tag:theconversation.com,2011:/fr/topics/local-authorities-39002/articlesLocal authorities – The Conversation2024-03-15T17:34:40Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2242852024-03-15T17:34:40Z2024-03-15T17:34:40ZLevelling up is not working as promised – our research shows why<p>The UK parliament has heard findings that <a href="https://theconversation.com/levelling-up-four-problems-with-boris-johnsons-flagship-project-176386">levelling up</a> – arguably the Conservatives’ flagship policy agenda – is beset by critical delays. In a report published on March 15, the <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm5804/cmselect/cmpubacc/424/report.html">public accounts committee</a>, parliament’s expenditure watchdog, has said that, as of September 2023, local authorities had spent only £1.24 billion of the £10.47 billion the government promised to tackle regional inequality across the UK. </p>
<p>Crucially, the committee has found that the government has nothing in place to measure this policy’s impact in the long term. In other words, as has been pointed out, there is <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2024/mar/15/no-compelling-examples-of-what-levelling-up-has-delivered-watchdog-finds">“no compelling evidence”</a> that levelling up has achieved anything.</p>
<p>The levelling up agenda was launched in the Conservative party’s 2019 manifesto to highlight – and overcome – the economic plight of the UK’s former industrial heartlands, particularly in the north and the Midlands. The subsequent <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/62e7a429d3bf7f75af0923f3/Executive_Summary.pdf">white paper</a> published by the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities (DLUHC) in 2022 said the economic prize was potentially enormous: “If underperforming places were levelled up towards the UK average, unlocking their potential, this could boost aggregate UK GDP by tens of billions of pounds each year.” </p>
<p>The disconnect between this prosperity-led rhetoric on local authority funding and the reality could not be starker. Since 2010-11, local authorities have experienced a <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/about/news/funding-gap-growing-councils-firmly-eye-inflationary-storm#:%7E:text=Councils%20are%20facing%20an%20%E2%80%9Cinflationary,spending%20power%20since%202010%2F11.">27% real-terms cut</a> in core spending power due to reduced central government funding. <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/local-authority-section-114-notices">Eight of the 317 English local authorities</a> have effectively declared bankruptcy since 2018. </p>
<p>Our <a href="https://www.cipfa.org/cipfa-thinks/insight/addressing-regional-inequalities">research</a> compares how local authorities in England and <a href="https://theconversation.com/other-countries-have-made-progress-in-levelling-up-heres-how-the-uks-plan-compares-176405">other countries</a> are addressing regional socioeconomic inequality. We have found that English councils are struggling to invest for the long term, because of a lack of ongoing funding and insufficient staff. </p>
<h2>Where local government income comes from</h2>
<p>Compared to many other countries, local authorities in England have fewer powers to raise revenue. In <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/local-government-funding-england">2019-20</a> council tax was the biggest source of local authority income (52%), followed by business rates (27%) and government grants (22%). </p>
<p>These government grants include the <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/which-areas-have-benefited-from-the-levelling-up-fund/">£4.8 billion levelling up fund </a>, designed to invest in local infrastructure that has, as the white paper put it, “a visible impact on people and their communities and will support economic recovery”. </p>
<p>They also include the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-shared-prosperity-fund-prospectus/uk-shared-prosperity-fund-prospectus">UK shared prosperity fund</a> and <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/towns-fund">the towns fund</a> (which consists of <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/town-deals-full-list-of-101-offers">town deals</a> and the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/future-high-streets-fund">future high streets fund</a>, and is accessible to local authorities in England only).</p>
<p>A first challenge to note is that since Brexit, local authorities no longer have access to European Union (EU) funds. The central government funding that has replaced it is less generous. <a href="https://www.ippr.org/articles/the-shared-prosperity-fund-what-can-we-learn-from-government-s-plan-to-replace-eu-funds">Analysis</a> by the Institute for Public Policy Research suggests that the UK Shared Prosperity fund represents a 43% drop in funding compared with EU economic development money for UK nations and regions.</p>
<p>Further, local authorities also now have to compete against each other to access crucial funding. The levelling up fund might be delivered at a local level but funding is not guaranteed. </p>
<p>Councils have to <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-levelling-up-bidding-process-wastes-time-and-money-heres-how-to-improve-it-198638">bid</a> to competitive funding pots. Only a handful of bids are successful, when scored against nationally designed success criteria.</p>
<p>What’s more, this competitive model is predicated on short-term, project-based funding pots. Our research shows, however, that for local authorities to best respond to the needs of their constituents, they need long-term funding. We found that in the US, Cleveland’s flagship city project is based on a 20 to 30-year timetable. </p>
<p>Leipzig, meanwhile, has benefited from consistent long-term funding from the German government and the EU. It took 15 years of high levels of funding for unemployment to start declining in Leipzig and a further 15 years to reduce it further closer to the national average. Leipzig’s council’s <a href="https://www.jrf.org.uk/how-do-cities-lead-an-inclusive-growth-agenda">long-term approach</a> to planning and designing housing stock and shopping areas has improved local retail options and access to jobs for residents.</p>
<p>By contrast, challenges created by the <a href="https://www.constructionnews.co.uk/buildings/6bn-meridian-water-project-delivery-under-review-13-02-2023/">impact of inflation and rising interest rates</a> have forced Enfield council, in England, to scale back its 20-year, £6 billion regeneration project, Meridian Water. This is despite the project’s aim to create 10,000 homes and 6,000 jobs paid at least at the London living wage. </p>
<h2>How political change affects local government funding</h2>
<p>In England, local authorities often struggle to deliver their visions for economic development because of the sheer frequency of institutional change at regional level across electoral cycles. </p>
<p>In 2010, the incoming coalition government <a href="https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN05842/SN05842.pdf">abolished</a> the regional development agencies Labour had instituted in 1997. In 2011, these were <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/2010-to-2015-government-policy-local-enterprise-partnerships-leps-and-enterprise-zones/2010-to-2015-government-policy-local-enterprise-partnerships-leps-and-enterprise-zones">replaced</a> with local enterprise partnerships, which, in turn, <a href="https://www.lgcplus.com/politics/devolution-and-economic-growth/government-will-end-support-for-leps-04-08-2023/">were scrapped</a> by Rishi Sunak’s government in 2023.</p>
<p>Additionally, the DLUHC <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/43820/documents/217384/default/">has changed the rules</a> midway through the bid process. Thus 55 councils spent an average of £30,000 bidding in round two for funds they could not win because a rule change meant that those which had been successful in round one were no longer eligible to bid again. Roughly £1.6 million was squandered through this lack of transparency.</p>
<p>We have also found that English councils suffer from a lack of consistent, expert staffing. Compared to the international cities we have studied, they are not able to properly monitor and evaluate their efforts. </p>
<p>In South Yorkshire, for example, although stakeholders recognise the importance of monitoring and evaluation, short-term and insufficient funding has meant mechanisms to do so have not been built in from the start of levelling up projects.</p>
<p>In January 2024, the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/simplifying-the-funding-landscape-for-local-authorities/simplifying-the-funding-landscape-for-local-authorities">DLUHC began a pilot programme</a> to test how the government could distribute funding to local authorities in a simplified, streamlined way, in order to give them greater spending flexibility. </p>
<p>Establishing a single funding pot across government departments for local authorities would indeed enable them to better respond to local needs, in the long term. </p>
<p>Councils know the strengths their local areas have and the challenges they face. They need the financial and organisational resources to meet them.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/224285/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Abigail Taylor received funding for this work from CIPFA and from the University of Birmingham. Abigail acknowledges Jeffrey Matsu, Chief Economist at CIPFA as a co-author of the research underpinning this article.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anne Green received funding for this work from CIPFA and from the University of Birmingham. Anne acknowledges Jeffrey Matsu, Chief Economist at CIPFA, as a co-author of the research underpinning this article.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hannes Read received funding for this work from CIPFA and from the University of Birmingham. Hannes acknowledges Jeffrey Matsu, Chief Economist at CIPFA as a co-author of the research underpinning this article.</span></em></p>English councils have neither the ongoing funding or the staffing needed to effectively deliver on the government’s economic development promises.Abigail Taylor, Research Fellow, City-Region Economic Development Institute (City-REDI), University of BirminghamAnne Green, Professor of Regional Economic Development, University of BirminghamHannes Read, Policy and Data Analyst, University of BirminghamLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2216922024-02-08T16:28:09Z2024-02-08T16:28:09ZHave Conservative councils started placing more children in care each year than Labour councils? New analysis<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573757/original/file-20240206-20-u3h0ip.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=17%2C0%2C5734%2C3828&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/schoolchildren-crossing-road-on-their-way-1089516491">Studio Peace/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In England, over 80,000 children are now in care, an increase of <a href="https://explore-education-statistics.service.gov.uk/find-statistics/children-looked-after-in-england-including-adoptions/2023">nearly one third</a> since 2010. <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0145213423005781?via%3Dihub">We’ve discovered</a> that local party politics is a factor in this. Our analysis shows that, between 2015 and 2021, six or seven more children each year were taken into care in an average sized Conservative council than in an equivalent Labour council.</p>
<p>There have been big inequalities between local authorities in the rise in the numbers of children in care since the start of the Cameron-Clegg, Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in 2010. In the north-east of England they have increased by over 60%, while in inner London they’re <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/statistics-looked-after-children">down almost 20%</a>. </p>
<p><a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1468017318793479">Previous evidence shows</a> that the key factor is economics. Children in the most deprived 10% of small neighbourhoods are over <a href="https://pure.hud.ac.uk/ws/files/21398145/CWIP_Final_Report.pdf">ten times more likely</a> to be in care than in the least deprived 10%. </p>
<p>But, despite talk about levelling up, child poverty has risen much faster in Labour councils than in Conservative ones. This means that we would expect the number of children being placed into care in Labour councils to rise more quickly. But the actual numbers of children going into care in Labour and Conservative councils each year is more or less the same. </p>
<p>Our research controlled for poverty. We found that if two average-sized local authorities were the same in terms of poverty, income and expenditure, over five years, a Conservative council would take over 30 more children into care than a Labour council. </p>
<h2>What we did</h2>
<p>We investigated whether rates of children in care have been growing or falling across all English local authorities according to their party political leadership. </p>
<p>We then used a statistical model to predict what these trends would be likely to look like were we to imagine that child poverty, average household income, and council spending on services to prevent children being taken into care had stayed the same throughout 2015-2021, rather than growing at different rates across the country. This allowed us to focus in on the specific relationship between care rates and local party political control.</p>
<p>By focusing on differences in these trends, rather than overall numbers, we are able to isolate factors that can explain the recent dramatic increase in numbers of children in care from factors associated with longstanding differences between local authorities. </p>
<p>Once again, we found that <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/children-in-low-income-families-local-area-statistics">child poverty</a> was by far the most significant factor behind the upward trend. The greater the local increase in child poverty, the steeper the upward trend in children in care. This is, of course, mainly influenced by national policies affecting employment, wages, housing costs, benefit levels and so on. Local councils have little control over those. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Young boy looking out of window" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/573760/original/file-20240206-18-aw0w5u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Child poverty is the most important factor in the rise in numbers of children being placed in care.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/small-boy-sitting-near-window-thinking-248899603">spixel/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Then we analysed changes to care numbers in more detail. In an average sized local authority, the numbers of children in care increased by around seven or eight per year between 2015 and 2021. Before controlling for child poverty, Labour and Conservative councils’ growing rates of children in care appear virtually indistinguishable. </p>
<p>However, because child poverty rose almost twice as fast in Labour councils than Conservative ones, this masked a real contrast between local authorities led by the two parties. </p>
<p>That means that, in an average size local authority, after five years we would expect over 30 more children in care in a Conservative council than a Labour council, holding trends in poverty, income and expenditure constant. Thirty additional children in care would cost a typical authority £2.5m more per year. That’s money that we think would be better spent keeping families together.</p>
<h2>Looking for explanations</h2>
<p>Three reasons might explain the difference between Labour and Conservative councils. First, Conservative and Labour councils may have different approaches to supporting families and protecting children. There may be a greater emphasis in Conservative councils on removing children at risk rather than providing support to families to prevent or mitigate risks.</p>
<p>This was the view taken by Michael Gove, when he was education secretary with responsibility for children’s services. <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/the-failure-of-child-protection-and-the-need-for-a-fresh-start">In a 2012 speech</a> he argued that children were being left for too long in homes where they were experiencing neglect and abuse. “More children should be taken into care more quickly”, he said.</p>
<p>Second, as a result, Conservative councils may allocate a smaller proportion of their budget to family support services, or may fund different kinds of preventative services. </p>
<p>Third, it may be that Conservative councils allocate proportionately less funding to the most deprived areas within their local authority than Labour councils, resulting in less support for families and children in greatest need.</p>
<p>All these hypotheses require testing.</p>
<p>We aren’t saying that Conservative councillors want more children in care. Most councils are under huge pressures because of the rising costs of both children’s and adult social care services, driving several to bankruptcy. </p>
<p>Research shows that the steep upward trend in the numbers of children in care results mainly from national policies affecting families. It is increasingly clear that reducing child poverty, especially deep and persistent poverty, and insecure housing and low income, is the key to reducing the numbers of children in care.</p>
<p>But local actions matter too. Local councils cannot control national economic trends, but they can poverty-proof local services, make sure that the services focus on areas of greatest need and that services respond directly to family poverty by offering concrete help.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221692/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>I receive funding from the Wellcome Trust for my contribution to a separate research programme. I have previously been funded by the Nuffield Foundation and the Joseph Rowntree Foundation for work on children's services, poverty and inequality.
I am a member of the Labour Party </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Calum Webb receives funding from the British Academy PF21\210024; he has previously been funded by the ESRC and the Nuffield Foundation. He was formerly a member of the Labour Party.</span></em></p>We investigated whether rates of children in care have been growing or falling across all English local authorities according to their party political leadership.Paul Bywaters, Professor of Social Work, University of HuddersfieldCalum Webb, Lecturer in Quantitative Social Science, University of SheffieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2218942024-02-01T14:54:52Z2024-02-01T14:54:52ZFour reforms to stop English councils from going bankrupt<p>England’s councils are in serious financial trouble. Six including Birmingham, Nottingham and Croydon have effectively announced their bankruptcy, in the form of “section 114 notices”, since 2020. Various others, including <a href="https://www.room151.co.uk/funding/somerset-seeks-to-increase-council-tax-to-10-to-bridge-100m-overspend/#:%7E:text=Somerset%20Council%20has%20warned%20that,25%20of%20over%20%C2%A3100m.">Somerset</a> and <a href="https://www.localgov.co.uk/Bradford-Council-to-cut-more-than-100-jobs/58596#:%7E:text=The%20local%20authority%20warned%20last,%2C%20charges%2C%20and%20council%20tax.">Bradford</a>, have warned in <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/spotlight/economic-growth/regional-development/2024/01/council-bankruptcy-tracker-local-government-authorities-finances">recent months</a> that they might have to <a href="https://www.room151.co.uk/treasury/more-councils-heading-for-section-114-notices-fears-wokings-interim-director-of-finance/">do the same</a>. And now a cross-political party committee in parliament <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/43165/documents/214689/default/">is indicating that</a> the government must plug a £4 billion funding gap across the board. </p>
<p>This comes after years of council grant settlements <a href="https://ifs.org.uk/articles/2024-25-local-government-finance-settlement-real-pain-still-come#:%7E:text=4.0%25%20next%20year.-,Councils'%20cost%20pressures%20are%20outpacing%20economy%2Dwide%20inflation,terms%20cuts%20to%20their%20funding">not keeping pace</a> with inflation, amid rising demand for services and increasing divergence between core funding and needs. While the government has just announced an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2024/jan/24/england-councils-get-extra-funding-ease-financial-crisis">additional £600 million</a> to help address pressure on social care, amounting to a 7.5% increase in total funding, council grants saw an <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/local-government-funding-england">overall 40% cut</a> in real terms from 2010-20 – including a <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/8682/documents/88208/default">25% cut</a> in non-social care funding. </p>
<p>With a general election coming up in the next year, there’s an opportunity to think again. We recently carried out an <a href="https://lgiu.org/publication/learning-from-local-government-finance-across-the-world/">international study</a> of local government finance in Germany, Italy and Japan, in partnership with the Local Government Information Unit, a thinktank for council policy. We have four proposals for improving councils’ financial resilience. Money is likely to be in short supply, so we mostly focus on alternative ways of using existing funds. </p>
<h2>Proposal 1: rework needs assessment</h2>
<p>In England, councils’ financial requirements used to be assessed based on their relative needs. This was suspended <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/sites/default/files/documents/business-rate-retention-s-96f.pdf">in 2013</a> when a new policy meant half of all business rates were retained by local government. This has meant that councils’ funding allocations have <a href="https://ifs.org.uk/publications/how-much-public-spending-does-each-area-receive-local-authority-level-estimates-health">gradually diverged</a> from the 2013 needs assessment.</p>
<p>The system was to have been reset in line with a future needs assessment via the government’s “<a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/the-fair-funding-review-what-does-it-mean-for-local-government/">fair funding review</a>” in 2016, but this is not now expected until 2025 at the earliest. </p>
<p>This situation makes England a significant outlier. In contrast, Germany, Italy and Japan all have mature and detailed needs assessment for local government, with reviews every couple of years. In each case, rates of local government insolvency have reduced following reforms in recent years.</p>
<p>England’s fair funding review should be reopened and delivered, paving the way for yearly needs assessment. Whereas the 2016 version was to be restricted to only some council grants, it could be extended across the board. This would give councils greater latitude to allocate funding between their vast range of tasks, since they would not be restricted by ring-fencing or narrow grant objectives.</p>
<h2>Proposal 2: equitable funding</h2>
<p>Germany, Italy and Japan all redistribute taxes not only from the centre to municipalities but also between municipalities. This is known as territorial equalisation, and England is an outlier in lacking such a system. </p>
<p>Introducing this based on needs assessment would help remove the risk of section 114 notices. It would also help councils to plan for the future. </p>
<h2>Proposal 3: a standing commission</h2>
<p>Discussions between councils and the government about finances are ad hoc and haphazard. Neither side has an incentive to pursue a closer relationship: councils have few cards to play, and know that any gains would probably come at the cost of extra requirements. Witness the recent government announcement that, along with the £600 million funding for social care, councils are expected to follow new <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-announces-a-further-600-million-boost-for-councils">“productivity plans”</a>. </p>
<p>We propose a one-stop statutory body for handling financial negotiations between the government and local authorities. This would go hand-in-hand with needs assessment, since once there is a basis for understanding councils’ requirements, there is more of a basis for negotiation.</p>
<p>This standing commission would also be a general discussion forum for consulting on government proposals, raising emerging issues, and mediating conflict. Indeed, the Institute for Government thinktank is proposing a <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publication/devolving-english-government">similar body</a> for metro mayors and their combined authorities, but we think all councils would benefit from such a forum.</p>
<p>It would help build trust and reduce the constant worry, <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publication/report/achieving-political-decentralisation">noted by</a> the Institute for Government in 2014, that local authorities will “do something barmy”. Moving away from the current top-down relationship would be unfamiliar, but this was true in <a href="https://lgiu.org/local-democracy-research-centre/funding-systems-for-local-government-international-comparisons/">Italy and Japan</a> 20 years ago, and both have pulled off a similar transition. Germany, Italy and Japan all have comparable standing commissions. </p>
<h2>Proposal 4: assign national taxes</h2>
<p>Councils in Germany, Italy and Japan all receive revenues from a range of national taxes. Most come from “assigned revenues” rather than local rights to set tax rates. In Germany, for example, 25% of national VAT revenues go to councils, distributed according to a needs-assessment. </p>
<p>English councils could receive a fixed percentage of revenues from one or more national taxes, such as income tax, VAT, employers’ national insurance, corporation tax or stamp duty. Again, this could be distributed by needs assessment. </p>
<p>It’s sometimes proposed that councils should raise more of their own taxes – but this could lead to richer areas raising more money per head. Our proposal avoids this and improves on councils’ heavy reliance on council tax and business rates. It would also symbolise that central and local government are partners in public service delivery. </p>
<h2>Implementation</h2>
<p>Our first three proposals could be introduced fairly quickly and lay the foundations for a more stable system. The standing commission could then optimise territorial equalisation through negotiation, and explore how to assign national tax revenues. This would emulate the <a href="https://www.clair.or.jp/j/forum/honyaku/hikaku/pdf/up-to-date_en2.pdf">Trinity Reform in Japan</a> during the early 2000s, which created a legislative framework that made it possible to rework local-government finance. </p>
<p>Of course, councils only occupy a small corner in public consciousness. They have only a walk-on role in health, immigration and crime. It might be tempting for a new reforming government to regard their financial failures as a minor inconvenience that can be tolerated when there are bigger fish to fry.</p>
