tag:theconversation.com,2011:/global/topics/gladys-berejiklian-35156/articlesGladys Berejiklian – The Conversation2023-07-21T06:39:16Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2099762023-07-21T06:39:16Z2023-07-21T06:39:16ZVictoria’s Labor Party plunges in a Morgan poll after Commonwealth Games axed<p>A <a href="https://www.roymorgan.com/findings/support-for-victorian-government-and-premier-daniel-andrews-plunges-after-cancellation-of-commonwealth-games">Victorian Morgan SMS poll</a>, conducted July 19–20 – the two days after Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews announced the 2026 Commonwealth Games would be cancelled – gave Labor a 53–47% lead over the Coalition, a huge 8.5-point gain for the Coalition since a May Morgan poll. The sample size was 1,046 people.</p>
<p>Primary votes were 35.5% Coalition (up seven since May), 33% Labor (down nine), 12.5% Greens (steady), 10.5% independents (up 1.5) and 8.5% others (up 0.5). Support for independents is likely to be overstated as not all seats will attract viable independents at an election.</p>
<p>In a forced choice, voters disapproved of Andrews by 55–45% (compared to a 52.5% approval in May). This is the first time since becoming premier after the 2014 state election that Andrews has had a higher disapproval than approval rating in Morgan polls. Andrews led Liberal leader John Pesutto as better premier by 52.5–47.5%, a drastic reduction from his 64–36% lead in May.</p>
<p>By 58–42%, voters also supported the cancellation of the games. However, the 58% who supported this would have included voters who thought the government should never have offered to hold the games in the first place.</p>
<p>The plunge for Labor in this poll is likely due to the public perception the government has been incompetent in its handling of the games ordeal.</p>
<h2>Labor maintains huge lead in national Resolve poll</h2>
<p>In this week’s federal <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/federal/albanese-s-approval-rating-lowest-since-election-but-still-well-ahead-of-dutton-20230717-p5dork.html?btis=">Resolve poll</a> for Nine newspapers, conducted July 12–15 from a sample of 1,610 people, Labor had 39% of the primary vote (down one since June), the Coalition 30% (steady), the Greens 11% (down one), One Nation 6% (steady), the UAP 1% (down one), independents 9% (up one) and others 2% (steady).</p>
<p>Resolve does not publish a two-party estimate until close to elections, but an estimate based on 2022 preference flows gives Labor about a 58.5–41.5% lead over the Coalition, a 0.5-point gain for the Coalition since June. Resolve’s polls have been much better for Labor than others since the 2022 election.</p>
<p>Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s ratings were 51% good (down two points) and 35% poor (<a href="https://theconversation.com/woeful-victorian-poll-for-state-coalition-victoria-and-nsw-to-lose-federal-seats-as-wa-gains-207628">steady</a>), for a net approval of +16, down two points. </p>
<p>Opposition leader Peter Dutton’s net approval improved five points to -15. Albanese led Dutton as preferred PM by 51–21% (compared to 53–22% in June).</p>
<p>On economic management, Labor led the Liberals by 35–31%, little changed from a 34–31% Labor lead in June. On keeping the cost of living low, Labor led by 31–24%, an increase from a 27–23% Labor lead in June.</p>
<p>By 51–37%, <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/federal/half-of-australians-on-financial-brink-as-living-costs-bite-20230717-p5dorj.html">voters also agreed</a> if they had a major expense of a few thousand dollars, they would struggle to afford it (46–41% disagreed with this premise in February). </p>
<p>Just 5% thought the economy would improve in the next month, though support was higher with longer time periods (28% for next year, 41% for next five years).</p>
<p>The survey respondents were told <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/federal/majority-of-voters-believe-migration-intake-is-too-high-20230718-p5dp69.html">permanent migration into Australia</a> was about 160,000 per year before COVID, but fell to negligible levels in 2020-21, and that to make up for this, immigration is likely to reach 350,000–400,000 this year before falling to 320,000 next year.</p>
<p>On these new levels of immigration, 59% thought them to be too high, 25% said they were about right and just 3% too low. By 38–34%, voters supported increasing the minimum wage for temporary skilled visa holders from $53,900 to $70,000 a year.</p>
<h2>Federal Labor maintains lead in Morgan poll</h2>
<p>In this week’s <a href="https://www.roymorgan.com/">Morgan weekly federal poll</a>, conducted July 10–16 from a <a href="https://www.roymorgan.com/findings/9434-roy-morgan-update-july-18-2023">sample</a> of 1,401 people, Labor led the Coalition by 53–47%, a 1.5-point gain for the Coalition since the previous week. This is the second successive 1.5-point gain for the Coalition in this poll. </p>
<p>Primary votes were 35.5% Labor, 35% Coalition, 12.5% Greens and 17% for all others. Analyst <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinbonham/status/1681554510425264128">Kevin Bonham</a> said Morgan’s respondent allocated preferences were unusually bad for Labor this week.</p>
<h2>Fadden byelection near-final result</h2>
<p>With nearly all votes counted in last <a href="https://tallyroom.aec.gov.au/HouseDivisionPage-29422-159.htm">Saturday’s federal byelection</a> for the Queensland seat of Fadden, the Liberal National Party defeated Labor by 63.4–36.6%, a 2.8% swing to the LNP since the 2022 election. </p>
<p>Primary votes were 49.1% LNP (up 4.5%), 22.0% Labor (down 0.3%), 8.9% One Nation (up 0.2%), 7.3% Legalise Cannabis (new) and 6.2% Greens (down 4.6%). Turnout is currently 71.5%.</p>
<h2>NSW Resolve poll: Labor holds big lead, but down since May</h2>
<p>A New South Wales <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/nsw/majority-still-liked-and-respected-berejiklian-but-one-third-changed-minds-after-corrupt-finding-20230720-p5dpum.html">state Resolve poll</a> for The Sydney Morning Herald, conducted with the federal June and July Resolve polls, gave Labor 41% of the primary vote (down three since May), the Coalition 32% (up one), the Greens 10% (up one), independents 11% (up one) and others 5% (steady).</p>
<p>Bonham <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinbonham/status/1682206140715909121">estimated</a> a Labor two-party lead of 58.5–41.5% from these primary votes. Labor Premier Chris Minns led the Liberals’ Mark Speakman by 39–12% as preferred premier (compared to 42–12% in May).</p>
<p>Respondents in the poll were told the Independent Commission Against Corruption had found “serious corrupt conduct” concerning former Liberal Premier Gladys Berejiklian’s romantic relationship with a former MP. </p>
<p>However, by 51–25%, voters agreed they still liked and respected Berejiklian. By 40–34%, they agreed Berejiklian should not have resigned as premier based on the ICAC report.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/209976/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>For the first time since becoming premier in 2014, more voters disapprove of Dan Andrews than approve of him in the Morgan poll.Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2087562023-06-29T10:28:51Z2023-06-29T10:28:51ZGrattan on Friday: ICAC shows it has the power to break public figures, but doesn’t escape criticism itself<p>If then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison had had his way, Gladys Berejiklian would have run for the Sydney seat of Warringah, held by independent Zali Steggall, at last year’s election. </p>
<p>Imagine the situation Opposition leader Peter Dutton would be in now – after Thursday’s Independent Commission Against Corruption finding the former New South Wales premier had acted corruptly – if she’d agreed, and pulled off a very long-odds win against the popular Steggall. </p>
<p>Dutton might have been facing yet another byelection, on top of the current one in the Queensland seat of Fadden, which has been triggered by the resignation of former minister Stuart Robert. </p>
<p>Robert, as it happens, has been accused of misusing his position in relation to government contracts, allegations he totally denies, but which are being exploited by Labor in the July 15 contest. </p>
<p>Morrison wanted Berejiklian as candidate because she was a vote magnet; he dismissed ICAC as a kangaroo court. Some other Liberals, and many voters, couldn’t believe Berejiklian might have compromised her integrity. One line being put forth painted her as the victim of an unscrupulous man. Some people simply didn’t much care about the claims against her.</p>
<p>For many female voters, Berejiklian was the poster face for how high women could fly in politics. During COVID, her status soared as a leader who successfully juggled health and economic imperatives. In May 2021, the Australian Financial Review magazine proclaimed her “The Woman Who Saved Australia”. </p>
<p>But it had been clear in October 2020 when she gave evidence (as a witness) to ICAC, in which she revealed her secret relationship with ex-boyfriend and former member for Wagga Wagga, Daryl Maguire, that she had not followed proper standards of conduct. </p>
<p>The phone taps of their conversations, in which Berejiklian turned a deliberately deaf ear to Maguire’s dodgy dealings, were devastating. Her failure to disclose this personal relationship was inexplicable to those who thought they knew her well, including former Premier Mike Baird. Suddenly, she became a mystery to them. </p>
<p>It was, however, not until a year later that Berejiklian resigned, after ICAC turned its blowtorch directly on to her. She strongly maintained her innocence, and the NSW Coalition government lost what was probably its last chance of survival. </p>
<p>ICAC’s findings against Berejiklian are blunt and damning. It condemned as “serious corrupt conduct by breaching public trust” her intense efforts to ensure Maguire obtained the funding he sought for his electorate, while she failed throughout to disclose their personal relationship. </p>
<p>It also found she did not do her duty under the ICAC Act “to notify the commission of her suspicion that Mr Maguire had engaged in activities which concerned, or might have concerned, corrupt conduct”.</p>
<p>Despite the ICAC findings, many people are likely to remain sympathetic to Berejiklian. For them, she is not just someone who was successful as premier, but a very relatable person. </p>
<p>Even NSW Labor Premier Chris Minns said nothing in the report took away from Berejiklian’s “handling of the COVID emergency, which I still regard as excellent”. </p>
<p>In the wake of the ICAC report, Berejiklian was, as ever, publicly defiant. “At all times I have worked my hardest in the public interest. Nothing in this report demonstrates otherwise,” she said in a brief statement. Berejiklian, now in a senior position with Optus, doesn’t do contrition. </p>
<p>She is the third Liberal premier to be brought down by ICAC – the others were Nick Greiner (who set up ICAC and later had the finding against him overturned in court) and Barry O'Farrell (over an expensive bottle of wine). It is an extraordinary record. </p>
<p>ICAC itself has not emerged unscathed from the Berejiklian inquiry, with criticism in particular of the extremely long time it has taken to deliver its report. Minns has indicated he is open to reforms of ICAC, and will seek bipartisan support.</p>
<p>Notably, Minns also flagged public figures should not necessarily have to stand down while inquiries into their conduct run. “It shouldn’t happen in an automatic way. People have a right to have an investigation and the final findings submitted to the public and the parliament, before their political life has stopped or ended.”</p>
<p>Some critics believe ICAC’s conclusion on Berejiklian is too harsh. The argument is also being put that it leaves Berejiklian in limbo – condemned as “corrupt” but with no charges recommended. Former NSW treasurer and leading party moderate Matt Kean declared: “So it has taken ICAC two years to tell us that Gladys Berejiklian has not broken the law.”</p>
<p>The counter argument, however, is that conduct can be “corrupt” without actually meeting the standard of illegality, and that such findings by an anti-corruption body act as deterrents and protect the body politic.</p>
<p>By coincidence, the finding on Berejiklian has come just as the new federal National Anti-Corruption Commission, under Paul Brereton (of the Afghanistan war crimes inquiry), comes into operation on Saturday. We know a federal body is overdue; we can’t know what impact the NACC will have over coming years, except that there will be surprises. </p>
<p>Under the NACC’s act, a public official engages in corrupt conduct if they breach public trust, abuse their office, or misuse official information. The act catches a person who is not an official (for example, a contractor to government) who does something adversely affecting an official’s “honest or impartial exercise of powers”. In their detail, these provisions are very broad.</p>
<p>Bearing in mind the experience of ICAC and other anti-corruption bodies, safeguards have been built in by the government. The NACC (which starts with about 180 staff) will have fewer public hearings than ICAC. It will have these only in “exceptional circumstances and where it is in the public interest”. This restriction was strongly contested by those who argued more transparency was desirable.</p>
<p>Even with the safeguards, there are said to be some private concerns within Labor about how the NACC will work out, given how feral federal politics can become.</p>
<p>Aware of the criticism of ICAC, the new federal body will presumably be very cognisant of the need to do its work in a timely fashion. </p>
<p>It won’t be short of suggestions for its early investigations. Possible or likely referrals range from the allegations against Robert to the PwC affair, while former minister Linda Reynolds has said she will refer the government’s compensation payment to Brittany Higgins. </p>
<p>Robodebt has had a royal commission – its report will be out imminently – so there would be little point in the NACC redoing that investigation. </p>
<p>It will be completely up to the NACC what it decides to investigate and, mostly, we won’t know what it is doing until the late stage or end of an inquiry. </p>
<p>While the NACC has strong public support, the experience of ICAC indicates any anti-corruption body will inevitably, over the years, find itself at the centre of intense controversies. With the power to break public figures, the stakes in some investigations will be very high.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/208756/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>With the National Anti-Corruption Commission starting its work, the experience of ICAC indicates any anti-corruption body will inevitably find itself at the centre of controversies.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2086682023-06-29T04:36:11Z2023-06-29T04:36:11Z‘Grave misconduct’: Gladys Berejiklian corruption report should put all public officials on notice<p>When an anti-corruption agency issues a 688-page report with findings a former premier engaged in “serious corrupt conduct” and breached the public’s trust, it puts all public officials on notice.</p>
<p>In an extraordinary <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/gladys-berejiklian-acted-corruptly-long-awaited-icac-report-finds-20221122-p5c07l.html">report</a> released today, the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) found former New South Wales Premier Gladys Berejiklian had taken steps to award government grants in a “desire on her part to maintain or advance” her relationship with former state MP Daryl Maguire.</p>
<p>The commission also faulted her for not disclosing her relationship with Maguire and for failing to report any suspicions she had about Maguire’s activities to the ICAC, calling this “grave misconduct”.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/stadiums-bushfires-and-a-pandemic-how-will-gladys-berejiklian-be-remembered-as-premier-169096">Stadiums, bushfires and a pandemic: how will Gladys Berejiklian be remembered as premier?</a>
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<h2>Is Australia a corrupt country?</h2>
<p>Compared with most of the world, Australia is not a highly corrupt country. Yet, its ranking on the global Corruption Perceptions Index slipped significantly between 2012 and 2021, before <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/jan/31/australia-lifts-ranking-on-global-anti-corruption-index-after-hitting-record-low">stabilising this year</a>. </p>
<p>The ICAC report on Berejiklian’s conduct will further diminish Australia’s standing, but does it mean we necessarily have more corruption?</p>
<p>We always need to distinguish between situations in which corruption is the norm – such as in Somalia, Sudan, Afghanistan, Lebanon and Syria who are at the bottom of the Corruption Perceptions Index – or the exception, as in Australia.</p>
<p>In countries like Australia, citizens can go about their daily lives without the fear of being shaken down by a public official or being asked for a bribe to receive a public service, as they are in countries at the bottom of the standings.</p>
<p>However, in countries like ours, there is much more fury when corruption is uncovered because, above all, it is a betrayal of trust. We trust our politicians and public servants to act in the public interest, and when it is found they have not, we are rightfully outraged.</p>
<p>As cases like this demonstrate, corruption in richer countries often involves conflicts of interest, the misuse of information and the purchase of government access. This is why investigatory bodies like the ICAC are so vital to maintaining government integrity. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/after-a-decade-of-decline-australia-is-back-on-the-rise-in-a-global-anti-corruption-ranking-198305">After a decade of decline, Australia is back on the rise in a global anti-corruption ranking</a>
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<h2>Criticism of anti-corruption bodies</h2>
<p>On the federal level, the government has finally established a National Anti-Corruption Commission, which commences operation on July 1. </p>
<p>This came into being after a long discussion about whether we really needed such an agency. When the allegations against Berejiklian first came to light, then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison disparaged the idea of an anti-corruption body, likening it to a “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/nov/25/morrison-accuses-critics-of-wanting-kangaroo-court-as-liberal-mp-crosses-floor-over-integrity-bill">kangaroo court</a>”.</p>
<p>He also accused the ICAC in NSW of making “shameful attacks” on Berejiklian and tarnishing the reputation of public figures.</p>
<p>However, the whole point of anti-corruption agencies is they ensure the integrity of our public system is not compromised. This work does take time and careful consideration.</p>
<p>Anti-corruption agencies bark, but they do not bite. If they make findings of corrupt conduct, they leave prosecution to the discretion of the director of public prosecutions. If there are findings of misconduct or maladministration, it is up to government departments and public service commissioners to address them.</p>
<p>Not only do we now have a National Anti-Corruption Commission, but at the top of the Australian public service, there is now a huge focus on integrity and better behaviour and better processes.</p>
<h2>This is no longer politics as usual</h2>
<p>Most politicians and public servants in Australia operate with great integrity, but we have had significant shocks to our system in recent years. </p>
<p>The list includes the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/mar/11/robodebt-five-years-of-lies-mistakes-and-failures-that-caused-a-18bn-scandal">Robodebt</a> fiasco, the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2020/jul/21/sports-rorts-coalition-approved-at-least-six-grants-without-an-application-form-documents-reveal">sports</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-car-park-rorts-story-is-scandalous-but-it-will-keep-happening-unless-we-close-grant-loopholes-164779">car park rorts</a> scandals, an Australian National Audit Office <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-06-06/scathing-report-into-morrison-government-health-funding-program/102443402">report</a> on community health centre funding breaches and <a href="https://www.afr.com/politics/federal/stuart-robert-faces-nacc-referral-over-kickback-claims-20230628-p5dk7i">allegations</a> of a plan to funnel kickbacks to a minister for steering contracts to a favoured company.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-car-park-rorts-story-is-scandalous-but-it-will-keep-happening-unless-we-close-grant-loopholes-164779">The 'car park rorts' story is scandalous. But it will keep happening unless we close grant loopholes</a>
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<p>Then, of course, there is the <a href="https://www.afr.com/companies/professional-services/pwc-tax-leaks-scandal-a-timeline-20230622-p5dip8">ongoing PwC saga</a>, where allegations of conflicts of interest have been raised, alongside a confidentiality breach.</p>
<p>This catalogue of alleged activities stains our public sector (though PwC did not involve public officials) and must be investigated. They raise questions not just of behaviour, but go to the root of what is the public interest. </p>
<p>In the case of the former NSW premier, it seems a personal relationship ended up compromising her judgement. In the other cases, there was political advantage to be gained by breaching standards and acting inappropriately. Generally speaking, these are not things that make politicians or public servants rich. But it may make some of their mates rich.</p>
<p>The response from politicians typically has been “that’s politics” or “if you don’t like it, vote me out at the next election”. </p>
<p>These are not adequate responses to integrity breaches. We have started on an integrity-building process in the Australian public service and around the country. More action needs to be taken on areas like pork-barrelling (about which the NSW ICAC has written an <a href="https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/investigations/past-investigations/2022/investigation-into-pork-barrelling--operation-jersey-">extensive separate report</a>) and election funding.</p>
