tag:theconversation.com,2011:/fr/topics/south-south-cooperation-19391/articlesSouth-South Cooperation – The Conversation2021-03-25T11:38:38Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1519342021-03-25T11:38:38Z2021-03-25T11:38:38ZWhy India is banking on health diplomacy to grow African footprint<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/391375/original/file-20210324-15-1gbiqtr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Workers at India's biggest syringe manufacturer ramp up production in September 2020 in race to meet COVID-19 vaccine-driven demand.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Photo by SAJJAD HUSSAIN/AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>India has stepped up its global ambitions and foreign policy re-engagement with African countries in recent years. Its bilateral trade <a href="https://www.mea.gov.in/Speeches-Statements.htm?dtl/30924/">increased</a> from $7.2 billion in 2001 to $63 billion in 2017/18. India is now the third largest export destination and the fifth largest investor on the continent. </p>
<p>While it plays catch-up with China’s commanding presence in Africa, India has signed numerous new bilateral agreements. It has also strengthened its diplomatic presence and is actively furthering trade, infrastructure and private sector investments. </p>
<p>In our <a href="https://www.sum.uio.no/english/research/projects/indaf/">research under a multi-year project</a>, we found that New Delhi promotes an alternative model of development. It showcases the successes of its Green Revolution and advances in information, communication and technology. But it also highlights its ability to develop “Triple A” technology – affordable, appropriate, adaptable. </p>
<p>India’s expertise in <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/biosocieties/article/abs/first-world-health-care-at-third-world-prices-globalization-bioethics-and-medical-tourism/1DD37C055DF0FFE983C5018776426C69">affordable healthcare</a> has assumed increased significance during the ongoing pandemic. New Delhi is already reaping the benefits of an <a href="https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/news/national/indias-vaccine-maitri-initiative-earns-praise-at-wto/article33979754.ece">ambitious diplomatic initiative</a> to deliver Made-in-India vaccines to developing countries. </p>
<p>India is one the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-55571793">largest producers</a> of drugs globally. It manufactures 60% of the world’s vaccines. Many African countries have purchased or <a href="https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/sent-229-lakh-covid-vaccine-doses-to-other-countries-foreign-ministry-2369480">received these as gifts</a>.</p>
<p>New Delhi’s capacity and willingness to produce and share COVID-19 vaccines have further boosted the country’s diplomatic heft and recognition as a <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/india-covid19-vaccine-diplomacy-by-shashi-tharoor-2021-03">global power</a>.</p>
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Read more:
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<h2>India’s Africa policy</h2>
<p>India’s historical footprint in Africa differs from that of other powers. New Delhi offered support for African countries in their struggle against colonial rule. Indo-African partnership followed in the post-colonial period. This was cemented by <a href="http://ris.org.in/others/NAM-RIS-Web/NAM-Articles/Harshe-India%20Non-Alignment-EPW-1990-min.pdf">solidarity with and support for the Non-Aligned Movement</a> and the fight against racism. </p>
<p>India also offered support for <a href="https://www.mea.gov.in/Portal/ForeignRelation/India-SouthAfrica_Relations.pdf">South Africa</a> in its struggle against apartheid. In addition, New Delhi points to the presence of a <a href="https://mea.gov.in/images/attach/NRIs-and-PIOs_1.pdf">sizeable Indian diaspora</a> and their <a href="https://www.vifindia.org/sites/default/files/final-an-overview-of-indian-diaspora-in-africa.pdf">economic and philanthropic contributions</a> on the continent. </p>
<p>Since the early 1990s, India has moved from idealism to pragmatism and the explicit pursuit of commercial interests. The change was driven by robust economic growth at home and the need to access raw materials and new markets. </p>
<p>India’s <a href="https://www.springer.com/gp/book/9788132226185">push</a> for South-South cooperation relies on three broad elements. The first is a shared identity as part of the “Third World”. Second is expertise in cost-effective development technologies. Third is a recurrent articulation of the principles of mutual respect and solidarity. </p>
<p>Its long history of being <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/poverty-inequality-and-democracy-growth-and-hunger-in-india/">democratic and its successes in reducing poverty and preventing famines</a> have also bolstered the legitimacy of its developmental approach in the Global South. </p>
<p>Since 2018, the India-Africa partnership has been based on a set of <a href="https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1540025">principles</a>. These have emphasised “local priorities”. They call for joint efforts to reform global institutions, combat climate change and fight global terrorism. They also highlight capacity building for agriculture, education, digital technology and cooperation on peacekeeping and maritime issues. </p>
<p>How and to what extent might Africa benefit from India’s growing interest? We identify three broad sets of health-related opportunities and benefits that may shape the future of India-Africa relations.</p>
<h2>Three major areas of collaboration</h2>
<p>The first relates to India’s formidable reputation as the <a href="https://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/india-pharmacy-of-the-world-during-covid-19-crisis-says-sco-secy-general-120062100435_1.html">“pharmacy of the world”</a>. It has actively contributed to meeting <a href="https://in-pursuit-of-development.simplecast.com/episodes/rory-horner">global demand for vaccines, over the counter medicines and low-cost generic drugs</a>. The relatively low manufacturing costs make Indian products affordable throughout the world. </p>
<p>Almost 20% of India’s pharmaceutical exports, valued at US$ 17 billion, are to Africa. Southern and western regions of Africa are the largest importers of Indian medicines. These include antiretroviral (ARV) drugs that cost only a <a href="https://pharmaboardroom.com/articles/africa-the-global-launchpad-for-indian-pharma/">fraction</a> of those produced by Western companies. </p>
<p>The second relates to capacity building and collaboration in the health sector. Leading Indian <a href="https://www.eximbankindia.in/blog/blog-content.aspx?BlogID=7&BlogTitle=Healthcare%20in%20Africa,%20built%20by%20India">healthcare providers are collaborating with African partners</a>. Some have opened or plan to open speciality hospitals across Africa. </p>
<p>Since 2009, the <a href="https://au.int/en/flagships/pan-african-e-network">Pan-African E-Network</a> supported by India has offered tele-medicine services. This also connects Indian hospitals and educational centres with their counterparts in Africa. With its state-of-the-art medical facilities, which offer services at competitive costs, India has also emerged as an attractive destination for “medical tourism”. </p>
