tag:theconversation.com,2011:/global/topics/independent-schools-3673/articlesIndependent schools – The Conversation2020-04-09T11:46:39Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1360712020-04-09T11:46:39Z2020-04-09T11:46:39ZOpen or else face funding cut – Minister Tehan’s edict to independent schools<p>Education Minister Dan Tehan has warned non-government schools that if they fail to open for the next term they will face losing funding.</p>
<p>He said on Thursday that “as part of the funding requirement” a school would have to provide for parents to be “able to send their children to school if they’re working or if the child is safer at school than at home”.</p>
<p>Tehan stressed the medical advice has been it is safe for schools to be open.</p>
<p>Scott Morrison has been very insistent schools should be open to facilitate parents continuing to work, and to provide a safe place for vulnerable children. This was regardless of whether the school had moved to online teaching.</p>
<p>While some state governments, notably NSW and Victoria, are encouraging online learning at home, the states have all agreed to keep schools open for those who need them.</p>
<p>Tehan, who wrote to the Independent Schools Council on Thursday, said the government wanted a consistent approach across all sectors, including the Catholic system, on remaining open.</p>
<p>It had become clear some independent schools weren’t providing on-site learning facilities, at all year levels, for the children of working parents and other children who needed them, he said.</p>
<p>Asked on the ABC how many schools he was talking about, Tehan said it was hard to get a true sense of the number.</p>
<p>Speaking on Sky, he said if schools had moved to online learning they should enable students to go to the school and do that work in a supervised and safe environment.</p>
<p>The government did not want parents to face a choice between going to work or having to stay at home to educate their children, he said.</p>
<p>While the states run government schools, the federal government provides funding to independent schools and the Catholic sector.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/136071/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Education Minister Dan Tehan has warned non-government schools that if they fail to open for the next term they will face losing funding. He said on Thursday that “as part of the funding requirement” a…Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1327692020-03-05T19:08:28Z2020-03-05T19:08:28ZMore money for private schools won’t make Australia’s education fairer, no matter how you split it<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/318755/original/file-20200304-66052-1amj4ys.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/businessman-hand-holding-money-australian-dollar-306818918">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In recent days the federal government <a href="https://ministers.education.gov.au/tehan/more-accurate-method-calculate-funding-schools">announced a new funding formula</a> for non-government schools. Called the Direct Measure of Income, the formula will base the level of government funding on school parents’ incomes rather than the socioeconomic profile of <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-05-30/school-funding-explained-without-mentioning-gonski/8555276">where they live</a>. </p>
<p>Education minister Dan Tehan said the changes will make the distribution of funding <em>within</em> the non-government sector <a href="https://ministers.education.gov.au/tehan/more-accurate-method-calculate-funding-schools">“more accurate” and “equitable”</a> and that funding will go to schools that need it most. Attached to this new measure is a significant boost in funds to non-government schools. </p>
<p>But while the funding formula may direct money to relatively more needy private schools, these extra federal resources aren’t addressing the inequalities of the education system as a whole.</p>
<h2>How will the formula work?</h2>
<p>At the moment federal government funding of non-government schools is calculated in relation to the socioeconomic profile of the suburbs where parents live. It uses census data to calculate what is known as <a href="https://ssphelp.education.gov.au/sites/ssphelp/files/files/ses_score_review_fact_sheet_0.pdf">the “SES score”</a> of school families. </p>
<p>This means if a non-government school has a high proportion of families living in well-off areas, it is entitled to less government funding than a school with parents living in less advantaged areas. </p>
<p>The announced changes are based on recommendations of a review of the current funding model, conducted by the <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/national-school-resourcing-board">National School Resourcing Board</a>. It <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/national_school_resourcing_board_ses_review_final_report.pdf">recommended the government use</a> a newly available measure of parents’ capacity to contribute financially to the school, which comes from combining census and income tax data. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/public-schools-actually-outperform-private-schools-and-with-less-money-113914">Public schools actually outperform private schools, and with less money</a>
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<p>The Direct Measure of Income formula will offer a more accurate picture of parents’ capacity to contribute. This is because it relies on parents’ actual income rather than the socioeconomic profile of the neighbourhood they live in. </p>