<p>These findings by the NSW ICAC signal that holding public office is a matter of great trust, with standards that are expected are high. Excuses do not wash anymore.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-the-pwc-scandal-should-be-ripe-for-the-national-anti-corruption-commissions-attention-206867">Grattan on Friday: the PwC scandal should be ripe for the National Anti-Corruption Commission's attention</a>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/208668/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Adam Graycar has received funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>Corruption in countries like Australia can be difficult to spot, which is why bodies like ICAC are performing such a vital role.Adam Graycar, Professor of Public Policy, University of AdelaideLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1892302022-08-24T02:21:19Z2022-08-24T02:21:19ZMorrison and Berejiklian scandals show the importance of trust – and a well-functioning Cabinet<p>In the wake of the controversy over former Prime Minister Scott Morrison’s secret cabinet appointments, there’s talk of the need to formalise the conventions the former prime minister breached. </p>
<p>While codification is sometimes necessary when conventions break down, this ignores the simple truth that cabinet itself is a convention.</p>
<p>At the heart of a well-functioning cabinet is collective responsibility, and most importantly, trust.</p>
<h2>Cabinet is an organic institution</h2>
<p>Cabinet is the apex of political authority in our system, but there isn’t a word about it in the Australian constitution.</p>
<p>It has remained at the heart of executive government in countries that inherited the British tradition because it is an accepted, if ill-defined, organic institution. It is capable of adaptation in changing times and imperatives, and open to a variety of uses by different governments and their leaders.</p>
<p>An Australian constitutional commission in the 1980s explicitly rejected proposals to formalise cabinet’s role and functions.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/news-centre/government/solicitor-general-opinion-validity-appointment-mr-morrison">solicitor-general’s advice to Prime Minister Anthony Albanese</a> this week specifically references the importance of flexibility, noting Australia’s constitutional framers anticipated the institution of responsible government would continue to evolve. </p>
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<h2>Collective responsibility</h2>
<p>That said, a cabinet cannot work if ministers, in particular government leaders (who set the rules for Cabinet), do not respect the fundamentals.</p>
<p>From its origins in 18th century Britain, the primary purpose of cabinet has always been to produce collective decision-making among a group with different outlooks on the world, differing (sometimes conflicting) portfolio responsibilities, and competing ambitions.</p>
<p>Collective responsibility is not just a convention: it’s the essence of a well-functioning cabinet. The British constitutional lawyer, Sir Ivor Jennings, wrote that any government that cannot maintain the discipline of collective responsibility is “riding for a fall”.</p>
<p>When ministers leak against their colleagues or publicly brawl over matters to be determined by cabinet, we know we are witnessing a government in its death throes.</p>
<p>Trust lies at its heart, and good “cabinet craft” is overwhelmingly concerned with maintaining this trust. Those charged with managing cabinet processes have the responsibility to ensure an honest debate that enables ministers to concentrate on agreed facts, and focus on those matters that only they can resolve.</p>
<p>If they are to go out into the public and defend a decision with which they do not agree, ministers must feel they had a reasonable opportunity to convince their colleagues, and lost following a fair debate.</p>
<p>Inevitably, there must be compromise. In a well-functioning cabinet, ministers must be prepared to trust the judgement of the government leader or a colleague. This is why the failure to disclose personal interests is so deeply corrosive. It is also why <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/resource-centre/government/cabinet-handbook">cabinet handbooks</a> and <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/resource-centre/government/code-conduct-ministers">ministerial codes of conduct</a> are concerned with such matters.</p>
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<h2>Breaching trust</h2>
<p>We await the decision of the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) on the events that led to former NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian’s resignation.</p>
<p>It’s unlikely she broke the law. But in failing to disclose a personal relationship at the heart of several judgement calls, her position as a key member and later head of cabinet became deeply problematic.</p>
<p>From the strong sentiments <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-16/karen-andrews-says-morrison-should-resign-as-he-apologises/101336646">expressed by some of his former colleagues</a>, it’s evident Morrison’s failure to declare his assumption of ministerial powers would have undermined his ability to function as an effective prime minister. This was compounded by the fact he presided over a coalition government.</p>
<p>It’s unwise, but not inherently improper, to have two ministers with concurrent powers. Secrecy was the issue here – a breach of trust so profound that the former prime minister lost the confidence of his colleagues when it was disclosed.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-morrison-reverts-to-type-in-an-unconvincing-defence-188911">View from The Hill: Morrison reverts to type in an unconvincing defence</a>
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<p>The solicitor-general concluded that Morrison’s failure to inform the public and the parliament of his appointment to multiple ministries “fundamentally undermined” the principles of responsible government. This is because secrecy rendered impossible their ability to hold ministers accountable.</p>
<p>Given the informality and flexibility of cabinet government, it would be counter-productive to codify these conventions. But there’s a strong case for them to be restated – as they have been in the solicitor-general’s advice.</p>
<p>Government and opposition leaders around the country have been taught an invaluable lesson about the centrality of trust in the efficient working of cabinets. It seems likely that current, former and prospective cabinet ministers will now think more carefully about how they exercise the principle of collective responsibility.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/189230/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anne Tiernan has previously received research funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC) and the Australia and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG). She is a member of the Centre for Policy Development's (CPD) Research Committee.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gary Sturgess does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Trust is at the heart of a well-functioning cabinet. A cabinet cannot work if ministers do not respect the fundamentals.Anne Tiernan, Adjunct Professor of Politics. Griffith Business School, Griffith UniversityGary Sturgess, Adjunct Professor, Griffith UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1763482022-02-09T23:47:40Z2022-02-09T23:47:40ZNSW byelections preview; federal Coalition rebounds in Essential poll<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/445536/original/file-20220209-19-15c7tw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Bianca de Marchi</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Four <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/elections/nsw/2022/guide/bega">state byelections</a> will occur in NSW on Saturday, with polls closing at 6pm AEDT.</p>
<p>The byelections are in the seats of Bega (Lib, 6.9% margin at the 2019 election), Monaro (Nat, 11.6%), Strathfield (Labor, 5.0%) and Willoughby (Lib, 21.0%). Labor and the Coalition have nominated candidates in all seats except Willoughby, which Labor won’t contest. Willoughby independent candidate Larissa Penn won 9.9% at the 2019 state election.</p>
<p>These byelections are being held owing to resignations. Former NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian resigned as member for Willoughby, as did former Nationals leader John Barilaro (Monaro) and former Labor leader Jodi McKay (Strathfield). Andrew Constance (Bega) resigned to contest the federal Labor-held Gilmore at the federal election.</p>
<p>ABC election analyst <a href="https://antonygreen.com.au/2022-nsw-by-elections-tracking-the-early-vote/">Antony Green</a> says that, owing to COVID, all voters in these four seats will be sent a postal pack, though they can still vote in-person, early or on election day. </p>
<p>Checks that someone who voted in person did not also vote by post will be required, so counting of postal votes will not begin until next Wednesday February 16. If the on-the-night result is at all close, we’ll have to wait until at least then to know the winner.</p>
<p>Most Australian elections use compulsory preferential voting, in which full numbering is required for a formal vote. NSW uses optional preferential, with only a “1” required. Primary votes are more important as about half of preferences exhaust.</p>
<p>I have seen no polls for these byelections, but the Essential poll below suggests that both the federal and NSW governments are recovering from their COVID-inspired nadirs in mid- to late January.</p>
<p>I do not believe these byelections have implications for either the federal election or the next NSW election in March 2023. Byelection swings have little relationship to general election swings. The national and NSW polls will be a far better guide to the results of these elections than byelections.</p>
<p><a href="https://antonygreen.com.au/date-named-for-four-new-south-wales-by-elections/">Green said</a> the Coalition won 48 of the 93 NSW lower house seats in 2019, to 36 Labor, and three each for the Greens, Shooters and independents. Since then, two Coalition MPs have moved to the crossbench owing to accusations of wrongdoing, so the government is technically in minority. </p>
<p>Even if the Coalition lost the three seats they are defending, they would still have a 43-38 seat lead over Labor. It is unlikely they would be forced out of office before the next scheduled election.</p>
<h2>Federal Essential poll: Coalition trails by just one point</h2>
<p>Essential released voting intentions for their four federal polls conducted in December, January and February. On <a href="https://essentialreport.com.au/tag/federal-election">Essential’s “2PP+” measure</a> that includes undecided, Labor led the Coalition by just 47-46 in this week’s poll, down from 50-43 last fortnight. In the lead-up to the election, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2022/feb/08/guardian-essential-poll-voter-anger-cooling-at-morrison-government-handling-of-pandemic">Essential will release</a> voting intentions each fortnight, rather than back-releasing after every few months.</p>
<p>The federal government also recovered from its first negative rating on COVID last fortnight, as 40% gave it a good rating for <a href="https://essentialreport.com.au/reports/08-february-2022">COVID response</a> (up five), and 34% a poor rating (down four).</p>
<p>Other than Victoria and WA, state governments also rebounded, with NSW’s good rating up seven to 44%, SA’s up ten to 53% and Queensland’s up ten to 56%. Victoria’s good rating dropped five points to 42% good and WA’s dropped two to 64%.</p>
<p>57% thought three doses, including a booster, should be required for people to be considered fully vaccinated, while 31% thought two doses were adequate. By 66-17, voters thought social media companies are not doing enough to ensure a safe online environment.</p>
<p>This poll was conducted before Tuesday from a sample of 1,069. <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinbonham/status/1490782724855975936">Analyst Kevin Bonham</a> said that Essential has been better for the Coalition than Newspoll or Morgan since late 2021. This implies that a Newspoll conducted now would have Labor further ahead than Essential.</p>
<p>However, given this poll, it’s likely the next Newspoll will have Labor’s lead down from <a href="https://theconversation.com/newspoll-has-labors-biggest-lead-since-turnbulls-ousting-as-coalition-damaged-by-covid-175835">their 56-44 last week</a>. And Newspoll could be wrong, as it was in 2019.</p>
<p>COVID has <a href="https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/australia/">eased rapidly</a> in Australia, with the 7-day rolling average of cases falling from a mid-January peak over 100,000 to about 30,000 now. Daily death rates have also begun dropping. This poll suggests that is much more important to swing voters than what Gladys Berejiklian or Barnaby Joyce <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2022/feb/04/barnaby-joyce-called-scott-morrison-a-hypocrite-and-a-liar-in-leaked-text-message">texted about Scott Morrison</a> in the last year.</p>
<h2>Morgan poll: 56.5-43.5 to Labor</h2>
<p>A federal <a href="https://www.roymorgan.com/findings/8893-federal-voting-intention-january-2022-202202061414">Morgan poll</a>, conducted January 17-30 from a sample of almost 2,800, gave Labor a 56.5-43.5 lead, a 0.5-point gain for Labor since early January. Primary votes were 37.5% Labor (up 0.5), 33% Coalition (down 1.5), 11.5% Greens (down 0.5), 3.5% One Nation (up 0.5), 2% UAP (up 1.5), 8% independents (down 0.5) and 4.5% others (steady).</p>
<p>This poll was taken in mid- to late January, while the Essential poll was conducted in early February. If the Coalition has recovered from its COVID nadir, as Essential suggests, it will show up in the next polls.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/176348/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>NSW will conduct four byelections this weekend, while the Essential poll has better news for the Coalition.Adrian Beaumont, Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1762432022-02-02T12:13:37Z2022-02-02T12:13:37ZTexts reportedly referring to Scott Morrison as a ‘psycho’ are in the public interest - but ethical questions remain<p>The leaking and use of text messages purportedly between former New South Wales Premier Gladys Berejiklian and a member of federal cabinet, in which Prime Minister Scott Morrison is described as “a horrible, horrible man”, “a complete psycho” and “a fraud” raise several serious ethical issues.</p>
<p>Peter van Onselen, the political editor of Network Ten, was the recipient of the leak, and dramatically made its contents public by reading them out in the form of a question to Morrison at the National Press Club on February 1. </p>
<p>He did not disclose the source of the leak, from which it can be inferred it was made in circumstances of confidentiality – in other words, on condition of anonymity. </p>
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<p>This brings us to the first ethical issue. A person who provides information to a journalist on condition of confidentiality is entitled to expect that confidentiality will be honoured by the journalist. </p>
<p>This obligation is enshrined in Australia’s national journalists’ <a href="https://www.meaa.org/meaa-media/code-of-ethics/">code of ethics</a>, that of the Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance. </p>
<p>It is reinforced by the existence in all states except Queensland of what are called “shield laws”, which allow journalists to apply for a privilege against disclosing the identity of confidential sources in legal proceedings. Journalists in Australia have gone to jail rather than betray their source in court.</p>
<p>However, the same code requires that journalists should not enter into an obligation of confidentiality without first considering the source’s motives. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-morrison-a-psycho-now-who-would-have-said-that-176259">View from The Hill: Morrison a 'psycho' – now who would have said that?</a>
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<p>This brings us to the second ethical question: did van Onselen try to establish what the motive of this leaker was? If not, why not? </p>
<p>For instance, why are these texts only coming to light now – two years after they were reportedly sent? It strongly suggests they have been stored up as ammunition for a strike against Morrison at a time when someone or some faction in the Liberal Party thinks it will do the most damage. And who is likely to benefit?</p>
<p>Moreover, was it part of the deal with the source that the material would be published in the way it was: as a question to Morrison in front of the cameras and a roomful of journalists at the National Press Club?</p>
<p>He owes the public an explanation about this, without giving away the identity of the source. </p>
<p>The third ethical issue concerns what steps, if any, van Onselen took to verify the provenance of the texts before making them public. This too is a matter on which he owes the public an explanation.</p>
<p>In the fallout from his disclosures, Berejiklian has said she <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-02-01/gladys-berejiklian-cant-remember-sending-text-about-pm/100796434">does not remember</a> sending such a text. But this falls far short of denying that she did. </p>
<p>Had van Onselen at least obtained that much from Berejiklian, he could have included it in his question to the prime minister.</p>
<p>He would have added to the strength of his leak by demonstrating he had taken some steps towards verification. </p>
<p>It also would have equipped van Onselen or any of the other journalists present to tell Morrison that Berejiklian had not denied sending the text, so what did he have to say about that?</p>
<p>This would have undercut Morrison’s strategy of sweeping these epithets aside as mere anonymous sledging. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/444054/original/file-20220202-27-xsgwr9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/444054/original/file-20220202-27-xsgwr9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444054/original/file-20220202-27-xsgwr9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444054/original/file-20220202-27-xsgwr9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444054/original/file-20220202-27-xsgwr9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444054/original/file-20220202-27-xsgwr9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444054/original/file-20220202-27-xsgwr9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Former NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian has said she has ‘no recollection’ of the text messages.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Dean Lewins</span></span>
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<p>The fourth ethical issue concerns the extent to which van Onselen informed his editorial superiors at Network Ten about the leak, the circumstances in which he had obtained it and how he proposed to use it.</p>
<p>When journalists who work for a media organisation enter into an obligation of confidentiality, they bind not just themselves but their editor and their organisation.</p>
<p>Whether an editor will ask for the source’s identity is a matter of policy which varies from one organisation to another. Most generally will not, especially in a case like this where the journalist is a senior member of staff.</p>
<p>However, the editor is entitled to ask what steps the journalist has taken to establish motive, what the journalist’s assessment of the motive is, and what steps have been taken to verify the contents.</p>
<p>The objectives here are to be as sure as reasonably possible that the material is genuine, and to be as transparent with the public as possible without revealing the source.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/is-morrison-gaining-a-reputation-for-untrustworthiness-the-answer-could-have-serious-implications-for-the-election-171816">Is Morrison gaining a reputation for untrustworthiness? The answer could have serious implications for the election</a>
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<p>This is at least a partial antidote to the anonymity problem. Morrison has understandably seized on this, using the anonymous nature of the leak to try to detract from its damaging contents.</p>
<p>There is absolutely no question that the contents of the leak are of very significant public interest. Van Onselen was entirely justified in publishing them on public-interest grounds.</p>
<p>One final ethical question remains: has van Onselen been used as a catspaw by Morrison’s factional enemies and even if he has, does it matter? After all, many leaks of high public interest come from people with axes to grind.</p>
<p>Only the people involved will know whether he has been, and it does matter because journalists should take care not to be used as a catspaw. </p>
<p>That is why the questions of motive, verification and timing are so important in cases like this. It is a further reason why van Onselen and Network Ten owe the public as transparent an explanation for their conduct as possible without betraying the source.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/176243/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>There are key ethical questions journalists must ask themselves - and be able to answer - in situations such as this.Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1762592022-02-02T10:44:33Z2022-02-02T10:44:33ZView from The Hill: Morrison a ‘psycho’ – now who would have said that?<p>A flurry of categorical denials by senior ministers has followed the report that a current Liberal cabinet minister described Scott Morrison as a “psycho” in a text exchange with then NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian during the summer bushfires of 2019-20. </p>
<p>Two prominent NSW Liberal moderates, Marise Payne and Paul Fletcher (through a spokesman) were among those who said on Wednesday they weren’t the minister. Others included Sussan Ley, Simon Birmingham, Anne Ruston, Linda Reynolds, and Greg Hunt.</p>
<p>Payne said in her statement she had never had such an exchange with Berejiklian, “nor have I ever used such language”, She also rejected the descriptions of the PM “in the purported messages”. She wasn’t the only one raising a question about the authenticity of the messages.</p>
<p>Meanwhile Deputy Prime Minister Barnaby Joyce – quick to point out the culprit wasn’t from the Nationals – inadvertently injected confusion when his comments were wrongly reported as suggesting the minister was a woman. He quickly had to clarify he wasn’t saying that at all.</p>
<p>Joyce said he didn’t know the identity of the minister but they should out themselves and give an explanation before they were named.</p>
<p>It was just a “good rump steak with horseradish sauce, vegetables and chips, two bottles of red wine” away from some journalist saying “blah, blah, blah”. </p>
<p>The great guessing game followed Ten’s Peter van Onselen asking Morrison at the National Press Club on Tuesday about the exchange.