<p>The third relates to India’s active “medical diplomacy”. Africa’s reliance on a <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-world-needs-pharmaceuticals-from-china-and-india-to-beat-coronavirus-138388">cheap supply of essential medicines in addition to an affordable COVID-19 vaccine</a> is only likely to increase in the near future. </p>
<p>But Africa’s success in containing pandemics such as Ebola offers lessons to India, too. An illustrative example is Senegal, which has adapted its experiences <a href="https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/senegal/">from the 2014 Ebola outbreak to fight COVID-19</a>. Numerous additional lessons on disease control from African countries can also be scaled up to improve India’s health sector.</p>
<h2>Future collaboration on health</h2>
<p>India appears well-poised to share its digital capabilities for improved and affordable access to universal healthcare. New Delhi has revamped its tele-medicine and online video consultation infrastructure on the continent. This offers a cost effective and safe option for treating contagious diseases.</p>
<p>In the near future, India’s partners may benefit from its <a href="https://health.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/health-it/india-to-become-the-world-leader-in-digital-health/55154100">online and mobile applications</a> to improve accessibility and affordability of healthcare. Online platforms can be used to <a href="https://main.mohfw.gov.in/Organisation/departments-health-and-family-welfare/e-Health-Telemedicine">access information</a> on blood banks, public hospitals, and organ donation. Mobile applications can help track the vaccine status of children and disease awareness. </p>
<p>But there are also some challenges that must be resolved. Combating the menace of counterfeit medicines on the African continent is one. In addition to existing measures to curb criminal activity, mobile apps can verify medicines to tackle the problem. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/dummys-guide-to-how-trade-rules-affect-access-to-covid-19-vaccines-152897">Dummy's guide to how trade rules affect access to COVID-19 vaccines</a>
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<p>A major challenge is improving access to generic medicines through negotiated intellectual property rights waivers. At the World Trade Organisation, India and South Africa have taken a moral stance against <a href="https://www.bmj.com/content/372/bmj.n292">“vaccine nationalism”</a>. Their <a href="https://www.pharmaceutical-technology.com/features/wto-ip-waiver-proposal-covid19-vaccine/">joint proposal</a> in October 2020 for a temporary waiver on drugs and COVID-19 vaccines was nevertheless rejected by the organisation. </p>
<p>Since then, however, <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/03/10/wto-intellectual-propert-waiver-india-south-africa/">mainly African countries</a> have shown growing support for the proposal.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/151934/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dan Banik receives funding from the Research Council of Norway. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Renu MODI receives funding from the Research Council of Norway, Oslo</span></em></p>There are three broad sets of health-related opportunities and benefits that may shape the future of India-Africa relations.Dan Banik, Professor of political science, Director of the Oslo SDG Initiative, Host of "In Pursuit of Development" podcast, University of OsloRenu Modi, Professor in African Studies, University of Mumbai Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1439382020-08-19T14:32:08Z2020-08-19T14:32:08ZThe foreign aid game is changing: these are the opportunities for Africa<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/353430/original/file-20200818-22-1um0hl9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Welcoming Senegal's President Macky Sall at Sochi International Airport before the 2019 Russia-Africa Summit. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Photo by Dmitry Feoktistov\TASS via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>There are growing signs that the aid relationship between the Global South and the Global North is changing fast. Many traditional Western <a href="https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/development/development-co-operation-report-2019_9a58c83f-en">donors</a> are reevaluating the role of aid while keeping a close eye on their own national interests. These changes may not be all bad. </p>
<p>Since the turn of the century aid policies have become both <a href="https://www.cgdev.org/publication/end-oda-ii-birth-hypercollective-action-working-paper-218">complex</a> and fragmented. Four major international development policies and goalsetting projects were launched in 2015 alone. These are the <a href="https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/the-paris-agreement">Paris Agreement</a>, the <a href="https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/2051AAAA_Outcome.pdf">Addis Ababa Action Agenda on Financing for Development</a>, the <a href="https://www.undrr.org/implementing-sendai-framework/what-sendai-framework">Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction</a> and the <a href="https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/post2015/transformingourworld">2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development</a>. </p>
<p>The global development agenda now includes multiple goals on poverty reduction, economic growth, the environment and climate change. This unprecedented international policy overload is radically altering the aid landscape.</p>
<p>As the world’s most developed countries craft a new narrative that more strongly links aid to climate change and humanitarian crises, African countries can tip the balance in their favour. This can provide an opportunity to shape the future of North-South relations.</p>
<h2>Less talk of rich-poor country</h2>
<p>There has been less talk of the rich-poor dichotomy since the introduction of the ambitious <a href="https://sdgs.un.org/goals">Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)</a> in 2015. Indeed, the development goals have strengthened the narrative that the responsibility for achieving sustainable development applies to all countries. Although each country may face distinct challenges, the inter-connectedness of global progress means that we are all in the same boat. </p>
<p>Many African countries have engaged in <a href="https://www.unsouthsouth.org/about/about-sstc/">South-South cooperation</a> with major powers like China and India. In building large infrastructure projects, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1759-5436.12090">China</a> highlights its impressive achievements in lifting over half a billion people out of poverty. </p>
<p>India showcases the successes of its <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/india-rising-soft-power-and-the-worlds-largest-democracy/">green revolution and advances in information and communications technology and affordable healthcare</a>. Both countries also flaunt their ability to develop affordable, available, and adaptable technology and their established track record of solving developmental challenges. </p>
