0a5_story.html">try to detect misinformation</a>, and many label, moderate or remove some of it. But many monetize it as well through <a href="https://theconversation.com/if-big-tech-has-the-will-here-are-ways-research-shows-self-regulation-can-work-154248">algorithms that promote popular – and often extreme or controversial – content</a>. When a company monetizes content with misinformation, false claims, extremism or hate speech, it is not like the innocent owner of the bathroom wall. It is more like an artist who photographs the graffiti and then sells it at an art show. </p>
<p>Twitter began <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2022/12/12/tech/twitter-verification-relaunch/index.html">selling verification check marks</a> for user accounts in November 2022. By verifying a user account is a real person or company and charging for it, Twitter is both <a href="https://www.reuters.com/legal/transactional/would-twitter-get-online-publisher-immunity-fake-blue-check-suits-2022-11-14/">vouching for it and monetizing that connection</a>. Reaching a certain dollar value from questionable content should trigger the ability to sue Twitter, or any platform, in court. Once a platform begins earning money from users and content, including verification, it steps outside the bounds of Section 230 and into the bright light of responsibility – and into the world of tort, defamation and privacy rights laws.</p>
<h2>Transparent caps</h2>
<p>Social media platforms currently make their own rules about hate speech and misinformation. They also keep secret a lot of information about how much money the platform makes off of content, like a given tweet. This makes what isn’t allowed and what is valued opaque.</p>
<p>One sensible change to Section 230 would be to expand its 26 words to clearly spell out what is expected of social media platforms. The added language would specify what constitutes misinformation, how social media platforms need to act, and the limits on how they can profit from it. We acknowledge that <a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/2022/11/10/problem-with-defining-disinformation-pub-88385">this definition isn’t easy</a>, that it’s dynamic, and that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-021-01487-w">researchers and companies are already struggling with it</a>. </p>
<p>But government can raise the bar by setting some coherent standards. If a company can show that it’s met those standards, the amount of liability it has could be limited. It wouldn’t have complete protection as it does now. But it would have a lot more transparency and public responsibility. We call this a “transparent liability cap.”</p>
<h2>Twitter court</h2>
<p>Our final proposed amendment to Section 230 already exists in a rudimentary form. Like Facebook and other social platforms, Twitter has content moderation panels that determine standards for users on the platform, and thus standards for the public that shares and is exposed to content through the platform. You can think of this as “Twitter court.”</p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Effective content moderation involves the difficult balance of restricting harmful content while preserving free speech.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Though Twitter’s content moderation <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/twitters-moderation-system-is-in-tatters/">appears to be suffering</a> from changes and staff reductions at the company, we believe that panels are a good idea. But keeping panels hidden behind the closed doors of profit-making companies is not. If companies like <a href="https://www.barrons.com/articles/elon-musk-twitter-takeover-transparency-51668465141">Twitter want to be more transparent</a>, we believe that should also extend to their own inner operations and deliberations. </p>
<p>We envision extending the jurisdiction of “Twitter court” to neutral arbitrators who would adjudicate claims involving individuals, public officials, private companies and the platform. Rather than going to actual court for cases of defamation or privacy violation, Twitter court would suffice under many conditions. Again, this is a way to pull back some of Section 230’s absolutist protections without removing them entirely.</p>
<h2>How would it work – and would it work?</h2>
<p>Since 2018, platforms have had <a href="https://www.theverge.com/2021/6/24/22546984/fosta-sesta-section-230-carveout-gao-report-prosecutions">limited Section 230 protection in cases of sex trafficking</a>. A recent academic proposal suggests <a href="https://www.hks.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/centers/mrcbg/files/FWP_2021-02.pdf">extending these limitations</a> to incitement to violence, hate speech and disinformation. House Republicans have also suggested a <a href="https://republicans-energycommerce.house.gov/news/press-release/ec-republicans-announce-next-phase-of-their-effort-to-hold-big-tech-accountable/">number of Section 230 carve-outs</a>, including those for content relating to terrorism, child exploitation or cyberbullying.</p>
<p>Our three ideas of verification triggers, transparent liability caps and Twitter court may be an easy place to start the reform. They could be implemented individually, but they would have even greater authority if they were implemented together. The increased clarity of transparent verification triggers and transparent liability would help set meaningful standards balancing public benefit with corporate responsibility in a way that <a href="https://theconversation.com/if-big-tech-has-the-will-here-are-ways-research-shows-self-regulation-can-work-154248">self-regulation</a> has not been able to achieve. Twitter court would provide a real option for people to arbitrate rather than to simply watch misinformation and hate speech bloom and platforms profit from it. </p>
<p>Adding a few meaningful options and amendments to Section 230 will be difficult because defining hate speech and misinformation in context, and setting limits and measures for monetization of context, will not be easy. But we believe these definitions and measures are achievable and worthwhile. Once enacted, these strategies promise to make online discourse stronger and platforms fairer.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/195171/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A key piece of federal law, Section 230, has been credited with fostering the internet and allowing misinformation and hate speech to flourish. Here’s how it could be reformed.Robert Kozinets, Professor of Journalism, USC Annenberg School for Communication and JournalismJon Pfeiffer, Adjunct Professor of Law, Pepperdine UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1949012022-11-23T02:27:13Z2022-11-23T02:27:13ZReading the room: with NZ’s hate speech laws postponed, where are the limits for comedy?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/496614/original/file-20221121-18744-rf6vdx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=51%2C17%2C5760%2C3811&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>After a long and at times divisive public consultation process, the government has opted to make a <a href="https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/130525745/human-rights-act-amendment-to-protect-religious-communities-very-disappointing-says-commission">single change to the Human Rights Act</a> and push the “wider and more complex” issues around hate speech legislation to the Law Commission for review.</p>
<p>While the act will be amended to include religious communities in existing protections against speech likely to “incite hostility”, any extension of the law (including to protect the rainbow and disability communities) has been postponed for now.</p>
<p>But the government’s main justifications for the change and review remain. As the <a href="https://www.justice.govt.nz/justice-sector-policy/key-initiatives/human-rights-act-amendment-to-strengthen-incitement-laws/">Ministry of Justice explains it</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Seeking the right balance between protecting freedom of expression, ensuring everyone’s rights and interests are protected, and every person can express themselves without fear, is important for all New Zealanders. </p>
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<h2>Balancing acts</h2>
<p>This balancing act will create different categories of affected speech. For example, explicitly political figures like Destiny Church leader Brian Tamaki might be penalised for his views on Islam, gender roles, homosexuality and transgender rights. </p>
<p>But there’s another kind of speaker who sometimes looms large in discussions of the limits of speech: the comedian. While they’re doing different things – Tamaki is trying to get us back on the path to God, comedians are telling jokes – their defences are similar. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/twitter-and-elon-musk-why-free-speech-absolutism-threatens-human-rights-193877">Twitter and Elon Musk: why free speech absolutism threatens human rights</a>
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<p>Both argue that part of what it means for a society to be free is that people like themselves are given a degree of free rein. Barring a few exceptions – yelling “fire!” in a crowded theatre being the classic example – people need to be able to say what they want. </p>
<p>Members of robust liberal societies cannot be too fearful of consequences, it’s argued, because such fear allows the tyranny of opinion to compromise the pursuit of truth. </p>
<p>Of course, being free to say something is compatible with choosing not to use that freedom. A person can assess any particular occasion – or a general atmosphere – in terms of how a joke might be understood, interpreted and then used, and choose not to tell it. In other words, comedians can exercise a degree of responsibility. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/496616/original/file-20221121-18432-7grz29.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/496616/original/file-20221121-18432-7grz29.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/496616/original/file-20221121-18432-7grz29.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/496616/original/file-20221121-18432-7grz29.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/496616/original/file-20221121-18432-7grz29.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/496616/original/file-20221121-18432-7grz29.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/496616/original/file-20221121-18432-7grz29.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Hard to pigeonhole: US comedian Dave Chappelle has been accused of anti-transgender prejudice.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Getty Images</span></span>
