tag:theconversation.com,2011:/global/topics/doha-4394/articlesDoha – The Conversation2022-12-18T18:07:55Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1944932022-12-18T18:07:55Z2022-12-18T18:07:55ZLooking back on the 2022 FIFA World Cup: A tournament of surprises and controversy<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501710/original/file-20221218-16-k5xgzr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=44%2C44%2C7418%2C4922&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Argentina's football players celebrate with the World Cup trophy after winning the final match with France at the Lusail Stadium in Lusail, Qatar.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Martin Meissner)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>After a month of football, the 2022 FIFA Men’s World Cup in Qatar has concluded with <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/sports/soccer/worldcup/world-cup-argentina-france-final-recap-1.6690221">Argentina beating France 4-2 in a penalty shootout after drawing 3-3</a>. Record numbers of fans were expected to watch the nail-biting final match at the Lusail Stadium just outside of the Qatari capital Doha. </p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501711/original/file-20221218-11-vfhrq0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A man in a blue football uniform carrying a golden trophy in the shape of a football boot walks past the world cup trophy." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501711/original/file-20221218-11-vfhrq0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501711/original/file-20221218-11-vfhrq0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501711/original/file-20221218-11-vfhrq0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501711/original/file-20221218-11-vfhrq0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501711/original/file-20221218-11-vfhrq0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501711/original/file-20221218-11-vfhrq0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501711/original/file-20221218-11-vfhrq0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">France’s Kylian Mbappé won the golden boot trophy awarded to the tournament’s top goal scorer.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Martin Meissner)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The tournament featured <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/63832029">a highly competitive group stage</a>, increased <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/football/2022/dec/03/diverse-world-cup-knockout-stage-a-leap-forward-for-africa-and-asia">global representation</a> in the knockout rounds, <a href="https://www.economist.com/graphic-detail/2022/12/09/qatars-world-cup-has-seen-the-biggest-upsets-in-recent-history">dramatic upsets</a> and <a href="https://www.marca.com/en/world-cup/2022/12/05/638e1bb7268e3e7c628b4594.html">outstanding individual performances</a> — highlighted by Argentina’s great Lionel Messi and emerging superstar Kylian Mbappé of France.</p>
<p>From the moment FIFA announced Qatar as the 2022 World Cup host in 2010, non-sporting controversy has plagued the event. In addition to <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/afontevecchia/2015/05/29/fifa-scandal-follow-the-money-to-qatar/?sh=609092241a6a">bribery charges against FIFA officials</a>, questions were raised about the suitability of a small nation with limited football history or <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2022-09-22/fifa-world-cup-in-qatar-brings-new-infrastructure-hotels-stadiums">infrastructure</a> hosting the World Cup. </p>
<p>Complicating the choice of Qatar further was the <a href="https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-will-mens-world-cup-soccer-players-cope-with-qatar-heat/">desert nation’s hot summers</a> which made scheduling the event in its normal June-July timeframe impractical — necessitating the <a href="https://www.espn.com/soccer/fifa-world-cup/story/4345373/qatar-2022-how-will-football-squeeze-in-a-world-cup-in-november-december">move to November-December</a>, which European football associations viewed as disrupting their regular schedules.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501617/original/file-20221216-22510-xi6pw6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Moroccan soccer players wearing red and green celebrate on a football pitch with Moroccan flags." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501617/original/file-20221216-22510-xi6pw6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501617/original/file-20221216-22510-xi6pw6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501617/original/file-20221216-22510-xi6pw6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501617/original/file-20221216-22510-xi6pw6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501617/original/file-20221216-22510-xi6pw6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501617/original/file-20221216-22510-xi6pw6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501617/original/file-20221216-22510-xi6pw6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Moroccan players celebrate after becoming the first African and Arab team to reach the semi-finals at the World Cup.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Martin Meissner)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Politics and sport</h2>
<p>Beyond the logistical issues, the 2022 World Cup will also be remembered as one of the most politically scrutinized sporting events in recent times. A sampling of global politics intersecting with the World Cup include:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>FIFA threatened to give yellow cards to team captains who <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/sports/soccer/worldcup/world-cup-one-love-arm-bands-fifa-1.6658613">wear One Love armbands</a> in support of LGBTQ+ rights.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://www.sportsnet.ca/soccer/article/germany-players-cover-mouths-in-fifa-protest-during-team-photo-at-world-cup/">German players covered their mouths</a> during the pre-game photo to protest the Qatari government’s human rights violations.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/28/football/brussels-riots-belgium-morocco-world-cup-spt-intl/index.html">Some Morocco fans rioted in Belgium</a> after the North African nation defeated the Belgians.</p></li>
<li><p>Serbian players <a href="https://globalnews.ca/news/9307296/serbia-political-banner-fifa-world-cup/">displayed a map of their home nation</a> in their locker room that included Kosovo with the words “No Surrender.” Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia in 2008.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/football/2022/nov/27/usa-show-iran-flag-without-emblem-of-islamic-republic-before-world-cup-clash">Iranian state officials called for the U.S. to be kicked out</a> of the tournament after the U.S. Soccer Federation displayed an image of the Iranian flag on social media without the Islamic Republic emblem.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/iran-qatar-world-cup-protests-1.6664061">There were tensions between pro-government and protest-supporting Iranian fans</a>.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/qatar-world-cup-israel-media-shunned-arab-muslim-fans">Fans refused to be interviewed by Israeli media outlets</a>.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/07/sports/soccer/palestine-flag-world-cup.html">The Palestinian flag was waved by teams and fans</a>.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://www.tsn.ca/serbia-charged-by-fifa-for-team-fans-conduct-at-world-cup-1.1888814">Tensions escalated on the field and in the stands</a> during Serbia’s match with Switzerland who featured players of Albanian descent.</p></li>