<p>Yet we all rely on councils for core public services, including social care, roads, waste and planning. They play a vital role in planning and regeneration, community safety, decarbonisation and energy efficiency. In short, they are critical delivery partners for any UK government. If financial difficulties hobble them, the government loses time and capacity too.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221894/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A new study of council financing in Germany, Italy and Japan offers some new ideas for how to solve English councils’ financial difficulties.Kevin Muldoon-Smith, Associate Professor in Strategic Public Sector Finance and Urban Adaptation, Northumbria University, NewcastleMark Sandford, Honorary Professor of Local Government, University of BristolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2160342023-11-21T16:54:06Z2023-11-21T16:54:06ZHigh-street regeneration has to start with community trust and care<p>When British discount retailer Wilko shut its remaining 68 stores in October 2023, people <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2023/oct/08/wilko-staff-mourn-final-weekend">mourned</a> what they took these closures to signal: the demise of the high street. </p>
<p>The potential or actual <a href="https://theconversation.com/high-street-strategy-recovery-will-take-more-than-street-parties-and-more-bins-164729#:%7E:text=The%20markers%20the%20government%20has,and%20activities%20%E2%80%93%20are%20not%20new.">decline</a> of England’s town and city centres has <a href="https://www.retailresearch.org/retail-crisis.html">long</a> preoccupied community groups, government officials and even <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2023/oct/08/how-the-uks-dying-high-streets-are-being-given-new-life-by-pop-up-shops-and-galleries">artist collectives</a>.</p>
<p>In the 1970s and 1980s, traditional high streets were seen to be struggling to compete with out-of-town shopping centres. More recently, <a href="https://theconversation.com/future-of-high-streets-how-to-prevent-our-city-centres-from-turning-into-ghost-towns-154108">online retail</a> has been blamed. One quarter of UK retail spending <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/businessindustryandtrade/retailindustry/timeseries/j4mc/drsi">now happens online</a>. </p>
<p>The government has devised several policies in response – from the “vital and viable town centres” <a href="https://trid.trb.org/view/405499">initiative</a> of 1994 to the “future of our high streets” <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-portas-review-the-future-of-our-high-streets">Portas review</a> of 2011 and, more recently, the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/future-high-streets-fund">Future High Streets Fund</a>, launched in 2018.</p>
<p>The Power to Change charity exists to distribute a £150 million endowment from the National Lottery Community Fund. In 2020, it proposed to fund <a href="https://www.powertochange.org.uk/research/community-improvement-districts-discussion-paper/">community improvement districts</a>. These high-street regeneration plans involve community representatives – voluntary organisations, local residents, high street traders and businesses, and public services. </p>
<p>Between 2022 and 2023, we tracked the progress of the first seven community improvement projects. We facilitated eventsand interviewed project leaders and key partners in their local areas. Our report <a href="https://www.powertochange.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/FINAL-PTC-CID-report092023.pdf">shows</a> trust-building is crucial and that too often, communities feel that regeneration projects are imposed on them, for the benefit of councils and developers. </p>
<h2>England’s first seven community improvement districts</h2>
<p>Five of the pilots we studied were in Skelmersdale, Lancashire; Hendon, Sunderland; Stretford, Greater Manchester; Wolverton, Milton Keynes, and Ipswich. They each received £20,000 from Power to Change. Two further projects in Kilburn High Road and Wood Green High Road, two busy thoroughfares in North London received an additional £20,000 each from the Greater London Authority. </p>
<p>Some projects, including those in Skelmersdale and Kilburn, were new initiatives. Others, such as Hendon and Wolverton, built on decades of previous activity. The idea was that each would be undertaken with some form of local partnership and that local people would be consulted, through events and meetings, to find out what they wanted in their local high street. </p>
<p>We found that the pilot projects worked best when they managed to encourage this kind of conversation. Members of the public, community-based organisations such as charities and faith groups, local traders and property owners talked to each other and found common ground.</p>
<p>In Kilburn, the London Borough of Camden, which was coordinating the <a href="https://onekilburn.commonplace.is">One Kilburn</a> project, employed local residents as so-called “community activators”, to bring local people together. Through these informal conversations, the project team discovered that a particular local concern was the lack of public toilets on Kilburn High Road. They organised a “toilet hackathon”, involving local residents and landowners, including Transport for London, discussing potential solutions.</p>
<p>In Milton Keynes, the project organiser, Future Wolverton (a well established community benefit society), aims to revitalise the town centre alongside a separate scheme to redevelop the site of a demolished 1970s shopping mall. When it had the opportunity to take over the premises of a former charity shop, it used the space to ask residents what they wanted for the town. It also offered opportunities to businesses which couldn’t afford commercial space. </p>
<p>One of the most popular activities it implemented was a repair cafe, where residents could get things fixed and learn how to mend clothes or electrical items. This would not have happened without local people being trusted to come up with ideas.</p>
<p>In Sunderland, meanwhile, the <a href="https://backonthemap.org">Back on the Map</a> charity – what is known as a “community anchor organisation” with a 20-year track record of local grassroots activity – worked with the council. The charity proposed to arrange for vouchers issued by the council to support people suffering hardship to be valid in local shops. This, it argued, would support local traders who were also struggling because of the cost-of-living crisis. </p>
<p>Here, the project focused on Villette Road, in Hendon: a neighbourhood high street that had a reputation for crime and was blighted with shuttered shops. One of the initiatives, that wasn’t expensive but sent a strong signal to the community, was to installation the street’s first Christmas tree for almost a century. The charity also put up signs branding the street as the “<a href="https://backonthemap.org/heart-of-hendon/">heart of Hendon</a>”. As one member of the project team* put it:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Having the street branded and have somebody care about the street again, it made the traders come together as a collective with a shared vision rather than just having individual conversations where it was just moaning about things, it turned it around to a more positive conversation.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Research <a href="https://www.shu.ac.uk/news/all-articles/latest-news/community-ownership-levelling-up-high-streets-research">shows</a> regeneration needs to respect and build on people’s attachments to the places they live and work in. Local people need to have the sense that decision-makers are listening to their concerns.</p>
<p>Expensive capital and real estate-led projects often fail to do this. Instead, they tend to rely on private developers, who invest in places in return for profit and do not yield the regeneration they promise. This has been demonstrated by the <a href="https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/hackney-walk-how-david-adjayes-fashion-mecca-ended-up-a-ghost-town">reported</a> debacle of the Hackney Walk fashion hub in east London. Here, the £100m luxury redevelopment of a suite of railway arches saw local businesses evicted to make way for big-name fashion brands, which, in the absence of the promised footfall that brought them there, have all since closed down. </p>
<p>Hackney Walk is, as journalist Simon Usborne <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/nov/11/hackney-walk-east-london-regeneration-ghost-town">puts it</a>, an example of exactly “what not to do”. It is too early to know whether the seven projects we’ve worked on will yield better long-term economic and social impacts. What is clear, however, is that in involving communities on an equal basis, they are starting from a better place. People need to have their say in decisions made about where they live.</p>
<p>*<em>All our interviewees’ names are withheld for anonymity</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/216034/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sheffield Hallam University was funded by Power to Change to conduct the research on which this article is based. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sara González receives funding from the United Kingdom Research Innovation and the European Commission and sits in the Steering Group of Foodwise, the Leeds Food Partnership</span></em></p>Capital-driven regeneration projects rarely deliver because they focus on profit, not local people’s needs.Julian Dobson, Senior Research Fellow, Sheffield Hallam UniversitySara González, Professor in Human Critical Geography, University of LeedsLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2067942023-06-05T10:11:00Z2023-06-05T10:11:00ZThe UK’s recycling system is confusing, chaotic and broken – here’s how to fix it<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/529579/original/file-20230601-21-owb48k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=41%2C51%2C6861%2C4553&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/top-view-trash-bins-assorted-garbage-795715315">LightField Studios/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Maybe you have one bin or many boxes. You might even have a compost caddy. Whatever your <a href="https://theconversation.com/recycling-what-you-can-and-cant-recycle-and-why-its-so-confusing-206798">recycling</a> setup, chances are that at some point you’ve been left wondering what should go where and if a particular item is indeed recyclable or if it should just go in the main dustbin.</p>
<p>Research from Wrap, a climate action charity, has found that 82% of UK households regularly add at least one item to their recycling collection that’s not accepted locally. And data from recycling facilities shows that <a href="https://wrap.org.uk/resources/guide/tackling-contamination-dry-recycling#:%7E:text=Evidence%20generally%20points%20to%20contamination,material%20to%20MRFs%20was%20contamination.">over 16% of the recycling is contaminated</a>.</p>
<p>This can include electrical goods, nappies and food, though it more commonly involves packaging caked in remnants of what was – <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/29/science/recycling-peanut-butter-jar.html">think jars</a> still covered in peanut butter or jam, toothpaste tubes, juice cartons, greasy takeaway packaging, damp cardboard and glittery birthday cards. Plastic pots, tubs, trays and bottle tops along with metal lids may also count as contaminants – depending on where you live.</p>
<p>And that’s a big part of the problem. Because what is and isn’t recyclable varies a lot from area to area. In the UK, there are 39 different bin collection regimes across <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resconrec.2020.105191">391 local authorities</a>. Rules aren’t aligned in terms of what is and isn’t collected for recycling or how items should be prepared: washed or rinsed, crushed or not, lids on or off. It’s different everywhere.</p>
<p>Our <a href="https://www.sustainablefutures.manchester.ac.uk/research/case-studies/one_bin_to_rule_them_all/">research</a> into the complexities of the UK’s <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1zOS5IP77LOVhtK-uWXquY6aZNIag0Jmk/view">recycling system</a> found all these different rules and requirements have created a lot of confusion in terms of what should and shouldn’t be recycled. In some instances, this confusion can even result in people <a href="https://cardboard.org.uk/news/new-study-reveals-how-recycling-confusion-is-leading-to-rubbish-results/">just not bothering</a> to recycle at all.</p>
<h2>Breaking it down</h2>
<p>On top of each area operating its waste collection in a different way, lots of packaging now comes with confusing logos and messaging. Some of these suggest an item should be recycled (even when it can’t be locally) along with misleading stamps and statements, including “recycle”, “don’t recycle”, and “widely recycled” – which again, may not be the case in your specific area.</p>
<p>We’re also now confronted with lots of multi-material packaging – those envelopes with plastic windows and also cake boxes and <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/science-environment-54108336">crisp tubes</a>. </p>
<p>While some might try and “unengineer” such items to try and separate the different material components, others make a judgement based on what something is mostly made of, meaning items can then end up in the wrong bins. If indeed you even have to separate your recyclables by type where you are. Told you it was confusing.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Recycling bins filled with waste." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/529581/original/file-20230601-25-xch54.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/529581/original/file-20230601-25-xch54.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529581/original/file-20230601-25-xch54.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529581/original/file-20230601-25-xch54.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529581/original/file-20230601-25-xch54.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529581/original/file-20230601-25-xch54.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529581/original/file-20230601-25-xch54.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">What goes where? It depends on where you live.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/trash-recycle-reduce-ecology-environment-591166076">Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Then there’s also the fact that many large retailers and organisations now provide collection points to recycle certain types of plastics, such as bread bags, crisp packets and pet food pouches, (which can’t usually go in household recycling bins). </p>
<p>Though in principle these schemes are good, they can lead to confusion, with people thinking that if these items are collected for recycling elsewhere, they can go in the recycling bin at home.</p>
<h2>Crackdown on confusion</h2>
<p>In response to the issue of contaminated recycling, the UK government has plans to crack down on “<a href="https://theconversation.com/recycling-what-you-can-and-cant-recycle-and-why-its-so-confusing-206798">wishcycling</a>” by asking people to be more careful about what they put in their bins. Wishcycling is when people optimistically stick items in the recycling bin hoping they can be collected when in reality they can’t.</p>
<p>This forms part of a wider review of England’s recycling collection based on a consultation which was launched in 2021 by the Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) on how to improve the consistency of recycling in both homes and businesses.</p>
<p>Defra has said it wants to make recycling easier and more consistent so that all councils collect the same materials. This is to be welcomed, as our research has found that <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/waste-and-recycling-making-recycling-collections-consistent-in-england/outcome/consistency-in-recycling-collections-in-england-executive-summary-and-government-response">consistent collections</a> across all regions alongside <a href="https://recyclass.eu/recyclability/design-for-recycling-guidelines/">simplified packaging</a> that people can understand would make it easier for householders to know they are doing the right thing. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Recycling processing factory filled with plastic bottles." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/529583/original/file-20230601-16-jfnxc1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/529583/original/file-20230601-16-jfnxc1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529583/original/file-20230601-16-jfnxc1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529583/original/file-20230601-16-jfnxc1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529583/original/file-20230601-16-jfnxc1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529583/original/file-20230601-16-jfnxc1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/529583/original/file-20230601-16-jfnxc1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">All those bottles have to go somewhere.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/closeup-escalator-pile-plastic-bottles-factory-599435528">Alba_alioth/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We also found that people want a simpler system as they want to recycle more. As part of our research, we heard from people who held back plastic milk bottle tops to donate to schemes that promised to recycle them as they were not collected by their local authority. Others were storing plastic fruit netting for fear of it not being appropriately dealt with and ending up causing environmental harm. </p>
<p>Some were driving bin bags full of plastics out of their local authority areas to other locations where family members and friends could feed them into their household recycling collections. All of this indicates that there is clearly a thirst to recycle, limit environmental harm and live more sustainably. </p>
<p>Tackling the confusion around what can and can’t be recycled is also needed because it’s adding to plastics’ bad reputation. Waste professionals we’ve worked with have told us that negative consumer perceptions and the move away from plastics aren’t always helpful because alternatives can carry larger environmental footprints. Though a contentious point, it’s recognised that <a href="https://www.unep.org/resources/report/chemicals-plastics-technical-report">plastic substitutes are not always more sustainable</a>. </p>
<p>Sorting out our broken recycling system is an important step if we really want to be a greener and more environmentally conscious society.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/206794/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Torik Holmes receives funding from the UKRI-ISCF Smart Sustainable Plastic Packaging Fund (NE/V01045X/1). He works for The University of Manchester, within the Sustainable Consumption Institute. Adeyemi Adelekan, Maria Sharmina and Michael Shaver are also part of the 'One Bin to Rule Them All' research project team.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Helen Holmes receives funding from the UKRI-ISCF Smart Sustainable Packaging Fund (NE/V01045X/1).</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kristoffer Kortsen receives funding from the UKRI-ISCF Smart Sustainable Plastic Packaging Fund (NE/V01045X/1).</span></em></p>The UK needs to fix its recycling system for a more sustainable future.Torik Holmes, Research Associate, Sustainable Consumption Institute and Sustainable Innovation Hub, University of ManchesterHelen Holmes, Senior Lecturer in Sociology, University of ManchesterKristoffer Kortsen, Post Doctoral Research Associate, Materials Engineering, University of ManchesterLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1989832023-02-08T01:36:15Z2023-02-08T01:36:15ZIt’s near impossible to get good data on water use in New Zealand. This raises questions about public accountability<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/508715/original/file-20230207-24-xqrvlm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=14%2C61%2C3117%2C1272&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/sprinkler-spraying-water-over-green-grass-140861632">Shutterstock/Dr Ajay Kumar Singh</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>As New Zealand’s new Prime Minister Chris Hipkins embarks on reprioritising policies to focus on “bread and butter issues”, the details of the contentious <a href="https://www.dia.govt.nz/three-waters-reform-programme-about-the-reform-programme">Three Waters reforms</a> remain unclear. </p>
<p>The reforms represent a radical reshaping of water, wastewater and stormwater management, with the aim of building a new integrated system across New Zealand. The legislation passed in December last year, but the PM has promised a “<a href="https://www.nzherald.co.nz/video/chris-hipkins-on-a-reset-on-some-government-policies/ZHXAIYYXSR3YVNQBZDNYLO7F4I/">reset</a>”. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1622332971985543168"}"></div></p>
<p>Whatever the final details, a study conducted by <a href="https://www.motu.nz/">Motu Economic and Public Policy Research</a> highlights the need for improved environmental reporting to help deliver urban water supply security. </p>
<p>Our <a href="https://www.motu.nz/our-research/environment-and-resources/nutrient-trading-and-water-quality/">research</a> aims to answer the question of whether water metering and pricing have any impact on water consumption in Aotearoa New Zealand. This should be a straightforward question to answer. But our data collection process has exposed gaps that obscure public accountability and limit the potential for evidence-based policy. </p>
<h2>No central database to collate data</h2>
<p>Data on urban freshwater use is not easily accessible in Aotearoa New Zealand. There is no central database or governing authority that collates information about demand and supply. </p>
<p>Instead, freshwater is managed by local authorities which have a range of processes and frameworks for collecting information on water consumption within their jurisdiction. </p>
<p>Data can be obtained (by researchers or the public) through requests under the Local Government Official Information and Meetings Act (<a href="https://www.mfat.govt.nz/assets/OIA/Guide-to-making-OIA-requests-Ombudsman.pdf">LGOIMA</a>). This process involves asking councils for information they may have on file, but that isn’t accessible to the public. </p>
<p>Councils have 20 working days to respond and can either provide the information, request an amendment or extension, or refuse the request if it is perceived as beyond their capacity. Councils can also demand a fee be paid to collate the information if it is poorly organised and difficult to gather.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/auckland-floods-even-stormwater-reform-wont-be-enough-we-need-a-sponge-city-to-avoid-future-disasters-198736">Auckland floods: even stormwater reform won’t be enough – we need a ‘sponge city’ to avoid future disasters</a>
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</em>
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<h2>Disappointing dearth of water information</h2>
<p>Our data collection process involved issuing LGOIMA requests to 67 local and district councils across the country. The information requested included monthly consumption and production data that could then be adjusted for seasonal variation, particularly droughts or floods. </p>
<p>We asked councils to provide records that went as far back as possible. We also asked for any records of leaks and institutional information such as whether meters were used or what pricing models (<a href="https://academic.oup.com/oxrep/article/36/1/86/5696684">flat pricing or volumetric pricing</a>) were in place and when these mechanisms were introduced.</p>
<p>The information we received was disappointing and points to a lack of public accountability.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/with-the-three-waters-reforms-under-fire-lets-not-forget-that-safe-and-affordable-water-is-a-human-right-192933">With the Three Waters reforms under fire, let’s not forget that safe and affordable water is a human right</a>
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<p>Of the 67 local and district councils approached, 88% were unable to provide us with data that met our request. Most provided information that was spotty, inconsistent, aggregated and only went back two years. </p>
<p>Seven councils refused to fill our request, citing limited capacity. Nine said they could provide the information at a fee, with some charging several thousands of dollars.</p>
<p>There were only eight councils which did provide us with full records, some tracing back to the 1980s. This shows comprehensive data collection by local authorities is possible, whether meters are in place or not. But if high-quality data is largely absent, this raises questions about how we can design policy to ensure it delivers benefits for communities and the environment.</p>
<h2>How to close the data gap</h2>
<p>Evidence-based or evidence-informed policy is the <a href="https://dpmc.govt.nz/sites/default/files/2021-10/pmcsa-17-07-07-Enhancing-evidence-informed-policy-making.pdf">gold standard of policy making</a>. If decision makers are unable to access data, it reduces their capacity to make policy recommendations likely to deliver welfare improvements for the communities they serve.</p>
<p>Despite its clean and green image, Aotearoa New Zealand has a poor history of <a href="https://pce.parliament.nz/publications/environmental-reporting-research-and-investment/">environmental reporting</a>, monitoring and <a href="https://eds.org.nz/resources/documents/reports/last-line-of-defence/">enforcement</a>. If decision makers don’t have an up-to-date understanding of what is happening in the environment, any management systems they design are unlikely to be very successful.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1354674954961252353"}"></div></p>
<p>With the ongoing reform of drinking water, wastewater and stormwater services, we need to think critically about ways to improve <a href="https://journal.nzma.org.nz/journal-articles/beyond-muddy-waters-three-waters-reforms-required-to-future-proof-water-service-delivery-and-protect-public-health-in-aotearoa-new-zealand">institutional design</a> to help address some of the data gaps that pervade Aotearoa New Zealand’s freshwater records.</p>
<p>We suggest local authorities should be provided with a data-collection template that is comparable across regions and over time. If the management of drinking water, wastewater and stormwater is centralised as part of the Three Waters reforms, developing consistent approaches to data gathering, storage and dissemination across the four proposed government entities should be a priority.</p>
<p>Data – facts, records or measures – are fundamental to initiating any research, validating models, estimating trends and monitoring changes over time. There should be no mismanagement or financial barriers to consistent collection and access. </p>