Van Onselen quoted the text comments in his Press Club question and on the Ten news. </p>
<p>He said Berejiklian’s comments included describing Morrison as “a horrible, horrible person” who was “just obsessed with petty political point scoring” when lives were at stake.</p>
<p>According to van Onselen, the other person condemned Morrison as a “complete psycho”, “desperate and jealous”, and said: “The mob have worked him out and think he’s a fraud”. </p>
<p>At the Press Club, a startled Morrison replied: “I don’t know who you’re referring to or the basis of what you’ve put to me, but I obviously don’t agree with it, and I don’t think that’s my record.”</p>
<p>Berejiklian immediately issued a statement that she had “no recollection of such messages”, thus falling short of a denial. She reiterated her “very strong support” for Morrison, even though the two are known to have had differences. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/newspoll-has-labors-biggest-lead-since-turnbulls-ousting-as-coalition-damaged-by-covid-175835">Newspoll has Labor's biggest lead since Turnbull's ousting as Coalition damaged by COVID</a>
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<p>NSW treasurer Matt Kean quickly found himself in the frame, as speculation about the leaker gathered momentum. Kean has just had a row with the federal government over Morrison’s refusal to provide money for the state government’s small business package.</p>
<p>He is also close to Berejiklian, and it has been assumed she would only be so frank with someone she trusted. </p>
<p>But Kean, who said he had checked his records, denied being the source. And van Onselen made it clear the minister involved was a federal Liberal (and a current minister, so his friend, former minister Christian Porter, wouldn’t be fingered). </p>
<p>Hunt challenged van Onselen to name his source. </p>
<p>The van Onselen question, together with the PM’s failure to know the price of bread and milk in response to another question, had turned Tuesday’s appearance into something of a train wreck for Morrison. </p>
<p>The mystery of the minister ensured the story dragged on to distract another day. </p>
<p>Morrison tried to play the whole thing down, saying on Wednesday, “I’m not fussed”, though that wasn’t credible. Asked whether he was confident the minister involved wasn’t sitting in his cabinet right now, he said “yes”. No one had come forward to confess.</p>
<p>Morrison might not know who his alleged forthright cabinet critic is but by Wednesday he was able to prattle on about all sorts of breads and milks. As for him, “I’m just normal white bread, white bread toast. That’s me.”</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/176259/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A flurry of categorical denials has followed the report that a current Liberal cabinet minister described Scott Morrison as a “psycho” in a text exchange with then NSW premier Gladys BerejiklianMichelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1733292022-01-30T19:08:21Z2022-01-30T19:08:21ZDoes pork-barrelling actually work? New research suggests it’s not a big vote winner<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/436046/original/file-20211207-23-1sfm850.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lukas Coch/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Do political rorts deliver extra votes at elections? </p>
<p>Politicians seem to think so, judging by the number and frequency of pork-barrelling scandals involving the misuse of public spending. Indeed, according to the former NSW premier, Gladys Berejiklian, such activity is normal. As <a href="https://www.afr.com/politics/berejiklian-says-controversial-grants-program-was-pork-barrelling-20201126-p56i79">she said</a> last year, “all governments and all oppositions make commitments to the community in order to curry favour”.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/after-a-bombshell-day-at-icac-questions-must-be-asked-about-integrity-in-australian-politics-170102">After a bombshell day at ICAC, questions must be asked about integrity in Australian politics</a>
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<p>But do the electoral benefits outweigh the controversy and the risk to political careers? Nationals senator Bridget Mackenzie (temporarily) lost her ministerial position over events surrounding the 2018-19 sports rorts scandal. The Labor minister Ros Kelly suffered a similar fate in the “whiteboard” sports grants controversy in 1994.</p>
<p>Given the effort politicians and their advisers commit to directing public funds to marginal electorates, an observer would think the electoral returns would be substantial. </p>
<p>New <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/00323217211057434">research</a> by myself and federal Labor MP Andrew Leigh, published in the journal Political Studies, casts doubt on this assumption.</p>
<h2>Why do politicians pork-barrel?</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055405051683">international research</a> on pork-barrel politics suggests politicians are attracted to it for two reasons. One is to win over swinging voters, who might be impressed by a candidate’s ability to garner resources for his or her electorate. The other is to reward supporters and to “deliver” for the party’s voter base.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/from-donkey-votes-to-dog-whistles-our-election-language-has-a-long-and-political-history-58054">From donkey votes to dog whistles, our election language has a long and political history</a>
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<p>Australia’s political institutions are ideally suited to pork-barrelling. Party politics are highly disciplined, and elections almost always produce a clear winner. </p>
<p>The three-year federal electoral cycle provides multiple opportunities for pork barrelling, while compulsory voting means all voters are potentially open to influence. And while there is independent oversight over government expenditure, there are few formal constraints on governments that decide to allocate funding based on partisan considerations.</p>
<h2>The sports grants scandal</h2>
<p>In 2018, the Coalition government set aside A$100 million to upgrade sporting facilities around Australia, with the allocation of grants overseen by the Australian Sports Commission (Sport Australia). </p>
<p>However, as the Australian National Audit Office’s 2020 <a href="https://www.anao.gov.au/work/performance-audit/award-funding-under-the-community-sport-infrastructure-program">report</a> made clear, a parallel evaluation of the grants was also conducted by the sports minister’s office. This evaluation identified “marginal electorates held by the Coalition as well as those electorates not held by the Coalition that were to be targeted in the 2019 election”.</p>
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<img alt="Prime Minister Scott Morrison." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/436057/original/file-20211207-19-11glver.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/436057/original/file-20211207-19-11glver.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436057/original/file-20211207-19-11glver.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436057/original/file-20211207-19-11glver.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436057/original/file-20211207-19-11glver.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436057/original/file-20211207-19-11glver.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436057/original/file-20211207-19-11glver.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Prime Minister Scott Morrison lost a minister over the sports rorts scandal.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tsikas/AAP</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>Our interest in examining the impact of the 2018-19 sports grants on voters stemmed from the fact that we know which electorates received grants and - thanks to a spreadsheet <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-01-28/sport-australia-complained-pre-election-government-grants/11905250">leaked to the ABC</a> - which grants were awarded on merit and which were likely to have been awarded on political considerations. We estimate that of the almost 700 grants that were funded, just over half were awarded based on politics rather than need.</p>
<p>By matching the grants to each electorate, and taking into account such factors as incumbency and the socioeconomic status of the electorate, we could make two estimates. First, we wanted to know the extent to which grants were directed to marginal electorates. And second, we wanted to know if the impact of grants – both merit-based and politics-based – had any influence on the vote in the 2019 election. </p>
<h2>What we found</h2>
<p>On the first question, the extent of bias, we found grants were significantly more likely to be directed to seats held by the Coalition, with National-held seats being particular beneficiaries. This supports both the audit office’s report and is also in line with <a href="https://doi.org/10.1057/s41269-020-00172-6">other research</a> on previous scandals, both <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-008-9327-5">Coalition</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10361149950461">Labor</a>. It confirms that an incentive was to attract swinging voters as well as to deliver for the party’s core voters.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-car-park-rorts-story-is-scandalous-but-it-will-keep-happening-unless-we-close-grant-loopholes-164779">The 'car park rorts' story is scandalous. But it will keep happening unless we close grant loopholes</a>
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<p>On the second question, and contrary in our expectations, the allocation of grants had no significant effect on the Coalition’s vote. This held both for the number of grants that were allocated to each electorate, as well as to the dollar amount of those grants.</p>
<h2>Why does pork barrelling fail to deliver votes?</h2>
<p>This unexpected finding then led us to consider why voters fail to be swayed by the lavish allocation of government funds. We have two – necessarily speculative – explanations.</p>
<p>The first is the low standing of politicians. The <a href="https://australianelectionstudy.org/">Australian Election Study</a> survey shows trust in politicians is at an all-time low. In the 2019 study, three quarters of the respondents thought “people in government look after themselves”. This is the highest figure ever recorded. Voters may therefore simply regard pork-barrelling as normal.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Moon rising over Parliament House." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/436058/original/file-20211207-140895-mtg7zh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/436058/original/file-20211207-140895-mtg7zh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436058/original/file-20211207-140895-mtg7zh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436058/original/file-20211207-140895-mtg7zh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436058/original/file-20211207-140895-mtg7zh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436058/original/file-20211207-140895-mtg7zh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/436058/original/file-20211207-140895-mtg7zh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Australians’ trust in politicians it at an all-time low, according to survey research.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lukas Coch/AAP</span></span>
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<p>The second explanation is politicians over-estimate the effect of pork-barrelling. To test this we conducted a straw poll of 14 House of Representative members who were asked what the impact of the vote would be if half a million dollars was spent on their electorate. Only two thought it would have no effect. Of the remainder, about half thought it would bring an additional 1% of the vote or more.</p>
<p>In short, pork-barrelling, at least in the case of the sports grants, does not work. Politicians clearly believe otherwise. </p>
<p>But what pork-barrelling almost certainly does do is to further erode the public’s confidence and trust in elected politicians. With trust and integrity likely to be major issues for voters at the 2022 election, how the parties approach these issues will have a major impact on the outcome.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/173329/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ian McAllister receives funding from the Australian Research Council.