</ul>
<h2>Human rights criticisms</h2>
<p>Human rights groups criticized Qatar’s <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/10/24/qatar-security-forces-arrest-abuse-lgbt-people">laws banning homosexuality</a> and its <a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/what-kafala-system">poor treatment of migrant workers</a>. Millions of migrant workers live in Qatar, with an estimated one million employed in the construction industry. </p>
<p>According to a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/feb/23/revealed-migrant-worker-deaths-qatar-fifa-world-cup-2022">report by <em>The Guardian</em></a>, 6,500 of these migrant workers — mostly from South Asia — died in Qatar in the years since FIFA’s decision to award the country the World Cup.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.gco.gov.qa/en/2021/02/gco-statement-guardian-article/">Qatari authorities have challenged</a> <em>The Guardian’s</em> report, claiming the number of migrant worker deaths were in line with expected mortality rates. And officials also highlight the legacy that the World Cup will provide Qatar, including modernized <a href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/2022-fifa-world-cup-qatars-catalyst-propel-development-and-soft-power">infrastructure for a diversified economy</a> and social progress, including <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/09/24/qatar-significant-labor-and-kafala-reforms">labour reforms</a>, to better protect vulnerable migrant workers. </p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501611/original/file-20221216-22510-8bdby7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A white man wearing a suit with his head resting on his hand." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501611/original/file-20221216-22510-8bdby7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501611/original/file-20221216-22510-8bdby7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=693&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501611/original/file-20221216-22510-8bdby7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=693&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501611/original/file-20221216-22510-8bdby7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=693&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501611/original/file-20221216-22510-8bdby7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=871&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501611/original/file-20221216-22510-8bdby7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=871&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501611/original/file-20221216-22510-8bdby7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=871&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">At a news conference before the opening match, FIFA President Gianni Infantino said the West should not criticize Qatar and instead apologize for its own human rights abuses.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Martin Meissner)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>During the event’s opening ceremony, American actor Morgan Freeman appeared on the field with <a href="https://ghanimalmuftah.org/">Ghanim al-Muftah</a> — a young Qatari social media celebrity born with a lower spine impairment — to emphasize the world as “<a href="https://ca.sports.yahoo.com/news/morgan-freeman-helps-open-controversial-184327877.html">one big tribe</a>.” Qatar’s emir, <a href="https://www.qatar2022.qa/en/news/spectacular-opening-ceremony-signals-the-start-of-fifa-world-cup-qatar-2022">Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani</a> welcomed the world to his nation, and asked for people to “put aside what divides them” and engage in “human and civilized communications.” </p>
<p>The gentle tone of Qatar’s leader contrasted with FIFA President <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/fifa-president-infantino-qatar-critics-1.6657690">Gianni Infantino’s angry hour long speech</a> the previous day calling out the West’s hypocrisy and demanding Europe apologize for the next 3,000 years for its human rights abuses.</p>
<p>Throughout the tournament, our project has been <a href="https://www.balsillieschool.ca/research/projects/world-cup/">highlighting this intersection of global politics and the World Cup</a>. Every match tells a story about international affairs — sometimes directly through football, other times tangentially. But the reality is sport always happens in times and places and the political dimension cannot be ignored or set aside despite pleas from gatekeepers such as FIFA who <a href="https://www.fifa.com/social-impact/campaigns/football-unites-the-world/news/fifa-world-cup-unites-the-world-and-helps-global-causes">want to better the world</a> while <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/sports/soccer/fifa-world-cup-focus-soccer-over-politics-1.6640459">appearing to stay on the political sidelines</a>.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501613/original/file-20221216-22-ied2jl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A man wearing black holds out to his arm to a smaller man wearing Arabic clothing who is also holding out his arm." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501613/original/file-20221216-22-ied2jl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501613/original/file-20221216-22-ied2jl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501613/original/file-20221216-22-ied2jl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501613/original/file-20221216-22-ied2jl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501613/original/file-20221216-22-ied2jl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501613/original/file-20221216-22-ied2jl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/501613/original/file-20221216-22-ied2jl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">U.S. actor Morgan Freeman, left, with FIFA World Cup Ambassador Ghanim al-Muftah at the FIFA World Cup opening ceremony in Doha, Qatar.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Diverging opinions</h2>
<p>As the tournament concludes, assessments will begin: was it a success beyond the sport? The answer is — it’s complicated. Defenders of Qatar as host will likely point to the nation’s lasting <a href="https://www.fifa.com/tournaments/mens/worldcup/qatar2022/news/legacy-in-action-qatar-2022s-state-of-the-art-transport-systems">infrastructure enhancements</a> and employment of cutting-edge <a href="https://www.qatar2022.qa/en/sustainability">sustainability practices</a>; the significance of bringing the <a href="https://www.qatar2022.qa/en/news/the-first-world-cup-in-the-arab-world-and-middle-east-offers-a-unique-opportunity-to-celebrate-humanity">World Cup to the Middle East</a> and <a href="https://www.pacificcouncil.org/newsroom/building-bridges-through-sport-qatars-world-cup-vision">building cultural bridges</a> through a peaceful sporting event; and the opportunity for Qatar to showcase <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/sports/2022/11/20/reflecting-on-a-modern-qatar-during-a-world-cup-game-with-friends">its modern identity</a>. </p>
<p>Detractors will point to the treatment of migrant workers, <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/sports/2022/11/17/do-host-countries-make-money-from-the-world-cup">the estimated US$200 billion price tag</a> and the sportswashing of Qatar’s image.</p>