<p>As pressures on freshwater resources increase, access to basic data is critical to ensure Aotearoa New Zealand can deliver urban water security for all.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/198983/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julia Talbot-Jones is an Affiliate of Motu Economic and Public Policy Research. The research referred to in this article is funded by the Aotearoa Foundation. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Thomas Benison is a Research Analyst at Motu Economic and Public Policy Research. The research referred to in this article is funded by the Aotearoa Foundation.</span></em></p>If decision makers don’t have up-to-date information about urban water use and demand, any policies they design are unlikely to deliver for communities or the environment.Julia Talbot-Jones, Senior lecturer, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of WellingtonThomas Benison, Research Analyst, Motu Economic and Public Policy ResearchLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1956082022-12-08T11:39:27Z2022-12-08T11:39:27ZResearch has long shown institutional misogyny and racism within the UK’s fire services<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/499253/original/file-20221206-13-9iol76.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">shutterstock</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/red-white-striped-warning-tape-prevents-1349124620">Sarnia | Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Following the tragic death of trainee firefighter Jaden Matthew Francois-Esprit, who took his own life in August 2020, an independent review was set up to investigate the workplace culture at the London Fire Brigade. Chaired by the solicitor and former crown prosecutor, Nazir Afzal, the review <a href="https://www.london-fire.gov.uk/about-us/independent-culture-review/">has found evidence</a> of institutional misogyny and racism in the UK’s largest fire and rescue service. </p>
<p>The report is based on the accounts of more than 2,000 current and former staff members and community groups. It details racial, ethnic and misogynistic abuse by co-workers, as well as unacceptable behaviour towards members of the public. </p>
<p>If <a href="https://theconversation.com/misogyny-in-police-forces-understanding-and-fixing-cop-culture-176303">similar accusations</a> have regularly been associated with the Metropolitan police, fire and rescue services have <a href="https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmicfrs/publications/public-perceptions-of-fire-and-rescue-services-2018/">consistently enjoyed</a> some of the highest satisfaction ratings from the public. But Afzal has warned that this culture of discrimination could be emblematic of wider structural problems within fire services across the country.</p>
<p>The question is how much of this was already known. My research <a href="https://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/31645/1/9086_Murphy.pdf">consistently shows</a> that if some progress was made in the early 2000s as a result of comprehensive performance assessments and fire sector reforms, little progress – if any – has been made since 2010. Not only has the push for equality, diversity or inclusion died down, misogyny and racism have not been completely eradicated. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Pipes and bits of equipment in racks at the back of a fire truck." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/499251/original/file-20221206-21-4v17is.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/499251/original/file-20221206-21-4v17is.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499251/original/file-20221206-21-4v17is.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499251/original/file-20221206-21-4v17is.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499251/original/file-20221206-21-4v17is.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499251/original/file-20221206-21-4v17is.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/499251/original/file-20221206-21-4v17is.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">‘Diversity and equality in the fire sector continues to be woeful’.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/fire-truck-open-side-hatch-hydrant-1431493637">Parilov | Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Illegal behaviour</h2>
<p>Former Labour MP Nick Raynsford, <a href="https://policy.bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/substance-not-spin">in his 2016 book</a>, Substance Not Spin, An Insider’s View of Success and Failure in Government, highlights the decades of policy neglect by successive governments between the 1947 Fire Services Act and the end of the 20th century. In 2001, Tony Blair’s New Labour government commissioned an independent review of the UK’s fire service. The final report left little doubt about the decline in organisational culture. As the authors put it:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We have been, frankly, appalled at some of the stories we have heard of bullying and harassment. The harassment has been both racial and sexual, even given the very small numbers of non-white and female personnel in the service. Such behaviour is illegal as well as being morally repugnant".</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This resulted in a <a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-62155-5_10">series of national policy reforms</a>, by both the Blair government and subsequently under Gordon Brown. These aimed to modernise the service – and its management in particular – seeking to increase equality, diversity and inclusion. After the Equalities Act was passed in 2010, the Local Government Association <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/sites/default/files/documents/guidance%20-%20equality%20frameworks%20-%20Equality%20Framework%20for%20Fire%20and%20Rescue%20Services.pdf">produced</a> a a fire and rescue service equality framework and toolkit to help councils implement these reforms at local level.</p>
<p>Public management scholar Julian Clarke was a member of the team that developed the first equality standard for local government. He contributed a <a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-319-62155-5_11">chapter</a> to the book I edited with Kirsten Greenhalgh, in 2016 entitled Fire and Rescue Services Leadership and Management Perspectives. Looking back at the evidence, Clarke was still able to be quite optimistic. If fire and rescue services had been late to improving equality policy and practice in both service delivery and employment, he deemed that in the years since 2006, they had made progress: perhaps, he wrote, “more than any other set of public service organisations.”</p>
<p>But he noted that things had slowed down. After 2010, he said, “equality improvement in employment outcomes appears to have been much more limited, when the detailed regulatory regimes of the previous decade disappeared and were replaced by ‘light touch’ oversight”.</p>
<h2>Regulatory failings</h2>
<p>In reality, the writing was already on the wall. In the context of the austerity measures put in place from June 2010, public scrutiny and assurance of the service were systematically and significantly weakened as the Audit Commission – the statutory agency that coordinated audit and inspection of local authorities – was abolished and external inspection of the services abandoned. </p>
<p>In contrast to the extensive coverage of diversity and workforce issues in previous national frameworks, the 2012 fire and rescue national framework included only one single mention of the need to comply with the Equality Act and that was in a list of statutory obligations. By 2015, <a href="https://anyflip.com/nwgw/wkpy/basic/">an independent review</a> by Irene Lucas into one regional fire service warned of extreme variabilities within the nation’s services more broadly. Of Essex county fire and rescue service (ECFRS) in particular, Lucas <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2015/sep/02/review-dangerous-pervasive-bullying-essex-fire-service">reportedly found</a> that it was culturally, “a failing organisation”, writing: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>The organisational culture in ECFRS is toxic. There is dangerous and pervasive bullying and intimidation.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Lucas had been commissioned to undertake this review after two serving firefighters took their own lives amid reports of bullying. Two government reports on fire service finances – from the <a href="https://www.nao.org.uk/reports/financial-sustainability-of-fire-and-rescue-services/">National Audit Office</a> and the parliamentary <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201516/cmselect/cmpubacc/582/582.pdf">Committee of Public Accounts</a> – were also highly critical, leading to some big political gestures. In September 2015, the government published a white paper <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/459986/Consultation_-_Enabling_closer_working_between_the_Emergency_Services__w__2_.pdf">commission</a> that proposed making police <a href="https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/who-we-are-and-what-we-do/elections-and-referendums/past-elections-and-referendums/police-and-crime-commissioner-elections/report-how-2012-police-and-crime-commissioner-elections-were-run">commissioners</a> responsible for <a href="https://www.gov.uk/police-and-crime-commissioners">fire services</a> too. External inspection was also reestablished, through His Majesty’s Inspectorate of Police and Fire Rescue Services (HMICFRS). </p>
<p>In practice, however, this has occasioned no greater interest or action on equality, diversity or inclusion. Human resource management referred to as “people” issues by HMICFRS have repeatedly been found to be the poorest aspects of annual fire service inspections. This is at least in part due to a lack of diversity in recruitment to the fire service, especially at senior levels. In his final 2021 State of Fire report to the government, former chief inspector Thomas P Winsor <a href="https://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmicfrs/publications/state-fire-rescue-annual-assessment-2021/">stated</a> that “diversity and race equality in the fire sector continues to be woeful”.</p>
<p>Despite this, as <a href="https://www.fire-magazine.com/the-mis-interpretation-of-section-25-of-the-fire-and-rescue-services-act-2004">my colleague and I have shown</a>, since 2010, not one of the home secretary’s biannual reports to parliament on fire service compliance with the national framework has ever mentioned equality, diversity or inclusion, still less the possibility of misogyny and racism in the service.</p>
<p>The evidence has long been clear and it just keeps coming. Since Afzal’s report, five firefighters in the West Midlands have <a href="https://www.birminghammail.co.uk/news/midlands-news/five-west-midlands-fire-service-25644386">reportedly been fired</a> for alleged misogynistic bullying and harassment on WhatsApp and are now fighting this dismissal in ongoing tribunal proceedings in Birmingham. </p>
<p>This comes mere weeks after allegations of <a href="https://www.cornwalllive.com/news/cornwall-news/lostwithiel-firefighters-sacked-over-inappropriate-7209320">inappropriate behaviour</a> were made at the Lostwithiel community fire station in Cornwall. Our fire and rescue services need rescuing from organisational cultures that are not only inefficient and ineffective, but also damaging and harmful to the frontline staff who keep them functional. They deserve better.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/195608/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Peter Murphy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>If some progress was made in the early 2000s, austerity measures from 2010 saw the push for equality, diversity or inclusion die down.Peter Murphy, Professor of Public Policy and Management, Nottingham Trent UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1771772022-03-29T10:37:18Z2022-03-29T10:37:18ZDomestic abuse: new housing plan in England doesn’t go far enough to keep survivors safe<p>Domestic abuse survivors in England may find it easier to move away from abusive partners as a result of new proposals from the British government. Under plans, which are out <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/consultation-on-local-connection-requirements-for-social-housing-for-victims-of-domestic-abuse">for consultation</a>, the local connection test would be scrapped. </p>
<p>Currently, this test sees local authorities only allowing people to join their housing lists if they can prove they have a local connection – for example, that they have been resident in the borough for five years. If a person is unable to provide such a connection, it can make it hard for them to get social housing. This in turn can make it difficult, if not impossible, for someone experiencing domestic abuse to flee. </p>
<p>But while survivors and charities alike have welcomed the new proposal, they caution that the government-imposed cap on the amount of benefits a person can claim, combined with the acute shortage of social housing in London, the south east and parts of the south west, means that even without the test, many domestic abuse survivors will still be unable to move. <a href="https://england.shelter.org.uk/professional_resources/policy_and_research/policy_library/joint_briefing_with_womens_aid_the_benefit_cap_and_domestic_abuse_">Research</a> has shown that the benefit cap in particular is creating a desperate situation for women and children trying to escape an abuser. </p>
<h2>A dangerous process</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.scholars.northwestern.edu/en/publications/breakups">Research</a> has long shown that leaving an abusive partner is a fraught and dangerous process. Perpetrators often tell their victims that if they leave, they will find them and hurt them. <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-victims-of-domestic-abuse-dont-leave-four-experts-explain-176212">Survivors</a> frequently cite the paucity of safe alternative housing as a key obstacle. </p>
<p>This makes it extremely difficult to plan an escape, meaning they are left trapped. For survivors whose personal security is compromised (where the abuser they’re attempting to flee uses <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1077801218816191">coercive control</a>, for example), being able to move out of their local area can be crucial, even <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2022/feb/27/femicide-census-theres-a-disturbing-reason-for-the-falling-number-of-murders">life-saving</a>. </p>
<p>We have spoken with survivors who greeted the news with relief, explaining that the local connection requirement was a barrier that created uncertainty and insecurity just when life felt at its most precarious. One woman explained how the local connection requirement had trapped her in a dangerous situation for years, with an abusive and controlling perpetrator who she was terrified would hunt her down, therefore staying local did not feel like an option. </p>
<p>Housing charity Shelter has also welcomed the change, but highlights the significant barriers that remain to survivors accessing safe accomodation when they need it. As chief executive Polly Neate explained to us: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Right now, the dire shortage of secure social homes on top of housing benefit cuts and sexist policies like the benefit cap, are making it increasingly difficult for women to find anywhere they can afford to live. Too many women are having to choose whether to stay with their abuser or face homelessness –- this is a choice no-one should ever have to make.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Benefits cap</h2>
<p>Outside of the north east and parts of the north west, where social housing is more readily available, waiting lists for housing are impossibly long. This means survivors in the rest of the country are unlikely to be given council homes. Private rentals are equally out of reach because of a combination of rising prices and caps on government benefits.</p>
<p>The government’s local housing allowance, which replaced the housing benefit in 2008, was first capped in 2011, then detached from local rent levels and later frozen. As a result, it does not come close to meeting private sector rent levels. </p>
<p>In February 2022, the average monthly cost for a two-bedroom flat in inner London was <a href="https://homelet.co.uk/homelet-rental-index">£1,757</a>. The local housing allowance meanwhile pays out <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/local-housing-allowance-lha-rates-applicable-from-april-2021-to-march-2022">£1,250</a> for a two-bedroom flat. That is almost a £500 gap. </p>
<p>Combined with the benefit cap, which introduces a limit on total benefits that a person of working age can receive in a year (£23,000 in London; £20,000 outside of London), the barriers to escape to alternative accommodation for women and dependent children experiencing domestic abuse can become financially insurmountable. </p>
<p>Domestic abuse is a housing issue. It occurs within the home. The relationship between domestic abuse and housing is also a safeguarding issue. The 10-year <a href="https://www.femicidecensus.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Femicide-Census-10-year-report.pdf">Femicide Census report</a> shows that 70% of the women killed from 2009 to 2018 were killed at home. </p>
<p>At a time when <a href="https://www.endthefear.co.uk/2020/12/04/gov-uk-domestic-abuse-during-the-coronavirus-covid-19-pandemic-england-and-wales-november-2020/">government statistics</a> show that lockdown has severely exacerbated domestic abuse, providing access to safe housing has never been more important. Scrapping the local connection is welcome, but much more needs to be done to keep vulnerable women and children safe.</p>
<p><em>This article was amended to correctly identify the housing plan discussed as pertaining to England and not to the UK as a whole.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/177177/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Cassandra Wiener is co founder and Trustee of the Treebeard Trust</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anna Minton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Domestic violence is a housing issue. Ensuring survivors have access to safe accommodation is key to enabling them to escape.Cassandra Wiener, Senior Lecturer in Law, City, University of LondonAnna Minton, Reader, Department of Architecture & Visual Arts , School of Architecture Computing and Engineering, University of East LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1565162021-03-05T16:50:30Z2021-03-05T16:50:30ZLevelling up: the quarrel over who gets funding is a sideshow to much bigger obstacles<p>In the budget, Chancellor Rishi Sunak confirmed a £4.8 billion Levelling Up Fund to help reverse 40 years of growing inequality across the UK’s regions. This stems from the <a href="https://www.conservatives.com/our-plan">Conservatives’ 2019 manifesto</a> commitment to close the economic gap between the north and south. </p>
<p>Local areas in England will be able to bid for £4 billion, and Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland for £800 million when the first round of funding gets underway in 2021-22.</p>
<p>There is zero chance that these substantial sums of money will have the desired effect without far-reaching reforms – even ignoring the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/mar/04/tories-accused-of-levelling-up-stitch-up-over-regional-deprivation-fund">current dispute</a> over Conservative areas dominating the list of priority places. That was the conclusion of a <a href="https://lipsit.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Levelling-up-Report-final-Nov.pdf">recent report</a> from an ESRC-funded project, <a href="https://lipsit.ac.uk/">LIPSIT</a> (Local Institutions, Productivity, Sustainability and Inclusivity Trade-offs), which we co-authored. </p>
<p>The scale of regional inequality was recently laid bare in an <a href="https://www.ifs.org.uk/inequality/geographical-inequalities-in-the-uk/#:%7E:text=Regional%20inequality%20is%20not%20increasing,UK%3A%20both%20by%2012%25.&text=More%20generally%2C%20regional%20differences%20in,UK%20have%20narrowed%20since%202002.">analysis</a> from the Institute of Fiscal Studies. It found that productivity and earnings in London are a third to a half higher than the UK average. </p>
<p>Wales has the lowest productivity and earnings, approximately 15% below the UK average and around 40% below London. Yet at the same time, inequality is far higher within London than in any other part of the UK. </p>
<h2>Why the existing system doesn’t work</h2>
<p>In the LIPSIT report, we argued that the key cause of the growth in regional inequality is what happened to parts of the country that suffered most from the late 20th century decline in industries like coal, steel and car-making. </p>
<p>These areas have reinvented themselves to an extent, but with jobs such as working in online retail warehouses, which offer little opportunity for upskilling and productivity growth. We refer to these areas as being stuck in “low skills equilibria”, meaning the supply of and demand for highly skilled people are balanced, but at a low level. </p>
<p>Other countries, cities and regions that suffered similar de-industrialisation have managed to avoid this fate. Notable examples are Brenta in Italy, the Ruhr Valley and Hamburg in Germany, and San Antonio in the USA.</p>
<p>We investigated why the UK has done worse, and found that the English institutional arrangements do not foster the necessary conditions for recovery. We then identified five linked policies that have often made the difference elsewhere:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Identifying firms and sectors with the potential to create good jobs. These are often not the “growth firms” and winning sectors that UK policy prioritises, such as biotech and artificial intelligence. It’s about targeting sectors that generate the greatest benefits in terms of productivity and knowledge transfer rather than simply attempting to maximise employment. </p></li>
<li><p>Carrying out focused <a href="https://www.wbs.ac.uk/research/news/professor-nigel-driffield-analyses-how-inward-investment-is-likely-to-be-affected-by-brexit/">inward investment activities</a> to attract and retain these firms. </p></li>
<li><p>Helping firms to innovate and change their product-marketing in ways that increase the need for highly skilled workers. South Korea did this by investing heavily in its electronics sector. </p></li>
<li><p>Tailoring training and education to the resulting demand. This is done best by people with detailed local knowledge rather than trying to impose it from the centre. </p></li>
<li><p>Adopting town planning and transport policies that help people get to these jobs. For example, subsidising bus routes.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>Once you have this combination of policies, they need to be coordinated effectively. The government, businesses and the education sector need to work in partnership. Local government needs the ability and resources to plan strategically. And it needs to be accountable to the local people, letting them know where money has been spent and what it has delivered. </p>
<p>These conditions don’t exist in the UK. It is difficult to coordinate policies because the power to make local industrial strategy and to implement it sometimes reside in different agencies. For example, the combined authorities that exist in some parts of England set skills strategies, but education authorities fund training. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, funding is allocated using multiple competitions for small pots of money, wasting resources in writing unsuccessful bids. The UK has also not prioritised having economic development specialists in the right local roles, so the ability of officers is very uneven, while all too often Whitehall makes decisions without telling the relevant local people. </p>
<p>There is too little long-term funding and officers are uncertain about who is responsible for what, making it very difficult for everyone to work in partnership. Finally, there is weak local accountability for industrial strategy and very little citizen engagement.</p>
<p>The Levelling Up Fund does nothing to alleviate these problems. And because it is <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/mar/04/tories-accused-of-levelling-up-stitch-up-over-regional-deprivation-fund">based on</a> a bidding model with politically contentious evaluation criteria, it might make things worse.</p>
<h2>Making success more likely</h2>
<p>None of this means the UK government should abdicate responsibility, or abandon national objectives and programmes. It should act more like a hands-off leader and foster stronger local institutions. We recommend a four point plan:</p>
<ol>
<li><p>Powers should no longer be split between multiple authorities. </p></li>
<li><p>The current system in which councils and mayors’ offices bid for regional development funding should be replaced – either by a formula system (similar to Scotland) or a rolling five-year settlement. Funding should also be linked to a negotiation through which local authorities set economic objectives that are only challenged by Whitehall if they fall short of national targets.</p></li>
<li><p>The government should make it easier to recruit good development specialists at local level by signalling that it will make local institutions bigger and stronger and set higher standards for them.</p></li>
<li><p>Local accountability needs to be strengthened, partly by setting up a national brand for levelling up. The government should encourage local institutions to use this to improve how they engage with citizens, including using the economic objectives agreed during the funding process to create visible targets.</p></li>
</ol>
<p>These reforms won’t happen overnight, but the government should set the direction of travel soon. It needs to build on the post-COVID recovery plan and harmonise with the UK’s climate change policies.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/156516/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nigel Gilbert receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council, and is the lead on the LIPSIT project. Charles Seaford of DEMOS contributed substantially to writing this article. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nigel Driffeld is a co-researcher on the LIPSIT project, which received funding from the ESRC. He has worked with the Greater Birmingham and Solihull LEP since its inception, serving on the economics strategy board, chairing the academic advisory group, and on the executive steering committees for both the Heseltine Report and the Strategic Economic Plan. He is a Specialist Adviser to the House of Commons Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy Committee. </span></em></p>Pouring money into levelling up won’t work without a rethink of how Whitehall and local government work togetherNigel Gilbert, Professor of Sociology, University of SurreyNigel Driffeld, Professor of Strategy and International Business, University of WarwickLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1516472020-12-08T16:29:05Z2020-12-08T16:29:05ZVeterans in need of housing are at risk of being forgotten because of the pandemic<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/373635/original/file-20201208-16-9fjbpa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C3840%2C2160&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/man-business-suit-giving-house-key-1509634457">Motortion Films/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Imagine leaving your job, moving house and trying to find a new social identity all at the same time. Most of us never have to do all of these things at once, but this is the experience of many people as they leave the Armed Forces in the UK. </p>
<p>This process may also involve moving to a new area, as well as getting to grips with the complex maze of organisations involved in the civilian housing system. Which is why we’ve spent the last two years studying how ex-service personnel find their way through housing and how organisations can work together to stop veterans ending up on the streets. Interviewing veterans and staff from housing and support organisations has provided <a href="https://www.fim-trust.org/wp-content/uploads/Working-Together-Report-FINAL-published-version.pdf">important insights</a>.</p>
<h2>Starting from scratch</h2>