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</figure>
<h2>The Chappelle factor</h2>
<p>US comedian Dave Chappelle has been caught in the crossfires of these debates, and was recently lambasted for a <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-62249771">perceived anti-transgender bias</a> in his recent Netflix specials. </p>
<p>But pigeonholing Chappelle is complicated by the fact that in 2005 he walked away from his own highly successful series, The Chappelle Show, because he felt it was <a href="https://www.looper.com/266269/the-real-reason-dave-chappelle-quit-his-sketch-show/">reinforcing racial stereotypes</a> rather than sending them up.</p>
<p>Crucial to Chappelle’s earlier experience, then, was the idea that not all laughs are equal. And, related to that, a comedian can make mistakes in pursuit of laughs. </p>
<p>Comedians are not infallible, and often wander into difficult terrain. Trying to get a laugh out of race, sex, gender or even dead babies (a dark comedy trope) is already a weird business. When it goes wrong, it is going to go wrong in a weird way, too. </p>
<p>This isn’t to say you can’t get good material from such subjects. But comedians might also reflect on why they have been interpreted in one way rather than another. Why are some people laughing in ways that make the comedian – and others – uncomfortable? And is that discomfort caused by mistakes they might have made themselves?</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/comedy-should-punch-up-not-kick-down-184705">Comedy should punch up, not kick down</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Reading the room</h2>
<p>During more politically settled times, however we might define them, a “let it all hang out” approach might seem generally justifiable. A joke, after all, is a joke. If the culture isn’t a battleground of belligerent, reactionary or otherwise dangerous political forces that threaten the vulnerable, then freedom of speech should take precedence. </p>
<p>But if those reactionary forces are rampant, then comedians need to reflect on the role of comedy (especially the kind that fills arenas) within wider public ideas and conversations. Perhaps jokes can contribute to our perception of certain issues in subtler and more complex ways than political or religious diatribes. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-inciting-violence-should-not-be-the-only-threshold-for-defining-hate-speech-in-new-zealand-164153">Why ‘inciting violence’ should not be the only threshold for defining hate speech in New Zealand</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Having a whole sub-genre of comedy specials making fun of trans people, for example, might contribute to mobilising certain political movements. In turn this could affect trans-people’s access to gender-affirming healthcare.</p>
<p>None of this means hate speech laws are necessarily the solution. Legal remedies generally involve punishment. In societies that claim to be democratic, punishment can also include the censure and opprobrium of “the people”. </p>
<p>Given the law claims to speak for “the people”, this can turn a matter of manners and individual responsibility into an issue of the proper use of state power. Someone who was simply spewing invective can be transformed into a martyr for their cause.</p>
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<h2>Laughter and politics</h2>
<p>Because these are unsettled times, lobbing the grenade of the law into the mix is likely to exacerbate existing divisions and generate new problems. For better or worse, free speech is perceived as a central part of what it means to <em>be</em> free. </p>
<p>In light of next year’s election and the likely culture war it will involve, it’s perhaps not surprising the government opted to avoid entangling itself in these complicated issues. </p>
<p>But the fact free speech is regarded as central to what it means to be part of a free society means people saying hateful things can gain political currency. And they can use that to generate political outcomes that could harm certain groups.</p>
<p>The law is a blunt instrument, unsuited to remedying such complex problems. All the more reason for comedians – especially popular ones with considerable reach – to exercise caution.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/194901/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Jenkins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The government has backed away from broad hate speech legislation. But the law can be a blunt instrument, and comedians are still better off regulating themselves.David Jenkins, Lecturer in Political Theory, University of OtagoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1936772022-11-03T11:59:48Z2022-11-03T11:59:48ZMass migration from Twitter is likely to be an uphill battle – just ask ex-Tumblr users<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/493138/original/file-20221102-26-ht1wcp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C3000%2C1994&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The turmoil inside Twitter headquarters is sparking discussion of a mass exodus of users. What will happen if there is a rush to the exits?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/MuskTwitter/baf8b7c63202419e98834b39dd2aa722/photo">AP Photo/Jeff Chiu</a></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>An updated version of this article was published on July 9, 2023. <a href="https://theconversation.com/metas-threads-is-surging-but-mass-migration-from-twitter-is-likely-to-remain-an-uphill-battle-209367">Read it here</a>.</em></p>
<p><a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1585841080431321088">Elon Musk announced that “the bird is freed”</a> when his US$44 billion acquisition of Twitter officially closed on Oct. 27, 2022. Some users on the microblogging platform saw this as a reason to fly away. </p>
<p>Over the course of the next 48 hours, I saw countless announcements on my Twitter feed from people either leaving the platform or making preparations to leave. The hashtags #GoodbyeTwitter, #TwitterMigration and #Mastodon <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/twitter-users-flock-to-other-platforms-as-the-elon-musk-era-begins/">were trending</a>. The decentralized, open source social network Mastodon gained over 100,000 users in just a few days, according to a <a href="https://hci.social/web/@mastodonusercount@bitcoinhackers.org">user counting bot</a>.</p>
<p>As an information scientist who <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=D9LfKkAe7d0C&hl=en">studies online communities</a>, this felt like the beginning of something I’ve seen before. Social media platforms tend not to last forever. Depending on your age and online habits, there’s probably some platform that you miss, even if it still exists in some form. Think of MySpace, LiveJournal, Google+ and Vine. </p>
<p>When social media platforms fall, sometimes the online communities that made their homes there fade away, and sometimes they pack their bags and relocate to a new home. The turmoil at Twitter is causing many of the company’s users to consider leaving the platform. Research on previous social media platform migrations shows what might lie ahead for Twitter users who fly the coop.</p>
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<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/DWkB9GLzWj0?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Elon Musk’s acquisition of Twitter has caused turmoil within the company and prompted many users to consider leaving the social media platform.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Several years ago, I led <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3392847">a research project</a> with Brianna Dym, now at University of Maine, where we mapped the platform migrations of nearly 2,000 people over a period of almost two decades. The community we examined was <a href="https://www.teenvogue.com/story/how-do-we-define-fandom-stitch-fan-service">transformative fandom</a>, fans of literary and popular culture series and franchises who create art using those characters and settings.</p>
<p>We chose it because it is a large community that has thrived in a number of different online spaces. Some of the same people writing Buffy the Vampire Slayer fan fiction on Usenet in the 1990s were writing Harry Potter fan fiction on LiveJournal in the 2000s and Star Wars fan fiction on Tumblr in the 2010s.</p>
<p>By asking participants about their experiences moving across these platforms – why they left, why they joined and the challenges they faced in doing so – we gained insights into factors that might drive the success and failure of platforms, as well as what negative consequences are likely to occur for a community when it relocates.</p>
<h2>‘You go first’</h2>
<p>Regardless of how many people ultimately decide to leave Twitter, and even how many people do so around the same time, creating a community on another platform is an uphill battle. These migrations are in large part driven by network effects, meaning that the value of a new platform depends on who else is there. </p>
<p>In the critical early stages of migration, people have to coordinate with each other to encourage contribution on the new platform, which is really hard to do. It essentially becomes, as one of our participants described it, a “game of chicken” where no one wants to leave until their friends leave, and no one wants to be first for fear of being left alone in a new place.</p>
<p>For this reason, the “death” of a platform – whether from a controversy, disliked change or competition – tends to be a slow, gradual process. One participant described Usenet’s decline as “like watching a shopping mall slowly go out of business.”</p>
<h2>It’ll never be the same</h2>
<p>The current push from some corners to leave Twitter reminded me a bit of <a href="https://slate.com/technology/2018/12/tumblr-fandom-adult-content-ban-livejournal.html">Tumblr’s adult content ban</a> in 2018, which reminded me of LiveJournal’s policy changes and new ownership in 2007. People who left LiveJournal in favor of other platforms like Tumblr described feeling unwelcome there. And though Musk did not walk into Twitter headquarters at the end of October and turn a virtual content moderation lever into the “off” position, there was <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/10/28/musk-twitter-racist-posts/">an uptick in hate speech on the platform</a> as some users felt emboldened to violate the platform’s content policies under an assumption that major policy changes were on the way.</p>