This article is based on a journal article co-authored by federal Labor MP and former ANU professor of economics, Andrew Leigh.</span></em></p>Given the effort politicians and their advisers commit to directing public funds to marginal electorates, an observer would think the returns would be substantial.Ian McAllister, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1733462021-12-07T09:32:02Z2021-12-07T09:32:02ZPolitics with Michelle Grattan: Labor’s climate policy and the Liberals’ fight for Warringah<p>As well as Michelle Grattan’s usual interviews with experts and politicians about the news of the day, Politics with Michelle Grattan now includes “Word from The Hill”, where all things political will be discussed with members of The Conversation’s politics team.</p>
<p>This week Michelle and politics editor Amanda Dunn discuss Labor’s newly announced climate policy, with its target of 43% emissions reduction by 2030, including how this plan differs from the Coalition’s target and the support it has from key business groups. </p>
<p>They also canvass the push for former NSW premier Gladys Berejilikan to run for the federal election in a bid to win the seat of Warringah back from independent Zali Steggall. This move, if it goes ahead, is controversial as there is still an ongoing ICAC investigation into Berejiklian’s conduct. </p>
<p>The United States has announced it will implement a diplomatic boycott of the Beijing Winter Olympics, with speculation the Morrison government will follow the lead of the US. This boycott is over human rights in China. This is a diplomatic gesture rather than a full boycott – the athletes would still attend.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/173346/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Michelle Grattan discusses politics with politics + society editor, Amanda DunnMichelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1732622021-12-06T09:47:24Z2021-12-06T09:47:24ZView from The Hill: Running Berejiklian ahead of ICAC report would send the worst of signals on integrity<p>Labor’s Chris Bowen made a very pertinent contribution on Monday to the debate over whether the Liberals should run Gladys Berejiklian, the subject of an ICAC investigation, in the Sydney seat of Warringah.</p>
<p>What would the Liberals and the media be saying if it were a Labor figure in a similar position? Bowen asked.</p>
<p>Of course we know the answer. They’d be outraged and they’d be justified.</p>
<p>The push within the Liberal party, backed by Scott Morrison, for Berejiklian to stand is a case of the “whatever it takes” brand of politics.</p>
<p>The Liberals are desperate to get this seat back from independent Zali Steggall. And they are spurred by the continued high popularity of Berejiklian. The polling and focus groups tell them people think she was a good premier, and has been hard done by.</p>
<p>She’s probably the only Liberal who would be competitive with Steggall, who’s dug in solidly since she ousted Tony Abbott in 2019.</p>
<p>The close of nominations for Liberal preselection for Warringah has been delayed from last Friday until January 14 to give the former premier time to make a decision.</p>
<p>The ICAC won’t bring down its finding before then, so if Berejiklian ran there’d be a cloud hanging over her.</p>
<p>Behind the scenes, some indication will come before Christmas about how things are likely to go, when counsel assisting the ICAC present their submissions to the parties and the commissioner.</p>
<p>But while this could be important in Berejiklian making up her mind, the material won’t be public. If she ran, the speculation about it would be rife, which would surely be unhelpful.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/berejiklian-says-maguire-was-part-of-her-love-circle-but-was-not-significant-enough-to-declare-will-this-wash-with-icac-170860">Berejiklian says Maguire was part of her 'love circle' but was not significant enough to declare – will this wash with ICAC?</a>
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<p>Morrison has this week returned to attacking the ICAC over Berejiklian’s treatment. In the recent parliamentary sitting he denounced this as “an absolute disgrace”. “The Australian people know that the former premier of New South Wales was done over by a bad process and an abuse of process,” he said.</p>
<p>On Monday he said her treatment had been “shameful”. There was no suggestion she’d done anything criminal, he said, and he found the playing of intimate conversations she had (with then secret boyfriend, Daryl Maguire) “just awful”.</p>
<p>Morrison’s opposition to giving a national integrity commission the right to hold public hearings was adamant during recent government discussions, which ended with no legislation being introduced into federal parliament.</p>
<p>Morrison said Berejiklian was “put in a position of actually having to stand down and there was no finding of anything. Now I don’t call that justice.”</p>
<p>Without saying it explicitly he creates the impression the ICAC forced her to quit her job. In fact, she chose to resign, judging that just standing aside while the inquiry was on was politically untenable.</p>
<p>Steggall on Monday pushed back strongly against Morrison, saying the words he’d used in parliament were “outrageous”. “We should be seeing leadership to raise trust, call for more accountability, not undermine accountability.”</p>
<p>The ICAC is investigating whether Berejiklian breached public trust in relation to two grants awarded to the electorate of Wagga Wagga, then held by Maguire. It is also inquiring into whether her conduct “was liable to allow or encourage” corrupt conduct by Maguire. </p>
<p>Berejiklian, when she was treasurer and then premier, did not disclose to her colleagues her close personal relationship with Maguire, and has defended her failure to do so, arguing “I didn’t feel it was of sufficient standing”.</p>
<p>The PM and some other Liberals dismiss her lapse basically on the grounds that here was a woman who’d just had a bad boyfriend.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/women-play-a-critical-role-in-diplomacy-and-security-so-why-arent-more-in-positions-of-power-170875">Women play a critical role in diplomacy and security, so why aren't more in positions of power?</a>
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<p>In Morrison’s view integrity bodies should not be looking at “who your boyfriend is”, as he put in in parliament.</p>
<p>Leaving aside the rather patronising attitude this implies – the gullible woman as an explanation – it doesn’t wash in terms of political ethics. If you are premier, your relationships are relevant. With this relationship, private life impinged on public life.</p>
<p>Does Morrison really think it was okay for Berejiklian not to disclose her closeness to Maguire, who was well known as an urger of the first degree? </p>
<p>That certainly wasn’t the view of former NSW premier Mike Baird, a good friend of Berejiklian, who said in evidence at the ICAC “certainly I think [the relationship] should have been disclosed”. Baird is another high profile figure the Liberals have pursued to stand in Warringah, but without success.</p>
<p>If the Liberals fielded Berejiklian ahead of the ICAC report, they would be adding insult to injury in their performance on integrity issues.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/173262/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>There is a push within the Liberal party, backed by Scott Morrison, for former NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian to run for the seat of Warringah. As the Liberals are desperate to get this seat back from independent Zali Steggall.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1708602021-10-29T07:19:23Z2021-10-29T07:19:23ZBerejiklian says Maguire was part of her ‘love circle’ but was not significant enough to declare – will this wash with ICAC?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429254/original/file-20211029-25-zv6y3y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Independent Commission Against Corruption/ AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>After two weeks of sensational Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) hearings into the conduct of Gladys Berejiklian, we have finally heard from the former NSW premier herself. This saw Berejiklian <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/part-of-my-love-circle-berejiklian-unpacks-secret-affair-with-maguire-20211029-p59493.html">continue to maintain</a> she has done nothing wrong. </p>
<p>She has argued her undisclosed relationship with disgraced former Liberal MP Daryl Maguire was not of “sufficient standard or sufficient signifiance” to be publicly declared. Berejiklian also told the ICAC there was no conflict of interest in the actions she took to facilitate projects Maguire had an interest in as she had not made a personal profit. </p>
<p>Asked why she had described him in an intercepted message as “family”, Berejiklian <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/berejiklian-inquiry-live-updates-former-nsw-premier-to-front-icac-as-probe-into-relationship-with-daryl-maguire-continues-20211028-p5942n.html">said</a> he was family “in terms of my feelings but definitely not in any legal sense”. Counsel assisting, Scott Robertson ominously replied: “We’ll let the lawyers argue about the law”. </p>
<h2>ICAC’s forensic approach</h2>
<p>From the beginning, the tone of the hearing has been more like a prosecution than an investigation. Robertson has been logical, forensic, and relentless in his questioning.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Barrister Scott Robertson." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429255/original/file-20211029-18-1dlfm7p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429255/original/file-20211029-18-1dlfm7p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429255/original/file-20211029-18-1dlfm7p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429255/original/file-20211029-18-1dlfm7p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429255/original/file-20211029-18-1dlfm7p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429255/original/file-20211029-18-1dlfm7p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429255/original/file-20211029-18-1dlfm7p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Barrister Scott Robertson is the ICAC assisting counsel.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Bianca De Marchi/AAP</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>The evidence of witnesses, which include <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/berejiklian-lied-to-then-chief-of-staff-and-friend-about-relationship-icac-20211026-p593d4.html">former staffers</a>, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/oct/21/icac-public-servant-believed-berejiklian-wanted-business-case-redone-to-support-shooting-club">officials</a>, former premier <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/former-premier-mike-baird-tells-icac-relationship-should-have-been-disclosed-20211020-p591oh.html">Mike Baird </a> and former Nationals leader <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-25/john-barilaro-fronts-gladys-berejiklian-icac-corruption-inquiry/100564848">John Barilaro</a>, has been notable for two things. </p>
<p>Almost all described Berejiklian as competent and conscientious. They also universally said that being in a secret relationship with Maguire and being involved in government decisions that would benefit him was an obvious conflict of interest that should have been declared.</p>
<h2>Not intimate?</h2>
<p>ICAC’s <a href="https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/media-centre/media-releases/2021-media-releases/further-operation-keppel-public-inquiry">Operation Keppel</a> investigation was always going to be dangerous for Berejiklian. </p>
<p>A crucial matter arising from hearings in October 2020 was whether Berejiklian should have publicly disclosed her relationship with the former MP. Under the <a href="https://arp.nsw.gov.au/m2014-09-code-conduct-ministers-crown">Ministerial Code of Conduct</a>, Berejiklian had an obligation to do so if the relationship was “intimate” and if she was involved in deciding any matter that could reasonably be expected to confer a private benefit on him. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/after-a-bombshell-day-at-icac-questions-must-be-asked-about-integrity-in-australian-politics-170102">After a bombshell day at ICAC, questions must be asked about integrity in Australian politics</a>
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<p>The form of words she used during her last ICAC appearance in October last year was that they were “<a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-10-13/nsw-gladys-berejiklian-close-personal-relationship-daryl-maguire/12761272">close</a>” not “intimate”, so it was not not serious enough to warrant disclosure. However, in an interview shortly after with <a href="https://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/subscribe/news/1/?sourceCode=DTWEB_WRE170_a_GGL&dest=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.dailytelegraph.com.au%2Fnews%2Fnsw%2Fgladys-berejiklian-on-daryl-maguire-i-loved-him-but-ill-never-speak-to-him-again%2Fnews-story%2Ffd2a2863871d136b5bd856f267cb1d04&memtype=anonymous&mode=premium&v21=dynamic-cold-test-score&V21spcbehaviour=append">The Sunday Telegaph</a> she spoke of how she once had hopes to marry Maguire. </p>
<p>This week, via Maguire, we have also heard the couple talked about <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/oct/28/daryl-maguire-tells-icac-he-discussed-marriage-and-children-with-gladys-berejiklian">having a child</a>. He also had a key and ongoing access to her home. </p>
<p>For her part, on Friday, <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/part-of-my-love-circle-berejiklian-unpacks-secret-affair-with-maguire-20211029-p59493.html">Berejiklian said</a> Maguire was part of her “love circle […] of people that I strongly cared for” but things were not serious enough to introduce him to her parents and sisters. </p>
<p>On this alone, she runs the risk of being accused of having misled ICAC.</p>
<h2>Hospital upgrade, secret calls</h2>
<p>The evidence of the last two weeks has also shown how Berekilian was involved in decision-making processes concerning substantial funds flowing to Maguire’s electorate of Wagga Wagga.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Former MP Daryl Maguire" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429266/original/file-20211029-15-1p652zy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429266/original/file-20211029-15-1p652zy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=334&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429266/original/file-20211029-15-1p652zy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=334&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429266/original/file-20211029-15-1p652zy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=334&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429266/original/file-20211029-15-1p652zy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=420&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429266/original/file-20211029-15-1p652zy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=420&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429266/original/file-20211029-15-1p652zy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=420&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Daryl Maguire quit state parliament in 2018 when he was drawn into an ICAC investigation.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Independent Commission Against Corruption/AAP</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>In a recording of a conversation between Maguire and Berejiklian in 2018, Maguire complained about a lack of funding for projects in his electorate. “I’ll deal with it, I’ll fix it,” Berejiklian <a href="https://7news.com.au/politics/gladys-berejiklian/gladys-berejiklian-promised-to-fix-it-when-daryl-maguire-complained-his-electorates-projects-werent-being-funded--c-4362702">replied</a>. Two hours later, in another phone call, Berejiklian told Maguire she had spoken to Dom Perrottet (then treasurer) and it was in the budget. </p>
<p>During her appearance on Friday, Berejiklian repeatedly denied there had been a conflict of interest. “I always put the public interest first,” she said. </p>
<h2>What happens now?</h2>
<p>On the evidence we have seen so far, the future looks bleak for Berejiklian. Her life and career may be on hold for some time. If ICAC makes a finding of corrupt conduct against her, she can be referred to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Gladys Berejiklian arriving at ICAC." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429269/original/file-20211029-669-1byvj2g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/429269/original/file-20211029-669-1byvj2g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429269/original/file-20211029-669-1byvj2g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429269/original/file-20211029-669-1byvj2g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429269/original/file-20211029-669-1byvj2g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429269/original/file-20211029-669-1byvj2g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/429269/original/file-20211029-669-1byvj2g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Berejiklian is due to appear at ICAC again next week.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Dean Lewins/AAP</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>The DPP process could then take some time. For example, ICAC’s <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/icac-operation-credo-report-fresh-corruption-findings-against-obeid-tripodi-and-kelly-20170803-gxo7zy.html">Operation Credo</a> found in August 2017 that former NSW Labor ministers Eddie Obeid and Joe Tripodi and others had acted corruptly by faking a cabinet minute and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/aug/03/icac-finds-that-eddie-obeid-joe-tripodi-and-tony-kelly-engaged-in-corrupt-conduct">referred</a> them to the DPP. The DPP is <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/trifecta-of-icac-trips-ups-leads-to-downfall-of-liberal-premiers-20211001-p58wk6.html">still deciding</a> whether criminal charges will be laid. Obeid’s recent sentencing over a <a href="https://www.9news.com.au/national/eddie-obeid-moses-ian-macdonald-sentenced-for-bylong-mine-conspiracy-icac/6832774f-f31a-4eab-94b2-3f0939e4e473">mine license conspiracy </a> follows another ICAC inquiry that started <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-21/sentencing-over-mine-conspiracy-obeid-macdonald/100553968">almost ten years ago</a>. </p>
<p>Why someone as renowned for competence, honesty and political astuteness as Berejiklian should make such an obvious blunder as failing to declare her relationship with Maguire is inexplicable (although on Friday, she said <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/part-of-my-love-circle-berejiklian-unpacks-secret-affair-with-maguire-20211029-p59493.html">she would not</a> change her decision if she had her time again). She has paid – and will continue to pay - a very heavy price for neglecting to make an admission that would not have had many, if any, deleterious consequences. </p>
<p>It is clear Berejiklian realised what was coming would be very damaging and decided to preempt a messy end by <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-01/nsw-premier-gladys-berejiklian-resignation-icac-explained/100507412">resigning </a> at the start of October. It is also clear much of the <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/inquirer/icac-sentences-a-premier-to-the-roughest-injustice/news-story/fd443e886187b100805eeb76f4d0bcb7">criticism</a> of ICAC for “establishing a parallel system of rough justice, in which the presumption of innocence and equality before the law count for nothing” was ill-informed.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/icac-is-not-a-curse-and-probity-in-government-matters-the-australian-media-would-do-well-to-remember-that-169132">ICAC is not a curse, and probity in government matters. The Australian media would do well to remember that</a>
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<p>So far, Berejiklian has garnered a significant amount of <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=clyXLo2kDkM">public sympathy</a>, as a successful woman, who lost her high-profile job over a personal misjudgement. It will be interesting to see if that sympathy holds.</p>
<p>The former premier is due to back at ICAC on Monday morning.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/170860/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Clune does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>After two weeks of sensational Independent Commission Against Corruption hearings into the conduct of Gladys Berejiklian, we have finally heard from the former premier.David Clune, Honorary Associate, Government and International Relations, University of SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1701022021-10-20T09:20:22Z2021-10-20T09:20:22ZAfter a bombshell day at ICAC, questions must be asked about integrity in Australian politics<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/427463/original/file-20211020-13-1ynytp9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Dan Himbrechts</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>A few days into the <a href="https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/media-centre/media-releases/2021-media-releases/further-operation-keppel-public-inquiry">current Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) proceedings in NSW</a>, and it appears two <a href="https://www.afr.com/politics/federal/berejiklian-beats-pm-in-poll-but-chant-is-the-real-winner-20210727-p58d7v">relatively popular</a> former NSW premiers and Cabinet colleagues – Gladys Berejiklian and Mike Baird – might hold markedly different views on integrity in public office. </p>
<p>In fact, Baird, who is not accused of any wrongdoing, <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/nsw/former-premier-mike-baird-tells-icac-relationship-should-have-been-disclosed-20211020-p591oh.html">told the hearing</a> he was “incredulous” when he found out about the relationship between Berejiklian and former MP Daryl Maguire, and believed she ought to have disclosed it.</p>