<p>To capture these divergent ways of looking at the intersection of sport and politics, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2021.1973382">Tim Elcombe created the REI/BCI continuum</a>. One can view Qatar’s hosting of the World Cup from a positive perspective: an opportunity for Qatar to develop meaningful resources (R), to engage the world in productive dialogue (E) and to show the world Qatar’s identity (I). </p>
<p>At the same time, a negative view of the 2022 World Cup host would emphasize the waste of resources (and loss of life) to put on a four-week “show” (Bread and Circus) for the purpose of washing its image through sport (BCI).</p>
<p>Regardless of which view holds sway, the 2022 FIFA World Cup reminds us that sport is complex and tense — both on and off the field.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/194493/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tim Elcombe receives funding from from the Balsillie School of International Affairs.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alanna Harman and Alun Hardman do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>During the 2022 FIFA World Cup, many highlighted the controversial and politicized climate of the tournament, but sport and politics are rarely, if ever, separable.Tim Elcombe, Associate professor, Kinesiology & Physical Education; Fellow, Balsillie School of International Affairs, Wilfrid Laurier UniversityAlanna Harman, Assistant Professor, Kinesiology and Physical Education, Wilfrid Laurier UniversityAlun Hardman, Senior Lecturer and Associate Dean, International, Cardiff Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1950692022-11-29T17:33:51Z2022-11-29T17:33:51ZWhen hosting mega-events like FIFA, cities market themselves at the expense of the most vulnerable<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/497778/original/file-20221128-14-c18y6m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=12%2C0%2C8614%2C5755&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A construction site in front of a building with a Germany's goalkeeper Manuel Neuer's portrait in downtown Doha, Qatar.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Pavel Golovkin)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/when-hosting-mega-events-like-fifa--cities-market-themselves-at-the-expense-of-the-most-vulnerable" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Few events capture the attention of the globe like the Men’s FIFA World Cup — in 2018, the event boasted a viewership of <a href="https://www.fifa.com/tournaments/mens/worldcup/2018russia/media-releases/more-than-half-the-world-watched-record-breaking-2018-world-cup">3.5 billion people</a>. Yet, despite the enormous popularity of the World Cup, <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/sports/2022/11/17/do-host-countries-make-money-from-the-world-cup">host cities and countries invariably lose money</a> on the event itself, with FIFA capturing most of the profits despite its non-profit status.</p>
<p>The calculus of host cities is based on the hope that successfully hosting a World Cup (or Olympics) will significantly enhance a city’s urban brand and ultimately lead to long-term increases in tourism and foreign direct investment. </p>
<p>In other words, the argument is that a successful stint as a host city will identify that city as “<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/40643231">world-class</a>” and change its economic fortunes. This justification, at least from an economic point of view, relies on <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/02614360500504628">some pretty fuzzy math and long-term forecasting that rarely gets audited</a>.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-countries-should-break-the-crippling-cycle-of-hosting-big-sporting-events-90181">Why countries should break the crippling cycle of hosting big sporting events</a>
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<p>I attended the 2010 World Cup in South Africa to study how various communities attempted to have their voices heard and needs met through the planning process for that event. I continue to research how hosting large-scale events intersect with other trends in global and local urbanization.</p>
<h2>Urban branding</h2>
<p>This mission of improving one’s urban brand to attract tourist and foreign investment leads cities to focus their attention to the perceived needs. Or, more precisely, the perceived desires of potential tourists and investors, as opposed to the needs and desires of the people who already live, work and play in these cities. </p>
<p>This shift in focus is part of larger trends of cities becoming <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/04353684.1989.11879583">increasingly entrepreneurial in our globalized world</a>.</p>
<p>And to this end, host cities pursue a fairly predictable path to demonstrate their world-classness. As Streetnet International, a South Africa-based international organization of street vendors, put it in their World Class Cities For All campaign:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“It has become a boringly predictable reality that, when a country prepares to host a high-profile international event, <a href="https://streetnet.org.za/document/world-class-cities-for-all/">the country and its local government authorities prepare to create ‘World Class Cities’ of a particular type</a>, i.e. ‘World Class Cities’ which will attract foreign investment; have modern up-to-date infrastructure; have no visible signs of urban decay; have smooth traffic flows; have no visible poor people or social problems.”</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/497721/original/file-20221128-4871-ip7vgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="overhead view of a building site in the desert" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/497721/original/file-20221128-4871-ip7vgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/497721/original/file-20221128-4871-ip7vgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497721/original/file-20221128-4871-ip7vgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497721/original/file-20221128-4871-ip7vgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497721/original/file-20221128-4871-ip7vgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497721/original/file-20221128-4871-ip7vgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497721/original/file-20221128-4871-ip7vgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">In Doha, several stadiums were built to host the FIFA World Cup.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Vadim Ghirda)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Increased policing, decreased social investment</h2>
<p>There are common themes to how cities approach their hosting duties and branding pursuits. However, the particular interventions that each city makes to create this type of world- class city are unique to their particular context.</p>
<p>Unfailingly, cities significantly increase policing, both in the sheer numbers of police, military and surveillance measures as well as the powers afforded to the police and military. These powers are used to police undesirable activities and individuals — those activities and people deemed incommensurate with the desired world-class brand. </p>
<p>Youth, the unhoused or precariously housed, street vendors and racialized individuals <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2010.520938">experience the brunt of these increases</a>.</p>
<p>In South Africa in 2010, FIFA courts were established to exact “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/21/sports/soccer/21iht-wcsoccer.html">swift and severe justice</a>” for crimes committed against tourists and journalists during the 2010 World Cup. In Qatar, there has been <a href="https://www.thestar.com/politics/2022/11/24/lgbtq-and-other-rights-issues-at-world-cup-a-huge-blemish-on-fifa-hall-of-famer.html">targeted policing of LGBTQ+ people and allies</a>.</p>