<p>With the growing global economic power and influence of China, India and other middle-income countries, development diplomacy is being reconstituted.</p>
<h2>A ‘new page’</h2>
<p>The UK has often in the past shown a soft spot for its former colonies and been hailed as a generous and innovative global leader. But it is now also <a href="https://theconversation.com/dfid-merger-with-foreign-office-signals-shift-from-using-aid-to-reduce-poverty-to-promoting-british-national-self-interest-140884">openly touting the national interest</a>. The UK-Africa Summit held in January 2020 was an attempt to <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-government-statement-on-the-uk-africa-investment-summit">advance new initiatives</a> and commercial partnerships with the continent. </p>
<p>And there is considerable uncertainty on the extent to which Nordic generosity of tying aid with <a href="https://www.mwnation.com/soft-power-and-its-benefits/">“soft power”</a> is compatible with maintaining a well-funded welfare state and achieving policy coherence on sustainable development. The climate crisis has made it abundantly clear that the oil producing and generous aid providers like Norway cannot “lead” the global development agenda without undertaking bold initiatives at home. </p>
<p>It is not just the West but also other actors that are showing interest in Africa. Russia has launched a major strategy to open <a href="https://summitafrica.ru/en/about-summit/declaration/">“a new page”</a> and make the whole continent a foreign policy priority. </p>
<p>Africa is thus attracting renewed global interest and rivalry among world powers. Some even warn of a “<a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/witnessing-scramble-africa-180324124416405.html">new scramble for Africa</a>” involving major and emerging powers who are all vying for the continent’s attention. Although aid flows may decrease over time, there is now more interest in boosting trade and investments. The key question for us is how African countries can use this growing interest to their advantage.</p>
<h2>Three major challenges</h2>
<p>We identify three broad sets of concerns as African states become entangled in new and rejuvenated relationships with major world powers.</p>
<p>The first relates to fears of rising debt. International <a href="https://www.wider.unu.edu/news/press-release-covid-19-fallout-could-push-half-billion-people-poverty-developing-countries">scholars and organisations</a> have argued that a renewed commitment to debt relief should be a top priority for the international community.</p>
<p>Concessional loans and foreign expertise have been used to build expensive infrastructure projects that African countries cannot afford. Recent political debates in <a href="https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/rest-of-africa/zambia-asks-china-to-cancel-its-debt--1902734">Zambia</a> and <a href="https://www.nation.co.ke/kenya/news/africa/concerns-rise-in-nigeria-over-chinese-loans-1909956">Nigeria</a> illustrate the growing concern over repaying debts to China. There are also concerns over <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-45035889">the environmental and financial costs</a> of Russian activities on the continent. </p>
<p>The willingess of Western powers to provide debt relief is also under question. </p>
<p>The second relates to the increasingly tense US-China relations. Paired with this is the lack of commitment to democratic principles in some of the countries that are seeking closer ties with Africa. The Global North believes that the activities of China, Russia and others will weaken efforts to promote and strengthen good governance and liberal values. </p>
<p>An illustrative example is the <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/global/three-troubling-trends-un-security-council">feud</a> between Russia and China on the one hand and the African group of 3 within the UN Security Council. While the three – Côte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea and South Africa – sought a strong council backing for civilian rule following President Omar al-Bashir’s ouster in April 2019 the two permanent members demurred. </p>
<p>Kenya has shown that it can take a tough stance against both the US and China. It recently <a href="https://www.businessdailyafrica.com/economy/Kenya-backs-Safaricom-in-US-Huawei-5G-fight/3946234-5603484-thst3q/index.html">rebuffed US efforts to boycott Huawei</a> and highlighted the <a href="https://www.businessdailyafrica.com/economy/Kenya-backs-Safaricom-in-US-Huawei-5G-fight/3946234-5603484-thst3q/index.html">poor quality of medical equipment it had imported from China</a>. </p>
<p>A third area of concern is greater uncertainty on the benefits of continued globalisation. The political turmoil in the US and parts of Europe has strengthened the voice of those arguing for the primacy of the national interest in political decision making. One evident result has been the Trump administration’s reduced support for multilateral organisations. Another is the <a href="https://www.devex.com/news/inside-the-uk-aid-cut-97771">20% cut in the UK’s aid budget</a>. </p>
<p>The wave of refugees into Europe in 2015 also contributed to an inward-looking mentality in many countries. The result was a reallocation of aid budgets to cover in-donor costs of housing refugees. There was also more explicit alignment of aid with <a href="https://www.odi.org/blogs/10754-aid-national-interest-how-uk-ranks">national interests such as commercial and security concerns</a>. </p>
<p>How African leaders address these three overarching sets of concerns will greatly determine the future availability of development finance on the continent.</p>
<h2>Renegotiate the terms</h2>
<p>A more explicit emphasis on the national interest may encourage donor countries to play “the long game” in Africa. Ambitious foreign policy priorities and innovative development programmes may even achieve cross-political support from taxpayers in parts of Europe where aid policy is contentious. But increased emphasis on the national interest also exposes the seemingly altruistic “donor-recipient” relationship. </p>
<p>Courting closer ties with Africa will not simply be about bringing gifts, but also expecting reciprocity in some form. But Western critiques of Beijing’s <a href="http://english.www.gov.cn/beltAndRoad/">Belt and Road Initiative</a> will ring hollow in the absence of <a href="https://twitter.com/gyude_moore/status/1290986894755532801">viable and state-led alternatives from the West</a>. </p>
<p>Historically, many African states have had to accept the policy conditionality of donor alliances. There is now a unique opportunity to demand what Africa needs. This is the moment to play external actors off against each other. The continent’s major economies must also take steps to enable smaller countries to be more assertive. </p>