<p>In the wake of the ICAC hearings, questions are also emerging about the system surrounding, and potentially enabling, perceived actions of political integrity.</p>
<p>We are witnessing a moment that will test widely held assumptions about politics beyond NSW alone. Integrity has become stock and trade in Australian politics. It crystallises views on what is, and what isn’t, good government. Faith in political systems depends on it. Democracy requires us to trust the integrity of political structures, elections, parliament, and parliamentarians.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/a-federal-icac-must-end-the-confusion-between-integrity-questions-and-corruption-169360">A federal ICAC must end the confusion between integrity questions and corruption</a>
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<p>The most experienced political actors know this. That’s why they return to the issue of integrity, repeatedly, both in the bluster of attack, and in the stiff resolve of defence. Berejiklian did just that in her recent <a href="https://www.nsw.gov.au/media-releases/gladys-berejiklian-statement">resignation speech</a>. She said</p>
<blockquote>
<p>History will demonstrate that I have always executed my duties with the highest degree of integrity for the benefit of the people of NSW.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>That is precisely the proposition ICAC is testing. Its <a href="https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/media-centre/media-releases/2021-media-releases/further-operation-keppel-public-inquiry">investigation</a> into whether Berejiklian engaged in conduct that “constituted or involved a breach of public trust” will substantially shape the historical record.</p>
<p>The integrity of the political processes behind the deployment of public funds in NSW has again been drawn into question. It is not the first time, and if we look at recent history, it may be that hints of structural vulnerability were emerging.</p>
<p>Asked late last year about accusations of pork barrelling Berejiklian replied, “<a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/gladys-berejiklian-defends-council-grants-saying-porkbarrelling-is-not-illegal/news-story/76972a28aff3d002c498cf2f41679832">It’s not an illegal practice</a>”. It was a curious response; a frank admission that electoral imperatives influence the stewardship of public resources. Nevertheless, she was right.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/427470/original/file-20211020-27-16qvd4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/427470/original/file-20211020-27-16qvd4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/427470/original/file-20211020-27-16qvd4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/427470/original/file-20211020-27-16qvd4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/427470/original/file-20211020-27-16qvd4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/427470/original/file-20211020-27-16qvd4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/427470/original/file-20211020-27-16qvd4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">The ICAC inquiry will examine whether Gladys Berejiklian breached public trust while in office.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Bianca de Marchi</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The integrity of the system is not, according to the <a href="https://arp.nsw.gov.au/m2014-09-code-conduct-ministers-crown">NSW Ministerial Code of Conduct</a>, compromised if ministers make decisions that might result in the “expectation that the manner in which a particular matter is dealt with will enhance a person’s or party’s popular standing”.</p>
<p>But, the code warns, ministers do “have a responsibility to avoid or otherwise manage appropriately conflicts of interest to ensure the maintenance of both the actuality and appearance of Ministerial integrity”. That’s the issue here.</p>
<p>The current ICAC proceedings are examining whether the former premier – who has denied wrongdoing – failed to declare a “conflict of interest” regarding her relationship with McGuire in relation to decisions on <a href="https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/media-centre/media-releases/2021-media-releases/further-operation-keppel-public-inquiry">the allocation of public funds to particular projects in his electorate</a> of Wagga Wagga.</p>
<p>On this issue, the comments from Baird – Berejiklian’s predecessor – at ICAC were pointed. His remark that her relationship with Maguire “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/devastated-baird-s-evidence-builds-case-against-berejiklian-20211020-p591qv.html">should have been disclosed</a>” goes to the heart of the matter.</p>
<p>The integrity of the deployment of public funds, in Baird’s view, relies on appropriate public disclosure. The varied treatment of that proposition, both politically and under the code, is becoming clearer. But what about the public service?</p>
<p>Public servants are there to advise ministers and ensure public monies are spent well. Indeed, the <a href="https://legislation.nsw.gov.au/view/html/inforce/current/act-2013-040#sec.7">Government Sector Employment Act 2013</a> provides a list of four core values – integrity, trust, service and accountability. It also lists 18 principles guiding how these values should be implemented for those employed in the public service and wider government sector. In particular, the act requires public servants to make decisions that result in the fair provision of services.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/icac-is-not-a-curse-and-probity-in-government-matters-the-australian-media-would-do-well-to-remember-that-169132">ICAC is not a curse, and probity in government matters. The Australian media would do well to remember that</a>
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<p>Importantly, the act stipulates public servants should be “fiscally responsible and focus on efficient, effective and prudent use of resources”.</p>
<p>To protect public servants from compromise, the ministerial code specifies that ministers have a “responsibility to ensure that they do not act in a way that would place others, including public servants, in a position that would require them to breach the law or their own ethical obligations”.</p>
<p>But as with most sets of rules, exceptions apply. The code does not “limit Ministerial discretion to make decisions and direct departments in accordance with the principle of departmental responsibility to Ministers, including to disagree with advice and recommendations put to them by public servants”.</p>
<p>Where political integrity lies in all of this remains to be seen. If pork barrelling is okay, and disclosure discretionary, then the basis of public trust in politicians and political processes is also drawn into question.</p>
<p>At a time when a <a href="https://theconversation.com/as-a-nsw-premier-falls-and-sa-guts-its-anti-corruption-commission-what-are-the-lessons-for-integrity-bodies-in-australia-168932">federal integrity commission seems a distant priority</a>, and NSW proceedings have a distance to run, the integrity of Australian politics and democracy is being tested.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/170102/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>As the ICAC hearings in New South Wales are showing, the issue of integrity in Australian politics is a murky one that is rightly being held up to scrutiny.Andy Marks, Pro Vice-Chancellor, Strategy, Government and Alliances, Western Sydney UniversityRae Dufty-Jones, Associate Professor, Western Sydney UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1695442021-10-11T04:06:04Z2021-10-11T04:06:04ZIBAC vs ICAC: what are these anti-corruption commissions and how do they compare?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425624/original/file-20211011-15-b9d699.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">James Ross/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Today Victoria’s anti-corruption commission <a href="https://thenewdaily.com.au/news/state/vic/2021/10/11/anthony-byrne-victoria-ibac/">begins public hearings</a> into allegations of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/oct/06/daniel-andrews-wont-stand-down-over-reports-ibac-is-investigating-his-role-in-firies-dispute">branch stacking</a> by Labor MPs and their staff.</p>
<p>This follows news Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews is being <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/oct/06/daniel-andrews-wont-stand-down-over-reports-ibac-is-investigating-his-role-in-firies-dispute">questioned</a> by the Victorian Independent Broad‑based Anti‑corruption Commission (IBAC) over his dealings with the firefighters union (Andrews says he has behaved “appropriately”). </p>
<p>It also comes as New South Wales Premier Gladys Berejiklian sensationally <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-01/nsw-premier-gladys-berejiklian-resignation-icac-explained/100507412">fell on her sword</a> last month. She resigned after revelations the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) was investigating whether there was a conflict between her public duties and private interests, which she denies. </p>
<p>This has all further heated up the debate about the <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-is-the-proposed-commonwealth-integrity-commission-and-how-would-it-work-140734">proposed federal integrity commission</a>. The Morrison government is expected to introduce legislation establishing the Commonwealth commission by the end of the year. But its proposed model has been criticised as being <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-proposed-national-integrity-commission-is-a-watered-down-version-of-a-federal-icac-108753">too weak</a>.</p>
<p>So, what are these anti-corruption commissions? And what are differences between ICAC in NSW and IBAC in Victoria?</p>
<h2>What are anti-corruption commissions?</h2>
<p>Anti-corruption commissions investigate corruption in government. They can be given strong coercive powers to do so, including the power to compel documents and witnesses.</p>
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<img alt="Former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425623/original/file-20211011-25-3pdac8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425623/original/file-20211011-25-3pdac8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425623/original/file-20211011-25-3pdac8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425623/original/file-20211011-25-3pdac8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425623/original/file-20211011-25-3pdac8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425623/original/file-20211011-25-3pdac8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425623/original/file-20211011-25-3pdac8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Former NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian quit her role last month, in the face of an ICAC investigation.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Bianca De Marchi/AAP</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>ICAC was established in NSW in 1988 by then premier Nick Greiner. A few years later, Greiner became the first premier to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/oct/02/watchdog-with-bite-icac-claims-another-scalp-with-demise-of-gladys-berejiklian">resign</a> due to an ICAC investigation. Victoria’s IBAC was set up in 2012 following an election commitment by the Baillieu Coalition government (who made the pledge during opposition). </p>
<p>There are three main differences between IBAC and ICAC – jurisdiction, power and procedures. </p>
<h2>IBAC vs ICAC</h2>
<p>When IBAC was set up, it was <a href="https://www.accountabilityrt.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/IBAC-attachement-commitment-letter-July-2012-A.pdf">criticised</a> by prominent former judges at the Accountability Roundtable as a “toothless tiger,” given the high threshold of what it could investigate – it must be “serious corrupt conduct” before an investigation can start. </p>
<p>We should note here, the investigation threshold for the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission is even higher, requiring a reasonable suspicion of corruption amounting to a criminal offence before an inquiry can even begin. This is a difficult hurdle to clear.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/a-federal-icac-must-end-the-confusion-between-integrity-questions-and-corruption-169360">A federal ICAC must end the confusion between integrity questions and corruption</a>
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<p>The Andrews government <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/opinion/victorias-anticorruption-commission-ibac-will-still-be-a-toothless-tiger-20160121-gmay8c.html">increased</a> the jurisdiction of IBAC in 2016, removing the requirement for corrupt conduct to be “serious”, and adding the ability to investigate misconduct in public office.</p>
<p>But IBAC’s jurisdiction remains <a href="https://australiainstitute.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Briefing-paper-IBAC-Stephen-Charles.pdf">more limited</a> than ICAC’s, which has broad powers to investigate any allegation upon suspicion of corruption. This includes alleged substantial breaches of the ministerial and MP codes of conduct. </p>
<p>IBAC’s powers are also <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/changes-to-victorias-anticorruption-commission-way-short-say-original-ibac-advisers-20141010-1149t5.html">more limited</a> than ICAC. It is unable to use coercive powers to conduct preliminary investigations to determine whether matters warrant full examination. By contrast, ICAC has the full use of coercive powers, including for preliminary investigations. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/as-a-nsw-premier-falls-and-sa-guts-its-anti-corruption-commission-what-are-the-lessons-for-integrity-bodies-in-australia-168932">As a NSW premier falls and SA guts its anti-corruption commission, what are the lessons for integrity bodies in Australia?</a>
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<p>Finally, ICAC holds <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/a-crime-of-the-powerful-what-are-australia-s-anti-corruption-bodies-20191002-p52wv0.html">public hearings</a> as a matter of course. But IBAC can only hold public hearings in exceptional circumstances and when it is in the public interest to do so. </p>
<p>In short, ICAC is a more powerful commission than IBAC. </p>
<h2>Who watches the watchdogs?</h2>
<p>A big question is about how we ensure anti-corruption commissions do not overstep their bounds. Given their broad coercive powers, how do we hold them to account? </p>
<p>In Australia, anti-corruption commissions are subject to a strong system of accountability through parliaments and the courts. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425625/original/file-20211011-19-1lve9nu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425625/original/file-20211011-19-1lve9nu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425625/original/file-20211011-19-1lve9nu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425625/original/file-20211011-19-1lve9nu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425625/original/file-20211011-19-1lve9nu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425625/original/file-20211011-19-1lve9nu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425625/original/file-20211011-19-1lve9nu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Daniel Andrews says he will not stand down over news IBAC is looking at his dealings with the firefighters union.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">James Ross/AAP</span></span>
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<p>IBAC and ICAC report to dedicated parliamentary committees who scrutinise their actions and decisions. Complaints against IBAC and ICAC can be made to a dedicated inspectorate – an independent statutory officer who oversees their actions. </p>
<p>Where the anti-corruption commissions go beyond the legal boundaries of their roles, the courts will police it. For example, in 2015, the High Court shut down an investigation against crown prosecutor, Margaret Cunneen. The court <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2015/apr/15/icac-loses-appeal-to-investigate-margaret-cunneen">found ICAC</a> had no power to investigate allegations Cunneen had advised her son’s girlfriend to fake chest pains to avoid a breath test after a car crash. This is because Cunneen’s actions occurred when acting as a private citizen (not as crown prosecutor) – and so did not fit the definition of “corrupt conduct” in the NSW legislation.</p>
<p>So the idea that anti-corruption commissions are <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/commentary/letters/icac-a-star-chamber-without-the-safeguards-of-the-common-law/news-story/3fe31424c4a92f964f0be8ba5cfdec1f">not accountable</a> is simply untrue. </p>
<h2>Under attack</h2>
<p>Anti-corruption commissions like IBAC and ICAC tend to be unpopular within governments because they scrutinise government action and may expose improper conduct or corruption within their ranks. </p>
<p>It is regrettably common for governments hostile to anti-corruption commissions to attack them, including by reducing their <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-09-23/sa-icac-bill-passes-parliament/100487668?fbclid=IwAR3D497lgrhmMF9hJLCATkcawL9HHA8TlyhX1LZskmkQkgcJ5zNNG25USCg">powers</a> or <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/mar/25/former-corruption-commissioner-blasts-nsw-cuts-to-integrity-agencies-as-alarming">funding</a>.</p>
<hr>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/icac-is-not-a-curse-and-probity-in-government-matters-the-australian-media-would-do-well-to-remember-that-169132">ICAC is not a curse, and probity in government matters. The Australian media would do well to remember that</a>
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<p>In this vein, the latest barrage of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/oct/04/barnaby-joyce-condemns-spanish-inquisition-icac-saying-it-makes-mps-terrified-to-do-their-job#">criticisms</a> by politicians of ICAC following Berejiklian’s resignation is rather predictable. It is part of a broader pattern of attacks on oversight bodies that police government action. </p>
<p>This is despite their integral role in our democracy. Alongside other oversight bodies such as the ombudsman and auditor-general, anti-corruption commissions form part of an intricate, interlocking integrity framework that monitors executive action. </p>
<p>In this light, the design of the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission is fundamental. Australians deserve a robust system of accountability that will keep our politicians honest.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169544/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Yee-Fui Ng does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>There are three main differences between IBAC and ICAC, the Victorian and NSW bodies set up to combat government corruption.Yee-Fui Ng, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1695252021-10-08T01:47:59Z2021-10-08T01:47:59ZVIDEO: Michelle Grattan on the new NSW Premier, hospital funding, and a federal integrity commission<p>University of Canberra Professional Fellow Michelle Grattan and University of Canberra Associate Professor Caroline Fisher discuss the week in politics</p>
<p>This week they talk about the new NSW Premier Dominic Perrottet – his relationship with Scott Morrison, and his steps to differentiate himself from Gladys Berejiklian, with some changes to the road-map out of lockdown. </p>
<p>Meanwhile the hospital wars are back. All the states want more money from Canberra as they prepare for reopening. Scott Morrison is resisting, insisting they’ve had plenty of time and funding to get ready and targeting Queensland in particular. </p>
<p>After Berejiklian’s resignation, triggered by the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption’s probity investigation into her conduct, attention has turned to the federal government’s proposed integrity commission. Ahead of the introduction of the legislation, due soon, debate is raging over what should be the extent of its powers. </p>
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<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>University of Canberra Professional Fellow Michelle Grattan and University of Canberra Associate Professor Caroline Fisher discuss the week in politicsMichelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1694732021-10-07T10:48:11Z2021-10-07T10:48:11ZGrattan on Friday: Morrison government faces battle over integrity commission it doesn’t really want<p>Those critiquing the dramatic fall of Gladys Berejiklian, who resigned when the Independent Commission Against Corruption announced it was investigating the probity of her conduct, have divided into two camps.</p>
<p>Some cast ICAC as the ogre that’s brought down a good leader, and a woman at that, over what seem to them relatively small matters.</p>
<p>Others argue propriety is paramount, regardless of the broader qualities of a leader, and Berejiklian’s position as NSW premier became untenable after her revelation last year of her relationship with a dodgy colleague.</p>
<p>Deputy Prime Minister Barnaby Joyce portrayed ICAC as a rogue player that gets in the way of politicians.</p>
<p>“ICAC out of control means that the bureaucracy reigns supreme and politicians are basically terrified to do their job,” Joyce told Channel 7.</p>
<p>“Politicians at times have to make hard decisions. It’s not that they’re corrupt, they’re making decisions. There might be some disagreement with the bureaucracy, but that’s their right. That’s why people go to a ballot box and they see the name of politicians on the ballot paper, not the names of bureaucrats.” </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-former-judge-stephen-charles-slams-governments-integrity-commission-model-169460">Politics with Michelle Grattan: Former judge Stephen Charles slams government's integrity commission model</a>
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<p>Joyce’s line ignores a couple of salient points.</p>
<p>Politicians’ decisions in some cases are made for improper reasons. And without sharp oversight, the voters may not be the wiser when they look at that ballot paper. Remember, it was the auditor-general who documented the egregious sports grants rorting.</p>