<p>Additionally, the quest for this type of world-class-city brand also leads to uneven investment and under-investment as cities are forced to make choices about how to invest their municipal budgets. </p>
<p>Tourist areas <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/25765282">see significant infrastructure investments while those off the tourist map are often ignored</a>. This is intensified by <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0196859905275971">television coverage of these places and events</a>. </p>
<p>In Durban, South Africa, this meant significant investment along the waterfront and the construction of a shiny new soccer stadium (across the street from an existing rugby stadium) while other parts of the city, off the beaten path of journalists and tourists, continued to lack even basic infrastructure. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/497776/original/file-20221128-14-4gf988.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C1920%2C1080&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="armed police on horseback watch over a crowd." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/497776/original/file-20221128-14-4gf988.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C1920%2C1080&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/497776/original/file-20221128-14-4gf988.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497776/original/file-20221128-14-4gf988.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497776/original/file-20221128-14-4gf988.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497776/original/file-20221128-14-4gf988.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497776/original/file-20221128-14-4gf988.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/497776/original/file-20221128-14-4gf988.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">In this image from video, Qatari police stand by on horseback as other security officials try to control a crowd at a FIFA Fan Zone on Nov. 19, 2022. Authorities turned away thousands of fans from a concert celebrating the World Cup beginning the next day.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(AP Photo/Srdjan Nedeljkovic)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Exposes the cracks</h2>
<p>The current approach to hosting a World Cup puts unique and focused pressures on urban systems and infrastructure. In the process, it exposes the already existing cracks in the system and exacerbates existing inequalities. </p>
<p>The World Cup did not create the labour system and working conditions of temporary migrant workers in Doha. However, both the magnitude and speed of construction to meet hosting needs undoubtedly ramped up the exploitation of the system, leading to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2021/feb/23/revealed-migrant-worker-deaths-qatar-fifa-world-cup-2022">thousands of worker deaths</a>.</p>
<p>We need to reframe how a world-class city is defined to one that is more liveable, sustainable and just. This will inspire future host cities to pursue this status in a manner that does not increase policing and exacerbate inequalities.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/195069/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span><a href="mailto:d.roberts@utoronto.ca">d.roberts@utoronto.ca</a> received funding from FIFA. To support my doctoral work, I received the João Havelange Research Scholarship.</span></em></p>Cities vie with each other to present global sporting events as a way to position themselves as world-class cities. However, this marketing often exacerbates social inequalities.David Roberts, Director, Urban Studies, University of TorontoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1892682022-08-25T15:30:09Z2022-08-25T15:30:09ZChad is making a huge effort to find peace: Chadians aren’t convinced it will work<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/480913/original/file-20220824-9815-zql1sf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Opening ceremony of Chad's national inclusive dialogue, in N'Djamena on August 20. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Photo by Aurelie Bazzara-Kibangula/AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The normally quiet airport at the Chadian capital N’Djamena was recently inundated with internationally well-known arrivals. </p>
<p>High-ranking politicians, such as Senegalese president and chair of the African Union <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Macky-Sall">Macky Sall</a>, paid a visit to support the Chadian interim president <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2021/07/04/chad-s-new-leader-mahamat-deby-on-a-friendship-and-working-visit-to-france//">Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno</a>, while the African Union (AU) Commission chair, <a href="https://au.int/en/cpauc5">Moussa Faki Mahamat</a>, participated in the opening ceremony of the <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2022/07/15/chad-sets-new-date-for-national-dialogue-in-august/">national inclusive dialogue</a>, which started on 20 August.</p>
<p>There were also some faces that were less well known. They included men and women returning to Chad after many years of exile. They are leaders of what are called politico-military movements. They repeatedly challenged the late president Idriss Déby’s rule by advancing militarily from neighbouring Sudan or Libya towards the capital.</p>
<p>More than 40 of these groups had just <a href="https://thepeninsulaqatar.com/article/09/08/2022/chad-parties-sign-peace-deal-to-start-national-dialogue">signed a peace accord</a> with the Chadian transitional government in Doha after five months of negotiations. They are back in the country to participate in the national inclusive dialogue. Both the Chadian transitional government and the international community believe the dialogue is the way to peace and democracy in Chad.</p>
<p>More than 1,400 representatives of all social groups are to draw up a new social contract and a constitution that will unite multi-ethnic, multi-religious and <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13164690">conflict-ridden Chad</a> after 30 years of authoritarian rule. </p>
<p>The elections are supposed to end the military rule of the transitional government and hand over power to a civilian government. </p>
<p>But many Chadians suspect that the military and the interim president are not willing to do so. </p>
<h2>Why a national dialogue now?</h2>
<p>Chad is in a phase of transition due to the <a href="https://theconversation.com/idriss-deby-itno-offered-chadians-great-hope-but-ended-up-leaving-a-terrible-legacy-159443">unexpected death</a> of long-time president Idriss Déby Itno in April 2021. </p>
<p>His death resulted in the politico-military movement <a href="https://www.dw.com/fr/qui-sont-les-rebelles-du-front-pour-lalternance-et-la-concorde-au-tchad/a-57255972">Front pour l’Alternance et la Concorde au Tchad</a> (FACT) advancing towards N’Djamena.</p>
<p>The Conseil Militaire de Transition under the leadership of late Déby’s son Mahamat unconstitutionally took over power immediately. </p>
<p>Under pressure from the former colonial power and now <a href="https://guardian.ng/news/france-urges-chad-not-to-delay-peace-dialogue/">ally France</a> as well as the <a href="https://www.peaceau.org/en/article/communique-of-the-1016th-meeting-of-the-psc-held-on-3-august-2021-on-the-report-of-the-au-commission-on-progress-of-the-political-transition-in-chad-and-the-au-support-mechanism-ausm">AU</a>, the Conseil Militaire de Transition agreed to a transition period of 18 months. </p>