<p>With a diverse field of competing world powers involved, and in asserting its own development vision, African unity and coordination is of utmost importance.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/143938/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dan Banik receives funding from the Research Council of Norway and the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad).</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nikolai Hegertun worked on a project that received funding from The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation in the period 2014 to 2017. </span></em></p>A more explicit emphasis on the national interest may encourage donor countries to play ‘the long game’ in Africa.Dan Banik, Professor of political science, Director of the Oslo SDG Initiative, Host of "In Pursuit of Development" podcast, University of OsloNikolai Hegertun, PhD student at Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo, University of OsloLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/778492017-05-29T06:38:42Z2017-05-29T06:38:42ZBrazil’s crisis is a ‘graduation dilemma’, and there’s no easy way out<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171177/original/file-20170526-6396-9w40ur.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Police line up to defend Congress from protesters in the nation's capital Brasilia, while the Temer government struggles.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Paulo Whitaker/Reuters</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Tape recordings of Brazilian President Michel Temer and Senator Aecio Neves allegedly <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/may/18/brazil-explosive-recordings-implicate-president-michel-temer-in-bribery">encouraging the bribing of public officials</a> released last week confirm what already seemed fairly clear: the country is immersed in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/facing-unemployment-austerity-and-scandal-brazil-struggles-to-keep-it-together-71663">worst crisis</a> of its post-1988 democratic history. </p>
<p>Not so long ago, Brazil was being praised as a responsible rising power; a <a href="http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLACREGTOPLABSOCPRO/Resources/BRBolsaFamiliaDiscussionPaper.pdf">model for other developing nations</a> in its winning fight against hunger and poverty. </p>
<p>In November 2009, The Economist magazine announced that Brazil was “<a href="http://www.economist.com/node/14845197">taking off</a>”. But by February 2015, the same British magazine was calling the country a “<a href="http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21645181-latin-americas-erstwhile-star-its-worst-mess-early-1990s-quagmire">quagmire</a>”. </p>
<p>Today, people are demanding the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/9a9a3046-3e19-11e7-9d56-25f963e998b2">president’s ouster and new direct general elections</a>. How did Brazil get here? </p>
<h2>Scandal, compounded</h2>
<p>It would take tomes to explain Brazil’s fall in full, but here’s a whirlwind summary.</p>
<p>First, there’s the clear problem of money in politics. President Temer and <a href="http://riotimesonline.com/brazil-news/rio-politics/brazilian-senator-aecio-neves-implicated-in-fraud-scheme/">Senator Aecio Neves</a>, once a rising political star, are only the latest politicians to succumb in the current corruption scandal. </p>
<p>Of the 594 congressional representatives and senators elected in 2014, 318 have been investigated for wrongdoing under the so-called <em><a href="http://time.com/4792665/brazil-michael-temer-corruption-scandal-lava-jato/">Lava Jato</a></em> (Carwash) probe. Many for their liaisons with businesses such as the Oderbrecht construction company and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-brazil-corruption-jbs-divestiture-exc-idUSKBN18J2VU">JBS</a>, a meatpacking firm.</p>
<p>One of them, former president of the Congress Eduardo Cunha, who spearheaded the <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-dilma-rousseffs-impeachment-a-coup-or-brazils-window-of-opportunity-59362">controversial 2016 impeachment</a> of former president Dilma Rousseff, is now in prison.</p>
<p>The spate of investigations and arrests is a sign that political watchdog agencies, such as the public ministry, attorney general’s office and the federal police are better equipped today than in the past. These institutions gained considerable autonomy and capacity under the successive Workers’ Party (PT, in its Portuguese acronym) <a href="http://politica.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,governos-anteriores-mantinham-o-controle-das-instituicoes--diz-procurador-da-lava-jato,10000023830">governments of Lula da Silva and Rousseff</a>. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171179/original/file-20170526-6408-t7o8cz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171179/original/file-20170526-6408-t7o8cz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=385&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171179/original/file-20170526-6408-t7o8cz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=385&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171179/original/file-20170526-6408-t7o8cz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=385&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171179/original/file-20170526-6408-t7o8cz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171179/original/file-20170526-6408-t7o8cz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171179/original/file-20170526-6408-t7o8cz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Police nabbing the former speaker of the house, Eduardo Cunha.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Rodolfo Buhrer/Reuters</span></span>
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<p>And while early on Operation Carwash operated very selectively, targeting <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-brazil-corruption-exclusive-idUSKBN16K252">PT’s left-wing leaders</a>, it is now investigating people from every mainstream party: the conservative Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB), centre-right Social Democratic Party of Brazil (PSDB) and right-wing Progressive Party.</p>
<p>But there’s still room for improvement. </p>
<p>These institutions have also repeatedly used unlawful and unconstitutional measures that increasingly <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/05/26/secret-recordings-may-be-brazilian-democracys-best-hope/?utm_term=.ed9369eb4e4a">impinge on the rights</a> of citizens, journalists and bloggers. </p>
<p>Nor has the media <a href="http://www.manchetometro.com.br/index.php/2017/04/24/de-dilma-a-temer-o-cao-de-guarda-e-a-lua-de-mel/">been a neutral agent in this process</a>. Citing freedom of expression, major national newspapers, magazines and <a href="http://www.dw.com/pt-br/os-vazamentos-da-lava-jato/a-38080429">television channels</a> have leaked judicial operations and publicly condemned politicians before the due process of law. </p>
<p>Just days ago, leaked material suggested that Reinaldo Azevedo, a conservative journalist who had recently become a ferocious critic of the judicial investigations, was actually <a href="http://noticias.r7.com/brasil/reinaldo-azevedo-pede-demissao-de-revista-depois-de-divulgacao-de-conversa-com-andrea-neves-23052017">involved</a> with its key actors. </p>