<p>With the Morrison government due within weeks to introduce its legislation for a federal integrity commission, Berejiklian’s resignation has brought into even sharper focus the powers and conduct of the bodies charged with investigating integrity in politics.</p>
<p>Morrison was blunt in his view about ICAC. “I’m sure there are millions of people who’ve seen what’s happened to Gladys Berejiklian, they’ll understand that’s a pretty good call not to follow that [ICAC] model,” he said. </p>
<p>Many people, however, will not think that’s such a “good call”.</p>
<p>We haven’t got the final version of the government’s integrity commission legislation. But the draft model put out by then attorney-general Christian Porter was spineless in its provisions relating to politicians and public servants. And it would take a major change of direction for the government to insert a significant spine when it makes its revisions.</p>
<p>The point is this: the government doesn’t really want an integrity commission. It has been dragged to it by political necessity.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/icac-is-not-a-curse-and-probity-in-government-matters-the-australian-media-would-do-well-to-remember-that-169132">ICAC is not a curse, and probity in government matters. The Australian media would do well to remember that</a>
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<p>In the draft model, the proposed commission has tough provisions covering the scrutiny of law enforcement bodies. But politicians, their staff and bureaucrats would be given heavy protections.</p>
<p>These would make it hard for allegations against them to reach investigators, limit what matters the body could probe, and ban public hearings during inquiries, as well as public reporting.</p>
<p>Under Morrison’s model, Berejiklian’s self-damning evidence of last year would not have been given in an open forum.</p>
<p>In a <a href="https://publicintegrity.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Weakest-watchdog-FINAL-4.10.21-1.pdf">report released this week</a> the Centre for Public Integrity, an independent think tank with a board of legal heavyweights, compared the government’s planned commission with others around the country and concluded that its public sector division “would be the weakest integrity commission in the country”.</p>
<p>The centre pointed out such a body wouldn’t, for instance, be able to investigate rorting in the sports grants scheme and commuter car parks project, the allegations of conflict of interest involving minister Angus Taylor’s family business, or claims about ex-ministers’ potential breaches of the ministerial code of conduct.</p>
<p>This list, however, does invite a knotty question. Should all alleged integrity breaches by politicians, staff and public servants be examined by the same body?</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/a-federal-icac-must-end-the-confusion-between-integrity-questions-and-corruption-169360">A federal ICAC must end the confusion between integrity questions and corruption</a>
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<p>Gary Sturgess, who as cabinet secretary to the NSW Greiner government designed ICAC, argues for having one body to look at serious “corruption” allegations (with no special protections for the political class), and a separate one to deal with less serious alleged integrity breaches by public figures.</p>
<p>Sturgess warns against confusing corruption involving potential criminality with other (but still important) breaches. “Treat all politicians as crooks, and there is the danger that we will end up with less integrity in public office, not more,” he wrote in The Conversation this week.</p>
<p>In designing its model, the Morrison government has been more concerned about the political damage a robust body could do than about corruption and other integrity issues. It doesn’t want any more opportunity than presently exists for “scandals” to be probed.</p>
<p>Critics of having a federal body at all have in the past argued that “corruption” is found more often at state rather than federal level.</p>
<p>But there’s no doubt federal governments of both complexions, and individual politicians, will often be willing to subvert proper process when it’s expedient to do so – and if they think they can get away with it. And the role of donations in buying access to ministers and their offices involves serious integrity concerns. It doesn’t have to be a matter of cash in a brown paper bag.</p>
<p>Potential exposure of integrity breaches has the dual advantage of serving the public’s right to know and acting as a deterrent to bad behaviour.</p>
<p>But the fear that an integrity commission can be weaponised politically is legitimate. Strong protections are needed for those investigated and witnesses as well as a stringent arrangements for oversight of the commission’s activities.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/gladys-berejiklian-quits-premiership-amid-icac-inquiry-into-links-with-former-mp-169099">Gladys Berejiklian quits premiership amid ICAC inquiry into links with former MP</a>
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<p>Labor is promising a more robust model to cover the political class, including public hearings, wider access for those wanting to make allegations, and the ability for the commission to commence its own inquiries.</p>
<p>Retrospectivity is a contested area, with shadow attorney-general Mark Dreyfus saying the commission “has to be able to decide about matters that potentially, even though they occurred in the past, are having a current effect on the government of Australia”. The government says retrospectivity is a question of parameters and it is still working this through. </p>
<p>The government’s legislation may not have been passed by the election, given the tight timetable. Even if it has been, Labor will be committed to revisiting the model.</p>
<p>Either way, the national integrity commission is likely to be still a sharp point of contention when the voters go to the polls.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169473/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Politics has forced the government into legislation for an integrity commission that won’t satisfy criticsMichelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1694602021-10-07T04:15:24Z2021-10-07T04:15:24ZPolitics with Michelle Grattan: Former judge Stephen Charles slams government’s integrity commission model<p>After Gladys Berejiklian’s resignation over an investigation by the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), the debate about the federal government’s proposed – but weak – federal integrity commission is heating up. </p>
<p>Stephen Charles, a former Victorian judge who is a director of the Centre for Public Integrity, says the Coalition should totally rework its
draft model to give it real teeth in dealing with politicians and public servants. </p>
<p>Pointing out that under the government draft, investigations of politicians wouldn’t have public hearings, Charles asks, “What does that show you about the concern they have of their activities being exposed? And […] remember the hundreds of thousands and millions of dollars that this coalition has shown it is prepared to spend […] to its electoral advantage rather than in the interests of the public.”</p>
<p>“Australia is a signatory to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption. Article 36 of that convention requires Australia to have an effective body to deal with corruption, and those of us who’ve been arguing for a national integrity body have been pointing to Australia’s failure to comply with its obligations under UNCAC for a long time now.” </p>
<p>Charles agrees with the need to prevent the integrity commission being used by political players for their own purposes. “These powers must not be allowed to be weaponised by […] the political party in power at the time.”</p>
<p>“The body should be under the control of the judicial system, which in this case would mean under the control of the federal court […] there should be an inspector, and next there should be a parliamentary committee which should have its activities under continual review.” With those protections, misuse could be prevented, Charles says.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169460/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Michelle Grattan speaks with Former Victorian judge Stephen Charles as he attacks the weakness of the Morrison Governments model for an integrity commissionMichelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1693602021-10-06T06:43:23Z2021-10-06T06:43:23ZA federal ICAC must end the confusion between integrity questions and corruption<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/424939/original/file-20211006-13-1svd3hv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Bianca de Marchi/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>Gary Sturgess was director-general of NSW Premier Nick Greiner’s cabinet office in 1988 and the “architect” of ICAC.</em></p>
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<p>There has been a great deal of commentary about the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in recent days, in light of Gladys Berejiklian’s resignation as premier of New South Wales. Much of this has been ill-informed, and some correction is required as the debate over a federal ICAC rolls on.</p>
<p>The NSW ICAC, the first anti-corruption agency in Australia, established in 1988, is an extraordinarily powerful organisation. This should never be taken for granted. It usually conducts its hearings in public. This results in considerable capacity to do harm to the reputations of innocent people, by a counsel assisting who ignores legal conventions or by headline-seeking journalists.</p>
<p>Those powers are not without precedent in this country. The NSW ICAC is simply a standing royal commission, albeit one that, for reasons of independence, sets its own terms of reference.</p>
<p>Other than in the fields of corruption prevention and education, it did not borrow from the Hong Kong agency that bears the same name. The HK ICAC operates with a great deal of secrecy, as has been pointed out, but it exercises extraordinary powers in secret, including detention without warrant. The NSW government did not want to follow this precedent.</p>
<p>And contrary to what one member of the Greiner cabinet has <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/poor-gladys-berejiklian-passed-the-pub-test-but-the-icac-is-another-matter-20211003-p58wu4.html">recently claimed</a>, it was not cobbled together from precedents around the world. It was directly modelled on the royal commission, an institution that Australians know well, where there was an existing body of law and practice on which commissioners and courts could draw.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/icac-is-not-a-curse-and-probity-in-government-matters-the-australian-media-would-do-well-to-remember-that-169132">ICAC is not a curse, and probity in government matters. The Australian media would do well to remember that</a>
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<p>For the most part, royal commissions conduct their hearings in public and they publish reports that damage the reputations of named individuals. That is an onerous responsibility and mistakes are sometimes made. One could well understand the Australian public taking the view that the risks are too great and royal commissions should not be used in that way.</p>
<p>But we must be consistent. There were few complaints when Frank Costigan <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/2870892">identified</a> certain painters and dockers and their associates as criminals, or the more recent <a href="https://financialservices.royalcommission.gov.au/Pages/default.html">Hayne royal commission</a> into banking and superannuation named and shamed company executives, shattering their careers. </p>
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<span class="caption">Former NSW Premier Nick Greiner established ICAC in 1988. Later, he was one of its targets.</span>
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<p>Given this history, why would politicians and public servants be singled out for different treatment? If there were to be a change to the NSW legislation, there would need to be commensurate change to the legislation governing royal commissions.</p>
<p>Some commentators seem to think the NSW ICAC makes findings of criminal guilt or innocence. Others <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/commentary/gladys-berejiklian-should-have-stepped-downa-year-ago/news-story/44531081a2c3b5eab9c487fb1e97cd58">have claimed</a> the legislation creates an offence of corrupt conduct, with the NSW premier having “breached the ICAC Act”. Neither statement is correct. Nor is the ministerial code of conduct “a regulation that sits under the ICAC Act”. </p>
<p>ICAC is simply a commission of inquiry that investigates and reports. If it encounters potential breaches of the criminal law, it has an obligation to hand those matters over to the director of public prosecutions. But it is primarily charged with delivering a report, as other royal commissions do.</p>
<p>Sections 8 and 9 of the <a href="https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/about-the-nsw-icac/legislation/the-icac-act">NSW act</a>, which provide the meaning of “corrupt conduct”, were designed to define the scope of its powers. It would be unacceptable for the executive government to provide ICAC with terms of reference on a specific allegation. There used to be an old saying in NSW politics – you don’t establish a royal commission if you don’t already know the answer – reflecting the ability of governments to limit political damage by drafting narrow terms of reference.</p>
<p>Section 8 is very wide – it covers a long list of corruption offences, both statutory and common law. But section 9, as originally framed, limited the scope of ICAC’s powers to matters that were already a criminal offence, a disciplinary offence or reasonable grounds for dismissal. The reason for these limitations was to avoid ICAC becoming a morals tribunal, making up standards of its own, or imposing standards retrospectively after a process of scandalisation had resulted in the emergence of new values.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/as-a-nsw-premier-falls-and-sa-guts-its-anti-corruption-commission-what-are-the-lessons-for-integrity-bodies-in-australia-168932">As a NSW premier falls and SA guts its anti-corruption commission, what are the lessons for integrity bodies in Australia?</a>
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<p>That changed with the <a href="https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/about-the-nsw-icac/legislation/history-and-development-of-the-icac-act">addition of</a> section 9d in 1994, following the <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/nsw-corruption-watchdog-has-brought-down-premiers-ministers-and-corrupt-police-20201014-p56521.html">Supreme Court’s decision</a> in the Greiner case. Parliament extended the scope of corrupt conduct, and so ICAC’s powers, to a substantial breach of a ministerial code of conduct. </p>
<p>Ministerial codes are not primarily about restating the criminal law. They are standards designed to ensure collective responsibility prevails for as long as possible, and that ministerial colleagues believe they can trust one another.</p>
<p>This amendment, initiated by the Liberal-National government of the day, substantially changed the role and function of ICAC. It shifted the focus away from criminal breaches of public trust to incorporate much less serious lapses. The result is that a body charged with exposing corruption, bearing a title that announces that it is charged with exposing corruption, is also responsible for investigating lapses in integrity that fall well short of criminality.</p>
<p>This is directly relevant to the current debate over a federal integrity commission. <a href="https://www.helenhaines.org/bills/integrity">Senator Helen Haines’s bill</a> borrows the wording of the relevant section from the NSW Act, although it extends the definition to include “a civil liability”. It’s a strange addition that would give this body powers to investigate matters that have nothing at all to do with integrity. This is guaranteed to result in confusion in the minds of the general public, and some journalists and commentators, who will confuse civil litigation, an unintended conflict of interest or a mere breach of convention with criminality.</p>
<p>There is a need for an ongoing anti-corruption body in NSW, to deal with those public officials like <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/eddie-obeid-ian-macdonald-and-moses-obeid-found-guilty-over-rigged-tender-20210718-p58atd.html">Eddie Obeid</a> who flout the law. There is also a need for an integrity commissioner or a committee on standards in public life, utterly distinct from ICAC, to deal with less serious integrity issues, where conventions can be agreed on in a bipartisan way, and grown-up conversations can be had about the ethics that should apply in public life.</p>
<p>Confuse the two and treat all politicians as crooks, and there is the danger that we will end up with less integrity in public office, not more.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169360/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gary Sturgess is employed by ANZSOG which is funded by the national and state governments of Australia and New Zealand. He has conducted numerous government inquiries and served on government committees over the years.
He holds the NSW Premier's Chair in Public Service Delivery at ANZSOG, which is funded by the NSW government, but is otherwise independent of government. </span></em></p>The New South Wales ICAC’s remit has changed over the years to investigate more minor breaches by public officials. This can caused confusion and will undermine its effectiveness.Gary Sturgess, Professor of Public Service Delivery, Australia and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1692632021-10-05T07:07:49Z2021-10-05T07:07:49ZPolitics with Michelle Grattan: Signs are Scott Morrison wants to avoid Glasgow<p>As well as Michelle Grattan’s usual interviews with experts and politicians about the news of the day, Politics with Michelle Grattan now includes “Word from The Hill”, where all things political will be discussed with members of The Conversations’s politics team.</p>
<p>In this week’s episode, politics + society editor Amanda Dunn and Michelle discuss the dramatic changing of the guard in NSW and the fallout from ICAC’s announcement of its investigation into Gladys Berejiklian for the debate about a federal integrity commission. </p>
<p>They also canvass the increasing signs Scott Morrison is inclined to stay away from the Glasgow climate conference, as he points out Jacinda Ardern is not attending.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169263/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Michelle Grattan discusses politics with politics + society editor, Amanda DunnMichelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1691382021-10-04T05:37:06Z2021-10-04T05:37:06ZDominic Perrottet is set to become the next premier of NSW. Who is he?<p>In many ways, this is the worst possible time for a new premier to take the helm in New South Wales. The resignation of John Barilaro as deputy premier creates an even greater mood of uncertainty and, perhaps, insecurity. </p>
<p>The state is due to open up, at least partially, in the next week, and with the end of lockdown will come a need for a different type of leadership than has been exhibited over the past few months. Gladys Berejiklian has done a reasonable job during the pandemic, as can be seen from the outpouring of support, even grief, at her decision to call it a day. </p>
<p>However, there have also been many complaints about her government’s actions, particularly in the western suburbs of Sydney. She has at times appeared to be the premier for the north shore and eastern suburbs. For any Liberal premier of New South Wales, such a perception is extremely dangerous as elections are won in outer suburban and regional electorates. </p>
<p>In the 18 months before the next election, especially given the slender Coalition majority in the Legislative Assembly, the new premier will need to ensure, or at least create the perception, that the government is working on behalf of all of the state. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/icac-is-not-a-curse-and-probity-in-government-matters-the-australian-media-would-do-well-to-remember-that-169132">ICAC is not a curse, and probity in government matters. The Australian media would do well to remember that</a>
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<p>Assuming Dominic Perrottet becomes the next premier, it is worth asking what he brings to that position and how it will affect the politics of the state over the next year. It is also worth pointing out that Perrottet, along with Planning Minister Rob Stokes, is from the north shore. That probably explains why he chose to run with Stuart Ayres, who represents the western Sydney seat of Penrith. </p>
<p>Both Perrottet and Ayres are quite young: Perrottet is 39; Ayres 41. They represent a new generation of leaders. </p>
<p>Perrottet grew up on the north shore, where he attended Redfield College and Oakhill College. Interestingly, neither school plays rugby league, compared to St Dominic’s College, Penrith, which Ayres attended and which counts among its alumni Nathan Cleary, Des Hasler and Brad Fittler. </p>
<p>Perrottet’s father works for the World Bank and he is one of 12 children. The family are religious Catholics. </p>
<p>Perrottet’s further education and career indicate he followed in his father’s footsteps in another way. He studied economics and law at university before working as a commercial lawyer. </p>
<p>He was elected to the state parliament in the landslide of 2011, at the tender age of 29. He quickly advanced up the ministerial ladder, primarily in economic portfolios. He began with finance in 2015, before advancing to industrial relations and then treasury and the deputy leadership of the Liberal Party in 2017. </p>