<p>The agreement was that during this period, a national inclusive dialogue would be held, a new constitution drafted and elections organised. </p>
<p>But before the dialogue could take place, a peace agreement was needed with the various <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/chad/au-tchad-lincursion-des-rebelles-devoile-les-fragilites-du-pouvoir">politico-military movements</a> that had repeatedly threatened Déby’s authoritarian rule. These movements are led by political opponents, former profiteers of his regime, or even disgraced family or members of his own ethnic group. </p>
<p>As a result a pre-dialogue took place in Doha, the capital of Qatar. </p>
<p>After five months of negotiations between representatives of more than 50 movements and the Chadian government, a <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/chad-historic-agreement-no-guarantee-for-peace/a-62758243">peace agreement</a> was finally signed on 8 August 2022.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2022/08/08/africa/chad-rebels-peace-agreement-intl/index.html">Doha peace agreement</a> is aimed at ensuring a ceasefire between the transition government and the movements. </p>
<p>The government promised them security on their return to Chad, amnesty for their fighters and the restitution of their confiscated properties. The agreement foresees a disarmament programme.</p>
<p>For their part the movements pledged not to recruit new fighters. </p>
<p>It all sounds fine, but there are serious shortcomings. </p>
<h2>The gaps</h2>
<p>The big questions are about government’s security guarantees and compensation for properties confiscated decades ago. Chad is a country where blood revenge is still the order of the day in some regions. And it is one of the world’s <a href="https://borgenproject.org/tag/poverty-in-chad/">poorest countries</a>. </p>
<p>But most importantly, the <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2022/08/08/meet-rebel-groups-in-chads-peace-deal/">two strongest military movements</a> have not signed the agreement. These are the FACT and the <a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/fr/afrique/tchad-le-mouvement-politico-militaire-ccmsr-suspend-sa-participation-aux-n%C3%A9gociations-de-doha-/2552626">Conseil de commandement militaire pour le salut de la République</a>(CCMSR). </p>
<p>The CCMSR has repeatedly confronted the Chadian military near the Libyan border. FACT’s advance in 2021 led to Déby’s death under what are still unclear circumstances. </p>
<p>FACT’s leader, Mahamat Mahdi, justified his non-signature by stating that not all of <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/chad-historic-agreement-no-guarantee-for-peace/a-62758243">his organisation’s demands</a> had been taken into account. This included the immediate release of prisoners.</p>
<p>The fact that the two strongest opposition movements are staying away means the prospects for peace aren’t very promising even though some of the former heavyweights have signed. </p>
<p>Among those who have signed are late Déby’s nephew <a href="https://information.tv5monde.com/info/retour-au-tchad-du-chef-rebelle-timan-erdimi-apres-des-annees-d-exil-468324">Timane Erdimi</a>, leader of the Union des Forces de la Résistance, who has been in exile since 2006. There is also <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/20190617-chad-rebel-chief-nouri-ufdd-arrested-france-war-crimes">Mahamat Nouri</a>, leader of the Union des forces pour la démocratie et le développement, whose forces almost overthrew Déby when they reached N’Djamena in 2008. </p>
<h2>Who will take part in the national dialogue?</h2>
<p>Since the Conseil Militaire de Transition came to power, civil society, led by Wakit Tama, and political opposition have <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/chad/getting-chads-transition-track">demanded a revision</a> of the transitional charter to assure that Conseil Militaire de Transition members, especially Mahamat Déby, will not stand for the next election. </p>
<p>Mahamat Déby remains vague about his political ambitions. According to the Doha agreement, this question will be included in the national dialogue. But who are the participants who will finally decide on these issues? </p>
<p>The organisers of the dialogue <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2022/08/05/chad-junta-publishes-list-of-participants-in-national-dialogue/">published a list</a> that includes the percentage of representatives of presumably all levels of society. Even if one approaches the list impartially, some of the numbers are puzzling. </p>
<p>For example, the diaspora in the whole of Europe or North America (the US and Canada) are each given two places – the same number as Burkina Faso or Benin, to name two smaller African states. </p>
<p>Civil society and political opposition published a calculation on 8 August 2022 showing that <a href="https://www.dw.com/fr/le-plan-de-table-du-dialogue-national-au-tchad/a-62872647">90%</a> of the more than <a href="https://www.omanobserver.om/article/1123939/world/region/chad-at-decisive-moment-as-dialogue-opens">1,400 delegates</a> are close to the Conseil Militaire de Transition. </p>
<p>The political and civil opposition, headed by <a href="https://monitor.civicus.org/updates/2021/12/15/chad-Wakit-Tama-continues-to-protest-military-authorities-continue-restrict-right-to-protest/">Wakit Tama</a> and the <a href="https://m.facebook.com/transtchad/about">party Les Transformateurs</a>, therefore decided to boycott the national dialogue. </p>
<p>Once again, the hard hand of the transitional authorities was shown: a demonstration that had been announced for the day before the start of the dialogue was forbidden.</p>
<p>It is little wonder that ordinary Chadians don’t expect a lot from the national dialogue, let alone a change of government in the long run. </p>
<h2>Chadians aren’t convinced</h2>
<p>For many Chadians it seems to be obvious that the ruling elite, the Déby clan and the generals of the Conseil Militaire de Transition will try everything to stay in power, including contesting in the next elections. This has implications because under the late Déby election results were never a <a href="https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/TCD#pos4">true representation</a> of voters’ will. </p>
<p>International media and <a href="https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/chad/news/article/chad-france-welcomes-the-signing-of-a-peace-agreement-between-chad-s-government">politicians</a> praise the transition authorities’ will to reform. Even UN general secretary Antonio Guterres sent a video message at the signature of the Doha agreement. </p>
<p>However, Chadians are very aware of the international community’s and especially <a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/keeping-chads-transition-track">France’s support</a> for the Conseil Militaire de Transition. France has a strong military presence and <a href="https://lejournaldelafrique.com/en/pourquoi-la-france-continue-a-soutenir-deby-au-tchad/">military base</a> in Chad. And the airport of N’Djamena is vital for France’s fight against jihadism in the Sahel. </p>
<p>Of course, Chadians want peace after years of civil wars. But they also do not want to be ruled by a clan that has been enriching itself from the resources of the state for decades instead of <a href="https://ideas4development.org/en/chad-oil-war/">investing</a> the oil revenues into the development of the country.</p>