<p>The courts aren’t helping things by moving very slowly in some cases (mostly when bringing cases against politicians on the right) and <a href="http://www.brasil247.com/pt/247/poder/218915/Justi%C3%A7a-seletiva-indica-o-%E2%80%98lado-certo%E2%80%99-%C3%A0-corrup%C3%A7%C3%A3o.htm">extremely fast in others</a> (when taking down PT officials). It took the Supreme Court more than four months to decide on <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/30/brazil-eduardo-cunha-guilty-prison-dilma-rousseff-impeachment">Eduardo Cunha’s ouster</a>, but less that 24 hours to prevent Lula from being appointed <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/17/world/americas/brazil-ex-president-luiz-inacio-lula-da-silva.html?_r=0">minister under then-president Rousseff</a>. </p>
<p>That may just be coincidence, but people will be closely watching the pace of justice as corruption cases against President Temer (PMDB) and Senator Neves (PSDB) advance. </p>
<h2>The graduation dilemma</h2>
<p>There is an international component to this crisis, too. </p>
<p>In a <a href="https://academic.oup.com/ia/article/93/3/581/3798268/Introduction-The-graduation-dilemma-in-foreign">new paper in International Affairs</a> co-authored with Leticia Pinheiro and Maria Regina Soares de Lima, we argue that Brazil’s rapid transition from rising star to basket case represents a classic case of the “graduation dilemma”.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01436599615317">concept of graduation has been used variously</a>, often in reference to <a href="https://academic.oup.com/ia/article/64/3/381/2406408/East-Asia-in-transition-South-Korea-in-the">Asia’s emerging economies</a>, to denote a step forward in a country’s economic status. This latter is generally based on exogenous criteria defined by the World Bank or International Monetary Fund. </p>
<p>Once “graduated”, development economists posit, a country can no longer benefit from advantageous packages in trade, finance and development aid. This is one reason why emerging nations often fear, and seek to avoid, the graduation label. </p>
<p>Examining Brazil’s current quandary, we propose a different view. We argue that graduation is not a result but a process – one that requires making difficult foreign policy decisions that interact, in sometimes complicated ways, with domestic politics. </p>
<p>In this conception, Brazil and other second-tier non-nuclear powers face a graduation dilemma whenever their decision makers find themselves compelled to choose between two different international strategies. That choice is between a more autonomous type of development or a more dependency-based foreign policy. Security experts would call this <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/09636419209347477">“balancing” versus “bandwagoning”</a>.</p>
<p>Since Brazil’s emergence onto the world stage two decades ago, its main choice has been whether to continue traditional North-South alliances or emphasise innovative coalitions, such as the <a href="http://www.ibsa-trilateral.org/">IBSA Forum</a> (India, Brazil and South Africa) and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-the-brics-coalition-still-matters-67202">BRICS grouping</a>, which throws Russia and China into the mix.</p>
<p>The dilemma arises because foreign policy strategies often pit international interests against domestic concerns. Brazil’s national crisis, for example, will affect strategic international decisions. Among them are the <a href="http://operamundi.uol.com.br/dialogosdosul/oligopolio-internacional-pressiona-e-o-governo-frouxo-entrega-o-pre-sal/26112016/">exploitation of the country’s oil-rich pre-salt layer</a> and <a href="http://amazonwatch.org/news/2015/0305-massive-corruption-scandal-implicates-brazils-amazon-dam-builders">Amazon rainforest protection</a>.</p>
<h2>Graduating, but to where?</h2>
<p>During the heady Workers’ Party years (2003-2014), presidents Lula and Rousseff <a href="http://latinbayarea.com/wordpress/event/acting-globally-memoirs-brazils-assertive-foreign-policy-berkeley/">prioritised South-South relations</a>. Today, Temer’s crumbling administration is betting on rapprochement with the West under renewed US hegemony.</p>
<p>Each route has costs. In a country with still-pressing health, education and infrastructure needs, Workers’ Party leaders had to justify leading the <a href="http://www.ijdh.org/2017/02/topics/politics-democracy/haiti-security-brazil-withdraws-from-minustah/">UN’s peacekeeping mission in Haiti</a> (a policy since 2004) and <a href="http://www.conectas.org/en/actions/foreign-policy/news/16982-guinea-bissau-calls-for-more-involvement-from-brazil">giving generous aid to Portuguese-speaking Guinea-Bissau</a>. Constituents reasonably enough asked whether such South-South cooperation makes sense for a developing nation such as Brazil.</p>
<p>Foreign policy decisions can also cause ideological clashes. In 2013, Rousseff’s program to bring in Cuban, Portuguese and Spanish doctors to help treat the country’s under-served rural population provoked a <a href="https://www.pri.org/stories/racism-greets-imported-cuban-doctors-brazil-0">social and political backlash</a>. </p>
<p>Opposition leaders accused Rousseff of getting too close to the Cuba-inspired ALBA nations (Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia), while Brazil’s medical establishment reacted belligerently. But neither group presented a better solution for the public health problem.</p>
<p>Explaining such South-South cooperation to a domestic audience accustomed to engaging with the West proved difficult for the PT. But switching gears implies trade-offs too.</p>
<p>Today, facing austerity and budget shortfalls, Temer’s decision makers are choosing <a href="http://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/news-columns-blogs/andres-oppenheimer/article78777332.html">a more market-oriented</a> development trajectory, turning away from the South and toward the US. </p>
<p>This new (but familiar) foreign policy is more easily justified to Brazilian elites and less lambasted in the media. But dependency on rich countries and international financial institutions will <a href="http://www.clacso.org.ar/libreria-latinoamericana/buscar_libro_detalle.php?id_libro=1113&campo=titulo&texto=Atlas">limit Brazil’s economic and political autonomy</a>.</p>
<p>Historically, North-South cooperation has also allowed elites to avoid dealing with high levels of local inequality. In 1981, Brazil’s wealth distribution was <a href="http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SI.POV.GINI">the world’s worst</a>. That <a href="https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/lessons-from-brazils-war-on-poverty/">improved substantially</a> under the PT, but a return to neoliberalism under Temer may endanger progress and exacerbate citizen discontent.</p>
<p>For an emerging nation to officially “graduate”, cohesion between government and its strategic partners in business, trade unions, the media, academia and civil society is a must. Brazil’s current institutional crisis has revealed not only the typical left-right divide but also deep fractures within the right. </p>