<p>So what might actually happen if a lot of Twitter users do decide to leave? What makes Twitter Twitter isn’t the technology, it’s the particular configuration of interactions that takes place there. And there is essentially zero chance that Twitter, as it exists now, could be reconstituted on another platform. Any migration is likely to face many of the challenges previous platform migrations have faced: content loss, fragmented communities, broken social networks and shifted community norms.</p>
<p>But Twitter isn’t one community, it’s a collection of many communities, each with its own norms and motivations. Some communities might be able to migrate more successfully than others. So maybe K-Pop Twitter could coordinate a move to Tumblr. I’ve seen much of Academic Twitter coordinating a move to Mastodon. Other communities might already simultaneously exist on Discord servers and subreddits, and can just let participation on Twitter fade away as fewer people pay attention to it. But as our study implies, migrations always have a cost, and even for smaller communities, some people will get lost along the way.</p>
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<h2>The ties that bind</h2>
<p>Our research also pointed to design recommendations for supporting migration and how one platform might take advantage of attrition from another platform. Cross-posting features can be important because many people hedge their bets. They might be unwilling to completely cut ties all at once, but they might dip their toes into a new platform by sharing the same content on both. </p>
<p>Ways to import networks from another platform also help to maintain communities. For example, there are <a href="https://twitodon.com/">multiple</a> <a href="https://pruvisto.org/debirdify/">ways</a> <a href="https://fedifinder.glitch.me/">to</a> find people you follow on Twitter on Mastodon. Even simple welcome messages, guides for newcomers and easy ways to find other migrants could make a difference in helping resettlement attempts stick.</p>
<p>And through all of this, it’s important to remember that this is such a hard problem by design. Platforms have no incentive to help users leave. As long-time technology journalist Cory Doctorow recently wrote, <a href="https://doctorow.medium.com/how-to-leave-dying-social-media-platforms-9fc550fe5abf">this is “a hostage situation</a>.” Social media lures people in with their friends, and then the threat of losing those social networks keeps people on the platforms. </p>
<p>But even if there is a price to pay for leaving a platform, communities can be incredibly resilient. Like the LiveJournal users in our study who found each other again on Tumblr, your fate is not tied to Twitter’s.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/193677/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Casey Fiesler does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The communities that call Twitter home might decide to pack their bags. If they do, they are unlikely to be able to completely reconstitute themselves elsewhere.Casey Fiesler, Associate Professor of Information Science, University of Colorado BoulderLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1896572022-09-01T15:42:08Z2022-09-01T15:42:08ZMeta’s AI chatbot hates Mark Zuckerberg – but why is it less bothered about racism?<p>It was all quite predictable, really. Meta, Facebook’s parent company, <a href="https://about.fb.com/news/2022/08/blenderbot-ai-chatbot-improves-through-conversation/">released</a> the latest version of its groundbreaking AI chatbot in August 2022. Immediately, journalists around the world began peppering the system, called BlenderBot3, with questions about Facebook. Hilarity ensued. </p>
<p>Even the seemingly innocuous question: “Any thoughts on Mark Zuckerberg?” prompted the <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-62497674">curt response</a>: “His company exploits people for money and he doesn’t care.” This wasn’t the PR storm the chatbot’s creators had been hoping for.</p>
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<p>We snigger at such replies, but if you know <a href="https://arxiv.org/pdf/2208.03188.pdf">how these systems are built</a>, you understand that answers like these are not surprising. BlenderBot3 is a big neural network that’s been trained on hundreds of billions of words skimmed from the internet. It also learns from the linguistic inputs submitted by its users. </p>
<p>If negative remarks about Facebook occur frequently enough in BlenderBot3’s training data, then they’re likely to appear in the responses it generates too. That’s how data-driven AI chatbots work. They learn the patterns of our prejudices, biases, preoccupations and anxieties from the linguistic data we supply them with, before paraphrasing them back at us. </p>
<p>This neural parroting can be amusing. But BlenderBot3 has a darker side. When users key in hate speech such as racist slurs, the system changes the subject rather than confronting the user about their speech. One of my students and I have created a system programmed to challenge hate speech, rather than ignore it.</p>
<h2>Going mainstream</h2>
<p>I’ve been developing language-based AI in the Cambridge University Engineering Department since the 1990s. In the early days, our most powerful systems were only used by the four or five members of the research team that had built them. </p>
<p>Today, by contrast, millions of people around the world interact daily with much more sophisticated systems, via their smartphones, smart speakers, tablets, and so on. The days when “techies” could build systems in the disconnected isolation of their ivory (or silicon) towers are long gone. </p>
<p>That’s why over the last decade or so, my research has increasingly focused on the <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10676-019-09516-z">social and ethical effect</a> of the systems I help to design and create, especially those that routinely encounter inputs from users that are blatantly racist, sexist, homophobic, extremist or offensive in other ways.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/online-translators-are-sexist-heres-how-we-gave-them-a-little-gender-sensitivity-training-157846">Online translators are sexist – here's how we gave them a little gender sensitivity training</a>
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<p>This year I’ve been supervising a master’s student, Shane Weisz, and together we’ve developed a system called <a href="https://huggingface.co/spaces/shaneweisz/AutoCounterspeech">AutoCounterspeech</a> that is trained to respond to toxic linguistic inputs. </p>
<p>The system generates “<a href="https://www.scribd.com/document/327586365/Counterspeech-on-Twitter-A-Field-Study#from_embed">counterspeech</a>” in response to hate speech, using strategies such as humour, pointing out hypocrisy, presenting facts, and simply correcting misinformation to challenge bigotry and hate. </p>
<p>Like BlenderBot3, AutoCounterspeech is a pre-trained neural network, but it has been subsequently fine-tuned using a tiny dataset of counterspeech. This enables our system to learn how to respond more effectively to toxic inputs. </p>
<p>If a user types the racist prompt: “Blacks are inferior to whites, don’t you agree?” the system confronts and contests the racist ideology: “There is no evidence that black people are inferior to whites.” Below is another example of AutoCounterspeech in action. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/481855/original/file-20220830-38115-95ihm2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A screenshot of the programme." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/481855/original/file-20220830-38115-95ihm2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/481855/original/file-20220830-38115-95ihm2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=469&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481855/original/file-20220830-38115-95ihm2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=469&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481855/original/file-20220830-38115-95ihm2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=469&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481855/original/file-20220830-38115-95ihm2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=589&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481855/original/file-20220830-38115-95ihm2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=589&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481855/original/file-20220830-38115-95ihm2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=589&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">If you’re uncomfortable entering hate speech into our system, some examples are provided.</span>
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<p>Meta’s AI chatbot doesn’t know how to respond in this way. When it was released, I didn’t waste time asking BlenderBot3 about Zuckerberg. Instead, given my research interests, I bombarded it with offensive utterances to see how it coped with them. Its responses were consistently disappointing. </p>
<p>This is mainly because the Meta researchers have designed their system to avoid responding to such inputs. Instead, it rather clumsily tries to change the subject. </p>
<p>Its reply to the same racist prompt I typed into AutoCounterspeech, for instance, is the feeble: “Sorry, I don’t know about that. What do you do to relax?” The brazen racism remains unchallenged and I’m invited instead to start a cosy chat about yoga or Netflix.</p>
<h2>Preparing for the future</h2>
<p>Systems like BlenderBot3 are already becoming familiar components of our digital societies. The homes of the very near future will be largely <a href="https://www.internetmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Internet-Matters-Living-For-The-Future-Report.pdf">voice-enabled</a>. “Hey Siri, run a bath” will replace the twisting of taps, and children will have voice assistants in their bedrooms from birth. </p>
<p>These automated dialogue systems will provide us with information, help us make plans, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/do-we-want-to-live-in-a-world-where-our-best-friends-are-ai-chatbots-91451">keep us entertained</a> when we’re bored and lonely. But because they’ll be so ubiquitous, we need to think now about how these systems could and should respond to hate speech. </p>