<p>Perrottet’s rise demonstrates he is very capable and intelligent, and he has “topped the class” of those candidates who went into parliament in 2011. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/424398/original/file-20211004-13-d1ahzq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/424398/original/file-20211004-13-d1ahzq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424398/original/file-20211004-13-d1ahzq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424398/original/file-20211004-13-d1ahzq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424398/original/file-20211004-13-d1ahzq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424398/original/file-20211004-13-d1ahzq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424398/original/file-20211004-13-d1ahzq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Perrottet has risen quickly through the ranks since entering parliament in 2011.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Dan Himbrechts/AAP</span></span>
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<p>But his career also says something about what it means to be on the right in the modern Liberal Party. In some ways, he resembles former Liberal leader Nick Greiner, as a highly financially literate technocrat who sees the world through a business lens. While Greiner’s policies resonated on the north shore and in safe Liberal seats, they were his Achille’s heel everywhere else. So in the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_New_South_Wales_state_election">1991 election</a>, Greiner increased his proportion of the vote in safe Liberal seats while losing crucial seats in other areas, leading to minority government. </p>
<p>The other important aspect of Perrottet’s persona is his conservative Catholicism. One of his original sponsors was MLC David Clarke, a well-known conservative Catholic and leader of the conservatives in the Liberal Party. He is pro-life and opposed to assisted dying. </p>
<p>Perrottet has claimed his personal religious beliefs do not affect his work in public life. In any case, he requires the support of the moderates, who hold quite different moral and social values, to get legislation through. </p>
<p>His economic and financial experience will be far more important for his role as premier. He is focused very much on the economy and, as treasurer, aware of the huge debt that the state has incurred. Back in July, he <a href="https://www.skynews.com.au/australia-news/politics/treasurer-perrottet-in-rift-with-nsw-c">reportedly opposed</a> the extension of the current lockdown. He has also <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-04/dominic-perrottet-won-t-rule-out-changing-covid-19-exit-plan/100510994">indicated he could</a> change the current roadmap out of lockdown in the state. </p>
<p>In what seems to have been the perennial issue of the pandemic – public health versus the economy – there is no doubt Perrottet comes down on the side of the economy. </p>
<p>Certainly, the economy will loom larger as the state comes out of the worst of the pandemic. It is also the case that a focus on the economy will win him plaudits from the north shore, which has suffered fewer COVID cases than other areas of Sydney. </p>
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<p>The problem is that the state still has to navigate its way through the lifting of restrictions and the consequences of that action. It is not clear, despite high levels of vaccination, that all will be plain sailing. </p>
<p>Berejiklian honed her public relations skills during the pandemic and demonstrated a capacity to reassure the wider population that there was light at the end of the tunnel. Even so, she did not reach everyone. </p>
<p>Perrottet is largely untested in these matters. He will need to reassure the people of New South Wales that his focus is not just economic and financial. He could well ponder the fate of Nick Greiner. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/424396/original/file-20211004-27-7dgu1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/424396/original/file-20211004-27-7dgu1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424396/original/file-20211004-27-7dgu1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424396/original/file-20211004-27-7dgu1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424396/original/file-20211004-27-7dgu1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424396/original/file-20211004-27-7dgu1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/424396/original/file-20211004-27-7dgu1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Gladys Berejiklian was able to reassure the people of NSW through the worst of the pandemic.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Joel Carrett/AAP</span></span>
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<p>That situation will not be made easier by Barilaro’s resignation. It is still somewhat of a mystery as to why he resigned. Could he <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-04/nsw-deputy-premier-john-barilaro-resigns/100511638">really have been pushed</a> into resignation by a nuisance YouTuber? </p>
<p>Whatever the reason, it will make the job of the new premier all the more difficult as it will be a new leadership team that seeks to guide NSW through largely uncharted waters. </p>
<p>How this new team handles those circumstances may well determine the outcome of the next state election.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169138/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gregory Melleuish receives funding from the Australian Research Council</span></em></p>Perrottet’s conservative Catholicism has been much commented on, but it’s his economic background that likely gives a greater insight into the kind of premier he might be.Gregory Melleuish, Professor, School of Humanities and Social Inquiry, University of WollongongLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1691042021-10-01T08:06:14Z2021-10-01T08:06:14ZPromotions for Morrison allies in post-Porter ministerial reshuffle<p>Scott Morrison has promoted two of his closest allies in a reshuffle that follows Christian Porter’s recent departure from the ministry.</p>
<p>Immigration minister Alex Hawke moves from the outer ministry into cabinet, while Ben Morton goes from being an assistant minister into the outer ministry.</p>
<p>As expected, energy minister Angus Taylor retains the industry part of Porter’s old portfolio.</p>
<p>Taylor was installed as acting minister when Porter was forced to resign after he refused to disclose the names of donors who helped him finance his legal action against the ABC.</p>
<p>Taylor becomes minister for industry, energy and emissions reduction.</p>
<p>However the science part of Porter’s former portfolio is being hived off and given to defence industry minister Melissa Price, who adds science and technology to her other responsibilities.</p>
<p>Morrison said he had asked Taylor “to focus on the critical supply chain initiatives from the recent Quad and the unique role Australia can play based on our national strengths in areas such as critical minerals”, working with resources minister Keith Pitt.</p>
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<p>Hawke, who has been a Morrison numbers man and close associate for years, doesn’t change his responsibilities for immigration, citizenship, migration services and multicultural affairs, but fills the cabinet spot that Porter had.</p>
<p>Morrison said that “pleasingly” his elevation brought the immigration portfolio back into cabinet.</p>
<p>“Minister Hawke did an absolutely extraordinary job most recently in the evacuation from Kabul,” Morrison told a news conference.</p>
<p>Morton, who has been assistant minister to Morrison, goes into the ministry as special minister of state, minister for the public service, and minister assisting the prime minister and cabinet. Morrison said this would take in and expand Morton’s current responsibilities.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/video-michelle-grattan-on-the-nationals-and-climate-policy-the-push-for-independent-candidates-and-malcolm-turnbull-169086">VIDEO: Michelle Grattan on the Nationals and climate policy, the push for independent candidates, and Malcolm Turnbull</a>
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<p>A former Liberal party director in Western Australia, Morton is a close confidant of Morrison’s.</p>
<p>Tim Wilson, from Victoria, has been promoted from the backbench to assistant minister to the minister for industry, energy and emissions reduction.</p>
<p>Attacking the reshuffle, Anthony Albanese said Morrison had “used it as an opportunity to reward his mates”. He said Hawke was one of the few people in the Liberal party close to Morrison.</p>
<p>Albanese said the industry ministry was a full time job but Morrison had chosen to promote Taylor into that position “on top of his existing responsibilities […] which have proven too much for him”.</p>
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<p>He said that on the same day Gladys Berejiklian resigned over an ICAC investigation, Taylor – who has been the subject of various controversies – had been promoted.</p>
<p>“This is yet another reminder of how so many people in Mr Morrison’s government are walking, talking reminders of the need for a national anti-corruption commission.”</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169104/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Scott Morrison has promoted two of his closest allies in a reshuffle that follows Christian Porter’s recent departure from the ministry.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1690932021-10-01T06:41:28Z2021-10-01T06:41:28ZBerejiklian’s downfall derailed a career built on accountability and control. Now, who will replace her?<p>In announcing her intention to resign as NSW premier today, Gladys Berejiklian took the, “<a href="https://www.nsw.gov.au/media-releases/gladys-berejiklian-statement">I have been given no option</a>” option. </p>
<p>Her actions followed confirmation by the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) that it would continue its public inquiry into whether she engaged in conduct that “<a href="https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/media-centre/media-releases/2021-media-releases/further-operation-keppel-public-inquiry">constituted or involved a breach of public trust</a>”.</p>
<p>The ICAC investigation relates to Berejiklian’s “personal relationship” with the former Liberal member for Wagga Wagga, Daryl Maguire. </p>
<p>At issue, according to ICAC, is whether she was in a “position of conflict between her public duties and private interests” in the promise or awarding of public funding for projects in Maguire’s electorate.</p>
<p>In her parting statement, Berejiklian was at pains to emphasise she has “always acted with the highest level of integrity”. She described the matters involving the ICAC inquiry as “historic”, noting she has “been the subject of numerous attacks […] by political opponents over the last 12 months.”</p>
<h2>A record of accountability and delivery</h2>
<p>Berejiklian’s statement focused substantially on control, timing and choice. This is significant. </p>
<p>For a decision that has profound implications for a state enduring the most severe public health and socioeconomic events in its history, her deferral of the decision to ICAC’s agenda was notable. </p>
<p>Her hand, she said, was forced. The timing? “Out of [her] control”. The decision? “Against every instinct in [her] being.” The choice? “ICAC’s prerogative”.</p>
<p>The acquiescence of responsibility in resignation is uncharacteristic for a premier who has forged a path defined by clear policy objectives, accountability and delivery. Those traits are largely a matter of public record.</p>
<p>Through her parliamentary career – since being elected in 2003 as the member for the <a href="https://www.elections.nsw.gov.au/District-profiles/Willoughby">northern Sydney electorate of Willoughby</a>, then as the minister for industrial relations and transport, and later as treasurer and premier – Berejiklian has overseen major initiatives. </p>
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<p>Among them were the 2012 implementation of <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/technology/test-of-citys-ticket-to-ride-will-decide-if-opal-is-coalitions-trump-card-20121125-2a1mj.html">electronic transport ticketing</a>, the 2015 return to <a href="https://theconversation.com/nsw-budget-delivers-a-fat-surplus-but-mixed-bag-for-turnbulls-chances-60634">budget surplus</a>, the 2018 <a href="https://www.infrastructure.gov.au/territories-regions-cities/cities/city-deals/western-sydney">Western Sydney City Deal</a> and the 2019 opening of the <a href="https://www.sydneymetro.info/news-article-category/northwest">Sydney Metro Northwest</a>.</p>
<p>Her early management of the COVID-19 pandemic – through rapid contact tracing and agile testing regimes – was seen as further confirmation of her success, with the Australian Financial Review Magazine going so far as to herald her, “<a href="https://www.afr.com/politics/why-critics-don-t-faze-the-premier-who-steered-a-nation-20210413-p57iog">The woman who saved Australia</a>”. </p>
<p>Equally, the premier’s presiding over a <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/what-nsw-will-do-if-australia-loses-its-triplea-credit-rating-20170219-gug7tf.html">AAA credit rating</a> set the state up for a large-scale stimulus response to the pandemic’s economic disruption.</p>
<h2>A catalyst for government expansion</h2>
<p>For the leader of a Liberal-National administration, Berejiklian might be remembered for her championing of some distinctly uncharacteristic ideological approaches. Her “<a href="https://www.nsw.gov.au/premiers-priorities">Premier’s Priorities</a>” set a series of social policy benchmarks for her ministers and departmental heads in areas typically viewed as Labor terrain. </p>
<p>Protecting vulnerable children, reducing domestic violence, preventing street homelessness, and increasing Aboriginal access to education are among key measures where her impact, over the longer term, might be more felt than the headline-grabbing pursuit of hard infrastructure.</p>
<p>Against the Liberal tradition of “small government”, she became a catalyst for its expansion. In her orbit, a plethora of <a href="https://www.nsw.gov.au/department-of-premier-and-cabinet">agencies and statutory bodies</a> arose. With nuanced purpose and specific remits, the last two parliamentary terms alone have ushered in the Greater Sydney Commission, the Western City Aerotropolis Authority, the Western Parkland City Authority, Investment NSW and Resilience NSW, to name a few.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-long-history-of-political-corruption-in-nsw-and-the-downfall-of-mps-ministers-and-premiers-147994">The long history of political corruption in NSW — and the downfall of MPs, ministers and premiers</a>
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<p>From an electoral standpoint, Berejiklian has also been a steady hand. Taking the reins from her popular predecessor, Mike Baird, in January 2017, <a href="https://pastvtr.elections.nsw.gov.au/sg1901/Home?_ga=2.108567873.219936948.1633058704-556731579.1632876054">she lost some ground at the March 2019 election</a>. Her party dropped six seats and weathered a 2.3% two-party preferred swing, despite having an impressive budgetary record and infrastructure pipeline. </p>
<p>Since then, Berejiklian’s more recent responses to the pandemic have attracted criticism. Her government was viewed by some critics as <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/jul/10/what-went-wrong-how-delta-exposed-the-nsw-approach-to-covid">slow to act</a> in responding to the state’s Delta variant outbreak. On stimulus, NSW was left in the shade by commitments like the <a href="https://www.premier.vic.gov.au/victorias-big-housing-build">$5.3 billion social housing investment</a> made by the Victorian government.</p>
<p>Her admission in late 2020 that <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2020/nov/26/berejiklian-admits-140m-grant-scheme-was-pork-barrelling-as-approval-documents-revealed">pork barrelling is neither “illegal” or “unique to [her] government”</a>, was also a significant misstep with an electorate bruised by perceived inequities in the distribution of public funds. </p>
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<h2>Who might replace Berejiklian?</h2>
<p>Her successor will confront considerable challenges aside from the state’s protracted public health situation. The newly installed Labor leader, Chris Minns, is also <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/chris-minns-best-path-to-victory-could-be-through-western-sydney-20210606-p57yh4.html">making inroads in critical electoral battlegrounds like western Sydney</a>.</p>
<p>Minns’ focus on engaging with large areas of Sydney’s west impacted by hard lockdowns and economic disruption will be difficult to counter for any incoming Liberal-National premier. The new leader will also need to consolidate a joint-party room destabilised by Berejiklian’s departure.</p>
<p>Who that new premier might be is a matter for conjecture. Treasurer Dominic Perrottet, a conservative faction figure, is viewed by many as a leading contender. He has been a <a href="https://www.news.com.au/national/politics/scott-morrison-used-fbomb-in-row-with-nsw-treasurer-dominic-perrottet-over-covid19-financial-support/news-story/7500b9f6e8e7649dd1ac78418ce5cd03">vocal critic</a> of the federal government’s approach to economic support during the pandemic. </p>
<p>Late last year, he also ventured into commentary on Sydney’s <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/opinion/sirius-building-in-the-rocks-is-as-sexy-as-a-car-park-says-nsw-minister-dominic-perrottet-20160810-gqp31n.html">urban aesthetics</a>. And in the past week announced a <a href="https://www.treasury.nsw.gov.au/news/media-release-perrottet-berejiklian-ayres-new-5-billion-westinvest-fund-rejuvenate-western">$5 billion funding package</a> for western Sydney.</p>
<p>Others in the Coalition have a case for leadership. Rob Stokes, a moderate, has championed a wider view of planning and public space in a portfolio critical to a state contending with rapid urban growth and questions of sustainability. </p>
<p>The firebrand transport minister, Andrew Constance, might rethink his commitment to bow out of state politics and test his leadership credentials with colleagues.</p>
<p>And Stuart Ayres, the moderate faction minister for western Sydney, may also prove compelling to peers who view him as a steady set of hands with deep ties to a key constituency.</p>
<p>For now, though, the ripples of Berejiklian’s announcement still need to play out. </p>
<p>In taking the “no option” option, she has made her own irreconcilable challenges on timing a matter for her colleagues to consider, as well. We’ll know the ramifications of that in coming days. The outgoing premier’s legacy, however, is something that will take much longer to determine.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/as-a-nsw-premier-falls-and-sa-guts-its-anti-corruption-commission-what-are-the-lessons-for-integrity-bodies-in-australia-168932">As a NSW premier falls and SA guts its anti-corruption commission, what are the lessons for integrity bodies in Australia?</a>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169093/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andy Marks does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The lack of responsibility in her resignation was uncharacteristic for a premier known for her clear policy objectives, accountability and delivery.Andy Marks, Pro Vice-Chancellor, Strategy, Government and Alliances, Western Sydney UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1690962021-10-01T06:36:58Z2021-10-01T06:36:58ZStadiums, bushfires and a pandemic: how will Gladys Berejiklian be remembered as premier?<p>Gladys Berejiklian will be remembered as premier of NSW for her resilience, level-headedness, crisis management skills, and administrative competence — and, of course, the <a href="https://theconversation.com/gladys-berejiklian-quits-premiership-amid-icac-inquiry-into-links-with-former-mp-169099">ICAC investigation</a> that toppled her.</p>
<p>Decent, determined and hard-working, she was unflappable in adversity. </p>
<p>Berejiklian leaves a legacy of economic achievement and major infrastructure creation. She achieved a major milestone both personally and for women by being the first female NSW premier to win a general election. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/berejiklians-downfall-derailed-a-career-built-on-accountability-and-control-now-who-will-replace-her-169093">Berejiklian's downfall derailed a career built on accountability and control. Now, who will replace her?</a>
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<h2>Energetic, effective and politically astute</h2>
<p>Of Armenian descent, Berejiklian began her career in politics working for former Liberal leader Peter Collins. She was prominent in the Liberal moderates faction and was <a href="http://nswyoungliberals.org/yl-to-mp-series">president of the Young Liberals</a>. After a sojourn in banking, she was elected MP for <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/elections/nsw/2019/guide/will">Collins’ former seat of Willoughby in 2003.</a> She proved to be an energetic, effective shadow transport minister.</p>
<p>Berejiklian impressed Liberal leader Barry O’Farrell, who became something of a mentor. When O’Farrell became premier in 2011, Berejiklian served in the important transport portfolio. </p>
<p>She was tipped as a possible future premier because of her strong performance. However, when O’Farrell resigned after misleading an ICAC inquiry in April 2014, Mike Baird had the numbers in the party room. Berejiklian, who was personally close to Baird, withdrew from the contest and was elected deputy leader. She was treasurer and industrial relations minister in the Baird government.</p>
<p>Berejiklian’s time came when Baird <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-01-19/nsw-premier-mike-baird-announces-retirement/8193362">resigned in January 2017</a> — she was elected Premier unopposed in late January 2017. </p>
<p>Berejiklian’s policy direction was similar to that of her predecessor, with a strong focus on economics, infrastructure and public sector reform. </p>
<p>Also like Baird, Berejiklian was a small “l” liberal on social reform. She had a less outgoing personal style than Baird but succeeded in convincing the voters she was trustworthy, capable and sensitive to their needs. </p>
<p>The premier stabilised the government and showed it still had purpose and dynamism. She showed her political astuteness by quickly dumping the unpopular local government reforms that had been a factor in Baird’s downfall.</p>