<p>To be clear, most people leaving the Armed Forces make a successful transition – they find a new job and a new home without too much difficulty. And despite what <a href="https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/least-13000-hero-soldiers-left-11847000">the headlines</a> might tell you, veterans are no more likely to be homeless than the wider population. But there are still some service leavers who struggle with their housing transition, having spent years in subsidised MoD accommodation where they haven’t had to worry about practicalities, such as paying bills.</p>
<p>An ex-Army service person with more than ten years’ service told us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“So I joined when I was 18, left the family home … and joined the Army, so … you don’t know about things like [housing] organisations, even just like council tax, you know, all that sort of, budgeting is one that we don’t get taught cause in the Army you are sort of like just looked after in a way.”</p>
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<img alt="house in puddle reflection" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/373588/original/file-20201208-19-1n9sesd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/373588/original/file-20201208-19-1n9sesd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373588/original/file-20201208-19-1n9sesd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373588/original/file-20201208-19-1n9sesd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373588/original/file-20201208-19-1n9sesd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373588/original/file-20201208-19-1n9sesd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/373588/original/file-20201208-19-1n9sesd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">In 2019, the MOD established the Defence Transition Service specifically to help vulnerable Service leavers.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/cobblestone-reflection-house-puddle-after-rain-1098538682">I Wei Huang/Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p>For those veterans who need help with housing, the number of organisations can be confusing – as well as local authorities and housing associations, there are multiple Armed Forces charities. Understandably, some become very frustrated when they find themselves going round in circles, telling their story over and over. One ex-army service person, with 7-10 years’ service said:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“I was explaining myself constantly. It seemed like every time I called a number, even if I’d called the same number a few days later, I’d be talking to a different person who I’ve never spoken to before and they have no history or anything noted down on my details or nothing, so I’d have to reintroduce myself… I was like ‘oh you’re taking the piss now!’” </p>
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<h2>Armed Forces Covenant</h2>
<p>The good news, however, is that collaboration in the veterans’ sector has improved significantly over the last decade, since the publication of the Armed Forces Covenant, which aimed to ensure that those who serve in the Armed Forces should face no disadvantage as a result of their service. </p>
<p>Local authorities now have Armed Forces Champions and in most areas a group has been established to bring together all of the organisations working to support veterans in need. Despite the challenges of austerity, these changes have improved collaboration, smoothing the pathways of veterans through the housing maze.</p>
<p>For those who still get a little lost, finding someone who could act as a navigator made all the difference, whether that was someone from an Armed Forces charity, a housing organisation or the local authority. Another ex-army service person with 7-10 years in the service told us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“It’s very helpful knowing that you’ve got someone there that’s fighting your corner so you don’t feel like no one cares and you’re on your own… and that’s all that matters to me that I know that it’ll all be worth the long wait, headaches and all that, it’ll be worth it.”</p>
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<p>The overall picture, then, is a positive one. Organisations are working together more effectively and this seems to be helping ex-service personnel who find themselves at risk of homelessness to access and sustain housing. Also, the MoD established the Defence Transition Service at the end of 2019, specifically to help vulnerable service leavers, and the Armed Forces Covenant is shortly to be given a legislative basis. </p>
<p>However, there is a concern that many of the improvements made in recent years could deteriorate in the future. With UK Armed Forces no longer involved in major conflicts and the public spotlight focused almost entirely on the coronavirus pandemic, there is a risk that veterans will be forgotten. Leaving the Armed Forces will remain a challenge for some, so organisations across the civilian housing system must continue to collaborate to meet the housing needs of veterans.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/151647/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Steve Rolfe received funding from Forces in Mind Trust for this research. </span></em></p>Homelessness among veterans is not as common as the headlines suggest, but leaving the Armed Forces is a difficult process that can lead to housing problemsSteve Rolfe, Research Fellow in Housing Studies, University of StirlingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1261642019-10-31T17:25:03Z2019-10-31T17:25:03ZGrenfell Tower: after decades of inaction, politicians still haven’t been held to account<p>Let’s start with a simple fact: the fire at Grenfell Tower was predictable and preventable. And it could still happen somewhere else today. It happened because local, city and national governments failed to intervene on fire safety the last time they were called on to do so. </p>
<p>At the conclusion of the <a href="https://www.lambeth.gov.uk/elections-and-council/lakanal-house-coroner-inquest">2013 inquest</a> into the 2009 Lakanal House fire, which killed six people, ministers and public officials were given firm recommendations by the coroner. At the core of these was the advice that the “stay put” policy – which advises residents of tower blocks to stay in their homes, to compartmentalise the fire – be reviewed. </p>
<p>A failure to rectify big holes in the fire safety regime for public housing made a fire like the one at Grenfell Tower almost inevitable – even after the <a href="https://theconversation.com/lessons-from-lakanal-house-were-not-heeded-then-grenfell-happened-80051">hard lessons learned</a> in the wake of Lakanal. One of my abiding memories as a special correspondent for the BBC covering the Lakanal House inquest, was when a witness said: “I can’t imagine what would have happened if this fire had broken out at night”. Now we know.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/lessons-from-lakanal-house-were-not-heeded-then-grenfell-happened-80051">Lessons from Lakanal House were not heeded – then Grenfell happened</a>
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<h2>Blame game</h2>
<p>There is a sense in which the plight of residents – so much in the news in the wake of Grenfell – was poorly served by the media in the years after Lakanal. Little public scrutiny, for example, of whether the recommendations of the Lakanal inquest had been implemented, and little outrage at politicians passing the buck when changes were clearly necessary. When disaster befell Grenfell, journalistic overdrive could not bring back those lost lives. Journalists had missed the boat. </p>
<p>Emily Bell, formerly of The Guardian, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/media-blog/2017/jun/25/grenfell-reflects-the-accountability-vacuum-left-by-crumbling-local-press">said it was a sign</a> of the demise of a robust local press. There is something to be said for that argument. No investigative instincts were needed to pick up on the fire safety risks that the Grenfell Action Group <a href="https://grenfellactiongroup.wordpress.com/2017/06/14/grenfell-tower-fire/">repeatedly raised</a> on their public website – journalists just needed to convince an editor it was a story worth telling. </p>
<p>I’m afraid the evidence shows that between 2013 and 2017, journalism failed to hold those responsible for fire safety to account – with the exception of specialist journal <a href="https://www.insidehousing.co.uk/">Inside Housing</a>, which made this a key topic of interest. </p>
<p>For the media to now <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2019/10/28/grenfell-tower-report-fire-brigade-condemned-systemic-failures/">condemn the London Fire Brigade</a> for the problems at Grenfell Tower risks deflecting responsibility from those most culpable: the ministers, government advisers and civil servants who sat on their hands and ignored the findings from the Lakanal inquest. Of course, the London Fire Brigade (LFB) made mistakes at Grenfell Tower, as they did at Lakanal House. Phase one of the Grenfell Tower public inquiry <a href="https://theconversation.com/grenfell-tower-inquiry-expert-explains-four-main-findings-and-how-emergency-services-must-improve-126163">highlighted serious failings</a> in their handling of the unfolding emergency. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/grenfell-tower-inquiry-expert-explains-four-main-findings-and-how-emergency-services-must-improve-126163">Grenfell Tower inquiry: expert explains four main findings – and how emergency services must improve</a>
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<p>But the LFB was not responsible for the maintenance of the building – nor its design. In fact, it was a complex web involving the the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, arms-length management companies, contractors, designers and manufacturers that oversaw the conditions that led to the fire. Phase two of the public inquiry <a href="https://www.grenfelltowerinquiry.org.uk/about">will seek to untangle these circumstances</a>, and begins taking evidence in early 2020.</p>
<h2>Making homes safe</h2>
<p>There are key practical take-aways from the public inquiry thus far. One of the firmest (and in many people’s views, most obvious) recommendations of Justice Moore-Bick’s phase one report from the ongoing inquiry into the Grenfell Tower fire is that the “stay put” policy no longer serves the public interest. But if landlords are to follow through on removing and replacing the “stay put” policy, there will need to be effective evacuation plans in place for residents of every single tower block across the UK. </p>
<p>Furthermore, if “stay put” is no longer common sense, building regulations need to reflect that. There must no longer be a presumption that flats are contained units, which can block a fire from spreading. Instead, there must be an assumption that fire can, and will, spread. Safe evacuations will require sturdy fire doors, sheltered exit routes and functioning sprinkler systems – even retro-fitted ones. </p>
<p>There will be reluctance from those who will have to pay the bill – namely local authority landlords, private freeholders and leaseholders. But there is no alternative to secure people’s safety and well-being. The <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/apr/26/mental-health-toll-on-people-in-flats-with-grenfell-style-cladding-revealed">mental health costs</a> to those living in fear of what could happen to them and their families hasn’t yet been fully accounted for.</p>
<h2>Regulations save lives</h2>
<p>But as I argue in my <a href="https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030337117">forthcoming book chapter</a>, there is also a vital role for journalism in tackling the fallout from events like Grenfell. Not only must it respond to disaster and tell those stories truthfully – it must also deal with the consequences of those events, and propel forward crucial debates, such as how disaster-afflicted communities can be rebuilt, and how trust in public authorities might be restored if they are found at fault. </p>
<p>It must also pursue those in power to deliver the required changes to stop such disasters happening again. Journalism failed in the wake of the Lakanal inquest. Journalists may not make the decisions in the corridors of power, but they can keep challenging such decisions if they do not serve the public interest. Let us hope that out of Grenfell comes an enduring lesson for British journalism. Readers do expect public interest journalism: they want journalists to speak truth to power – and there’s no further scope for journalists to forfeit that trust by taking their eyes off the proverbial ball.</p>
<p>“Regulation” has become <a href="https://theconversation.com/after-grenfell-regulation-must-not-be-a-dirty-word-80031">a dirty word</a> in the current political climate – that cannot continue, regardless of the prevailing ideology of the UK government. Going forward, public authorities need to establish fail safe ways to ensure landlords of tower blocks are held unequivocally accountable for meeting regulations and safety standards.</p>
<p>The current law defining fire safety responsibilities – the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/2005/1541/contents/made">Regulatory Reform (Fire Safety) Order 2005</a> – makes it too easy for landlords to shirk their duties. That was the basis of the tragedy at Lakanal House, and the national disgrace at Grenfell Tower, because the problem was exposed and then ignored for the four years between the two fires. </p>
<p>Grenfell Tower still stands as a monument to corporate and government incompetence, which caused the unnecessary deaths of <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-40457212">72 people</a>. Clearly, fire services around the country have a role to play here. But again, journalists must take stock of relevant context in their reports: the UK government has been enforcing an austerity programme that has led to local authorities cutting public resources for firefighting. And emergency services are not solely responsible for ensuring that freeholders maintain their buildings properly.</p>
<p>As the <a href="https://grenfellactiongroup.wordpress.com/">Grenfell Action Group</a> discovered in the months before the tragedy, even with a public website disseminating damaging information about seriously lax fire safety, getting those in authority to listen is a struggle. It can still be difficult for residents to challenge landlords who maintain that their cladding is not a fire risk, since the government <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/social-sector-acm-cladding-remediation-fund-application-guidance">will currently only fund</a> the removal of aluminium composite material cladding. Comparing cladding is not as straightforward as contrasting bricks and wood. Tenants need somewhere to go to get informed, impartial advice.</p>
<p>While talk continues about what needs to be done, there has still never been a thorough national audit of the safety of tower blocks across the country – despite persistent efforts from self-financed groups like <a href="https://www.towerblocksuk.com/">Tower Blocks UK</a>, and an earlier <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2017/jun/17/grenfell-tower-local-councils-inspections-tower-blocks">piecemeal review</a> to look at emergency fire safety arrangements by auditing information held by local authorities and housing associations.</p>
<p>Having a national register of tower blocks, including details of construction and materials, is not beyond the capabilities of modern government. This has to be a logical starting point to gather information on their current condition and safety risks – before tragedy strikes once again.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/126164/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kurt Barling would like to thank fire safety and public housing campaigners Sam Webb, Tony Bird, Liz Low and Frances Clarke of Tower Blocks UK and Hannah Brack for their valuable insights in preparing this article.</span></em></p>The public inquiry into Grenfell makes its first report – but those responsible for the circumstances leading up to the fire are yet to face the consequences.Kurt Barling, Professor of Journalism, Middlesex UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1182032019-09-11T14:54:30Z2019-09-11T14:54:30ZRadical reforms to local authorities have gone ‘unnoticed and unchallenged’ against the backdrop of Brexit<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291965/original/file-20190911-190002-5fpdwn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C245%2C3642%2C2484&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A clouded future for local councils.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/eeners/15207589608/sizes/l">Little Miss Clever Trousers/Flickr.</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Reforms to the way local authorities are funded are probably the most radical – and least discussed – changes made by the coalition and conservative governments since 2010. Yet they affect the millions of people across England who rely on <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/about/what-local-government">local services</a> including social care, state schools, housing and planning and waste collection – and could mean big changes on the horizon for taxpayers. </p>
<p>Before 2012, local authorities received most of their funds from central government. This system took into account differences in local needs and tax base, and had been in place, with variations, throughout the post-war period. Local authorities also raised some money themselves through fees and through council tax, though with significant restrictions on what they could and could not do.</p>
<p>Under the new system – which was intended to incentivise economic growth and house building, and make local authorities more accountable to local tax payers – funding from central government has been slashed by <a href="https://www.nao.org.uk/naoblog/local-government-in-2019/">almost 50%</a> since 2010-11. Meanwhile business rates – which used to go into a national pot to be redistributed by the UK government using a formula – are increasingly retained by local authorities. </p>
<h2>A quiet revolution</h2>
<p>This radical shift in the way local authorities are funded has gone largely unnoticed and unchallenged. Yet there are serious concerns over whether this new system is sustainable in the long term. Many people are worried that the rising cost of providing essential public services is fast outstripping the budgets of local authorities. </p>
<p>Local authorities account for around <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/mhclg-annual-report-and-accounts-2017-to-2018">one-quarter of all spending</a> on public services. But analysis by the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) suggests that local authority spending has <a href="https://www.ifs.org.uk/uploads/BN250-English-council-funding-whats-happened-and-whats-next.pdf">fallen by 21%</a> since its peak in 2008-9, mostly because of the cuts to central government funding. </p>
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<p>These cuts have not fallen equally. According to the IFS, funding for youth centres, town planning, highways and cultural services have had to endure the greatest reductions, while funding for children’s social care has actually risen by 10%. </p>
<p>The cuts have also affected some local authorities more than others – particularly those with a weaker council tax base and high levels of need. So far, extra funding from business rates <a href="https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/13911">has not made up</a> for the reductions in central government grants. </p>
<p>What’s more, the UK government has retained control over council tax – the other main source of income for local authorities – and limits how much these bills can be increased. Removing these restrictions would be politically unpalatable, so this is unlikely to change any time soon. As a result, funding from council tax <a href="https://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Financial-sustainabilty-of-local-authorites-2018.pdf">has also taken a dip</a> over the past decade – though it recovered to 2010-11 levels in 2016-17. </p>
<h2>A lack of accountability</h2>
<p>But, even if council tax went up by 4.7% each year, the <a href="https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/14133">IFS estimates that</a> by the 2030s the rising costs of social services would outstrip this extra revenue. Something more radical is needed – something that addresses two of the fundamental issues with local government finances: a lack of accountability and ineffectiveness. </p>
<p>Though local services are now being funded primarily through revenues raised by local authorities, there has been no noticeable change in voter turnout in local elections. On average, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-47666080">just over one-third</a> of registered voters actually participate. </p>
<p>As such, there is little accountability over the spending decisions made by local authorities on behalf of the people they represent. And efforts to give local people greater power – for example, by enabling them to develop a plan for their neighbourhood – have had <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-dont-local-people-have-a-greater-say-in-their-neighbourhoods-115277">patchy results</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-dont-local-people-have-a-greater-say-in-their-neighbourhoods-115277">Why don't local people have a greater say in their neighbourhoods?</a>
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<p>The UK’s badly outdated council tax system – which charges households based on property values from 1991 – doesn’t help. Only a small proportion of the actual costs of local services are funded through local taxation. And most local people contribute indirectly, via their household, rather than making a direct contribution as individuals. A local tax on individuals – such as a local income tax or local sales tax – may address this. A <a href="https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/14006">flat rate local income tax</a> across the nation could minimise administrative costs. The idea of a local land tax has also been mooted. </p>
<h2>A lack of effectiveness</h2>
<p>Too often, local services are commissioned and delivered with little knowledge or understanding of whether they are effective. Or – as in the case of the Troubled Families programme – they are delivered in places where the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/national-evaluation-of-the-troubled-families-programme-2015-to-2020-findings">evidence suggests</a> that services make no difference to outcomes. Changes in how services are commissioned, designed and delivered, with a much greater focus on funding services that can demonstrate impact, are desperately needed. </p>
<p>As the UK’s population ages, health and social care systems administered by local authorities are struggling to cope with the growing needs of residents. Since the 1940s, these two separate systems have acted independently to protect their budgets and limit their responsibilities – to <a href="https://www.kingsfund.org.uk/sites/default/files/field/field_publication_file/commission-interim-new-settlement-health-social-care-apr2014.pdf">the detriment</a> of taxpayers and service users. It could be time to consider a system that integrates health and social care, under the remit of local authorities.</p>
<p>There has been a quiet revolution in local government funding over the past decade, and huge questions remain about whether local authorities can afford to fund services into the future. But the revolution is not complete - more radical steps are needed to give local authorities real control over their budgets, to ensure they fund services with clear evidence of effectiveness, and to increase local accountability. </p>
<p>Localising health care, introducing individual local taxation and removing restrictions on local authority revenue-raising are some of the more radical (but politically explosive) ideas that need to be considered.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/118203/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Chris O'Leary is a member of the Conservative Party.</span></em></p>Reforms to the way local authorities are funded are probably the most radical – and least discussed – changes made by the Conservative government.Chris O'Leary, Deputy Director, Policy Evaluation and Research Unit and Senior Lecturer, Manchester Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1152772019-09-06T11:06:44Z2019-09-06T11:06:44ZWhy don’t local people have a greater say in their neighbourhoods?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291255/original/file-20190906-175710-1hb1ber.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=25%2C227%2C2786%2C1880&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">People power in Totnes. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/8289164@N03/2618415302/sizes/l">Sophie Wilder/Flickr.</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>It’s been 50 years since the UK made its first serious attempt to give local people greater power over the decisions made in their neighbourhoods. Yet across the nation, regeneration efforts led by councils and developers continue to draw criticism from communities that feel disregarded and disempowered: from <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/aug/03/police-called-brixton-anti-gentrification-protest-railway-arches">traders in London’s railway arches</a>, to <a href="https://theconversation.com/stokes-croft-the-saga-of-one-british-neighbourhood-reveals-the-perverse-injustices-of-gentrification-82010">community organisations in Bristol</a> and <a href="https://www.citymetric.com/fabric/residents-are-fighting-back-against-gentrification-manchester-s-northern-quarter-4543">renters in Manchester’s Northern Quarter</a>. Policies designed to help communities create a shared vision for their local area and shape its growth can seem ineffective. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291258/original/file-20190906-175663-ujoxpc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291258/original/file-20190906-175663-ujoxpc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291258/original/file-20190906-175663-ujoxpc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=847&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291258/original/file-20190906-175663-ujoxpc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=847&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291258/original/file-20190906-175663-ujoxpc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=847&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291258/original/file-20190906-175663-ujoxpc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1064&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291258/original/file-20190906-175663-ujoxpc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1064&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291258/original/file-20190906-175663-ujoxpc.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1064&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Cover of the 1969 Skeffington report on planning.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="license" href="http://artlibre.org/licence/lal/en">FAL</a></span>
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<p>In 1969, the UK government published the <a href="https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/C6034106">Skeffington report</a>, with the aim of bridging the gap between town planners and the people affected by their decisions. The report made nearly 50 recommendations about how to get communities more involved in planning. Creating community forums, offering greater access to information, giving feedback on public input and improving public education about planning were all prominent suggestions. </p>