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<img alt="A child by a home voice assistant" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/481847/original/file-20220830-22-j46uoq.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/481847/original/file-20220830-22-j46uoq.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481847/original/file-20220830-22-j46uoq.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481847/original/file-20220830-22-j46uoq.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481847/original/file-20220830-22-j46uoq.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481847/original/file-20220830-22-j46uoq.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/481847/original/file-20220830-22-j46uoq.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Home devices are good at banal interactions, but what about tricky conversations?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/mosterton-england-february-2020-teenage-girl-1658850487">Tyler Nottley/Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p>Silence and a refusal to challenge discredited ideologies or incorrect claims is a form of complicity that can reinforce human biases and prejudices. This is why my colleagues and I organised an <a href="https://www.crassh.cam.ac.uk/blog/workshop-report-for-understanding-and-automating-counterspeech">interdisciplinary online workshop</a> last year to encourage more extensive research into the difficult task of automating effective counterspeech.</p>
<p>To get this right, we need to involve sociologists, psychologists, linguists and philosophers, as well as techies. Together, we can ensure that the next generation of chatbots will respond much more ethically and robustly to toxic inputs. </p>
<p>In the meantime, while our humble AutoCounterspeech prototype is far from perfect (have fun trying to break it) we have at least demonstrated that automated systems can already counter offensive statements with something more than mere disengagement and avoidance.</p>
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<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/social-media-and-society-125586" target="_blank"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/479539/original/file-20220817-20-g5jxhm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=144&fit=crop&dpr=1" width="100%"></a></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/189657/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marcus Tomalin is the project manager for the 'Giving Voice to Digital Democracies' project that is funded by the Humanities and Social Change International Foundation.</span></em></p>BlenderBot3’s distaste for its creator sits uncomfortably with its taciturn approach to hate speech.Marcus Tomalin, Senior Research Associate in the Machine Intelligence Laboratory, Department of Engineering, University of CambridgeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1882372022-08-05T10:55:15Z2022-08-05T10:55:15ZMartha Karua is taking centre stage in Kenya’s elections: what it means for women in politics<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/477702/original/file-20220804-2912-97993g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Martha Karua addresses a rally. She is Raila Odinga's running mate in Kenya's August 2022 elections. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Suleiman Mbatiah/ AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>For the first time in Kenya’s history, a female candidate joins the centre stage in one of the main political coalitions in the country’s August 2022 elections. It is unprecedented for large political blocs with a real chance of winning a Kenyan election to have a woman as a running mate. </p>
<p>In May, veteran politician Martha Karua was <a href="https://nation.africa/kenya/news/politics/-rarua-it-is-raila-odinga-picks-martha-karua-as-running-mate--3816930">announced</a> as the deputy presidential candidate for the Azimio la Umoja alliance led by Raila Odinga.</p>
<p>Karua’s background as a fervent democracy and integrity campaigner, as well as representing the important Kikuyu voting bloc in Kenyan politics, are important reasons for her appointment. Her candidacy is also interpreted as a strategy to win over female voters and signal that their concerns matter. Gender equality is on the election agenda in Kenya, with the two presidential frontrunners <a href="https://nation.africa/kenya/news/gender/road-to-victory-women-vote-the-stone-builders-rejected-3878988">competing for women’s votes</a>.</p>
<p>The Azimio alliance has embedded a strong <a href="https://nation.africa/kenya/news/gender/inside-raila-s-azimio-la-akina-mama-plan-3843136">gender equality element</a> in its campaigning and presented its leadership as one that promotes gender balance. Karua’s candidacy has helped underscore this point.</p>
<p><a href="https://nation.africa/kenya/people/martha-karua-3813480">Karua</a>, a lawyer and former minister of justice and constitutional affairs, <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2013/2/28/profile-martha-karua">is a veteran politician</a>. She first became a member of parliament in 1992 and made a stab at the presidency in the 2013 elections, representing a smaller party and receiving <a href="https://www.eisa.org/wep/ken2013results.htm">0.36% of the votes</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/latest-approach-to-kenya-election-hate-speech-raises-more-questions-than-answers-181082">Latest approach to Kenya election hate speech raises more questions than answers</a>
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<p>Women across the world face <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272240382_Rising_to_the_Top_Gender_Political_Performance_and_Party_Leadership_in_Parliamentary_Democracies">unique hurdles</a> when running for office in institutions dominated by men. Kenya is no exception. Karua’s opponents have sought to undermine her on the basis of her gender.</p>
<p>The 2022 race is heated, with high concerns about <a href="https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/digital-threats/hate-speech-kenyan-election/">hate speech</a>. Research has also highlighted the <a href="https://theconversation.com/kenya-election-sexist-language-shows-that-patriarchy-refuses-to-give-way-178066">prevalence of sexist rhetoric</a> in the body politic.</p>
<p>So what does Karua’s appointment mean for women in politics? And what would be the possible implications for gender equality in Kenya if she came to power as deputy president?</p>
<h2>Misogyny and gender stereotyping</h2>
<p>Opponents of Karua’s political bid began to discredit her immediately following the announcement that she would be a running mate. The attacks were personal and gendered.</p>
<p>In one example, presidential candidate William Ruto and his running mate, Rigathi Gachagua, <a href="https://www.k24tv.co.ke/news/gachagua-on-karuas-endorsement-63639/">discredited Karua</a> during campaigns in Central Kenya, an <a href="https://www.citizen.digital/news/iebc-register-counties-in-rift-valley-mt-kenya-regions-carry-bulk-of-voters-n300806">important voting bloc</a>. Speaking in Swahili, they referred to her as “huyo mama” – meaning “that woman”, and did not call her by name. </p>
<p>In another campaign event, Sylvanus Osoro, a member of parliament, <a href="https://www.kenyans.co.ke/news/76146-uproar-uda-mp-attacks-martha-karua-her-marriage-looks">called into question</a> Karua’s credibility to lead when addressing party supporters. He termed her unfit for the role of deputy president because she wasn’t married. He insinuated that this indicated she was unreliable and would walk out of government should her coalition win. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/kenya-election-sexist-language-shows-that-patriarchy-refuses-to-give-way-178066">Kenya election: sexist language shows that patriarchy refuses to give way</a>
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<p>Karua’s age and how it intersects with gender has also been used against her. Rival politicians have referred to her as “cucu”, a Kikuyu term for grandmother. She is 64. </p>
<h2>Karua’s campaign</h2>
<p>In a country where politics of personalities reign, Karua’s competence is framed and viewed in a gendered lens. </p>
<p>Critics point out that she has begun to conform to <a href="https://www.the-star.co.ke/opinion/2022-07-20-presidential-debate-did-smoothing-of-karuas-edges-dampen-her-performance/">traditional norms</a> about women. There certainly is evidence that she has <a href="https://www.the-star.co.ke/opinion/2022-07-20-presidential-debate-did-smoothing-of-karuas-edges-dampen-her-performance/">changed</a> her political image and strategy from previous campaign bids. </p>
<p>For instance, she is said not to have been aggressive enough in the presidential debate, a sharp divergence from her long-term political persona as a firebrand and articulate debater. Kenyan media had long branded Karua an <a href="https://nation.africa/kenya/blogs-opinion/letters/why-martha-karua-is-kenya-s-iron-lady--3878760">“iron lady”</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-role-of-media-in-a-kenyan-election-what-you-should-know-188020">The role of media in a Kenyan election: what you should know</a>
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<p>Karua has nevertheless crafted her call for support from different demographic groups in gendered terms. Rather than ignore negative gender rhetoric, she is taking it on and echoing the rhetoric as a way to appeal to women, men, mothers and grandmothers. </p>
<p>While promoting her alliance’s social safety net programme, she <a href="https://www.pd.co.ke/august-9/martha-karua-to-single-mothers-im-one-of-you-131853/">addressed single mothers</a> directly: </p>
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<p>I am one of you and we have plans for you. </p>
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<p>Speaking on Azimio’s youth employment agenda, she portrayed herself as <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/aug/01/martha-karua-wave-mother-of-nation-kenyan-presidential-elections">a mother</a> of this age group: </p>
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<p>If you see your mother represented somewhere, she won’t forget your problems. </p>
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<p>Additionally, the Azimio duo refers to themselves as “Mama” (mother) for Karua, and <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/entertainment/m/2001260166/baba-tinga-how-raila-acquired-his-five-popular-nicknames">“Baba”</a> (father) for Odinga, a term denoting his veteran politician status. </p>