<p>The premier survived two rounds of threatening by-elections in April 2017, a sign the anti-government feeling that marked the end of Baird’s term had diminished.</p>
<h2>The serpentine politics of Sydney</h2>
<p>The serpentine politics of Sydney sport and stadiums left Berejiklian wrong-footed at the end of 2017. She announced that both Allianz and Homebush stadiums in Sydney would be simultaneously demolished and rebuilt at an <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/it-s-not-the-stadiums-it-s-the-shambolic-way-we-have-sold-it-20180316-p4z4o9.html">estimated cost of A$2.5 billion</a>. </p>
<p>It was a major miscalculation that would haunt Berejiklian. Public reaction was overwhelmingly negative, a common theme being that it was a gross misuse of public funds to rebuild two stadiums, one only 17-years-old, instead of financing vital community facilities. The premier backtracked on the demolition of Homebush but much public resentment remained about Allianz.</p>
<p>In her campaign for the March 2019 election, Berejiklian ran largely on the government’s record. </p>
<p>The economy was performing well compared to other states, the public finances were in the best condition they had been in for a long time, and the infrastructure budget for the next four years was close to $90 billion. Labor leader Michael Daley made opposition to the demolishing and rebuilding of Allianz Stadium the spearhead of his campaign. </p>
<p>While not a flashy or magnetic campaigner, Berejiklian stayed “on message” and came across as sincere and conscientious. The result was a triumphant victory for her. The government’s two-party preferred vote was 52% and its primary vote 42% — 9% higher than Labor’s. </p>
<p>The premier had persuaded enough voters that the government had significant achievements to its credit and was better equipped to deliver more in the future.</p>
<h2>Through bushfires and COVID</h2>
<p>The last years of Berejiklian’s term were marked by skilful handling of major crises. Like other parts of Australia, in January 2020, NSW was ravaged by a devastating bushfire season, in which <a href="https://www.news.com.au/technology/environment/incalculable-loss-nsw-bushfire-inquest-to-examine-deaths-of-25-people/news-story/540d5e5e35bd6fe3d2d5194538a7eada">25 lives were lost</a>. </p>
<p>Unlike Prime Minister Scott Morrison, Berejiklian emerged from the bushfire crisis with enhanced prestige. </p>
<p>As political commentator Niki Savva, <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/commentary/scott-morrison-should-follow-gladys-berejiklians-lead/news-story/ae25704efd231937c15b936c78b32d67">writing</a> in The Australian, put it:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>When the fires hit NSW, she made a point of being there, every day, standing next to the fire chief, Shane Fitzsimmons, supporting him and allowing him to do his job. She visited affected communities. Her embraces were accepted. No one refused to shake her hand.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>No sooner had the bushfires ceased than the state was plunged into another crisis with the outbreak of coronavirus. Berejiklian responded in much the same way, this time with Chief Medical Officer, Kerry Chant, by her side. </p>
<p>The second NSW COVID outbreak proved to be more difficult and unpredictable to manage but by the time of her resignation the situation was coming under control. </p>
<p>Although she had been criticised by some for her handling of the crisis, Berejiklian’s calm, competent, communicative approach would seem to have resonated in the electorate.</p>
<h2>ICAC’s Operation Keppel</h2>
<p>ICAC’s Operation Keppel was inquiring into whether former Liberal MP for Wagga Daryl Maguire engaged in conduct that involved a breach of public trust. </p>
<p>Public hearings began in September 2020 and Berejiklian appeared as a witness in October. </p>
<p>In a disclosure that generated a widespread tsunami of shock, it was revealed the premier had been in a “close personal relationship” with Maguire from 2015 which had only recently ended. </p>
<p>Previously, the public persona of Berejiklian, who had never married, was that of a rather prim career woman wedded to her job.</p>
<p>Berejiklian said that she had no intention of quitting as she had done nothing wrong and most voters seemed to be sympathetic. </p>
<p>The general attitude was that she had made a miscalculation in her personal life, a not uncommon phenomenon, and did not deserve to be punished by losing her job. </p>
<p>As reporter Deborah Snow put it, <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/gladys-berejiklian-holds-her-ground-to-fight-another-week-but-may-not-survive-another-mistake-20201023-p5681u.html">writing</a> in The Sydney Morning Herald, </p>
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<p>there was relief inside the government that the crisis was playing out as a titillating love gone wrong scandal rather than a probity scandal.</p>
</blockquote>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1443786871553740801"}"></div></p>
<p>The announcement of an <a href="https://twitter.com/nswicac/status/1443757826707320833">ICAC inquiry</a> into whether the premier had engaged in conduct that involved a “breach of public trust” as a result of her relationship with Maguire has precipitated her resignation. </p>
<p>She could have stepped aside pending the result of the inquiry, but instead has chosen to take the same course as O’Farrell, who decided to do the honourable thing and walk.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-long-history-of-political-corruption-in-nsw-and-the-downfall-of-mps-ministers-and-premiers-147994">The long history of political corruption in NSW — and the downfall of MPs, ministers and premiers</a>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169096/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Clune does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Gladys Berejiklian will be remembered as premier of NSW for her resilience, level-headedness, crisis management skills, and administrative competence.David Clune, Honorary Associate, Government and International Relations, University of SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1690992021-10-01T04:08:47Z2021-10-01T04:08:47ZGladys Berejiklian quits premiership amid ICAC inquiry into links with former MP<p>Gladys Berejiklian has resigned as NSW premier after the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) announced it is investigating whether she breached “public trust” arising from a potential conflict of interest involving her personal relationship with disgraced former state MP Daryl Maguire.</p>
<p>Berejiklian, premier since 2017, told a news conference: “Resigning at this time is against every instinct in my being and something which I do not want to do.</p>
<p>"I love my job, and serving the community, but I have been given no option following the statement issued [by ICAC].” </p>
<p>She said standing aside wasn’t an option for her because the NSW people “need certainty as to who their leader is during these challenging times of the pandemic”.</p>
<p>“To continue as premier would disrupt the state government during a time when our entire attention should be focused on the challenges confronting New South Wales. I do not want to be a distraction from what should be the focus of the state government during this pandemic, which is the wellbeing of our citizens.”</p>
<p>She will also resign from state parliament.</p>
<p>Her shock resignation comes at a critical point in the state’s COVID crisis as it prepares to come out of lockdown, which is set to trigger increased cases and hospitalisations.</p>
<p>Scott Morrison has regarded Berejiklian as his closest ally among the premiers, notably because she favoured where possible keeping things open.</p>
<p>Morrison told a news conference she was a “dear friend”. He had always found her “a person of the highest integrity”.</p>
<p>ICAC is investigating her conduct between 2012 and 2018. It is looking at funding given to the Australian Clay Target Association and funding promised or awarded to the Riverina Conservatorium of Music in Wagga Wagga. </p>
<p>It is also investigating whether her conduct “was liable to allow or encourage” corrupt conduct by Maguire, who held the seat of Wagga Wagga between 1999 and 2018.</p>
<p>Berejiklian declared her innocence. “I state categorically, I have always acted with the highest level of integrity. History will demonstrate that I have always executed my duties with the highest degree of integrity for the benefit of the people of NSW.”</p>
<p>Berejiklian’s future was put in question when last year she gave evidence to ICAC about her close personal relationship with Maguire. During the hearing, damaging phone taps of calls between her and Maguire were played.</p>
<p>State treasurer Dominic Perrottet is considered the front-runner to replace her.</p>
<p>Berejiklian is the third Liberal premier to be claimed by ICAC – the others were Nick Greiner and Barry O'Farrell.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169099/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Berejiklian said standing aside wasn’t an option for her because the NSW people ‘need certainty’ during the pandemic.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1682592021-09-23T03:35:10Z2021-09-23T03:35:10ZCoalition still well ahead in NSW poll, Newspoll premiers’ ratings, and WA upper house electoral reforms<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422807/original/file-20210923-22-lyw56p.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Bianca de Marchi</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>A New South Wales state <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/two-thirds-of-people-support-nsw-opening-at-70-per-cent-vaccination-20210922-p58two.html">Resolve poll</a> for The Sydney Morning Herald gave the Coalition 41% of the primary vote (down two since July), Labor 30% (up two), the Greens 11% (down one), the Shooters 2% (up one) and independents 10% (steady).</p>
<p>Resolve does not provide two party estimates, but analyst <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinbonham/status/1440841666483552257">Kevin Bonham</a> estimated 53-47 to the Coalition, a two-point gain for Labor since July. I previously covered issues with the independent vote in Resolve and the lack of two party estimates.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/coalition-gains-in-federal-resolve-poll-but-labor-increases-lead-in-victoria-166649">Coalition gains in federal Resolve poll, but Labor increases lead in Victoria</a>
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<p>Incumbent Liberal Gladys Berejiklian led Labor’s Chris Minns by 48-21 as preferred premier (55-16 in July). This poll would have been conducted concurrently with the August and September federal polls from a sample of about 1,100. The federal Resolve polls in those months have had a strong lean to the Coalition compared with other polls (see below).</p>
<p>By 65-17, voters supported “the plan to ease restrictions in mid-October with 70% vaccination rates”. The SMH article implies the Coalition’s position was stronger in September than August, as vaccination uptake makes reopening soon realistic.</p>
<p>The same situation applies to the federal government. Once lockdowns are over, the economy is likely to rebound quickly, and this will assist the Coalition in an election in the first half of next year.</p>
<h2>Newspoll: Andrews has best approval out of Vic, Qld and NSW premiers</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://www.pollbludger.net/2021/09/19/newspoll-53-47-to-labor-9/">Poll Bludger</a> reported that Newspoll asked for premiers’ ratings in last weekend’s poll from a larger than usual national sample of 2,144.</p>
<p>The states considered were NSW, Victoria and Queensland. Victorian Labor premier Daniel Andrews had a 64-35 satisfied rating (net +29). Queensland Labor premier Annastacia Palaszczuk had a 57-38 satisfied rating (net +19). Berejiklian had a 56-40 satisfied rating (net +16).</p>
<p>On handling COVID, Palaszczuk scored far better than her overall rating at 67-31 good, while Andrews and Berejiklian scored nearly the same (63-35 good for Andrews, 56-41 good for Berejiklian).</p>
<p>Nationally, Scott Morrison had a -4 net approval in Newspoll; he was at +15 in Queensland, -3 in NSW and -16 in Victoria.</p>
<p>Nationally, Morrison had a 49-48 poor rating for his handling of COVID, unchanged from <a href="https://theconversation.com/first-negative-newspoll-rating-for-morrison-since-start-of-pandemic-47-of-unvaccinated-would-take-pfizer-but-not-astrazeneca-165665">six weeks ago</a>. By 53-42, voters expressed more concern with relaxing restrictions too fast than too slowly (62-34 in January).</p>
<h2>WA upper house electoral reform: group ticket voting and malapportionment to be scrapped</h2>
<p>The massive WA Labor landslide at the March state election gave them large majorities in both chambers of the WA parliament – the first ever Labor majority in the upper house.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/coalition-and-morrison-gain-in-newspoll-and-the-new-resolve-poll-159628">Coalition and Morrison gain in Newspoll, and the new Resolve poll</a>
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<p>Labor set up a committee to look at reforming the upper house’s electoral system. There are two current major problems: malapportionment and group ticket voting (GTV). The Mining & Pastoral region and Agricultural region elect one-third of the upper house on just 10% of the state’s population. GTV allowed Daylight Saving to win a seat in March on just 98 primary votes.</p>
<p>Labor will adopt the committee’s proposals to change to a statewide election of 37 members, up from the current 36. GTV will be replaced by optional above-the-line voting, in which a single “1” above the line will stay within the party it is cast for. Voters can number “2”, “3”, etc, above the line to continue directing preferences after their original party is excluded.</p>
<p>This system is the same as is currently used in elections for the NSW and SA upper houses. However, these states elect half their upper house at each election (21 seats up each election in NSW and 11 in SA). The WA proposal is for all 37 seats to be elected at once, so the quota will be just 2.63%.</p>
<p>With optional preferential voting, parties will be able to win seats from much lower vote shares than 2.63%. It’s likely to lead to cluttered ballot papers at the next election.</p>
<p>ABC election analyst <a href="https://antonygreen.com.au/wa-to-adopt-state-wide-election-for-the-legislative-council/">Antony Green</a> has much more on the WA reforms. I hope the Victorian government scraps GTV before the 2022 state election – Victoria is now the last Australian jurisdiction with GTV.</p>
<h2>Other state developments: NT, Victoria and Tasmania</h2>
<p>The Labor Northern Territory government <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/elections/nt-daly-by-election-2021/results">gained Daly</a> at a September 11 byelection by a 56.0-44.0 margin over the CLP, a 7.2% swing to Labor. <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinbonham/status/1436643545197076483">Bonham said</a> this is the first time a government gained from an opposition at a byelection anywhere in Australia since Benalla (Victoria state) in 2000.</p>
<p>Matthew Guy ousted Michael O'Brien as <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-09-07/victorian-liberal-leadership-michael-obrien-matthew-guy/100439184">Victorian Liberal leader</a> at a leadership spill on September 7. Guy led the Liberals to a landslide defeat at the November 2018 state election.</p>
<p>A <a href="https://www.emrs.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/EMRS-State-Voting-Intentions-Report-August-2021.pdf">Tasmanian EMRS</a> poll, conducted August 7-9 from a sample of 1,000, gave the Liberals 49% (steady since the May election), Labor 28% (steady) and the Greens 13% (up one). Incumbent Peter Gutwein led Labor’s Rebecca White as preferred premier by 59-29 (61-26 in EMRS’ last state poll in February).</p>
<h2>Coalition leads on estimated preference flows in federal Resolve poll</h2>
<p>A <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/federal/morrison-holds-lead-but-albanese-narrows-the-gap-as-preferred-prime-minister-20210921-p58tda.html">federal Resolve poll</a> for Nine newapapers, conducted September 15-19 from a sample of 1,606, gave the Coalition 39% of the primary vote (down one since August), Labor 31% (down one), the Greens 10% (down two), One Nation 4% (up two), Clive Palmer’s United Australia Party 3% and independents 9% (down one).</p>
<p>No two-party estimate was given, but <a href="https://twitter.com/kevinbonham/status/1440119743294230534">Bonham estimated</a> 51-49 to the Coalition, a one-point gain for the Coalition. </p>
<p>There’s divergence in voting intentions between Resolve and <a href="https://theconversation.com/coalition-gains-a-point-in-newspoll-but-morrison-slides-back-into-net-negative-ratings-168076">Newspoll</a>, which was 53-47 to Labor. But there’s been movement in all recent polls to the Coalition, which was up one in Newspoll and up two in Morgan to a 52.5-47.5 Labor lead.</p>
<p>49% gave Morrison a good rating for his performance in recent weeks, and 45% a poor rating, for a net +4 rating, up five since August. Albanese’s net approval was up three to -16. Morrison led as preferred PM by 45-26 (46-23 in August).</p>
<p>The Liberals and Morrison led Labor and Albanese by 42-24 on <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/interactive/2021/political-monitor/index.html">economic management</a> (44-19 in August). On COVID, the Liberals led by 37-24 (37-22 last time).</p>
<h2>Canadian election called two years early gives nearly status quo result</h2>
<p>I live blogged the results of the Canadian election that PM Justin Trudeau called two years early for <a href="https://www.pollbludger.net/2021/09/21/canadian-election-live-german-election-minus-five-days/">The Poll Bludger</a>. At the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019_Canadian_federal_election">2019 election</a>, Trudeau’s centre-left Liberals won 157 of the 338 seats and the Conservatives 121, despite a 1.2% lead for the Conservatives in vote shares. In 2021, the <a href="https://newsinteractives.cbc.ca/elections/federal/2021/results/">results are</a> nearly the same.</p>
<p>The German election will be held Sunday, with polls closing at 2am Monday AEST. Parties need to either win at least 5% nationally or three of the 299 single-member seats to qualify for a proportional seat allocation. The <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/sep/13/german-election-poll-tracker-who-will-be-the-next-chancellor">Guardian’s poll aggregate</a>
suggests the overall left parties have a narrow lead over the overall right. I will be live blogging for The Poll Bludger.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/168259/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Even in the locked down states of NSW and Victoria, incumbent premiers continue to poll well ahead of their rivals.Adrian Beaumont, Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1679072021-09-14T10:12:59Z2021-09-14T10:12:59ZPodcast with Michelle Grattan: Christian Porter’s anonymous money pot<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421045/original/file-20210914-21-a5tkxv.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=11%2C0%2C3982%2C1994&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> </figcaption></figure><p>As well as her interviews with politicians and experts, Politics with Michelle Grattan now includes “Word from The Hill”, where she discusses the news with members of The Conversation politics team.</p>
<p>In this episode, politics + society editor Amanda Dunn and Michelle discuss Christian Porter’s extraordinary “blind trust” – where generous benefactors (assuming there’s more than one) are helping out with his legal bills in his now discontinued ABC defamation case. Porter, it seems, doesn’t know who he should be thanking because the donors are anonymous.</p>
<p>Amanda and Michelle also canvass Gladys Berejiklian’s on-again-off-again media appearances, and Scott Morrison’s trip to the US next week, which is likely to include some interesting exchanges with President Biden on climate policy. </p>
<p><a href="https://itunes.apple.com/au/podcast/politics-with-michelle-grattan/id703425900?mt=2"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233721/original/file-20180827-75984-1gfuvlr.png" alt="Listen on Apple Podcasts" width="268" height="68"></a> <a href="https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly90aGVjb252ZXJzYXRpb24uY29tL2F1L3BvZGNhc3RzL3BvbGl0aWNzLXdpdGgtbWljaGVsbGUtZ3JhdHRhbi5yc3M"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233720/original/file-20180827-75978-3mdxcf.png" alt="" width="268" height="68"></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/the-conversation-4/politics-with-michelle-grattan"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233716/original/file-20180827-75981-pdp50i.png" alt="Stitcher" width="300" height="88"></a> <a href="https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/Politics-with-Michelle-Grattan-p227852/"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233723/original/file-20180827-75984-f0y2gb.png" alt="Listen on TuneIn" width="318" height="125"></a></p>
<p><a href="https://radiopublic.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-WRElBZ"><img class="alignnone size-medium wp-image-152" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/233717/original/file-20180827-75990-86y5tg.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=268&fit=clip" alt="Listen on RadioPublic" width="268" height="87"></a> <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/5NkaSQoUERalaLBQAqUOcC"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/237984/original/file-20180925-149976-1ks72uy.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=268&fit=clip" width="268" height="82"></a> </p>
<h2>Additional audio</h2>
<p><a href="https://freemusicarchive.org/music/Blue_Dot_Sessions/Azalai/Gaena">Gaena</a>, Blue Dot Sessions, from Free Music Archive.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/167907/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Michelle Grattan discusses politics with politics + society editor, Amanda DunnMichelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.