<p>It’s startling just how relevant the report remains today. Local planning authorities are still struggling to address issues of legitimacy, accountability and innovation in planning decisions. The Skeffington recommendations went largely unimplemented. </p>
<p>Yet by the turn of the millennium, there were a number of small scale experiments giving communities the chance to research and prepare action plans for their local areas. One example was <a href="https://www.planninghelp.cpre.org.uk/improve-where-you-live/shape-your-local-area/parish-plans">parish plans</a>, which enabled people to establish local needs and priorities across rural England. Pilots like these were to form the basis for a new way of planning – one which was to put local people at the steering wheel.</p>
<h2>Neighbourhood planning</h2>
<p>In 2011, under the banner of localism and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2010/may/18/david-cameron-big-society-plan">“big society”</a>, the coalition government introduced the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2011/20/contents/enacted">Localism Act</a>, along with its flagship policy of <a href="https://www.gov.uk/guidance/neighbourhood-planning--2">neighbourhood planning</a>. </p>
<p>Neighbourhood Planning was meant to empower communities and ensure they got the right type of development to meet their needs, by choosing where they wanted new homes, shops and offices and having their say on building new infrastructure such as roads and transport links. They were to do this by developing their own plan which, when complete, would become a statutory part of the wider planning system.</p>
<p>Some years on, the policy still enjoys support from the UK government. Around 2,500 communities have taken up the opportunity to develop a plan – but only <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/801804/Neighbourhood_Planning_Newsletter_May_2019.pdf">around 750</a> had actually finished one by February 2019. What started out as a light touch addition to the system has encountered many problems. If these cannot be addressed, there is a danger that the initiative will founder and the opportunity to empower communities will be lost. </p>
<p>Since neighbourhood planning was introduced, myself and colleagues at the University of Reading have been <a href="https://research.reading.ac.uk/neighbourhoodplanning/">researching the issues</a>, tracking the views of the people involved and documenting the problems they have faced. There are a number of reasons why the policy has not delivered what many people, politicians and planners had hoped. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291263/original/file-20190906-175686-rszj02.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291263/original/file-20190906-175686-rszj02.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291263/original/file-20190906-175686-rszj02.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291263/original/file-20190906-175686-rszj02.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291263/original/file-20190906-175686-rszj02.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=497&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291263/original/file-20190906-175686-rszj02.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=497&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/291263/original/file-20190906-175686-rszj02.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=497&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A town hall in England.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/pixelhut/3934585747/sizes/l">Gidsey/Flickr.</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>For one thing, the work involved in putting a plan together has placed a significant burden on volunteers, and made it costly in terms of time and effort for people to participate. The need for technical knowledge and understanding can be great, and the work of consulting with communities, assembling evidence and preparing a tight draft plan with workable policies is a lot for volunteers to take on.</p>
<p>There has also been a lack of clarity, structure and consistency in the support communities get from local authorities and governments. When the policy was first introduced, the government was unwilling to tell people what to do, and local authorities were experiencing significant resource pressures. </p>
<p>Staff turnover at local authorities has also contributed to these difficulties, and scholars and communities have raised concerns about the usefulness and accessibility of the policy. Clearly, marginalised neighbourhoods must be better supported and encouraged to participate. </p>
<p>What’s more, changes to the planning system and associated rules that <a href="https://www.sussexexpress.co.uk/news/councillors-resign-in-protest-against-overturned-planning-decision-1-7705057">override neighbourhood plans</a> have left communities feeling frustrated by the process. The system needs to be capable of handling these changes, so that they don’t disrupt the efforts local people are making to have their voices heard. </p>
<p>A further concern emerging from our research is that the finalised plans are not being given enough weight when planning decisions are eventually made. This is extremely concerning, as it could deter others from attempting to make their own neighbourhood plans in the future. </p>
<h2>Thinking ahead</h2>
<p>For local people thinking of producing a plan, there are a few things to keep in mind. In our book, <a href="https://www.lundhumphries.com/products/108380">Neighbourhood Planning in Practice</a>, we suggest that communities looking to navigate neighbourhood planning now or in the future should first establish that it’s the right tool to achieve their goals. There are other planning mechanisms out there to improve the local environment – such as neighbourhood design statements, or engaging directly with the local authority over specific local issues – which may be more effective.</p>
<p>Those who decide to pursue neighbourhood planning should aim to develop and maintain strong relationships with partners – critically the local planning authority – by forging strong channels of communication, clarity over aims and agreement on what support can be offered. Our research indicates it’s also vital to maximise benefits by working across the local community and with other parties – not only to develop a plan, but also to maintain communications and develop other ideas and initiatives.</p>
<p>Creating better places is a shared endeavour, and one that takes hard work. Building partnerships between communities and town planners to share the load is critical to giving local people a greater say in their neighbourhoods. And that’s something that the Skeffington report simply didn’t stress enough 50 years ago.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/115277/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Prof Gavin Parker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The UK government has been trying to hand planning power over to local people for 50 years – but research reveals it has fallen far short of its goals.Prof Gavin Parker, Chair of Planning Studies, University of ReadingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1210672019-07-29T14:49:45Z2019-07-29T14:49:45ZUrban commons are under siege in the age of austerity – here’s how to protect them<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286035/original/file-20190729-43140-w27icf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=17%2C0%2C5973%2C3997&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Hampstead Heath, London.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/wipu_p/44558188704/sizes/l">Emotionless Wi/Flickr.</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Urban commons are some of the largest and most iconic green spaces in towns and cities across the UK. The London commons spring to mind, including Hampstead Heath and Wimbledon Common, but many UK cities have comparable commons that are just as highly valued, such as Town Moor in Newcastle, Mousehold Heath in Norwich, or Clifton and Durdham Downs in Bristol. These wide expanses of parklands or moors are treasured places for city-dwellers, offering space to exercise, socialise and play outdoors.</p>
<p>Urban commons are vital for culture, health, well-being and biodiversity. Ample scientific research <a href="https://theconversation.com/spending-two-hours-a-week-in-nature-is-linked-to-better-health-and-well-being-118653">has demonstrated</a> the physical and mental health benefits of having access to nature. Indeed, it’s been estimated that providing fair access to good quality green space for every household could reduce government spending on health care <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/516725/ncc-state-natural-capital-third-report.pdf">by £2.1 billion per year</a>. </p>
<p>The historical associations of the commons also shape a sense of place and identity for local communities. For example, the Town Moor in Newcastle was the scene of <a href="https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/history/varied-life-newcastles-town-moor-16412188">large Chartist rallies</a> in the 19th century, aimed at getting the vote for working-class men – as were other urban commons across England. And Mousehold Heath in Norwich is closely associated with Kett’s Rebellion in 1549, against the enclosure of common land by landowners in East Anglia.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/285863/original/file-20190726-43140-2i1ne8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/285863/original/file-20190726-43140-2i1ne8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/285863/original/file-20190726-43140-2i1ne8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/285863/original/file-20190726-43140-2i1ne8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/285863/original/file-20190726-43140-2i1ne8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/285863/original/file-20190726-43140-2i1ne8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=536&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/285863/original/file-20190726-43140-2i1ne8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=536&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/285863/original/file-20190726-43140-2i1ne8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=536&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Photograph of a Chartist meeting on Kennington Common, London, 1848.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chartism#/media/File:Chartist_meeting_on_Kennington_Common_by_William_Edward_Kilburn_1848_-_restoration1.jpg">William Edward Kilburn/Wikimedia Commons.</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Despite these evident benefits, urban green space is under threat in an age of austerity. Selling off green space in urban areas can be a quick fix for local authorities with <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-46443700">stretched budgets</a>, as they struggle to maintain frontline community services. In 2018, charity Locality <a href="https://locality.org.uk/policy-campaigns/save-our-spaces/the-great-british-sell-off/">published research</a> showing that, on average, 4,131 public buildings and parks are currently being sold off each year by cash-strapped councils.</p>
<p>There is also constant pressure on legally protected green space, with regular applications to de-register village greens and areas of common land for development. A recent example is <a href="https://www.oss.org.uk/blackbushe-airport-ruling-could-put-many-commons-under-threat/">Yateley common in Hampshire</a>, part of which was de-registered following a planning inspector’s decision in 2019 to allow an extension of facilities at Blackbushe Airport.</p>
<h2>Are they really common?</h2>
<p>Urban green space comes in a variety of forms – urban commons, village greens, parks and community gardens. The term “common” evokes ideas of community ownership, control and use: “Hands off our common” is a frequent battle cry when these green spaces are threatened by development. </p>
<p>But many commons don’t belong to the people at all. Most urban commons are not community-owned assets – in fact, they have many have different legal identities, and varying degrees of legal protection and security. Some are registered as common land and <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2006/26/section/41">protected by law</a>. Others have no legal protection, other than that given by the planning system – for example, if they are designated as parklands, allotments or conservation areas. </p>
<p>The result is that a mixed bag of legal protections and status applies to land that looks very similar and performs similar functions as recreational green space in UK towns and cities. For example, <a href="https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/C11113541">Epping Forest</a> in London and <a href="https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/history/varied-life-newcastles-town-moor-16412188">Town Moor</a> in Newcastle are protected by their very own parliamentary acts. Clifton Down in Bristol is a “traditional” common, registered under legislation that guarantees its status as common land. Other urban commons have much less secure legal protection – and could be more easily lost to development.</p>
<h2>Guarding green spaces</h2>
<p>There are several routes for securing greater legal protection for urban green space. One is to get it registered as a town or village green, under the Commons Act 2006. Land can be registered as a town or village green where a significant number of inhabitants in the local area have been using the land for “lawful sports and pastimes” – which <a href="https://www.lawteacher.net/cases/r-v-oxfordshire-cc-sunningwell.php">might include</a> dog walking, playing with children, blackberry picking and other forms of informal recreation – for at least 20 years. </p>
<p>If a landowner wants to voluntarily dedicate their land as public green space for the future, they can do so relatively easily, by a deed of dedication. Land registered as a town or village green will be protected from development indefinitely, unless it’s de-registered, which is a complex process. </p>
<p>“True” urban commons – those that have the legal status and protection of common land – are extremely precious community assets. Getting green space <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09640568.2017.1333407">registered as common land</a> is different to registering a town or village green – English law recognises several rights of common, most of which are based in ancient and customary land use rights. </p>
<p>The most suitable way for establishing a new common today is the <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09640568.2017.1333407">ancient right of estovers</a>, which gives neighbouring households the right to take natural produce such as fruit or berries, or fallen timber, from the land. When a landowner grants estovers, it means the land can be registered as a common, by law. And once registered as such, public access is guaranteed, as all common land is subject to the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/37/contents">“right to roam”</a>. </p>
<p>The main benefit of this approach is that it creates private property rights for members of the local community (the neighbouring households), which not only secures public access to the land, but also gives the local community a sense of ownership. Registration as a town or village green, while hugely beneficial, does not give property rights to members of the community. </p>
<p>Green space can also be protected through the planning system - through the local development plan, for example, or by designation as a conservation area. But this can be changed when new development proposals are considered.</p>
<p>It’s vital for communities to be able to champion their urban commons. That’s why a group of us at Newcastle University are leading a <a href="https://www.ncl.ac.uk/hca/projects/wastesandstraysthepastpresentandfutureofenglishurbancommons.html">three-year interdisciplinary project</a> to investigate how these valuable green spaces can be protected. It will explore the complex legal and cultural identity of the UK’s many urban commons, and develop new strategies to shape their future use in towns and cities. </p>
<p>The UK’s surviving urban commons are precious green spaces, but the laws that protect them are confusing, complicated and in some cases outdated. We also need to use the existing law creatively, to create and protect urban green space by getting it registered as town or village greens, or as commons. There is much work to be done by researchers, politicians and also the public themselves, to safeguard these spaces for the future.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/121067/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christopher Rodgers receives funding from Arts and Humanities Research Council. </span></em></p>The UK’s surviving urban commons are precious green spaces, but the laws that protect them are confusing, complicated and in some cases outdated.Christopher Rodgers, Professor of Law, Newcastle UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1151772019-04-15T11:18:35Z2019-04-15T11:18:35ZChild poverty is at a 20-year high – but in one English community, children themselves are intervening<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268982/original/file-20190412-76843-egm28h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=53%2C15%2C5033%2C3371&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Taking a lead.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/closeup-little-girl-holding-her-mother-1062516695?src=_37_3OJIfvDKwbGcHcNdEw-1-8">Paulaphoto/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>There are <a href="http://www.cpag.org.uk/content/child-poverty-working-families-rise">200,000 children</a> living in absolute poverty across the UK, according to the latest report by the <a href="http://www.cpag.org.uk/">Child Poverty Action Group</a>. This means that 200,000 children live in households which don’t make the minimum income required to meet basic needs such as food, heating or electricity over an extended period of time. </p>
<p>There’s little agreement across the political spectrum on the causes and consequences of poverty – or on how to address it. But evidence clearly shows that the experience of poverty goes far beyond simply not having money. <a href="https://researchportal.bath.ac.uk/en/publications/the-everyday-costs-of-poverty-in-childhood-a-review-of-qualitativ">Research shows</a> that being poor is linked to social exclusion and chronic stress, which affects children as well as adults. </p>
<p>For example, a new report by the National Education Union showed how <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/education/education-news/child-poverty-national-education-union-pupils-school-bullying-teachers-a8867781.html?fbclid=IwAR1Me69wIYTLuGyHBS5Fjkw6r3WHaNm0rZjSbIdo1qgmbOk1Jmfb0P4HN5A">poverty impacts education</a>, including accounts of children arriving at school hungry, without the right equipment and with ill fitting or dirty uniforms. The shame children experience at school often causes them to truant, further limiting their chances of breaking free from poverty. </p>
<p>The cultural, social and psychological effects of poverty can leave people feeling unable to take responsibility for their future, for the simple reason that they cannot see a future. This creates barriers to positive action such as trying to save money, or enrolling on a long-term course that might lead to a job. </p>
<p>Yet this evidence is rarely taken into account by organisations or governments, as they seek to address poverty. For example, <a href="https://theconversation.com/food-banks-are-becoming-institutionalised-in-the-uk-114325">foodbanks</a> provide an essential short-term solution to hunger – but unless accompanied by services that enhance elements of people’s cultural, social and psychological lives, they merely place a plaster over the problem. </p>
<h2>Inspiring change</h2>
<p>Yet there are ways that local institutions – especially universities – can challenge the effects of child poverty at a local level. In West Cumbria in the north of England, for example, local authorities are working together on the <a href="https://www.thersa.org/discover/publications-and-articles/reports/community-capital-the-value-of-connected-communities">Connected Communities</a> project, which aims to enhance the community’s well-being, sense of citizenship and capacity to make a difference.</p>
<p>In this project, children from communities experiencing significant hardship conducted their own community research, exploring local people’s social networks, feelings of loneliness and emotional well-being. As the project progressed, the children’s mental well-being improved through the process of having their voices heard – especially by those in positions of power locally. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268673/original/file-20190410-2898-103shp8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268673/original/file-20190410-2898-103shp8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268673/original/file-20190410-2898-103shp8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268673/original/file-20190410-2898-103shp8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268673/original/file-20190410-2898-103shp8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268673/original/file-20190410-2898-103shp8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268673/original/file-20190410-2898-103shp8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Community researchers share their findings.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Facebook.</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This newfound confidence grew as the children started working with local partners – such as the police, housing associations and charities – to develop new ways to bring people together and improve their physical and emotional well-being through things such as family fitness sessions and combating littering. They also <a href="https://www.whitehavennews.co.uk/news/17105705.girls-gang-lead-by-example-for-their-whole-community/">shared their results</a> with local authorities, in order to make a real impact on their own lives and the lives of other children. </p>
<h2>Making children heard</h2>
<p>Research projects that <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1090198118769357">aim to empower disadvantaged children</a> have given young people around the world support to take action against social inequalities. For example, <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1476750318756492">girls from disadvantaged communities in South Africa</a> identified issues that affected them during disasters, then shared this information with community leaders to help make decisions and plan for future events. </p>
<p>Across Europe, <a href="http://www.peeryouth.eu/home">children from Roma communities</a> have been involved in co-creating projects to improve their social lives. Through this process, <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/251212957_Building_resilience_in_young_people_through_meaningful_participation">children feel</a> that they belong in society, and that they are valued. These approaches work because they give children an opportunity to understand and reflect on their lives, while also giving them a platform to tell people in positions of power <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.3102/0091732X16686948">what matters to them</a>. </p>
<p>Yet it’s not enough to simply give children a voice; to make a difference, they must also be heard. During the project in West Cumbria, children had unique ideas about how to make positive changes in their community, which were respected not only by local families and services, but also local politicians including the mayor and the chair of the council. </p>
<p>The children worked with a dedicated child poverty group – part of Copeland Borough Council – to produce the Children’s Charter: the council’s pledge to keep children, especially those facing hardship, at the forefront of all new policies it develops. They were also given a budget to design and deliver community events, aimed at building connections, extending social networks and <a href="https://theconversation.com/loneliness-has-serious-health-risks-and-the-solution-is-social-23638">reducing loneliness</a>. </p>
<p>Further findings from <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1476750317695412">a similar project</a> in the Netherlands confirmed that this approach to poverty is most effective when politicians genuinely listen and accept children’s views as being valid.</p>
<h2>Empowering experiences</h2>
<p>Of course, this kind of participatory approach can’t tackle all of the difficulties faced by children and young people in poverty. But it does challenge the cultural, social and psychological effects of poverty, which can be just as pervasive and harmful as the financial hardship. </p>
<p>By taking part in empowering experiences and having adults in positions of authority listen to their views proves to young people that they can make a difference, and can show children living on the margins of society can see that they do indeed have a future.</p>
<p>It is only through accepting and understanding the complex nature of poverty that local authorities and other services can do meaningful and sustainable work to address poverty. By working in strong partnerships, based on shared values and an understanding of the complex effects of poverty, the UK’s most vulnerable children can be given opportunities to thrive.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/115177/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Suzanne Wilson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Poverty leaves people feeling unable to take responsibility for their future – but community programmes can empower young people to take control.Suzanne Wilson, Research Fellow in Social Inclusion and Community Engagement, University of Central LancashireLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1122522019-02-22T12:18:34Z2019-02-22T12:18:34ZHonda: why Swindon, like so much of England, is powerless to fight factory closures<p>With Honda confirming the closure of its car plant in Swindon, many are focused on <a href="https://theconversation.com/honda-closure-brexit-is-tipping-the-uks-car-industry-over-the-edge-112112">who and what’s to blame</a> – and whether or not it’s the fault of Brexit. But the people of Swindon will be more concerned about the 3,500 factory jobs that will be lost <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2019/feb/19/honda-confirms-swindon-plant-will-close-in-2021">and the further 3,500 jobs</a> in the area that could be affected. </p>
<p>Local stakeholders from business and government have responded with shock and sympathy. The <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-47287386">line from business leaders</a> was: “Employers, government and local authorities must do all they can to deliver tangible assistance and guidance for the people and communities that will be affected by an announcement of this scale.”</p>
<p>Note the cautious reference to “doing all they can”. Because business representatives and the local authorities know full well that what they can do is limited. A big reason for this is their inability to speak as one voice and because there are serious limits to any kind of practical, coordinated regional response. Our <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13639080.2019.1572109">research</a> into local business groups indicates that the people of Swindon simply cannot rely on their interests being protected.</p>