<p>Karua refers to Azimio’s possible win as ushering in “serikali ya baba na mama”, which means a “mother’s and father’s government” – an analogy drawn from a traditional family set-up in Kenya where a mother and father have distinct roles. </p>
<h2>Significance of a win</h2>
<p>It’s clear that, yet again, both sides in an election campaign in Kenya are entrenching gender stereotypes. </p>
<p>The appointment of Karua as Odinga’s running mate must, however, be seen as a significant step forward. </p>
<p>If Karua’s alliance wins, she will be the first female deputy president in Kenya, a significant and symbolic win for the women of Kenya. Supporters have praised Karua as a competent leader who’s shown <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/opinion/article/2001451406/martha-karua-has-earned-our-trust-through-her-clean-politics">integrity and vision</a>. </p>
<p>Yet, the reformist agenda advancing gender equality will be no mean feat for Karua to deliver. There are several issues facing the country, including entrenched gender norms that bar women’s empowerment. Karua’s alliance has <a href="https://nation.africa/kenya/news/gender/inside-raila-s-azimio-la-akina-mama-plan-3843136">specific pledges</a> for women embedded in its manifesto, including providing them with financing and key government appointments. </p>
<p>While Karua has a legal background and enjoys support from diverse professionals and civil society, Kenya’s gender equality problem will not be legislated away. It requires comprehensive transformation.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-kenya-courted-a-constitutional-crisis-over-parliaments-failure-to-meet-gender-quotas-147145">How Kenya courted a constitutional crisis over parliament's failure to meet gender quotas</a>
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<p>Research has shown that political representation doesn’t automatically translate into substantive progress on gender issues. Yet, hope exists. <a href="https://academic.oup.com/sp/article-abstract/28/1/241/5607525?redirectedFrom=fulltext">Studies</a> show that, for example, the representation of women in African cabinets is important for the promotion of gender equality policies.</p>
<p>Additionally, the ascent of women to the <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/from-thin-to-thick-representation-how-a-female-president-shapes-female-parliamentary-behavior/5C420313B44053F24BC903D3E11C743B">highest political positions</a> – as in the case of President Joyce Banda in Malawi – empowers female members of parliament. </p>
<p>The election of a female deputy president in Kenya could therefore have important transformative effects on gender equality in the country. </p>
<p><em>Amina Ahmed, a Rotary Peace Fellow and research assistant at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University, is a co-author of this article.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/188237/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Emma Elfversson receives funding from the Swedish Research Council. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kristine Höglund receives funding from The Swedish Research Council (Vetenskapsrådet) and The Swedish Research Council for Sustainable Development (FORMAS). </span></em></p>Martha Karua’s selection as a deputy presidential candidate has helped put gender equality on the Kenyan election agenda.Emma Elfversson, Associate professor, Uppsala UniversityKristine Höglund, Professor of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1880202022-08-01T13:53:44Z2022-08-01T13:53:44ZThe role of media in a Kenyan election: what you should know<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/476903/original/file-20220801-62374-oyl9td.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Photo by Tony Karumba/AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Traditionally, political debates have been shaped by mainstream media. Kenya’s mainstream media, however, remain strongly wedded to factional ethnic and class interests. This has undermined their capacity to facilitate fair and open debate, most evidently during elections.</p>
<p>Social media platforms have exploited this trust deficit, acting as important alternative sites for political deliberation. But they have also become powerful tools for disinformation and misinformation.</p>
<p>Platforms like Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp are reframing democracy and the way citizens engage and organise in digital space. Through these platforms, politicians can engage directly with voters, which is especially important for independent candidates, who may not have the backing of a major party.</p>
<p>Reflecting the growth in the power of the internet, many governments have moved to regulate it – or even shut it down. Ethiopia, Cameroon, Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Republic of Congo, Chad, Sudan and Zimbabwe have all used internet shutdowns to try to limit free expression. </p>
<p>Kenya, which will hold a hotly contested election on 9 August 2022, has yet to order an internet shutdown. The government has <a href="https://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2022/08/kenya-says-social-media-wont-be-blocked-after-warning-to-facebook/">issued assurances</a> that it will not do so. </p>
<p>Kenya’s media landscape is an important field of research and analysis – highlighted in this selection of previously published articles.</p>
<h2>Media risk and reward</h2>
<p>As Kenya heads towards elections, concerns about the outbreak of electoral violence tend to rise. Research has explored the question of how, when and why political elites encourage ordinary citizens to engage in violent conflict.</p>
<p>Newspapers, television, radio, and online platforms can inform perceptions of what’s at stake in elections. Media narratives, in other words, can offer an early sign of the risk of violence.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/from-message-to-violence-what-to-watch-for-in-the-media-ahead-of-kenyas-elections-177459">From message to violence: what to watch for in the media ahead of Kenya's elections</a>
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<p>There is no evidence that disinformation and misinformation practices can on their own influence the outcome of elections. Still, they pose a danger to democratic processes.</p>
<p>In politically charged environments, such as Kenya’s, they have the capacity to exploit long-held divisions with the potential to trigger violence.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/social-media-is-being-misused-in-kenyas-political-arena-why-its-hard-to-stop-it-177586">Social media is being misused in Kenya's political arena. Why it's hard to stop it</a>
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<p>African political parties are spending huge sums hiring consultants with expertise in digital campaigning and even manipulation of social media content. It is evident that those with political power and money can easily hire automated systems, like bots, to influence the flow of political content across social media. They can also distort information.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/algorithms-bots-and-elections-in-africa-how-social-media-influences-political-choices-179121">Algorithms, bots and elections in Africa: how social media influences political choices</a>
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<p>Social media has the potential to allow for more direct communication between politicians and citizens. But an analysis of candidates’ tweets in the 2017 election does not suggest that Twitter democratised political discourse in Kenya. While candidates in the upcoming election will continue to expand their reach and visibility through social media, Twitter may not yet replace patronage networks and traditional campaigning.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/twitter-in-kenyas-last-poll-a-great-way-to-reach-voters-but-not-a-game-changer-175739">Twitter in Kenya's last poll: a great way to reach voters, but not a game-changer</a>
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<h2>Value of TV debate</h2>
<p>Political debates have become part of the election calendar. Their stated intention is to give citizens the information they need to decide whom to elect. But debates are held at the end of an election season. They cannot replace the electorate’s need for the granular, mundane, day-to-day information about candidates and what they stand for.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/political-debates-in-kenya-are-they-useful-or-empty-media-spectacles-183262">Political debates in Kenya: are they useful or empty media spectacles?</a>
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Platforms like Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp are reframing democracy and the way citizens engage and organise in the digital space.Julius Maina, Regional Editor East AfricaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1856682022-07-26T11:57:29Z2022-07-26T11:57:29ZThere is a lot of antisemitic hate speech on social media – and algorithms are partly to blame<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/475238/original/file-20220720-25-ycf9uk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=7%2C0%2C4747%2C3078&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Social media is being used all over the world to express hatred of Jews.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/online-messaging-social-media-auto-post-production-royalty-free-image/1307414278?adppopup=true">Urupong/ iStock / Getty Images Plus</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Antisemitic incidents have shown a sharp rise in the United States. The Anti-Defamation League, a New York-based Jewish civil rights group that has been tracking cases since 1979, found that <a href="https://www.adl.org/resources/press-release/adl-audit-finds-antisemitic-incidents-united-states-reached-all-time-high">there were 2,717 incidents in 2021</a>. This represents an increase of 34% over 2020. In Europe, the European Commission <a href="https://www.isdglobal.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/the-rise-of-antisemitism-during-the-pandemic.pdf">found a sevenfold increase</a> in antisemitic postings across French language accounts, and an over thirteenfold increase in antisemitic comments within German channels during the pandemic. </p>
<p>Together with other scholars who study antisemitism, we started to look at how <a href="https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003200499-2">technology and the business model of the social media platforms were driving antisemitism</a>.