<p>Government and business elites may lack a shared vision for the future but people <a href="http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Brazilians-Take-to-the-Streets-Demand-Temer-Out-New-Elections-20170518-0025.html">on the streets</a> know exactly what they want to “graduate” to: snap elections to restore democracy, the rule of law, social development and human rights.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/77849/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Carlos Milani receives funding from the Brazilian National Research Council (CNPq), the Ministry of Education (CAPES) and Rio de Janeiro's Research Foundation (FAPERJ). </span></em></p>Domestically, Brazil is a mess. Now, its foreign policy is in crisis, too, landing a staggering one-two punch to this one-time rising star.Carlos Milani, Professor, Institute of Social and Political Studies, Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (UERJ)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/618202016-08-21T17:53:34Z2016-08-21T17:53:34ZHow India can stem the rising scourge of racism against Africans<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131601/original/image-20160722-26808-odkze4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">People at a temple in Ahmedabad, India. The country's government struggles to come to terms with racism against African immigrants.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Amit Dave</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>India has seen a rise in incidents of racism by its citizens against foreign nationals, especially Africans, in <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/tanzanian-woman-assault-case-now-yeshwanthpur-acp-suspended/">recent times</a>. As a country with the largest diaspora communities, India needs to be particularly worried by this development. </p>
<p>The country is home to a significant migrant population, most of it from the neighbouring countries in South Asia. In 2010, there were 5.4 million <a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Despite-drop-India-No-9-in-number-of-immigrants/articleshow/12105590.cms">foreign-born people</a> in the country. The number of Africans in India is estimated to be <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/africans-allege-racism-locals-blame-loud-habits/article8695259.ece">about 40 000</a>, of whom 25 000 are students.</p>
<p>Yet, these small numbers are significant for the growing relations between India and Africa. The Indian government has been announcing scholarships, grants and credit lines for Africa against the backdrop of the India-Africa Forum <a href="http://mea.gov.in/india-africa-forum-summit-2015/index.html#">summits</a>. In spite of these efforts to woo Africa, the government is in denial about racist attacks against Africans in India.</p>
<p>In the wake of the recent attacks on Africans in India, the <a href="http://www.mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/26856/Statement_by_External_Affairs_Minister_on_recent_incidents_relating_to_Africans">official denial</a> that such acts are racist hampers efforts to tackle the problem. This, plus the fact that the perpetrators are hardly ever brought to book is a major cause for their recurrence.</p>
<h2>India and Africa matter to each other</h2>
<p>The government positioning stands in contrast to the historic relations between India and Africa founded on the tenets of anti-racism and <a href="https://www.odi.org/comment/10048-india-china-trade-investment-africa">anti-colonialism</a>. Moreover, the government’s stand risks jeopardising India’s growing relations with Africa in the fields of trade, technology and human resource development. India’s trade with Africa has grown from $1 billion in 1990-1991 to <a href="http://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/3rd-india-africa-forum-summit_rberi_291015">$71 billion</a> in 2014-2015.</p>
<p>Despite this, <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/explained/narendra-modi-somalia-comment-india-kerala-oommen-chandy-pomonemodi-2795973/">stereotyping of Africa</a> is common. African countries are often insidiously used as a metaphor for under-development. And Africans in India are associated with labels such as “debased” as well as “drug-peddling and prostitution”. These <a href="http://content.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1997936,00.html">stereotypes</a> are constructs of economic hierarchy coloured in racist hues.</p>
<h2>Crime and prejudice in India</h2>
<p>Racial violence has its parallels in other forms of violence in India. The prejudice runs across multiple channels from caste, region, religion to gender. Sporadic violence against “vulnerable” groups – including black people, white women, Indian women, minorities and the lower castes – is commonplace. The foreigner thus gets caught up in the social hierarchies of the country.</p>
<p>This was apparent in the mob attack against <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/01/world/asia/beating-of-african-students-by-mob-in-india-prompts-soul-searching-on-race.html">African students</a> in the Delhi metro in 2014 by a crowd chanting nationalist slogans. The ostensible reason for the attack was that the African males had misbehaved towards an Indian woman, even though the police have no register of such a complaint.</p>
<p>The recent attack on a young Tanzanian woman student in Bangalore allegedly happened under the watch of a police constable who did <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/tanzanian-woman-assault-case-now-yeshwanthpur-acp-suspended/">nothing to stop it</a>. She was stripped by a mob that sought justice for a road accident in which a Sudanese national’s car ran over a local woman.</p>
<h2>Government response</h2>
<p>The Indian government is largely in denial when it comes to racism. Refusing to acknowledge the racism and projecting the incidents as simply cases of urban violence means they are unlikely to prick at the conscience of Indian society, as they should.</p>
<p>The government was recently spurred into action but only after African diplomats reacted to the murder of MK Oliver, a Congolese student in <a href="http://thebricspost.com/after-african-heads-of-mission-warning-indian-fm-vows-action-against-racist-attacks/#.V6MG5Lh97IV">May 2016</a>. The Indian Minister of State (External Affairs) personally met members of the African communities and <a href="http://www.mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/26856/Statement_by_External_Affairs_Minister_on_recent_incidents_relating_to_Africans">strong police action</a> against the culprits was assured.</p>
<p>And the Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Home Affairs have launched a series of racism sensitisation <a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/news-ians/five-held-for-assaulting-africans-rajnath-asks-police-to-be-active-116052900486_1.html">programmes</a> in neighbourhoods where most African citizens reside.</p>
<p>This is a step forward, but more needs to be done. Racism and racist violence are not limited to Indians who live in close proximity to African citizens.</p>
<h2>What needs to be done</h2>
<p>India’s Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Home Affairs need to make a concerted effort to sensitise the police and the public about how racism contradicts India’s past and present ideals.</p>