<h2>Realities of local government</h2>
<p>Attempts by UK governments over the past 50 years or so to form credible regional authorities – and to absorb the shocks of factories closing – have a very chequered history. The latest incarnation are the Local Enterprise Partnerships, or LEPs, of which there are 38 across England. Before the LEPs, there was New Labour’s Regional Development Agencies (RDAs); before the RDAs, there were the Thatcherite Training and Enterprise Councils (TECs). </p>
<p>All these bodies have tried to drive economic growth and create jobs in the regions that they operate. To a greater or lesser degree, they have all intended to be “employer-led” – which means they are run by boards of directors comprised mainly of appointed senior members of the “local business community”. The theory goes that these people are best placed to understand the employment needs of the local area and how to direct regional investments.</p>
<p>So the <a href="https://swlep.co.uk/about">Swindon and Wiltshire LEP</a>, responsible for the area where the Honda plant sits, will now somehow be charged with concocting a plan to mitigate the damage caused by the recent plant closure. The workforce has the Unite trade union as its representative at the bargaining table. But who is in the LEP driving seat and what are their powers?</p>
<p>The make-up of the Swindon and Wiltshire board is typical of most LEPs, in that it is made up of eight members from the private sector and two from the public sector (namely the leaders of the two local councils). The private sector board members come from a fairly random set of business sectors, including minerals, water, tourism, corporate law, pharmaceuticals, education and the military. There are no representatives from the car industry. </p>
<p>The Swindon and Wiltshire LEP’s budget (<a href="https://swlep.co.uk/about/our-finances">around £300m over three years</a>) is mainly earmarked for local transport infrastructure improvement projects. The remainder is for employment and training programmes, which ex-Honda workers will need access to. But this is very dependent on EU funding, so it’s very unclear how long those will last.</p>
<h2>Real constraints</h2>
<p>None of this is to criticise or question the people running the Swindon and Wiltshire LEP. They are doubtless highly experienced, well-networked and well-intentioned individuals – and it is always hard to recruit the right people from business to devote their unpaid time to important public duties so credit is due to them.</p>
<p>But the relatively random and, by their design, undemocratic make-up of LEPs, and the real constraints on their spending, illustrate the wider problem of “business-led” regional development in the UK. In our <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13639080.2019.1572109">recent research</a>, we pointed out the eerie similarities between the LEPs and the doomed, recession-hit TEC <a href="https://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/tpp/pap/1993/00000021/00000004/art00005">experiment of the early-1990s</a>. It was a similar story later in the 1990s following factory closures by Fujitsu, Siemens and others in England’s North East – the “task forces” put in place by New Labour to help spur development <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1080/02690940122428">were relatively impotent</a>.</p>
<p>Our research demonstrates the unrepresentative structure of LEP boards in England. For example, we calculated that members from banking, finance and insurance make up about 40% of private sector board membership (118 out of a total 616 seats in 2016), even though this sector employs only 20% of the adult workforce. There is no role for trades union representatives in the way LEPs are designed.</p>
<p>While it is true that some LEP boards were more representative of local business than others, a common theme across the country is the over-representation of financial and consultancy services and the under-representation of large, labour-intensive sectors such as retail and social care, in which tens of thousands of people tend to work in any LEP area.</p>
<p>If our regional authorities were given real teeth, with the most important local employers required to engage seriously in decisions that affected local communities (like they do in Germany, for example), then the people of Swindon might have greater confidence in their representatives to protect them from massive shocks, like the announcement of a factory closure. As it is, LEPs are England’s main regional institutions but they are pretty much powerless to shape events.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/112252/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Patrick McGurk is a member of the Labour Party. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Richard Meredith received Vice Chancellor's Scholarship funding 2014-2017 from the University of Greenwich.</span></em></p>Regional authorities require real teeth to protect their towns from big shocks like factory closures.Patrick McGurk, Senior Lecturer in Management Practice, Queen Mary University of LondonRichard Meredith, PhD Researcher, Work and Employment Relations Unit within Centre for Research on Employment and Work, University of GreenwichLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1079302018-12-04T13:23:05Z2018-12-04T13:23:05ZLocal councils are putting your data at risk – it’s a scandal waiting to happen<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/248477/original/file-20181203-194950-18a9xbr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/security-breach-cyber-attack-computer-crime-493281961?src=08b-4ECpyCkUY5IHCDuD3g-2-0">Rawpixel/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Sometimes we have no choice. The “I agree” buttons that now pop up all over the web may give us a chance to stop companies gathering our data. But when it comes to government we are often forced to hand over our details or miss out on essential services such as healthcare, education or social security.</p>
<p>Yet, while national governments can pour vast sums into <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/national-cyber-security-strategy-2016-to-2021">cybersecurity</a> to protect all this compulsorily gathered data, local authorities don’t have the same resources or expertise. The campaign group <a href="https://bigbrotherwatch.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Cyber-attacks-in-local-authorities.pdf">Big Brother Watch</a> found in 2018 that UK councils recorded over 98m cyberattacks over the last five years, with at least one in four councils having experienced an actual cybersecurity breach. So, how confident can you be that local government can protect the confidentiality of your personal information?</p>
<p>We recently worked with a UK local government authority to test its cybersecurity, producing a confidential report. Over the course of two months, our team gained unauthorised access and even modified the personal details of several (unknown) citizens. No hacking skills, specialist software or hardware were required. We only used social engineering techniques. These included <a href="https://theconversation.com/phishing-scams-are-becoming-ever-more-sophisticated-and-firms-are-struggling-to-keep-up-73934">scam “phishing” emails</a>, leaving memory sticks with potentially malicious software in public spaces, and impersonating people over the phone using details available online. </p>
<p>Over 650 members of the council staff released their login credentials to us without realising by responding to our scam emails, which in some cases offered a chance to win an iPad. In giving up their details, these workers opened the door of the council’s information infrastructure to unknown, potential cybercriminals. When speaking to people on the phone, we found some staff who were open to releasing, though sometimes reluctantly, the personal information of local citizens.</p>
<p>The National UK <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/national-cyber-security-strategy-2016-to-2021">government recognises</a> that it needs to take stringent measures to safeguard information and protect citizens and their rights. As such, the <a href="https://www.ncsc.gov.uk/">National Cyber Security Centre</a> is leading a series of countrywide initiatives to make Britain secure and resilient in cyberspace. For example, it is carrying out <a href="https://www.ipsos.com/ipsos-mori/en-uk/cyber-security-breaches-survey-2018">annual surveys</a>, running an <a href="https://www.cyberessentials.ncsc.gov.uk/">accreditation scheme</a> and <a href="https://www.techuk.org/cyber-growth-partnership">encouraging information sharing</a> to raise awareness of cybersecurity issues among businesses. It is also encouraging initiatives such as the <a href="https://www.ukcybersecurityforum.com/">UK Cyber Security Forum</a>, a social enterprise for small businesses actively working in cybersecurity.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/248690/original/file-20181204-34142-1ni9bnp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/248690/original/file-20181204-34142-1ni9bnp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248690/original/file-20181204-34142-1ni9bnp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248690/original/file-20181204-34142-1ni9bnp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248690/original/file-20181204-34142-1ni9bnp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248690/original/file-20181204-34142-1ni9bnp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248690/original/file-20181204-34142-1ni9bnp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Open to scammers.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/businessman-mask-office-hypocrisy-concept-662294494?src=iXepXE2la_67QdrLh6dKwA-1-8">Elnur/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Unfortunately, these efforts don’t seem to be having an impact at local government level. Councils and their services still rely on a diverse array of departments and agencies that hold large, sensitive, partly overlapping and intersecting datasets and responsibility for keeping them safe is often widely shared.</p>
<p>Cybersecurity is still perceived as a purely technical issue, and managers have a limited understanding of the human dimension of the problem. Human error or lack of staff awareness is still <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/702074/Cyber_Security_Breaches_Survey_2018_-_Main_Report.pdf">among the most common factors</a> contributing to the most disruptive breaches. With many councils using more technology to maintain and even <a href="https://www.pwc.co.uk/local-government/publications/the-local-state-2018.pdf">improve services while reducing costs</a>, this provides ideal opportunities to cybercriminals. </p>
<h2>Intervention needed</h2>
<p>Unsurprisingly, the Local Government Association <a href="https://www.ukauthority.com/articles/taking-stock-of-cyber-security-in-local-government/">recently argued</a> that councils may not be giving cybersecurity the same attention as threats to physical infrastructure. And that councils still need educating on the risks and consequences of a cyber-incident, as well as how to deal with it when it happens. National government must help councils develop the leadership, governance, training and incident management skills that will enable them to ensure strong cybersecurity.</p>
<p>Technology is becoming an <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0740624X14001208">ever more important tool</a> for encouraging citizens to engage with their local authorities, but it won’t work if people don’t feel they can trust councils to look after their personal information. What’s more, a data breach would break the psychological contract between citizens and government and lead to a loss of mutual trust.</p>
<p>Back in 2008, UK local government data handling was deemed a <a href="https://www.computerweekly.com/news/2240085249/UK-local-authority-datasets-held-up-as-a-fine-example-to-Europe">model for Europe</a>. Today, the failure of local authorities to protect citizen data may well be the next big scandal waiting to happen.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/107930/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Funding has been received from a local government authority for the research that informs this article.</span></em></p>We found hundreds of local council workers willing to give out login details for government systems without realising.Alexeis Garcia Perez, Reader in Cyber Security Management, Coventry UniversityAnitha Chinnaswamy, Senior Lecturer in Cyber Security Management, Coventry UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1074702018-11-30T10:41:07Z2018-11-30T10:41:07ZRetail decline, in maps: England and Wales lose 43m square metres of shop space<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/248109/original/file-20181130-194932-1qcw3f5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=179%2C196%2C5515%2C3594&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Store closures in Swansea. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/swansea-uk-june-19-2016-british-685936303?src=GLYSdddTUAdgCf_rLq8dmQ-1-72">jax10289/Shutterstock.</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Across the UK, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-43240996">retailers are struggling to survive</a>. This is down to several factors: years of austerity and low wage growth has meant that households have less spending power, the cost of imported goods has risen – as has the national minimum wage – and the trend of “bricks to clicks” means more consumers are shopping online, from the convenience of their home, than in store. </p>
<p>This is not just bad news for retailers. Empty shop fronts blight the high street in towns and cities across country. Research I conducted, together with the <a href="http://r3intelligence.co.uk/">R3intelligence</a> team at Northumbria University, found that retail is in decline across most of England and Wales, with just a few areas bucking the trend. </p>
<p>By comparing the government’s own data on business rates – based on values from 2008 to 2015, and made available in the 2010 and 2017 rating lists – we have been able to analyse changes in the number and value of retail properties across England and Wales over that period. The map below shows how <a href="https://www.gov.uk/introduction-to-business-rates/how-your-rates-are-calculated">the average “rateable” value</a> of retail floorspace – which is its estimated value on the open rental market – has changed in each local authority. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247711/original/file-20181128-32191-1afe718.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247711/original/file-20181128-32191-1afe718.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247711/original/file-20181128-32191-1afe718.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247711/original/file-20181128-32191-1afe718.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247711/original/file-20181128-32191-1afe718.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247711/original/file-20181128-32191-1afe718.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247711/original/file-20181128-32191-1afe718.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247711/original/file-20181128-32191-1afe718.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Change to the average rateable value of retail floorspace from 2008 to 2015.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Paul Greenhalgh</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In the green areas, rateable values – and market rents – have increased. But most local authorities across England and Wales have experienced a decline in values. In fact, in two-thirds of local authorities (231 of 348), values fell by up to 20% between 2008 and 2015. South Wales in particular has experienced the most significant decrease in values where towns such as Swansea, Port Talbot and Bridgend are still reeling from the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-british-steel-industry-beyond-repair-54617">decline of the steel industry</a>. </p>
<p>The exception to the general trend is central London, where the inner cluster of boroughs experienced large increases in value – aside from the City of London, where there’s relatively little retail floorspace. The highest increase was recorded in Westminster, where the average rateable value for retail premises grew by almost 80%; a few rural areas also experienced large increases, exaggerated due to the small aggregate retail floorspace. </p>
<h2>Shrinking shop space</h2>
<p>Even more shocking is the reduction in retail floorspace across the country between 2008 and 2015. In all but five local authorities in England and Wales, total retail floorspace shrank – in more than two-thirds of local authorities, floorspace shrank by over 20%. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247712/original/file-20181128-32214-e62r0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247712/original/file-20181128-32214-e62r0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247712/original/file-20181128-32214-e62r0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247712/original/file-20181128-32214-e62r0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247712/original/file-20181128-32214-e62r0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247712/original/file-20181128-32214-e62r0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247712/original/file-20181128-32214-e62r0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247712/original/file-20181128-32214-e62r0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Change in retail floorspace from 2008 to 2015.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Paul Greenhalgh.</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In 2008, there were more than 157m square metres of retail floorspace. By 2015, this had fallen to just under 114m square metres, which represents a reduction of 27.6%. Even in London, all but one borough experienced a decline in retail floorspace: Newham was the exception here, having reaped the benefits of Westfield’s Stratford City shopping centre which opened in time for the London 2012 Olympics. </p>
<p>The killer combination of falling values and reduced floorspace is illustrated in our third map, which reveals that 95% of local authorities (331 out of 348) recorded significant decreases in the total rateable value of all the retail premises in their area, over the seven-year period. This is important because the rateable value is the basis on which business rates are levied – the lower the value, the lower the tax revenue generated by local authorities. </p>
<h2>A sobering message</h2>
<p>The areas in dark orange present the most acute signs of distress in the retail sector. These aren’t only areas experiencing post-industrial decline, such as South Wales, Barrow in Furness, Bristol, Hull, Teesside and Tyneside – they also include local authorities across the English and Welsh shires. </p>
<p>Some central London boroughs have fared better, with Newham revealed to be the only area in England and Wales where total rateable values have increased by more than 40%. Retail spaces in Hackney, Tower Hamlets and Westminster also grew in value. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247713/original/file-20181128-32191-ivv7hh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247713/original/file-20181128-32191-ivv7hh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/247713/original/file-20181128-32191-ivv7hh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247713/original/file-20181128-32191-ivv7hh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247713/original/file-20181128-32191-ivv7hh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=848&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247713/original/file-20181128-32191-ivv7hh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247713/original/file-20181128-32191-ivv7hh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/247713/original/file-20181128-32191-ivv7hh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1066&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Change in total rateable value from 2008 to 2015.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Paul Greenhalgh.</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Our analysis delivers a sobering message: across most of England and Wales, the revenue generated from business rates on retail properties has diminished significantly. Local authorities in England and Wales – hit by <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/news/local-councils-finances-budget-cuts-austerity-services-national-audit-office-a8242556.html">significant funding cuts</a> during austerity – are increasingly exposed to the vagaries of commercial real estate markets, since they now depend more on income from business rates to pay for local services. </p>
<p>There are a few success stories, one being the apparent renaissance of retailing in Corby in the East Midlands. The town is one of only a few areas outside central London to record an increase in both retail floorspace and value between 2008 and 2015, in part due to the success of the Willow Place shopping centre in the centre of the former steel town. For the most part, though, the outlook for retail across much of the UK remains bleak.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/107470/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paul Michael Greenhalgh is a Member of the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors. </span></em></p>It’s not just affecting areas in post-industrial decline – retail spaces are closing and losing value across England and Wales.Paul Michael Greenhalgh, Professor of Real Estate and Regeneration, Northumbria University, NewcastleLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1061322018-11-05T11:45:23Z2018-11-05T11:45:23ZMayors could be a guiding light in post-Brexit Britain, but they’ll need greater powers<p>For many cities and regions across the UK, Brexit carries profound risks. It <a href="https://www.econstor.eu/handle/10419/157171">seems highly likely</a> to trigger a period of economic instability, as investors seek a better understanding of the on-the-ground realities of a post-EU Britain, as the pound responds to changing economic conditions and as new relationships are established in Europe and beyond.</p>
<p>Leaders of local authorities – already <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03003930.2015.1036986">feeling the impact</a> of a decade of austerity and sluggish growth – are worried about their futures under Brexit. In August, Plymouth City Council became the first to <a href="https://www.plymouthherald.co.uk/news/plymouth-news/plymouth-council-first-issue-brexit-1946966">issue a legal challenge</a> to the British government over Brexit, requesting information and analysis about possible impacts on the local area. And in October, the <a href="https://www.lgcplus.com/politics/governance-and-structure/mayors-call-for-post-brexit-decentralisation/7026466.article">eight metropolitan mayors called for</a> further devolution and increased funding under Brexit.</p>
<p>But do these local leaders have the capacity to bring about the changes necessary to deliver a better future for cities and regions? Our <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00343404.2018.1447662">research from 2017 suggests that</a> places in England too often lack the leadership they need to achieve a prosperous and secure future. </p>
<h2>Odd one out</h2>
<p>We compared local leadership in England with Finland, Germany, Italy, Australia and the USA, and found that England was – in some important respects – the odd nation out. When we asked local leaders how they would respond to either a major economic shock or opportunity, the pathway to effective action was far less certain and much less transparent than elsewhere.</p>
<p>For example, in England, local leaders said that they would work within networks of firms to develop complex strategies involving the public and private sectors on the ground, while also seeking central government support. By contrast, in Finland, Germany and Italy the relevant mayor would take charge, with support from their professional staff and central government. </p>
<p>There have been some shifts toward the European model, with the introduction of combined authorities and elected mayors in some parts of the UK from 2011. But according to the participants in our study, this move has added complexity and could reduce coordination in local government, as new ways of working had to be found when previously important roles, such as local authority chief executives and council leaders, were forced to concede some control. </p>
<p>Even so, the local leaders we interviewed also saw this move as adding to the legitimacy of local leadership, because the mayors are directly elected, as well as providing a focal point for community mobilisation and buy-in.</p>
<p>Yet there is <a href="https://www.citymetric.com/politics/here-s-what-public-think-metro-mayors-2082">a real gap</a> between public expectations of mayors and their formal powers and authority in the UK. And since not all parts of England have mayors, it’s harder for elected leaders to assert their influence at a national level, share their experiences with others and find collective solutions to the problems in their cities.</p>
<h2>An ad hoc approach</h2>
<p>Local leaders in England have also found it difficult to build momentum and public support for devolved forms of governance. The private sector has a prominent role in local governance through their role on <a href="https://www.lepnetwork.net/">Local Enterprise Partnerships</a> and through prominent business member organisations. Some of the participants in our research saw this as a strength, but they said it also brought uncertainty and ambiguity. </p>
<p>They felt that the reliance on interpersonal relationships between key people in the private and public sectors resulted in an ad hoc approach to local issues and initiatives. There was little learning from past experience, so every challenge required a bespoke approach. As a result, responses tended to be reactive rather than strategic, and short term rather than comprehensive or systematic. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/243654/original/file-20181102-83657-13c7a74.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The path less trodden.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/brexit-flags-united-kingdom-european-union-442032919?src=t7YMbzew2z7o58KThFXZeg-1-5">Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>As it stands, England’s local leaders do not seem to be in a good position to ensure a smooth transition through Brexit. National economic and political processes have a significant influence on the well-being of cities and regions in the UK, and Westminster holds its power tightly. In Europe and elsewhere, local leadership has a greater impact on local economic performance. </p>
<h2>A new role</h2>
<p>Brexit will reshape the UK economy and society, as well as how the nation is governed. There is a strong case to introduce mayors in other English cities and to allow them to take a greater role in political life. Elected mayors could, for example, have an important role working with central government to determine what powers might be repatriated to a local level, after Brexit. So far, they’ve had little opportunity to negotiate. </p>