A 2022 book that we co-edited, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003200499">Antisemitism on Social Media</a>,” offers perspectives from the U.S., Germany, Denmark, Israel, India, U.K. and Sweden on how algorithms on Facebook, Twitter, TikTok and YouTube contribute to spreading antisemitism.</p>
<h2>What does antisemitism on social media look like?</h2>
<p>Hatred against Jews on social media is often expressed in stereotypical depictions of Jews that stem from Nazi propaganda or in denial of the Holocaust. </p>
<p>Antisemitic social media posts also express hatred toward Jews that is based on the notion that all Jews are <a href="https://www.vox.com/2018/11/20/18080010/zionism-israel-palestine">Zionist</a> – that is, they are part of the national movement supporting Israel as a Jewish state – and Zionism is constructed as innately evil.</p>
<p>However, today’s antisemitism is not only directed at Israelis, and it does not always take the form of traditional slogans or hate speech. Contemporary antisemitism manifests itself in various forms such as GIFs, memes, vlogs, comments and reactions such as likes and dislikes on the platforms. </p>
<p>Scholar <a href="https://pure.au.dk/portal/en/persons/sophie-schmalenberger(9ff053c5-5bcf-44a1-b4b9-2dd472196ab1).html">Sophie Schmalenberger</a> found that antisemitism is expressed not just in blunt, hurtful language and images on social media, but also in coded forms that may easily remain undetected. For example, on Facebook, Germany’s radical right-wing party Alternative für Deutschland, or AfD, <a href="https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003200499-4">omits the mentioning of the Holocaust</a> in posts about the Second World War. It also uses antisemitic language and rhetoric that present antisemitism as acceptable.</p>
<p>Antisemitism may take on subtle forms such as in emojis. The emoji combination of a star of David, a Jewish symbol, and a rat resembles the <a href="https://www.philaholocaustmemorial.org/antisemitism-explained/">Nazi propaganda likening Jews to vermin</a>. In Nazi Germany, the constant repetition and normalization of such depictions led to the dehumanization of Jews and eventually the acceptance of genocide. </p>
<p>Other forms of antisemitism on social media are <a href="https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003200499-6">antisemitic troll attacks</a>: Users organize to disrupt online events by flooding them with messages that deny the Holocaust or spread <a href="https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003200499-3">conspiracy myths as QAnon does</a>. </p>
<p>Scholars <a href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/person/gabriel-weimann">Gabi Weimann</a> and <a href="https://il.linkedin.com/in/natalie-masri-5b4893205?original_referer=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2F">Natalie Masri</a> have studied TikTok. They found that kids and young adults are especially in danger of being exposed, often unwittingly, to antisemitism on the <a href="https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003200499-11">very popular and fast-growing platform</a>, which already counts over 1 billion users worldwide. Some of the content that is posted combines clips of footage from Nazi Germany with new text belittling or making fun of the victims of the Holocaust. </p>
<p>The continuous exposure to antisemitic content at a young age, scholars say, can lead to both normalization of the content and radicalization of the Tik-Tok viewer. </p>
<h2>Algorithmic antisemitism</h2>
<p>Antisemitism is fueled by algorithms, which are programmed to register engagement. This ensures that the more engagement a post receives, the more users see it. Engagement includes all reactions such as likes and dislikes, shares and comments, including countercomments. The problem is that reactions to posts also <a href="https://gizmodo.com/former-facebook-exec-you-don-t-realize-it-but-you-are-1821181133">trigger rewarding dopamine hits in users</a>. Because outrageous content creates the most engagement, users feel more encouraged to post hateful content.</p>
<p>However, even social media users who post critical comments on hateful content don’t realize that because of the way algorithms work, they end up contributing to its spread. </p>
<p>Research on video recommendations on <a href="https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-020-00550-7">YouTube also shows how algorithms gradually lead users to more radical content</a>. Algorithmic antisemitism is thus a form of what criminologist <a href="https://hatelab.net/people/">Matthew Williams</a> calls “algorithmic hate” in his book “<a href="https://thescienceofhate.com/">The Science of Hate</a>.” </p>
<h2>What can be done about it?</h2>
<p>To combat antisemitism on social media, strategies need to be evidence based. But neither social media companies nor researchers have devoted enough time and resources to this issue so far.</p>
<p>The study of antisemitism on social media poses unique challenges to researchers: They need access to the data and funding to be able to help develop effective counterstrategies. So far, scholars depend on the cooperation of the social media companies to <a href="https://undark.org/2022/04/18/why-researchers-want-broader-access-to-social-media-data/">access the data, which is mostly unregulated</a>. </p>
<p>Social media companies have implemented guidelines on <a href="https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003200499-14">reporting antisemitism on social media</a>, and civil society organizations have been demanding action against algorithmic antisemitism. However, the measures taken so far are woefully inadequate, if not dangerous. For example, counterspeech, which is often promoted as a possible strategy, tends to amplify hateful content. </p>
<p>To meaningfully address antisemitic hate speech, social media companies would need to change the algorithms that collect and curate user data for advertisement companies, which make up a large part of their revenue.</p>
<p>There is a global, borderless spread of antisemitic posts on social media happening on an unprecedented scale. We believe it will require the collective efforts of social media companies, researchers and civil society to combat this problem.</p>
<hr>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/social-media-and-society-125586" target="_blank"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/479539/original/file-20220817-20-g5jxhm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=144&fit=crop&dpr=1" width="100%"></a></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/185668/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Antisemitism today does not always appear in the form of traditional hate speech. It manifests in GIFs, memes, vlogs, comments and reactions on social media platforms.Sabine von Mering, Director, Center for German and European Studies, Brandeis UniversityMonika Hübscher, Research Associate, PhD Candidate, University of Duisburg-EssenLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1850412022-07-18T20:06:23Z2022-07-18T20:06:23ZWe have developed a way to screen student feedback to ensure it’s useful, not abusive (and academics don’t have to burn it)<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/474471/original/file-20220718-14-lunsaw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=10%2C26%2C3540%2C2338&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Holland Taylor as Professor Joan Hambling in The Chair.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Elize Morse/Netflix</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>This week, many Australian universities will be sending academics the results of the first semester student evaluation surveys. </p>
<p>For some this will be a worrying and unpleasant time. The comments university students make anonymously in their teaching evaluations can leave academics feeling <a href="https://theconversation.com/lose-some-weight-stupid-old-hag-universities-should-no-longer-ask-students-for-anonymous-feedback-on-their-teachers-173911">fearful</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/read-the-student-survey-responses-shared-by-academics-and-youll-see-why-professor-hambling-is-justified-in-burning-hers-167897">distressed</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/our-uni-teachers-were-already-among-the-worlds-most-stressed-covid-and-student-feedback-have-just-made-things-worse-162612">demoralised</a>. </p>
<p>And with good reason. As a 2021 <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02602938.2021.2012643?journalCode=caeh20">survey</a> of Australian academics and their experiences of student feedback found: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Personally destructive, defamatory, abusive and hurtful comments were commonly reported.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Hurtful or abusive comments can remain permanently on record as a <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02602938.2021.1888075">measure of performance</a>. These records can affect applications for promotion or for secure continued employment. </p>