<p>One way to do that is to inform Indians about how Indians and people of Indian origin are able to live peacefully and prosper in Africa and other parts of the world.</p>
<p>In addition, the Ministry of External Affairs should have a department dedicated to addressing breaches of human rights against foreigners in the country. And appropriate and corrective laws should be passed and enforced to combat acts of racism.</p>
<p>NGOS also have a role to play. Those working in human rights need to speak out against discrimination and racist violence and provide legal support to the victims. They could also lead community awareness programmes against racism, drawing on experiences from other countries.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">University students march to the US embassy in Delhi. They liken the struggles of African Americans to those of marginalised groups in India.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/K Fayaz Ahmad).</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>As most Africans in India are <a href="http://www.hindustantimes.com/india/for-african-students-in-india-racial-taunts-await-at-every-turn/story-bCmVP0aQzQdBpAQXjRmFWI.html">students</a>, the Ministry of Human Resources needs to drive campaigns against racism on campuses. Educational institutions in India should be told about the importance of scholarship programmes for Africans. Efforts should also be made to educate Indian students about Africa.</p>
<p>African students should be given appropriate lodging and boarding facilities in and around the campus or in the vicinity of other students’ residences instead of being confined to a few “African” neighbourhoods. Such geographical demarcations increase the risk of alienation and stigmatisation.</p>
<h2>States must step in</h2>
<p>There is a role for governments too. Unlike colonial relations of exploitation, the tenets of South-South Co-operation emphasise <a href="http://southsouthconference.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/GA-resolution-endorsed-Nairobi-Outcome-21-Dec-09.pdf">mutual respect</a>.</p>
<p>Indian ministries and the media should not restrict themselves to running headlines on the millions of dollars India <a href="http://mea.gov.in/india-africa-forum-summit-2015/index.html">allocates to Africa</a>.</p>
<p>The fact that Africa contributes to growing the Indian economy should also be given attention. For example, lines of credit benefit India by creating markets for private and public Indian companies. This is because they come with the condition that 75% of goods and services are <a href="http://www.eximbankindia.in/sites/default/files/loc-english.pdf">sourced from India</a>.</p>
<p>The private sector, given its considerable interests in Africa, also needs to take a lead in showing the continent’s worth to India. Such efforts are important in dismantling fallacious notions of hierarchy and superiority, which the booming Indian economy seems to bring.</p>
<p>And African countries must push for equality as the building block of co-operation. Anti-racism should be reiterated at the commencement of the India-Africa summits and should be set to stone in the form of appropriate treaties.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/61820/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Pooja Jain-Grégoire is part of a research project CRAA-ETRE headed by Rémy Bazenguissa Ganga. Rémy is the Director of the Institut des mondes africains in Paris to which Pooja is attached as a Visiting Researcher. She also teaches at Sciences Po Paris.</span></em></p>Racial violence has its parallels in other forms of violence in India. The prejudice runs across multiple channels from caste, region, religion to gender.Pooja Jain-Grégoire, Researcher and Course Lecturer International Development Co-operation, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/450172015-08-13T04:57:49Z2015-08-13T04:57:49ZWhy south-south co-operation is a myth when it comes to BRICS and Africa<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/91634/original/image-20150812-18104-l6x9e.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">What the increased ties between Russia, India, China and Brazil mean for Africa remains unclear.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Sergei Karpukhin</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Brazil, Russia, India and China have shown tremendous determination and co-operation on global issues in recent years. Their alliance epitomises south-south co-operation in the contemporary era. This is the notion of solidarity among developing countries through the exchange of goods, resources, technology and knowledge to meet their <a href="http://ssc.undp.org/content/ssc/about/what_is_ssc.html">development goals</a>.</p>
<p>But what does this all mean for Africa? Is this bloc of countries committed to Africa or simply driven by self-interest? For the purposes of this article I refer to the bloc known as <a href="http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2013/03/economist-explains-why-south-africa-brics">BRICS</a> but I am excluding South Africa. The reason for this is that <a href="https://books.google.co.za/books?id=yXdaBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA59&dq=Bric,+Africa,+self+interest&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CCQQ6AEwAGoVChMIwq7J0OSjxwIVxtYUCh0uFAOe#v=onepage&q=Bric%2C%20Africa%2C%20self%20interest&f=false">South Africa</a> was a late addition to the group and was brought in to complete the regional representativity of the group.</p>
<h2>New formidable bloc in global affairs</h2>
<p>Recent developments in south-south co-operation include increased trade volumes and foreign direct investments among <a href="http://www.unido.org//fileadmin/user_media/Publications/Research_and_statistics/Branch_publications/Research_and_Policy/Files/Working_Papers/2009/WP%2002%20South-South%20Cooperation.pdf">BRICS countries</a>. They also include <a href="http://www.un.org/en/conf/ldc/pdf/background%20paper%20on%20south-south%20cooperation%20for%20ldcs%20development-final.pdf">movements</a> towards regional integration, technology transfers, the sharing of expertise, and other forms of exchanges between developing and less developed economies. </p>
<p>This is particularly true for the economies of Brazil, Russia, India and China, which have increased their <a href="https://books.google.co.za/books?id=SBGgAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA222&dq=Brics,+terrorism&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CDwQ6AEwBGoVChMIsYCI1uajxwIVogXbCh3GeADM#v=onepage&q=Brics%2C%20terrorism&f=false">co-operation</a> on global economic issues, global governance, geopolitics, development, aid, climate change, terrorism and a host of other issues.</p>
<p>Some observers remain cautious about the grouping and point to the <a href="http://globalinterests.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Aleksashenko_BRICS_July-2015.pdf">limits</a> of its role in global affairs. Nevertheless, its member countries have become a force to reckon with. For example, the bloc has formalised the <a href="http://ndbbrics.org/">New Development Bank</a> and signed a <a href="http://www.saiia.org.za/doc_view/752-policy-insights-10-the-brics-contingent-reserve-arrangement-and-its-position-in-the-emerging-global-financial-architecture">Contingency Reserve Arrangement</a> at this year’s BRICS <a href="https://www.rt.com/business/273013-brics-summit-wrap-up/">summit</a> in Russia. </p>