<p>Mayors are also well placed to act as ambassadors for their local areas by developing strategic partnerships with elected leaders and business interests in Europe and beyond, effectively bypassing central government. Yet they currently lack the powers and prestige of their European counterparts. </p>
<p>There is also scope for elected mayors to influence national and global debates by acting as a united force to demand greater devolution after Brexit. But it’s clear that some elected mayors in England are in a better position to negotiate with central government than others, because of their public profile and perceptions of competence. </p>
<p>Greater devolution will be necessary to empower local leaders to look after the interests of their citizens, while the UK repositions itself in the global economy, and sharing power at the local level will be an important step to greater prosperity and political stability in the nation, after Brexit.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/106132/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andrew Beer receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute and the Regional Australia Institute. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sarah Ayres does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Westminster holds its power tight, but that could be bad news for cities and regions.Sarah Ayres, Reader in Public Policy and Governance, University of BristolAndrew Beer, Dean, Research and Innovation, University of South AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1051932018-10-25T15:21:12Z2018-10-25T15:21:12ZHow councils can protect community hubs – starting with Bristol’s Hamilton House<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/242280/original/file-20181025-71011-w18qbh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=149%2C47%2C1975%2C1121&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/samsaunders/36832827660/sizes/l">Sam Saunders/Flickr.</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In the coming weeks, Bristol City Council will play an instrumental role in determining the fate of Hamilton House – a vibrant community hub in Stokes Croft, the area where street artist Banksy <a href="https://www.bbc.com/timelines/zytpn39">began his career</a>. The decisions the council makes will be a test case for urban policy across the country, as to how far local authorities are willing to intervene to safeguard community assets against profit-seeking companies. </p>
<p>For almost a decade, Hamilton House has been home to local artists, community groups, social enterprises and charities, among them the popular <a href="https://thebristolbikeproject.org/">Bristol Bike Project</a>, which restores unwanted bicycles for disadvantaged residents, and the <a href="http://www.dmacuk.org/">Dance Music Arts Collective</a> (DMAC), which runs community dance classes. The low rents and supportive environment of the hub <a href="https://prsc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/CCRB-June2013.pdf">have done a lot</a> to help get new projects and businesses off the ground, and support the local community through charitable work. </p>
<p>Key to its success has been a sophisticated financial model. The charitable management company, <a href="https://www.hamiltonhouse.org/about/">Coexist</a>, rents out <a href="https://www.hamiltonhouse.org/hotdesking-coworking">some space at market rent</a> to profitable businesses and uses the profits generated from that in order to be able to charge lower rents for artists and charities. </p>
<h2>A victim of success</h2>
<p>Hamilton House has been an important driver of social and cultural regeneration in Stokes Croft – and throughout Bristol more broadly. Coexist <a href="https://www.bristolpost.co.uk/news/business/deadline-looms-bids-hamilton-house-57782">estimates that</a> Hamilton House brings in an annual revenue of around £21m and is responsible for around 1,260 jobs in the local area. But it has now become a <a href="https://theconversation.com/stokes-croft-the-saga-of-one-british-neighbourhood-reveals-the-perverse-injustices-of-gentrification-82010">victim of its own success</a>. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/stokes-croft-the-saga-of-one-british-neighbourhood-reveals-the-perverse-injustices-of-gentrification-82010">Stokes Croft: the saga of one British neighbourhood reveals the perverse injustices of gentrification</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>With the regeneration of a neighbourhood property values increase – and Connolly and Callaghan (C&C), the company which bought the building in 2006 and has leased it to Coexist since 2008, is seemingly tempted to cash in. C&C has rejected two bids by Coexist to purchase Hamilton House, the second of which <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/sep/27/bristol-development-will-destroy-cultural-and-community-hub">amounted to £6.5m</a> – an estimated 300% return on the company’s initial investment. </p>
<p>Further compromises involving a mix of private flats and space for Coexist <a href="https://www.bristolpost.co.uk/news/bristol-news/end-era-stokes-croft-hamilton-1964706">have failed</a> and, since the lease with Coexist expired and C&C <a href="https://thebristolcable.org/2018/10/hamilton-house-temporary-replacement-for-coexist-confirmed/">signed a contract with a new commercial management company</a>, Forward Space. Coexist is effectively locked out of further planning negotiations with the council.</p>
<h2>Growing opposition</h2>
<p>If Hamilton House is given over to private development the implications could be severe – not least for Bristol City Council. While Coexist’s old model leveraged commercial rate rents in the building to finance social initiatives, future revenue will benefit the property owners exclusively. Projects once subsidised by Coexist will need to find new sources of income, leaving the community and council to pick up the bill. More likely, they will close for a lack of funding. </p>
<p>In September 2018, more than 1,000 people <a href="https://thebristolcable.org/2018/09/hundreds-march-save-hamilton-house-stokes-croft-coexist/">marched in support of Hamilton House</a>. In this context, it is hardly surprising that the local community and Bristol City Council seem to have become increasingly hostile toward the actions of C&C. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/242314/original/file-20181025-71026-13coy34.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/242314/original/file-20181025-71026-13coy34.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/242314/original/file-20181025-71026-13coy34.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/242314/original/file-20181025-71026-13coy34.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/242314/original/file-20181025-71026-13coy34.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/242314/original/file-20181025-71026-13coy34.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/242314/original/file-20181025-71026-13coy34.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Protest march in support of Hamilton House.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.hamiltonhouse.org/our-future/">Claudio Ahlers/Hamilton House.</a>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>So far, the council has opposed a number of planning steps pursued by C&C. It has <a href="https://thebristolcable.org/2018/05/council-blocks-second-planning-application-to-redevelop-hamilton-house-stokes-croft/">twice rejected</a> an application for “permitted development”, which would allow for parts of the building to be transformed into flats without a full planning application, and without a requirement to provide affordable housing. </p>
<h2>For the common good</h2>
<p>In the meantime, with an appeal pending, C&C has begun preparing a full planning application to turn even larger sections of Hamilton House into flats. This more formal planning process gives the council greater powers to slow or stop the developer’s plans. </p>
<p>For one thing, when a building has been used for community purposes for more than ten years the council can lawfully certify it with the official status of “community centre”. This status prevents the use of planning short cuts such as the Permitted Development Application, which in turn limits development prospects, as well as the value of a building on the real estate market.</p>
<p>The council has two further levers to pull. One is the threat of compulsory purchase in which the council itself buys the property – a power which Bristol City Council has <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-bristol-18171001">previously used</a> to push developers towards compromise. It also has indirect power over developers such as C&C, which has benefited from <a href="http://winklermedia.co.uk/press-statement-from-connolly-callaghan/">a number of council contracts</a> in the past.</p>
<p>As <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2018/oct/21/councils-pledge-to-exploit-end-to-borrowing-cap-to-build-homes">councils are granted new borrowing powers</a> to kick-start much-needed house building across the nation, they must also strive to protect the places and projects that foster strong communities. Hubs such as Hamilton House prioritise social, cultural and ecological achievements over economic profits. And while they may be unable to compete with market rents after regeneration happens, they are indispensable for the common good.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/105193/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>What happens in Bristol could set an important precedent for councils to step up and defend their local community’s interests.Fabian Frenzel, Associate Professor in Organisation Studies, University of LeicesterArmin Beverungen, Lecturer in Media Studies, University of SiegenLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1034862018-10-11T11:06:21Z2018-10-11T11:06:21ZNew map of Scotland – as reimagined by an algorithm<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/240208/original/file-20181011-154539-13zrwub.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C339%2C3332%2C2153&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/aerial-view-glasgow-scotland-uk-644108704?src=MFT7-jsWBOYSAXxrvM7RfA-1-4">Shutterstock.</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>There are certain things a wise politician would never tinker with: big issues such as <a href="https://theconversation.com/five-maps-that-prove-its-time-to-reform-council-tax-in-england-53991">council tax reform</a>, which are placed in <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/4da5eb26-0b73-11e4-9e55-00144feabdc0">the “too difficult” box</a> and remain unaddressed and unresolved for decades. Another such item is the redrawing of local government boundaries. </p>
<p>It’s not exactly a glamorous topic and, as BBC Scotland Political Editor Brian Taylor <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-18160835">noted in 2012</a>: “…it is a courageous politician indeed who tampers with cooncil boundaries.”</p>
<p>Over the past few years in Scotland, there have been <a href="https://reformscotland.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Renewing_Local_Government.pdf">calls to reform council boundaries</a>, and give local authorities a greater say in decisions made at Holyrood. But so far, nothing has been done and the current set of 32 Scottish council areas remain. </p>
<h2>Ripe for reform</h2>
<p>Despite the political risk associated with boundary reform, other governments across the world have grasped this particular nettle, because it can lead to more efficient governance and cut costs. </p>
<p>Recent regional rejigs in Denmark and France show that it can be done, and we believe an algorithmic approach can at the very least contribute to the debate. In France, the so-called “big bang des régions” of 2016 resulted in a total of <a href="https://www.gouvernement.fr/en/territorial-reform">13 new regions</a>, from a previous set of 22. </p>
<p>So, we thought it would be useful to make some suggestions about what a revised Scottish council geography could look like. To do this, we used commuting data and an algorithm called <a href="http://senseable.mit.edu/community_detection/">Combo</a>, which groups together places with the strongest ties, using a set of rules. And instead of the current set of 32 Scottish council areas, we ended up with 17.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/240203/original/file-20181011-154583-1blz41s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C3537%2C1771&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/240203/original/file-20181011-154583-1blz41s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/240203/original/file-20181011-154583-1blz41s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/240203/original/file-20181011-154583-1blz41s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/240203/original/file-20181011-154583-1blz41s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=377&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/240203/original/file-20181011-154583-1blz41s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=377&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/240203/original/file-20181011-154583-1blz41s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=377&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Combo shows how commuting patterns can help define areas.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Alasdair Rae and Ruth Hamilton.</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The full set of results and the detailed method can be found in our <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/2399808318804226">recently published paper</a>. However, we should emphasise that these are not proposals for new council areas. Instead, we hope our results offer decision-makers some useful evidence on where boundaries <em>could</em> be drawn, if they were based on travel to work patterns. </p>
<p>Of course, commuting is only one part of the story. But it’s a very important part, particularly in places such as Glasgow, where the local economy is highly dependent on commuters living in other areas.</p>
<p>Overall, we think the results are largely plausible. But they also show that when it comes to drawing boundaries on maps, algorithms definitely shouldn’t have the last word – not least because they don’t have what we might call common sense. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238727/original/file-20181001-195266-2fjw8h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238727/original/file-20181001-195266-2fjw8h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238727/original/file-20181001-195266-2fjw8h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238727/original/file-20181001-195266-2fjw8h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238727/original/file-20181001-195266-2fjw8h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238727/original/file-20181001-195266-2fjw8h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238727/original/file-20181001-195266-2fjw8h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238727/original/file-20181001-195266-2fjw8h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Scotland’s council areas (if they were based on commuting and drawn by algorithm).</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Alasdair Rae and Ruth Hamilton.</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>As you can see from the map, there are now 17 areas instead of the current set of 32 – two fewer than those <a href="https://reformscotland.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Renewing_Local_Government.pdf">proposed by think tank Reform Scotland</a> in 2012. The most populous of the new areas is Greater Glasgow, with close to 1.2m people. This would make it the largest local authority in the UK. </p>
<p>This is followed by Edinburgh and the Lothians with 835,000. Lanarkshire is next, with 575,000, then Grampian with 476,000 people. These areas are considerably larger than their current equivalents.</p>
<p>Others, like Highland, Moray and Inverclyde stay the same, indicating that some administrative boundaries match existing travel to work patterns quite well. Or, to put it more simply, in some cases political and economic geographies look very similar. </p>
<h2>Is or ought?</h2>
<p>The table below shows the relationship between our new Combo areas and existing council areas. In the final column, you can see what percentage of the population of each new area comes from existing council areas. For example, 50.8% of our new Greater Glasgow area is from the current City of Glasgow and 57.1% of the new Edinburgh and the Lothians area is from the current City of Edinburgh.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238898/original/file-20181002-85617-919unm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238898/original/file-20181002-85617-919unm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238898/original/file-20181002-85617-919unm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=1020&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238898/original/file-20181002-85617-919unm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=1020&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238898/original/file-20181002-85617-919unm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=1020&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238898/original/file-20181002-85617-919unm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1281&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238898/original/file-20181002-85617-919unm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1281&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238898/original/file-20181002-85617-919unm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1281&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Combo areas compared to current council areas.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Alasdair Rae and Ruth Hamilton.</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>On some levels, these new algorithmic subdivisions make a lot of sense – but others clearly require a human touch. For one thing, it doesn’t look quite right based on our understanding of how places function and how local services are delivered. The fact that 2% of the population of our new Dundee, Perth and Angus area is across the Tay in Fife strongly suggests human intervention is needed. </p>
<p>The second issue relates to Scottish Enlightenment philosopher David Hume’s “is-ought” question. This is because algorithms are very good at telling us what <em>is</em>, but they cannot tell us what <em>ought</em> to be. </p>
<p>For example, the algorithm suggests that Inverclyde <em>is</em> an entirely separate area. But given how close it is to our Greater Glasgow area, from a human and common sense perspective, it appears that it <em>ought</em> to be part of Greater Glasgow. Indeed, such a geography would match the current <a href="http://www.nhsggc.org.uk/about-us/who-we-are-what-we-do/">NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde</a> region.</p>
<p>We need to recognise that algorithms are effectively blind to questions of history and identity. For example, our new boundaries know nothing of the <a href="https://www.visitscotland.com/info/towns-villages/the-kingdom-of-fife-p238901">Kingdom of Fife</a>, or the Pictish Kingdom that preceded it. Yet such history often matters deeply to people and places. </p>
<p>This is where human decision-making, nuance and common sense come in, and why – when it comes to “too difficult” issues such as local boundary reform – humans should have the final say. But in getting to that point, we believe algorithms can certainly lend a helping hand.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/103486/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>An algorithm based on commuting patterns makes new ‘Greater Glasgow’ the biggest local authority in the UK.Alasdair Rae, Professor in Urban Studies and Planning, University of SheffieldRuth Hamilton, Teaching Associate, University of SheffieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1045252018-10-09T11:46:40Z2018-10-09T11:46:40ZResearchers build a model that predicts business closures in cities with 80% accuracy<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239807/original/file-20181008-72103-161ehu8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Doomed to fail?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/old-blue-shop-paris-lots-copy-139944538?src=of3Bmn_QAsMElTWtq5whUg-2-40">Shutterstock.</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Over the past decade, changes in the way people shop have led more and more businesses to close their doors, from <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/jul/18/small-music-venues">small music venues</a> to <a href="https://www.publishersweekly.com/pw/by-topic/industry-news/bookselling/article/75247-book-world-to-close-all-45-stores-across-the-midwest.html">book shops</a> and even <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-high-streets-and-shopping-malls-face-a-domino-effect-from-major-store-closures-97263">major department stores</a>. This trend has been attributed to several factors, including <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/nothing-can-stop-the-shift-to-online-shopping-2017-11/?IR=T">a shift towards online shopping</a> and <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/hughmcintyre/2017/03/10/this-airbnb-for-classical-music-is-changing-how-young-people-experience-the-genre-live/#75f8317a6e55">changing spending preferences</a>. But business closures are complex, and often due to many intertwined factors. </p>
<p>To better understand and account for some of these factors, my colleagues at the University of Cambridge and Singapore Management University and I built a machine learning model, which predicted shop closures in ten cities around the world with 80% accuracy. </p>
<p><a href="http://www.krittikadsilva.com/pdfs/DSilva_Ubicomp_2018.pdf">Our research</a> modelled how people move through urban areas, to predict whether a given business will close down. This research could help city authorities and business owners to make better decisions, for example about licensing agreements and opening hours. </p>
<h2>Pattern spotting</h2>
<p>Machine learning is a powerful tool which can automatically identify patterns in data. A machine learning model uses those patterns to tests hypotheses and make predictions. Social media provides a rich source of data to examine the patterns of its users through their posts, interactions and movements. The detail in these datasets can help researchers to build robust models, with a complex understanding of user trends. </p>
<p>Using data about consumer demand and transport, along with ground-truth data on whether businesses actually closed, we devised metrics which our machine learning model used to identify patterns. We then analysed how well this model predicted whether a business would close, given only metrics about that business and the area it was in.</p>
<p>Our first dataset was from <a href="https://foursquare.com/">Foursquare</a>, a location recommendation platform, which included check-in details of anonymous users and represented the demand for businesses over time. We also used data from taxis trajectories, which gave us the pickup and drop-off points of thousands of anonymous users; these represented dynamics of how people move between different areas of a city. We used historic data from 2011 to 2013.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239866/original/file-20181009-72130-1mya8r6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239866/original/file-20181009-72130-1mya8r6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=397&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239866/original/file-20181009-72130-1mya8r6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=397&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239866/original/file-20181009-72130-1mya8r6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=397&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239866/original/file-20181009-72130-1mya8r6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=499&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239866/original/file-20181009-72130-1mya8r6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=499&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/239866/original/file-20181009-72130-1mya8r6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=499&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Taxiiii!</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/sunsetnoir/6746787731/sizes/l">Sunset Noir/Flickr.</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We looked at a few different metrics. The neighbourhood profile took into account the area surrounding a business, such as the different kinds of businesses also operating, as well as competition. Customer visit patterns represented how popular a business was at any given time of day, compared with its local competitors. And business attributes defined basic properties such as the price bracket and type of business. </p>
<p>These three metrics enabled us to model how closure predictions differ between new and established venues, how the predictions varied across cities and which metrics were the most significant predictors of closure. We were able to predict the closure of established businesses more accurately, which suggested that new businesses can face closure from a bigger variety of causes. </p>
<h2>Making predictions</h2>
<p>We found that different metrics were useful for predicting closures in different cities. But across the ten cities in our experiment – including Chicago, London, New York, Singapore, Helsinki, Jakarta, Los Angeles, Paris, San Fransciso and Tokyo – we saw that three factors were almost always significant predictors of a business’s closure. </p>
<p>The first important factor was the range of time during which a business was popular. We found that businesses which cater to only specific customer segments – for example, a café popular with office workers at lunchtime – are more likely to close. It also mattered when a business was popular, compared with its competitors in the neighbourhood. Businesses that were popular outside of the typical hours of other businesses in the area tended to survive longer. </p>
<p>We also found that when the diversity of businesses declined, the likelihood of closure increased. So businesses located in neighbourhoods with a more diverse mix of businesses tended to survive longer. </p>
<p>Of course, like any dataset, the information we used from Foursquare and taxis is biased in some ways, as the users may be skewed towards certain demographics or check in to some types of businesses more than others. But by using two datasets which target different kinds of users, we hoped to mitigate those biases. And the consistency of our analysis across multiple cities gave us confidence in our results.</p>