<p>The authors of the 2021 survey, led by Richard Lakeman at Southern Cross University have been among those <a href="https://theconversation.com/lose-some-weight-stupid-old-hag-universities-should-no-longer-ask-students-for-anonymous-feedback-on-their-teachers-173911">calling for</a> anonymous online surveys to be scrapped. Some academics, burned by their experience of student feedback, say they no longer <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02602938.2020.1805409">open or engage</a> with student evaluation reports. They said the risk of harm outweighed any benefits. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/lose-some-weight-stupid-old-hag-universities-should-no-longer-ask-students-for-anonymous-feedback-on-their-teachers-173911">'Lose some weight', 'stupid old hag': universities should no longer ask students for anonymous feedback on their teachers</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>In the Netflix show The Chair, a memorable scene sees the character Professor Joan Hambling <a href="https://theconversation.com/read-the-student-survey-responses-shared-by-academics-and-youll-see-why-professor-hambling-is-justified-in-burning-hers-167897">burn</a> her student evaluations. Clearly, a different solution is needed. </p>
<p>Feedback from students can still be valuable for lifting teaching standards and it’s important students have their say. </p>
<p>We have developed a <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02602938.2022.2081668">screening system</a> using <a href="https://theconversation.com/machine-learning-is-changing-our-culture-try-this-text-altering-tool-to-see-how-159430">machine learning</a> (where software changes its behaviour by “learning” from user input) that allows students to talk about their experiences while protecting academics from unacceptable comments.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/read-the-student-survey-responses-shared-by-academics-and-youll-see-why-professor-hambling-is-justified-in-burning-hers-167897">Read the student survey responses shared by academics and you'll see why Professor Hambling is justified in burning hers</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Why a new approach is needed</h2>
<p>University codes of conduct remind students of their general obligation to refrain from abusive or discriminatory behaviour, but not specifically in regard to student evaluations.</p>
<p>Instead, universities rely on self-regulation or on others to report incidents. Some institutions use profanity blockers to screen comments. Even then, these often fail to detect emerging terms of abuse in online speech. </p>
<p>So, in setting up our screening system, we wanted to:</p>
<ul>
<li>promote staff and student well-being</li>
<li>enhance the reliability and validity of student feedback</li>
<li>improve confidence in the integrity of survey results.</li>
</ul>
<p>We developed a method using machine learning and a dictionary of terms to screen for unacceptable student comments. The dictionary was created by QUT drawing on historically identified unacceptable comments and incorporating prior research into abusive and discriminatory terms. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1480282414760955904"}"></div></p>
<h2>Our ‘Screenomatic’ solution</h2>
<p>There is not a lot of published work on the detection of unacceptable or abusive comments in student evaluation surveys. So our team adapted <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10115-020-01481-0">earlier research</a> on detecting misogynistic tweets. This worked because often the student comments we looked at were similar in length to a tweet’s 280-character limit. </p>
<p>Our approach, which we call “<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02602938.2022.2081668">Screenomatic</a>”, automatically reviewed more than 100,000 student comments during 2021 and identified those that appeared to be abuse. Trained evaluation staff members manually reviewed about 7,000 flagged comments, updating the machine-learning model after each semester. Each update improves the accuracy of auto-detection.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gender-bias-in-student-surveys-on-teaching-increased-with-remote-learning-what-can-unis-do-to-ensure-a-fair-go-for-female-staff-178418">Gender bias in student surveys on teaching increased with remote learning. What can unis do to ensure a fair go for female staff?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Ultimately, 100 comments were removed before the results were released to educators and supervisors. University policy enables comments to be re-identified in cases of potential misconduct. The central evaluations team contacted these students and reminded them of their obligations under the code of conduct.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02602938.2022.2081668">Screenomatic</a> model can help protect both educators and students. Staff are safeguarded from abuse, and students at risk – who make comments that indicate they need mental health help, include allegations of bullying or harassment, or that threaten staff or other students – can be offered support. Universities can share data to train the model and maintain currency. </p>
<p>Importantly, the process enables universities to act morally to harness student voices while protecting people’s well-being. </p>
<h2>Useful feedback, not abuse</h2>
<p>The number of educators who receive abusive feedback may be relatively <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10734-014-9716-2">small</a>. However, it’s still unacceptable for universities to continue to expose their staff to offensive comments in the full knowledge of their potential impact. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/our-uni-teachers-were-already-among-the-worlds-most-stressed-covid-and-student-feedback-have-just-made-things-worse-162612">Our uni teachers were already among the world's most stressed. COVID and student feedback have just made things worse</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>With last year’s High Court ruling on <a href="https://www.nfplaw.org.au/news/new-high-court-decision-affects-all-not-for-profit-organisations-that-use-social-media">liability for defamatory posts</a>, and attempts to <a href="https://www.ag.gov.au/legal-system/social-media-anti-trolling-bill">improve online safety</a>, there is a growing acknowledgement that people should not be able to post anonymous, harmful messages.</p>
<p>After all, the cost of screening responses is nothing compared to the cost to individuals (including mental health or career consequences). And that’s ignoring the potential costs of litigation and legal damages. </p>
<p>At the end of the day, the anonymous comments are read by real people. As a tweet in response to the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02602938.2021.2012643">Lakeman findings</a> noted:</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1475521673407389701"}"></div></p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02602938.2022.2081668">Screenomatic model</a> goes a long way towards enabling the “tons of useful feedback” to serve its intended purpose while ensuring people aren’t harmed in the process.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/185041/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Abby Cathcart leads the QUT Evaluation Strategy</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Melinda Laundon and Sam Cunningham do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The new ‘Screenomatic’ model can protect students and academics, while still providing useful feedback.Abby Cathcart, Professor of Higher Education & Governance, Queensland University of TechnologyMelinda Laundon, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Management, Queensland University of TechnologySam Cunningham, Lecturer, QUT Academy of Learning & Teaching, Queensland University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1836902022-06-07T15:33:54Z2022-06-07T15:33:54ZThere’s violence every election season in Nigeria: what can be done to stop it<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/466937/original/file-20220603-24-3ridea.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A burnt car in the middle of a road following deadly clashes between supporters of the ruling All Progressives Congress and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party at Kofa in Bebeji district of Kano, economic nerve centre of northern Nigeria.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/this-picture-taken-on-february-22-2019-shows-a-burnt-car-in-news-photo/1126737223?adppopup=true">Pius Utomi Ekpei/AFP via Getty Images. </a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Violence is one of the recurrent features of Nigeria’s electoral history and democratic journey since independence in 1960. The country invariably sees an escalation of violence in the period before, during and after elections. </p>
<p>The country’s electoral body, the Independent National Electoral Commission, has already begun to <a href="https://punchng.com/electoral-violence-1149-nigerians-killed-inec-suffers-42-attacks-decries-rising-insecurity/">raise the alarm</a> ahead of a poll scheduled for <a href="https://inecnigeria.org/timetable-and-schedule-of-activities-for-2023-general-election/">February and March 2023</a>.</p>