<p>At the same time, people face severe hardship. Chad is one of the <a href="https://www.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Chad_Country_Profile_January_2021.pdf">five poorest countries</a> in the world. Most of its citizens are struggling to survive.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/189268/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Helga Dickow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Chad’s ongoing national inclusive dialogue appears great on paper but there are serious gaps and little hope for peace and democracy.Helga Dickow, Senior Researcher at the Arnold Bergstraesser Institut, Freiburg Germany, University of FreiburgLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/865922017-11-05T12:53:06Z2017-11-05T12:53:06ZQatar blockade and Saudi Arabia: could there be a power shift in Doha?<p>When it erupted <a href="https://theconversation.com/qatar-saudi-arabia-is-taking-a-chance-and-iran-could-be-the-ultimate-winner-79478">in June 2017</a>, the “Qatar crisis” drew immediate speculation that the emirate’s enemies, who accuse it of sponsoring terrorism and destabilising the region, were preparing for some sort of military action. </p>
<p>After all, since the inconclusive resolution to an earlier dispute with Qatar in 2014, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have been determined to take a bolder and more assertive stance, bloodily intervening in Yemen and, according to <a href="http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/saudi-arabia-came-close-conquering-qatar-new-leaked-emails-show-1491607860">recently leaked emails</a> purportedly sent by the UAE’s ambassador in Washington, at one point even coming “pretty close to doing something in Qatar”.</p>
<p>Whereas Barack Obama was highly unlikely to ever support such action against Doha, later hinting that he would no longer reflexively side with Saudi Arabia in its squabbles, Donald Trump’s administration seemed at first to re-open the door to more drastic measures.</p>
<p>Trump pointedly chose Saudi Arabia for his first official overseas visit, on which he signed several <a href="https://theconversation.com/trump-saudi-arabia-and-yet-another-arms-deal-78072">big-ticket arms deals</a>. And just hours after Riyadh severed relations with Doha, he <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/06/06/donald-trump-says-isolation-qatar-may-beginning-end-horror-terrorism/">tweeted</a> that, when it comes to terrorism funding, “all reference was pointing to Qatar” and that “perhaps this will be the beginning of the end to the horror of terrorism”.</p>
<p>But the White House was soon apprised of the full extent of the US’s military facilities in Qatar, including the difficult-to-move forward headquarters of <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2017/06/05/middleeast/qatar-us-largest-base-in-mideast/index.html">US Central Command</a> (CENTCOM), and the secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, hurriedly attempted to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jul/21/rex-tillerson-says-qatars-gulf-neighbours-should-lift-blockade">strike a more conciliatory tone</a>. For a moment, it seemed any immediate danger to Doha had subsided. Indeed, as recently reported, Trump had apparently given an emphatic “no” to any military action, preferring to leave the quarrelling Gulf states to their own devices.</p>
<p>Nonetheless, even as the days dragged into weeks and then months, it seemed that Saudi Arabia and the UAE, along with their allies in the “Anti-Terror Quartet”, Bahrain and Egypt, were gaining the upper hand. </p>
<h2>Stalemate</h2>
<p>While Qatar received aid and public support from both Turkey and Iran, the Quartet-led economic blockade was undoubtedly beginning to bite. By the end of July, Doha had already had to plough more than US$40bn of its US$340bn <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/gadfly/articles/2017-09-14/handbags-at-dawn-for-qatar-and-saudi-arabia">sovereign wealth fund</a> into local banks, while simultaneously selling off stakes in several foreign companies. Facing further downgrades by ratings agencies and now a negative credit outlook, Qatar’s position is still very shaky; the Quartet can probably afford to sit it out and wait for Doha to come to the table.</p>
<p>The accompanying mud-slinging contest being fought out in the international media by the two camps seems unlikely to tip the balance any time soon. The Quartet’s siege-like position seems relatively strong and its members are apparently impervious or indifferent to reputational assaults. That much was clear from their recent <a href="http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/middle-east/2017/09/19/Arab-quartet-meet-in-New-York-to-discuss-new-approach-to-Qatar-crisis.html">ministerial meeting in New York</a>, where they concluded there would be no dialogue with Qatar until all “demands and principles” were met.</p>
<p>And yet, there are now strong signs that Riyadh has also begun preparing a parallel “Plan B”: a campaign to promote the replacement of Doha’s current ruler, Emir Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, with a more compliant, pro-Quartet client. </p>
<p>With the Saudi crown prince, and king-in-waiting, Mohammed bin Salman al-Saud probably impatient for quicker results than the blockade can deliver, a coup d’état must be appealing. The Saudis need some sort of decisive victory to distract from their disastrous Yemen campaign – and Salman is currently embarked on a “night of the long knives” at home, locking up a whole <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/09/15/saudi-arabia-prominent-clerics-arrested">range of political opponents</a> in the name of reform and “returning to moderate Islam”. A diplomatic (or forceful) victory abroad would be just the thing to defuse the domestic tension.</p>
<h2>Vain hopes</h2>
<p>Even if it is bloodless, beyond the White House such a coup might not fully suit the US’s broader interests – its military facilities could be affected and a <a href="http://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/05/05/2017/us-iran-relations-nuclear-deal-renewed-tensions">delicate balancing game between Saudi Arabia and Iran</a> could be disrupted. But barring any high-profile defections in the Qatari military, or a sudden collapse in the current emir’s popularity – perhaps triggered by severe economic hardship – a coup does not yet seem a credible prospect. </p>
<p>Any moves that have been made in public aren’t cutting much ice. September saw a strange “Qatar opposition” <a href="http://www.arabnews.com/node/1160991/world">conference</a> held in London – it only seemed to feature one prominent Qatari and mostly featured Western speaker-circuit regulars espousing vague notions of bringing democracy to Doha. Whatever its intended purpose, the conference made close to zero discernible impact.</p>
<p>In another odd move, the Saudis recently decided to <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-08-20/little-known-qatari-sheikh-embraced-by-saudi-in-surprise-move">publicly endorse and elevate</a> two hitherto obscure Qatari ruling family members: the uncle-nephew team of Abdullah bin Ali al-Thani and Sultan bin Suhaim al-Thani. Based in London and Paris, they have only a distant claim to the throne and rarely feature in Qatari public life. Until Abdullah’s apparently successful “negotiation” to allow Qatari pilgrims to travel to Mecca this summer, most in Doha had either never heard of him or simply forgotten who he was.</p>