<p>Discussions are also underway to establish their own credit ratings agency, bilateral swaps and settling trade in local currencies. At the summit, the bloc also discussed discarding the US dollar and the euro for their roughly US$500 billion trade with <a href="http://thebricspost.com/ufa-world-leaders-stress-global-governance-reforms/#.Vcr-ynGqpHw">one another</a>.</p>
<p>The bloc constantly raises its voice on the issues of global governance, particularly <a href="http://www.moderndiplomacy.eu/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=484:the-un-security-council-reform-no-tricks-from-the-brics&Itemid=724">reforms</a> of the IMF and the UN Security Council. BRICS’s declaration at this year’s summit emphasised principles of openness, solidarity, equality, mutually beneficial co-operation and inclusiveness. These are thought to address emerging global economic, political and social <a href="http://en.brics2015.ru/documents/">challenges</a>.</p>
<h2>The impact on Africa</h2>
<p>While this all sounds very good, what is surprising is how little the <a href="http://en.brics2015.ru/documents/">summit</a> and the declaration had to offer African development. This is despite Africa, with a combined economy of <a href="http://data.worldbank.org/region/SSA">US$2 trillion</a>, having become central to the growth and development of Brazil, Russia, India and China in the 21st century. This is particularly so after the 2008 global financial crisis. </p>
<p>The strategy of these countries towards African development seems to be muddled with selfish national interests. The focus of all of them is on areas critical to the growth of their economies. These include fuel, minerals, biofuels, food and information and communication technology.</p>
<p>It is true that their engagement in Africa is <a href="http://zedbooks.co.uk/node/20386">reshaping the nature</a> of globalisation on the continent. It is also affecting the prospects for African development. Trade between China and Africa, for example, has grown dramatically. China is Africa’s biggest trading partner at about <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/e05c6154-a90b-11e3-9b71-00144feab7de.html#axzz3icBxPFDI">US$200 billion</a> in 2013. It is followed by India. Its trade with Africa stood at <a href="http://www.bulletinofgeography.umk.pl/26_2014/03_Anwar.html">US$70 billion</a> in 2012 and is <a href="http://www.lse.ac.uk/IDEAS/publications/reports/pdf/SR016/SR-016-Large.pdf">projected</a> to rise to US$90 billion by the end of 2015.</p>
<p>Africa’s rapid economic growth in the past decade has led observers to chant <a href="http://www.economist.com/news/special-report/21572377-african-lives-have-already-greatly-improved-over-past-decade-says-oliver-august">“Africa Rising”</a>. But Africa’s over-hyped growth is driven by investments in the extraction of natural resources such as fossil fuels, minerals, biofuels and lately <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-lesser-known-story-of-indias-role-in-ethiopian-land-deals-42432">land acquisition</a>. Brazil, Russia, China and India have become important sources of foreign direct investments in these sectors. </p>
<p>There is little evidence that this engagement is helping address issues critical to the continent. Chief among these would be <a href="http://povertydata.worldbank.org/poverty/region/SSA">poverty reduction</a>, food security, climate change and medicine.</p>
<h2>Developmental or self-interest?</h2>
<p>Brazil, Russia, India and China’s engagements in Africa are largely driven by their domestic political economies. These in turn <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2013/sep/12/brics-africa-global-order">influence the nature</a> of their investments in Africa and development assistance on the continent. </p>
<p>Their leaders are wont to claim that much of their trade and investment projects are “developmental”. Several Indian government officials I spoke to emphasised their engagements with Africa are not about imperialism and colonialism but “market-based” and “developmental”. But most of its <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-lesser-known-story-of-indias-role-in-ethiopian-land-deals-42432">investment and trade</a> in Africa resemble the relations Britain had with India during colonial times, which is extractive in nature and is true for other BRIC countries trading with Africa.</p>
<p>Given this, it is hard to see how the emergence of a rhetorically new development model based on south-south co-operation between Brazil, Russia and India and China is going to contribute to Africa’s development.</p>
<h2>Shifting the balance of power</h2>
<p>There are some aspects of the various engagements, such as India’s lines of credit to some African countries, that have developmental characteristics. These are considered less exploitative in comparison to aid from Western donors. </p>
<p>As “emerging donors”, the countries bring <a href="http://zedbooks.co.uk/node/20907">virtues of solidarity</a>, shared experience of colonial exploitation and empathy with developing countries. These are all key components of south-south co-operation. </p>
<p>The most important outcome of the emergence of Brazil, Russia, India and China is the shift they have brought to the balance of power in global affairs. The establishment of the new bank and the contingency reserve arrangement show that the old established US-dominated order is being challenged, and that formidable rivals have emerged. </p>
<p>Yet, the bloc wants to work within the framework of same Western institutions that are largely responsible for under-development in many parts of the world.</p>
<p>In this context, the potential of south-south co-operation for African development remains less clear. There is no coherent strategy from the group for helping develop Africa. A new way has to be found to ground the engagement on mutual benefit. As it stands, the bloc is pushing for a fair deal in global geopolitics for itself to the exclusion of Africa and other developing nations. </p>
<p>The bloc can become a launchpad for a longer-term development strategy that breaks away from the old styled US-led hegemonic system. As emerging powers leading the call for greater democratisation of the global order, Brazil, Russia, India and China need to show greater responsibility on global development issues. But this needs to be more than mere rhetoric that uses the same cliches as UN’s declarations. And it must want to work on the principles of equality.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/45017/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mohammad Amir Anwar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The strategy of Brazil, Russia, India and China towards African development seems to be muddled with selfish national interests. Their focus is on areas critical to the growth of their economies.Mohammad Amir Anwar, Post-doctoral fellow, University of JohannesburgLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.