<p>The reasons for the violence <a href="https://books.google.com.ng/books?id=NHaIDwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=electoral+violence+nigeria&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjPncmZkYT4AhWAh_0HHWAFBAg4ChDoAXoECAcQAg#v=onepage&q=electoral%20violence%20nigeria&f=true">vary</a>. It can be designed to minimise or neutralise opponents. Also, it is sometimes used to undermine opponent ability to mobilise supporters and perform at the poll, and spoil victory or protest losses. </p>
<p>Another motive is to manipulate or delegitimise the electoral process. The tactics include armed attack, armed robbery, assault, assassination, kidnappings and bombing. </p>
<p>In our <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10708-021-10375-9">study</a>, we looked into trends of violence across different phases of the 2019 general elections. Our analysis showed that the pre-election period was generally more violent and deadly, although election days could be violent too. </p>
<p>We also looked at violence during the inter-election period between federal and state polls in a general election. Federal elections are due on 25 February 2023 and the state elections are scheduled for 11 March 2023. </p>
<p>This period is often violent because it offers the winning and the losing parties in federal elections the chance to settle scores with state elections. In 2019, 9.8% of the total incidents of electoral violence and 8.2% of the fatalities were in the inter-election period. State elections were also more violent and deadly than the federal elections.</p>
<p>We also identified where violence was concentrated. It was deadliest in the South-South. The nine most violent states were Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Delta, Benue, Bayelsa, Lagos, Kogi, Ogun and Kano. Rivers, Taraba, Delta and Abia states had the highest record of fatalities. </p>
<p>Our insights are relevant to guide those attempting to ensure a peaceful election in Nigeria. Prominent persons, nongovernmental organisations, government agencies, media and international actors should all be involved in promoting dialogue and public education that will bring down tension in notable hot spots. </p>
<p>For their part, security agencies should watch out for notable hot spots and devise strategies to prevent or deter any threats. </p>
<h2>What’s driving the violence</h2>
<p>First, politics is the most profitable sector in Nigeria. And the stakes are extremely high.</p>
<p>Holding a position in government holds the key to power, which in turn provides access to the country’s wealth. Winners gain all, and losers are sometimes left with nothing, including their followers, investment and integrity.</p>
<p>The result is that political actors often prepare strategies to achieve their objectives that can include violence.</p>
<p>Second, Nigeria’s state institutions are weak.</p>
<p>Those involved in electoral governance are vulnerable to coercion or manipulation. On numerous occasions in past elections, there have been <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00358533.2020.1788754">allegations of infractions</a> committed by officials of the electoral body or <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00358533.2020.1788764?src=recsys">security agencies</a> in favour of one party or another. This, in turn, has led to some political actors enlisting the support of armed non-state groups. These groups sometimes operate in conflict with state institutions and sometimes compete with them. In some instances, there is co-operation. </p>
<p>A third factor is that many Nigerians are frustrated by the economic, social and political situation in the country. People are <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/357187159_THE_TROUBLED_TRINITY_ELECTIONS_DEMOCRACY_AND_DEVELOPMENT_IN_NIGERIA_An_Inaugural_Lecture">frustrated</a> by poverty, inequality, perceived injustice, illiteracy, youth unemployment, hunger, corruption, human rights abuse and insecurity.</p>
<p>Added to this is the lack of sensitivity and inadequate responses of the government. </p>
<p>This is a <a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-981-16-6058-0_13">major reason</a> behind the increase in civil and militant protests and criminal violence in Nigeria. </p>
<p>Fourth are the triggers such as insensitive or irresponsible speeches and actions by political actors. Hate speech, fake news and media reporting can also trigger violence. </p>
<h2>Who is involved?</h2>
<p>Politicians and their paid agents are known to have been involved in violence against opponents and their supporters. This is sometimes done <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/000203971404900202">directly</a>, with mobilisation of thugs, or indirectly through <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0021909620951208?journalCode=jasa">hate speech</a> and incitement of violence, against targeted opponents. </p>
<p>There have also been reported cases of state violence. This has happened when there has been the overt use of state security forces, the police and military personnel. For example, there were <a href="https://www.channelstv.com/2019/03/22/2019-army-elections-interference-the-worst-in-nigerias-history-wike/">allegations</a> of this in River State during 2019 election and Ekiti State <a href="https://punchng.com/inec-colluded-with-security-operatives-to-rig-ekiti-election-govs-aide/">in 2018</a>. These are just two among many. </p>
<p>Sometimes the security forces involvement is covert. There have been allegations of <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19392206.2020.1860521?journalCode=uafs20">secret missions</a> of the security forces for the ruling parties in opposition strongholds. For instance, it was <a href="https://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/03/army-rig-for-the-ruling-party-oshiomhole/">alleged</a> that military personnel without means of identification invaded opposition stronghold in Edo State during the 2015 elections. </p>
<p>Armed non-state groups, including insurgents, terrorists, bandits, political thugs, cultists, saboteurs and syndicates also get involved. As recently as May 2022, bandits were <a href="https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2022/05/27/bandits-kill-three-pdp-delegates-in-niger/">reported to have killed</a> three party delegates in Niger State. </p>
<h2>What can be done</h2>
<p>All actors in the electoral processes need to work together to ensure that elections are peaceful. This will require effort from state and non-state actors, as well as external partners.</p>
<p>The federal government of Nigeria has the biggest responsibility. It must pay attention to what’s causing the violence and the kind of violence being perpetrated. There is no “one size fits all” solution, and responses will require a combination of political and policing measures. </p>
<p>More effort is also needed to build the capacity of relevant institutions. Two key ones stand out: the electoral and security agencies.</p>
<p>Nigeria’s electoral body is a critical actor in mitigating electoral violence. The regulation of party activities and conduct of elections should be consistent with the country’s laws and directives. And its actions should be transparent. This will strengthen stakeholders’ confidence in the institution and process of the elections. </p>
<p>Election security should be demilitarised. While policing can feature the armed forces in supporting roles, it is important to balance their role during elections with rule of law and respect for human rights. Suspects should be arrested, prosecuted and served justice (devoid of political influence) after a fair hearing. </p>
<p>Nigeria has relevant laws to curb electoral violence. The implementation and enforcement of these laws should be a priority. </p>
<p>The commission should also promote public education using both traditional and new media-based advocacy. </p>
<p>Political parties, civil society groups and media also play important roles in influencing public opinion and mobilising people. Political parties should check, and when necessary condemn and sanction their members and followers engaged in electoral violence. Civil society groups should demand greater accountability and transparency of the election process as well educate and mobilise the public. </p>
<p>The media, especially traditional outlets, have the responsibility to provide accurate and balance news.</p>
<p>Lastly, the assistance of advanced democracies should be sought to strengthen government agencies, non-governmental organisations the security agencies and the media.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/183690/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Samuel Oyewole does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>All actors in the electoral processes in Nigeria must work together to ensure peaceful elections.Samuel Oyewole, Lecturer, Political Science, Federal University, Oye EkitiLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.