<p>If anything, this particular Saudi strategy is backfiring. In <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/qatars-emir-stands-defiant-in-face-of-blockade/">his first televised interview since the crisis began</a>, Emir Tamim struck a defiant and confident tone. Indubitably, most Qataris seem well aware that a Doha under the control of such characters would probably end up little more than a Bahrain-like Saudi vassal state, with all of the attendant downsides: complete loss of control over foreign affairs, censorship, and of course significant repression.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/86592/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christopher Davidson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>There are strong signs that Riyadh has begun a campaign to promote regime change. But the Saudi strategy appears to be backfiring.Christopher Davidson, Associate Professor of Middle East Politics, Durham UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/127062013-03-08T03:45:37Z2013-03-08T03:45:37ZPrivate health insurers’ natural therapy rebates in the spotlight<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/21090/original/bmyrdbyy-1362711995.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Reflexology is just one of the therapies subsidised by private health insurers that's being reviewed.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Chris/Flickr</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Significant growth of natural therapy benefits subsidised by private health insurers, coupled with concerns about the poor evidence base for some of the services offered, has apparently resulted in the announcement of the <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/main/publishing.nsf/Content/phi-natural-therapies">Natural Therapies Review</a> in the 2012-13 federal budget. Services subsidised under Medicare by health professionals regulated under the <a href="http://www.ahpra.gov.au/Health-Professions.aspx">National Registration and Accreditation Scheme</a> are not affected by this review.</p>
<p>Most Australians with private health insurance receive up to a <a href="http://www.humanservices.gov.au/customer/enablers/medicare/australian-government-rebate-on-private-health-insurance/rebate-amounts">30% rebate</a> from the federal government. This <a href="https://theconversation.com/means-testing-passes-but-do-we-even-need-health-insurance-5428">controversial</a> policy was designed to encourage uptake but it also gives the government responsibility for ensuring that benefits paid through the rebate are for services that have a credible evidence base.</p>
<p>As at 31 December 2012, 47% of the Australian population had <a href="http://phiac.gov.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/MC-Dec12.pdf">purchased a private health insurance product</a> covering all or part of the costs related to hospital treatment, while 54% had purchased some form of ancillary (extras) cover.</p>
<p>Comparing 2011-2012 to the previous year, the <a href="http://phiac.gov.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/Annual-Report-on-Operations-2011-12-web-version.pdf">greatest increase in ancillary services</a> were for natural therapies (an 18% increase). Still, this currently represents a relatively small proportion (5.6%) of services provided. Around half of all ancillary benefits are provided for dental services with a significant proportion of the remainder related to optical and physiotherapy services.</p>
<p>Of 35 funds registered under the Private Health Insurance Act 2007, the <a href="http://www.phio.org.au/downloads/file/PublicationItems/QB65.pdf">market is dominated</a> by a small number of large insurers. Medibank Private and BUPA have 54% of the market share; HCF, HBF and NIB have 26% while the remaining 20% is shared between 30 funds.</p>
<p>The ancillary benefits provided by different funds are currently a commercial decision, they take no account of clinical effectiveness and vary widely with respect to the services covered and the maximum money refunded per service per person per year.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.bupa.com.au/staticfiles/HealthInsurance/Forms/ProductSheets/BUPA_PlatinumExtras_VIC_0412.pdf">BUPA</a>, for example, states that its “Platinum Extras” provide “Generous benefits across a wide range of services”. It goes on to say,</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Natural therapies may complement or offer alternatives to conventional medical treatment. They include therapies such as Acupuncture, Alexander Technique, Chinese Herbalism, Western Herbalism, Exercise Physiology, Feldenkrais, Naturopathy, Homoeopathy and Iridology. ‘Massage’ includes benefits payable for Aromatherapy, Bowen Technique, Kinesiology, Reflexology, Shiatsu and Remedial Massage. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The benefits paid are capped at $500 per person per year.</p>
<p>The review is administered by the Department of Health and Ageing (DoHA) with the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) conducting the evidence review. Health funds were asked to identify the natural therapies for which they offered benefits. Submissions were sought from key stakeholders, primarily organisations representing natural health practitioners. </p>
<p>Submissions not subject to confidentiality restrictions will shortly appear on the DoHA Natural Therapy Review website. Some of these submissions are already in the public domain, such as those by the <a href="http://atms.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/ATMS-submission-to-Chief-Medical-Officer-Final.pdf">Australian Traditional-Medicine Society</a> (ATMS) and the <a href="http://www.australiannaturaltherapistsassociation.com.au/downloads/news/2013/ANTA_Submission-Govt-Review-PHIR-NaturalTherapies_Feb2013.pdf">Australian Natural Therapists Association</a> (ANTA).</p>
<p>The NHMRC is currently organising an <a href="http://www.nhmrc.gov.au/your-health/complementary-and-alternative-medicines">overview</a> of systematic reviews published between April 2008 and April 2013 for the natural therapies identified. Effectiveness, and where considered, the safety, quality and cost-effectiveness of the relevant therapy for a clinical condition will be assessed. A homeopathy review is already underway.</p>
<p>A <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/main/publishing.nsf/Content/phi-natural-therapies">Natural Therapies Review Advisory Committee</a> has been set up to review the findings of the NHMRC and provide advice to the government as to which therapies should continue to attract a rebate. The Advisory Committee held its first meeting in Canberra on March 6, 2013. </p>
<p>Committee members have been asked (and are available) to canvas the views of their constituency. A second meeting scheduled in early May will offer key stakeholders the opportunity to discuss issues with the Committee. The subsequent two meetings will review the evidence provided by the NHMRC. The timetable is tight with January 1, 2014 the proposed implementation date.</p>
<p>Post implementation, an assessment will be developed by DoHA for therapies that do not attract the rebate to be considered for inclusion where there is a credible evidence demonstrating their clinical efficacy, cost effectiveness, safety and quality. Consumers may still be able to purchase natural therapy services that do not attract the rebate and insurers will be able to offer cover for these therapies under policies that do not attract the rebate.</p>
<p>This review is clearly controversial and themes that have emerged from submissions already in the public domain include the following:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>More than 70% of Australians use a form of natural therapy as a regular part of their overall health care, with close to 2,000,000 professional consultations conducted annually. The removal of natural therapy practices from private health insurance will acerbate the pressure on already overburdened GPs and increase Medicare and PBS costs. It also threatens the future viability of Australian natural therapy practices and the health and the well-being of thousands of Australians who use the services.</p></li>