<p>We hope that this novel approach to predicting business closures with highly detailed datasets will help reveal new insights about how consumers move around cities, and inform the decisions of business owners, local authorities and urban planners right around the world.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/104525/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Krittika D'Silva receives funding from the Gates Cambridge Trust.</span></em></p>In almost every city, consumer demand and business diversity had a big role to play.Krittika D'Silva, PhD Candidate, University of CambridgeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1040942018-10-02T12:10:36Z2018-10-02T12:10:36ZCities are charging employers for parking spaces to help fund local infrastructure<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238943/original/file-20181002-85617-5zezuw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=44%2C36%2C4876%2C3209&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Nottingham sees the benefits.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/nottingham-express-transit-tram-travelling-through-1094126753?src=qHUD8o6i6Y4YyNai7WGkog-1-25">Peter James Sampson/Shutterstock.</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>As government budget cuts <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/england-council-budget-cuts-government-austerity-social-services-essential-care-safety-a8559486.html">continue to bite</a> and competition for funding increases, it’s becoming harder for UK cities to secure the money needed to build or maintain good quality infrastructure. For example, Sheffield’s Supertram network faces a <a href="https://www.yorkshirepost.co.uk/news/sheffield-supertram-network-could-be-closed-forever-unless-bosses-raise-230million-from-government-1-9364608">£230m funding gap</a>, and could close unless transport executives can raise the funds to renew the network. </p>
<p>But if central government won’t provide funding, there are other ways for city authorities such as Sheffield to generate income for much needed transport infrastructure. One idea is a workplace parking levy, which is a charge placed on all workplace car parking spaces within a specific boundary. </p>
<p>The premise is simple: each year, the business who owns that space must pay the local authority a set amount of money. Businesses may chose to pay this themselves, or pass the charge on to their employees through car parking fees. The money collected from the levy is used to help fund transport projects within the local area, while also encouraging commuters to shift away from cars and onto other modes of transport.</p>
<h2>Pioneer cities</h2>
<p>After being adopted in Australian and Canadian cities, the levy was first introduced in the UK in 2012, in the city of Nottingham. During its first year, the charge <a href="https://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/abs/10.1108/S2044-994120140000005024">raised £7m</a> and has continued to raise funds since. The money has allowed Nottingham to keep up its contributions to the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) that was used to pay for an expansion of the city’s tram network, along with other important transport improvements. </p>
<p>Currently, the cost per space stands at <a href="https://www.nottinghamcity.gov.uk/transport-parking-and-streets/parking-and-permits/workplace-parking-levy/wpl-costs-and-payments/">£402 per year</a>, although there are some notable exceptions to the charge: businesses with fewer than 11 spaces don’t have to pay, and there’s no charge for emergency services and disabled parking.</p>
<p>Other cities have begun to follow Nottingham’s path. Both <a href="https://www.oxfordmail.co.uk/news/yourtown/oxford/15561565.Workplace_parking_levy_could_force_businesses_to_pay_to_fund_transport_improvements/">Oxford</a> and <a href="https://www.greatercambridge.org.uk/transport/transport-projects/city-access/workplace-parking-levy/">Cambridge</a> have made steps towards introducing their own versions of the levy to fund transport improvements. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238941/original/file-20181002-85605-olb2yz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238941/original/file-20181002-85605-olb2yz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=345&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238941/original/file-20181002-85605-olb2yz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=345&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238941/original/file-20181002-85605-olb2yz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=345&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238941/original/file-20181002-85605-olb2yz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=434&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238941/original/file-20181002-85605-olb2yz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=434&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238941/original/file-20181002-85605-olb2yz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=434&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Oxford’s catching on.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/cityscape-oxford-city-south-east-england-549333721?src=8my74PNzI4vldk3dw1n_Bg-1-27">Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Manchester considered the levy as a tool to help improve the city’s air quality, although <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-42978241">a proposal was recently rejected</a> by the city council on the basis that the levy would need to be applied across the whole of Greater Manchester to work. Sheffield made a small reference to the potential use of a levy in its <a href="http://democracy.sheffield.gov.uk/documents/s29104/Transport%20Vision%202.pdf">recent draft transport vision</a>, although it’s not clear how well developed these plans are. </p>
<p>Together with colleagues from the universities of Nottingham and Southampton, I’ve undertaken research which included interviewing a range of key people from Nottingham’s city council, the local tram operator, the Chamber of Commerce, as well as politicians and managing directors of several Nottingham-based businesses, to find out what made Nottingham’s workplace parking levy a success. </p>
<h2>Recipe for success</h2>
<p>For one thing, Nottingham is a politically stable city. Labour are the dominant party within the local council and have been since 1991, so councillors are less concerned about suffering electoral losses in response to a poorly received policy, and more confident about implementing more radical ideas. </p>
<p>Nottingham’s boundary is also tightly drawn, which meant that deciding where to apply the charge was more straightforward. Manchester’s experience shows that larger cities may have more difficulty in determining who is subject to the charge.</p>
<p>Initially, some businesses saw the charge as a “tax” on them and opposed the policy; <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-nottinghamshire-20575059">media reports</a> at the time warned of businesses leaving the city and moving to nearby economic centres, such as Derby. But there is no evidence to suggest that these worries have materialised in the longer term. </p>
<p>Identifying a piece of infrastructure, such as a tram system, that will be built using funds from the levy also appeared to be an important argument to “sell” the charge to sceptics. So although there was opposition to the workplace parking levy, there was also a lot of support for the tram expansion and the benefits this could bring. </p>
<h2>An opportunity to invest</h2>
<p>The workplace parking levy offers cities an opportunity to collect and invest large amounts of money in their own infrastructure; or to leverage even greater amounts of money from other sources, which might otherwise be unfeasible. </p>
<p>For Nottingham, a large part of their success is based on the fact that they preemptively used the money raised through the workplace parking levy to leverage significant finance from the UK government, through the PFI deal. To secure these funds to pay for the tram expansion, Nottingham agreed to commit to repaying 35% of the value of the PFI (estimated at £187m). They have used the levy on an ongoing basis to help them meet these costs. </p>
<p>The experience of Nottingham and other pioneer cities shows that while the workplace parking levy is based on a rather simple premise, introducing one is not a simple process. There will undoubtedly be opposition; the local authority may need to work hard to emphasise the benefits, in order to adopt the policy. And of course, every city and town is different, so there’s no single path to success. </p>
<p>But as local authorities continue tightening their belts in response to ever more challenging budgets, it may not be long before we see more places taking steps to introduce their own workplace parking levy.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/104094/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephen Parkes has received funding from the Leverhulme Trust as part of the 'Sustaining Urban Habitats: An interdisciplinary approach' Research Programme Grant.</span></em></p>The workplace parking levy is a simple idea, but tricky to implement.Stephen Parkes, Research Associate, Sheffield Hallam UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1038052018-09-28T14:33:41Z2018-09-28T14:33:41ZThe science of street lights: what makes people feel safe at night<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238453/original/file-20180928-48665-t9jak5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C146%2C5173%2C3483&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Comforting or creepy?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/empty-night-street-on-small-village-1017713293?src=ydyzePvylZq952R76kXVNQ-1-10">Shutterstock.</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Winter is coming: the nights are drawing in and in the Northern Hemisphere the hours of darkness already outnumber the hours of daylight. <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0272494417300762">Research</a> has shown that darkness produces a big fall in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/vanishing-act-why-pedestrians-and-cyclists-disappear-when-it-starts-getting-dark-84938">number of people out walking</a> – and a major reason for this is that people feel less safe walking in the dark. </p>
<p>There may be an <a href="https://www.sciencealert.com/here-s-the-evolutionary-reason-why-we-re-afraid-of-the-dark">evolutionary explanation</a> for why people feel less safe at night – we can’t see as well, and this may have exposed our ancestors to greater threat from predators. Nowadays, it’s not so much the prospect of being eaten by a savage beast that concerns would-be pedestrians, but the fear of being mugged or victimised. </p>
<p><a href="http://luxreview.com/article/2018/03/major-study-finds-lighting-cut-crime-by-39-">Some studies suggest</a> that new outdoor lighting can reduce crime rates in an area, but there is conflicting evidence on this. A <a href="https://campbellcollaboration.org/library/effects-of-improved-street-lighting-on-crime">large review of research</a> found a link between new lighting and reduced crime rates, but improvements were seen in daylight as well as darkness, suggesting that street lighting is not the only factor. This review has also been <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/23639132?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">criticised by other researchers</a>, and a large statistical analysis <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2015/jul/29/turning-off-street-lights-does-not-lead-to-more-or-accidents-study">found no link</a> between crime rates and switching off or dimming street lighting at night.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238455/original/file-20180928-48647-o9ws3b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238455/original/file-20180928-48647-o9ws3b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=319&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238455/original/file-20180928-48647-o9ws3b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=319&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238455/original/file-20180928-48647-o9ws3b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=319&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238455/original/file-20180928-48647-o9ws3b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238455/original/file-20180928-48647-o9ws3b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238455/original/file-20180928-48647-o9ws3b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Alight at night.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/terraced-houses-night-time-on-portland-119742640?src=7SKQey3hVtbWwpdvEmqlog-1-11">Shutterstock.</a></span>
</figcaption>
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<p>Street lights may or may not have an effect on crime, but one thing’s for sure – brighter levels of light do <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15502724.2016.1169931">make people feel safer</a> when walking at night. This can lead to <a href="https://ijbnpa.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12966-016-0343-4">a significant increase</a> in the number of minutes people spend walking each week. It can also reduce the number of people who avoid leaving their homes at night, reduce social isolation, improve physical and mental well-being and <a href="http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20110118185910/http:/www.cabe.org.uk/files/what-home-buyers-want.pdf">increase community pride</a>.</p>
<p>Street lighting can improve the quality of neighbourhood life by making people feel safer – but, even so, it would be unwise to flood our streets with light at night. Street lighting costs money: the UK’s annual bill is <a href="http://luxreview.com/article/2015/08/what-if-all-the-uk-s-streetlights-were-upgraded-with-leds-">estimated at around £220m</a>. Artificial light at night may also have a negative impact on wildlife and the natural world, for example by <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/environment/toads-frogs-amphibians-lights-slow-growth-extinction-night-case-western-reserve-university-a8429511.html">stunting the growth</a> of frogs and toads and preventing them from laying their eggs. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/fatal-attraction-how-street-lights-prevent-moths-from-pollinating-60331">Fatal attraction: how street lights prevent moths from pollinating</a>
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<p>The skyglow from street lights also means we rarely get to see the true wonder of the night sky, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-mid-wales-39686737">frustrating astronomers</a> and <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0272494418302913">limiting our appreciation</a> of the natural environment. For these reasons, lighting should be used selectively and efficiently – and this requires good guidance to help those responsible for installing and maintaining our street lighting.</p>
<p>The guidelines for street lighting in the UK and many other countries are currently based on <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1477153517739055">questionable evidence</a>. That’s why our <a href="http://www.lightingresearch.group.shef.ac.uk/">lighting research group</a> at the University of Sheffield undertook a programme of research to find out how lighting relates to feelings of reassurance after dark, and improve the evidence on which lighting guidelines are based. </p>
<h2>Illuminating evidence</h2>
<p>In <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1477153518775464">one recent experiment</a>, we asked people to walk along a number of streets in the city of Sheffield at night and rate how safe they felt. We also asked these people to walk and rate the streets in the day, to create a baseline measure of safety and to <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15502724.2016.1169931">account for biases</a> that may occur if safety ratings were taken only after dark.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238451/original/file-20180928-48662-19vdyob.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/238451/original/file-20180928-48662-19vdyob.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238451/original/file-20180928-48662-19vdyob.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238451/original/file-20180928-48662-19vdyob.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238451/original/file-20180928-48662-19vdyob.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238451/original/file-20180928-48662-19vdyob.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/238451/original/file-20180928-48662-19vdyob.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Would you feel safe?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/street-65466331?src=leR5Gmum_FEWZymyjtvPbg-4-68">Shutterstock.</a></span>
</figcaption>
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<p>The difference in safety ratings between the day and night walks told us something about the lighting on that street – the smaller the difference between day and dark ratings, the safer people felt due to the lighting. We compared our participants’ different ratings against measures of the lighting on each street, including the average illuminance (amount of light falling on the street surface) and uniformity (how evenly spread out the lighting was). </p>
<p>Today, average illuminance is the main measure used when installing and evaluating street lighting. But we found that, while increasing average illuminance was linked with improved feelings of safety, uniformity was more important for making people feel safe. So it might be more important to have evenly distributed lighting, rather than bright lighting, to make people feel safer. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.northyorks.gov.uk/news/article/led-streetlights-given-go-ahead">Local</a> <a href="https://www.buckscc.gov.uk/news/4500-old-style-street-lights-to-be-replaced/">authorities</a> are undergoing major changes to their lighting, as they replace the traditional orange sodium lamps with new LED lighting. These new LEDs are more energy efficient, which saves taxpayers’ money. They also give councils <a href="http://luxreview.com/article/2015/04/how-leds-could-make-wellington-streets-safer">greater control</a> over the lighting they provide, for example by dimming and switching off when there are no pedestrians about. </p>
<p>Used properly, street lights can improve people’s lives and help neighbourhoods come alive at night. But there’s still a lot to discover about how people respond to street lighting and the impacts it has on society and the environment – experiments such as these can help to light the way.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/103805/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jim Uttley currently receives funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 interACT project (grant agreement number 723395), and previously received funding from the EPSRC MERLIN-2 project (grant number EP/M02900X/1).</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Aleksandra Liachenko Monteiro receives funding from EPSRC MERLIN-2 project (grant number EP/M02900X/1) for research regarding how road lighting enhances reassurance in pedestrians and a PhD scholarship from the University of Sheffield.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Steve Fotios receives funding from EPSRC to support research of road lighting for pedestrians (grant references EP/H050817 and EP/M02900X/1).
He is affiliated with national and international bodies for lighting guidance, the Institution of Lighting Professionals (ILP) and the International Commission on Illumination (CIE). </span></em></p>Street lighting may not actually reduce crime – but it can make people feel safer at night.Jim Uttley, Research Fellow, University of LeedsAleksandra Liachenko Monteiro, PhD Candidate, University of SheffieldSteve Fotios, Professor of Lighting and Visual Perception, University of SheffieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1009062018-08-21T13:02:05Z2018-08-21T13:02:05ZFood claims: when enforcers become paid ‘advisors’<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232890/original/file-20180821-149469-1qtcwwn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Testing the claims.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-vector/low-fat-salt-carb-sugar-glycemic-123025687?src=j6EipRSc_3kFzaUUs1Ldzg-1-14">Shutterstock/YeLeiw</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Consumers in the UK rely on and trust their local authorities to carry out the necessary checks on food businesses, restaurants and takeaways to ensure they are operating within the rules – from environmental health standards to food labelling. But businesses are actually allowed to pay these same local authorities for advice. </p>
<p>This provides a useful income stream for cash-strapped councils and, perhaps, inadvertently creates a relationship of suitor and donor with the implicit conflicts of interest that such a relationship brings. <a href="http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0201178">Our new research</a> uncovered this little known practice and I believe it is something the public should be more aware of.</p>
<p>When local authority regulators enforce <a href="https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/ALL/?uri=CELEX:32006R1924">the law relating to nutrition and health claims</a> made about foods, our study found that some trading standards and environmental health officers gave advice (for which they sometimes charged) to businesses on how to comply. They did this instead of taking enforcement action. This is legal but consumers are unaware of it and its full implications.</p>
<p>There are around 1,500 such <a href="https://primary-authority.beis.gov.uk/par">partnership arrangements</a> between local authorities and businesses. In this arrangement, a food manufacturer can get advice from the council about how it can claim it’s noodle salad, for example, is a “superfood” or “high in protein”.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232528/original/file-20180817-165943-1paxja1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232528/original/file-20180817-165943-1paxja1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232528/original/file-20180817-165943-1paxja1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232528/original/file-20180817-165943-1paxja1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232528/original/file-20180817-165943-1paxja1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=520&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232528/original/file-20180817-165943-1paxja1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=520&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232528/original/file-20180817-165943-1paxja1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=520&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Claims on food labels should be checked by local authorities for their veracity.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/woman-checking-food-exp-date-supermarket-505056901?src=Zb5RiHF3DYORJlhx6khhHg-1-16">shutterstock/allensima</a></span>
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<h2>Consumer protection and the EU</h2>
<p>The use of claims such as “high in fibre” or “enhances your body’s natural defences” in food labelling is governed by <a href="https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/ALL/?uri=CELEX:32006R1924">Regulation (EC) 1924/2006</a> which requires that they must be scientifically substantiated. The <a href="http://www.efsa.europa.eu/">European Food Safety Authority</a> assesses the claim and makes a recommendation based on the evidence, publishing its findings on the <a href="http://ec.europa.eu/food/safety/labelling_nutrition/claims/register/public/?event=register.home">EU Register on nutrition and health claims</a> </p>
<p>Where a claim is authorised in relation to a food or ingredient, it may be used by food manufacturers to promote the sale of the food or a product that contains the ingredient to consumers. This way, consumers know that they will not be misled by claims that are false or exaggerated.</p>
<p>There has been <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/27484471">a lively debate</a> around this regulation. But the EU has designed a harmonised system that provides strong consumer protection. The enforcement of the regulation is a matter for member states and, in the UK, this job is given to local authorities.</p>
<h2>Increasing food ‘claims’ but fewer prosecutions</h2>
<p>While there are <a href="https://www.efsa.europa.eu/en/topics/topic/nutrition-and-health-claims">increasing claims</a> made for foods, there are few reported cases of prosecutions under the regulation. We interviewed 20 trading standards and environmental health officers to find out why. These officers are responsible for enforcing a wide range of consumer law, from dangerous toys and fake alcohol to underage sales of tobacco and food hygiene. In the light of these demands, we found that enforcing health and nutrition claims was low on their list of priorities.</p>
<p>Of course, false claims aren’t as immediately risky as unhygienic food preparation. But multiple, low-level infractions pose their own, often long-term problems for consumers.</p>
<p>The lack of prosecutions might indicate high compliance levels or there may be other reasons – for example, a lack of appetite for an expensive and lengthy legal wrangle with a large food business or, at the other end of the spectrum, a futile and dispiriting spat with a rogue trader. </p>
<p>Local authority regulators have borne the brunt of government <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/money/2016/aug/07/trading-standards-institute-consumers-are-no-longer-protected">austerity cuts</a> so it would be unsurprising if traders felt they were safe from the risk of any real action.</p>
<p>An advisory approach to regulatory enforcement may now be a <a href="https://academic.oup.com/jleo/article-abstract/22/2/459/880294">necessary component of an effective enforcement strategy</a>. But the shift to an advisory role can create additional pressures for regulators. We found that there was an expectation from businesses that regulators would be on hand to provide advice free of charge whenever it was required. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232529/original/file-20180817-165934-vqkeug.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232529/original/file-20180817-165934-vqkeug.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232529/original/file-20180817-165934-vqkeug.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232529/original/file-20180817-165934-vqkeug.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232529/original/file-20180817-165934-vqkeug.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232529/original/file-20180817-165934-vqkeug.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/232529/original/file-20180817-165934-vqkeug.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The use of claims such as ‘high in fibre’ in food labelling is governed by Regulation (EC) 1924/2006 which requires that they must be scientifically substantiated.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/reading-nutrition-label-on-food-packaging-56991715?src=Zb5RiHF3DYORJlhx6khhHg-1-21">Shutterstock/Brian.A.Jackson</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>But we also discovered that, rather than an alternative to action, advice represented a preliminary step towards stronger measures and that there was a pyramid of enforcement action with fewer but more grave cases the higher up you ascend. </p>
<p>While providing advice is a reasonable and pragmatic response to achieving compliance, it should not hamper a regulator’s ability to take action. Nor should it create a conflict of interest where the enforcer provides the advice as a service for which it levies a charge. The roles of advisor and enforcer are distinct and where they overlap, enforcers need to exercise their discretion independently with an overriding duty to the public.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/100906/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ajay Patel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>It may come as a shock to discover that businesses are allowed to pay local authorities for advice on environmental health standards and food labelling.Ajay Patel, Senior Lecturer in Food Law, Manchester Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.