<li><p>There are fundamental differences between the underlying philosophies of biomedicine and natural therapy and the NHMRC review process is too narrow to accommodate these important differences.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>No doubt other issues will arise when all submissions are made public.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/12706/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dr Harvey is one of two members of the Natural Therapies Review Advisory Committee representing the Consumers Health Forum. He has been paid travel expenses and (very occasionally) sitting fees for his involvement in government inquiries and working groups concerning aspects of natural therapies including complementary medicines and pharmaceutical promotion. He has accepted travel expenses to talk about complementary medicine regulation to industry associations and pharmaceutical companies. </span></em></p>Significant growth of natural therapy benefits subsidised by private health insurers, coupled with concerns about the poor evidence base for some of the services offered, has apparently resulted in the…Ken Harvey, Adjunct Associate Professor of Public Health, La Trobe UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/111572012-12-05T03:46:31Z2012-12-05T03:46:31ZCan Australia revive the Doha Development Agenda?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/18332/original/7zbyb4p7-1354665215.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Trade Minister Craig Emerson is committed to pursuing a free trade agenda at the Doha Development Round. But will other countries follow suit?</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Australian Trade Minister Craig Emerson’s <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/opinion/doha-is-no-dodo-as-it-takes-off-on-new-flight-path/story-e6frgd0x-1226527085089">opinion piece in The Weekend Australian</a>, titled “Doha is no dodo as it takes off on new flight path”, brings new enthusiasm and life to the Doha Development Agenda. He argues that an Australian initiative would “…build confidence that the old Doha bird has found a new flight path and has plenty of life in it yet”.</p>
<p>When the Labor government was pushing towards implementing a carbon price, pressure groups had stepped up their call for tariffs on goods imported from nations that do not have a price on carbon. Craig Emerson then asserted that Australia will never go back to the protectionist trade policy measures of the past.</p>
<p>Emerson’s refusal to bow to demands from protectionist pressure groups has strengthened Australia’s moral position regarding the free trade agenda. Also, by resorting to protection of this sort, Australia would be creating a serious stumbling block towards a more liberal multilateral trading system.</p>
<p>The latest enthusiasm by Dr Emerson should be welcome news for the world trading system. Australia can use its close ties with the US and other large nations such as China and India to instigate a revival of the stalled Doha Development Round. The Doha negotiations, which began in 2001, broke down during negotiations in 2008, mainly due to issues between developing giants like China and India and the developed countries.</p>
<p>A successful conclusion of the Doha Round is likely to <a href="http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/news10_e/dda_02nov10_e.htm">provide welfare gains of at least US$120 billion</a> to the world economy. This type of benefit has the potential to lift 100 million people out of poverty. It would allow developing countries to secure gains that would arise from the new opportunities in the multilateral trading system.</p>
<p>The European Commissioner for Trade, Karel De Gucht, visited Australia in 2011 to hold talks with Dr Emerson on ways to kick start the stalled Doha talks. It is apparent that Karel, a Doha optimist, believes that Australia can play a decisive role at the negotiations table. Karel is absolutely right: Australia has the political will and capacity to take this role.</p>
<p>Australia must also remind the EU and other developed countries to be willing to offer concessions by not including trade-unrelated issues into trade negotiations. It is well known what happened when the EU demanded human rights be put into the proposed <a href="http://ec.europa.eu/trade/creating-opportunities/bilateral-relations/countries/india/">India-EU trade agreement</a>. With so much at stake, we cannot let issues peripheral to trade jeopardise further opening of trade between developing and developed nations.</p>
<p>It is widely acknowledged that the stalled Doha round has contributed to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements or trade agreements between a group of countries. Leading and influential trade economist Professor Jagdish Bhagwati of Columbia University has recently described the rise in regional agreements as <a href="http://www.columbia.edu/%7Ejb38/books/books.html#2008">termites in the trading system</a>.</p>
<p>Professor Bhagwati argues that the underlying problem with regional agreements is that trade is diverted from non-member countries who may be cost-efficient to relatively inefficient member countries. When this happens, it disrupts the efficient allocation among countries.</p>
<p>Developing countries have a reason to look to Australia for the political will required to resurrect the Doha Round and progressively reduce the most favoured nation (MFN) tariffs. If MFN tariffs go down to zero, there will be no need for preferential trading agreements to free up trade.</p>
<p>Australia is recognised as a significant nation in terms of global affairs. It is the world’s 12th largest economy and has shown continued strong economic performance, even during times of crisis. Its alliance with the US and EU is imposing. Developing nations are looking forward to the strong political leadership of Australia in claiming a larger role in WTO and successfully conclude the Doha Round.</p>
<p>The Australian initiative led by Julia Gillard and Craig Emerson involves breaking the Doha Round into its constituent parts and negotiations on each part brought to a conclusion on an individual basis. One of the parts that the initiative argues should be easy to achieve is trade facilitation.</p>
<p>Trade facilitation reforms will require slashing unnecessary documentation requirements will improve moving goods through customs faster and more efficiently. According US economists Gary Hufbauer, Jeffrey Schott, and Woan Wong, this will deliver <a href="http://www.piie.com/publications/pb/pb12-11.pdf">gains of at least $130 billion annually</a>, with a disproportionate share going to developing countries.</p>
<p>Free trade cannot be made accidental. It must be made to happen. It is in the overall interest of all nations, developed and emerging, large and small, to engage in multilateral negotiations towards a successful conclusion of the Doha Development Agenda. The political leaders of our time owe this to the world.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/11157/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Neelesh Gounder is affiliated with University of the South Pacific, Fiji.</span></em></p>Australian Trade Minister Craig Emerson’s opinion piece in The Weekend Australian, titled “Doha is no dodo as it takes off on new flight path”, brings new enthusiasm and life to the Doha Development Agenda…Neelesh Gounder, Lecturer, Griffith UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.