<p>The new formula requires an amendment to the Australian Education Act, <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/legislation/ems/r6499_ems_bb099c22-0e04-4d0b-afdd-bf7d7f3a76ca/upload_pdf/730946.pdf;fileType=application%2Fpdf">a bill for which</a> was introduced to parliament on February 26 and referred to a Senate committee with a report due in May.</p>
<h2>What you need to know about this funding model</h2>
<p>The new model is accompanied by a significant increase in government funds into the non-government sector. <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/genpdf/chamber/hansardr/ea0fdf9a-0cf9-41ec-b0e8-ebdc44f169e9/0020/hansard_frag.pdf;fileType=application%2Fpdf">The education minister estimated</a> there will be an additional A$1.3 billion in the current budget, and a $3.4 billion increase in funding over ten years. </p>
<p>The government is also directing $200 million to help schools transition to the new formula, and a further $1.2 billion through the <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/choice_and_affordability_fund_guidelines_0.pdf">Choice and Affordability Fund</a>. The latter is to support “underperforming” and “educationally disadvantaged” non-government schools (among other target areas).</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/three-charts-on-why-catholic-primary-school-parents-can-afford-to-pay-more-102643">Three charts on: why Catholic primary school parents can afford to pay more</a>
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<p>Calculating parents’ incomes requires a new combination of data. To calculate parental capacity to contribute the government <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/legislation/ems/r6499_ems_bb099c22-0e04-4d0b-afdd-bf7d7f3a76ca/upload_pdf/730946.pdf;fileType=application%2Fpdf">will combine</a> de-identified data from the Australian Tax Office and the census. This will be done through the Multi-Agency Data Integration Project (<a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/websitedbs/D3310114.nsf/home/Statistical+Data+Integration+-+MADIP">MADIP</a>).</p>
<p>This kind of mapping has only recently become possible due to developments in data technology and cooperation between agencies. It marks a new kind of government policy making, driven by fine-grained personal data. </p>
<p>The new formula, based on how much parents can contribute to the school, reinforces the idea that schools are mainly about individual gain and contribution. It also suggests funding problems can be solved by more drilled-down data about children and their families. </p>
<h2>What’s the problem with school funding in Australia?</h2>
<p>The question of government funding for non-government schools is one of the most acrimonious public debates in Australia, and has been going for <a href="http://dehanz.net.au/entries/state-aid-non-government-schools-2/">more than 100 years</a>.</p>
<p>The 2010-2011 <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/review-of-funding-for-schooling-final-report-dec-2011.pdf">Gonski review of school funding</a> was an attempt to end the school funding wars. But the report’s recommendations were <a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-model-was-corrupted-but-labor-and-coalition-are-both-to-blame-65875">never fully implemented</a>.</p>
<p>The report described school funding in Australia as <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/review-of-funding-for-schooling-final-report-dec-2011.pdf">complex, confusing, opaque and inconsistent</a>. Arguably, this is still the case, with successive federal governments generating their own methods to solve it. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/what-the-next-government-needs-to-do-to-tackle-unfairness-in-school-funding-110879">What the next government needs to do to tackle unfairness in school funding</a>
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<p>Australia has one of the <a href="https://www.oecd.org/pisa/pisaproducts/pisainfocus/48482894.pdf">highest rates of private schooling</a> in the world. We also have <a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-658-17104-9_4">high rates of public funding</a> of the private schooling sector – the majority of non-government schools would probably not survive long without it.</p>
<p>Our high levels of funding for private schools is now taken for granted. It is seen as an expression of parents’ rights over their children’s education.</p>
<p>The new funding model further entrenches the belief private schools are a national priority, to be funded by the federal government. The reforms don’t address the relative equity <em>between</em> government and non-government schools. This remains a burning question for Australian education.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/132769/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jessica Gerrard receives funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Helen Proctor receives funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>Private schools are set to get a boost of billions under a new formula that links government funding to parents’ incomes rather than the socioeconomic profile of where they live.Jessica Gerrard, Senior lecturer, The University of MelbourneHelen Proctor, Associate professor, University of SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1241412019-09-27T14:43:45Z2019-09-27T14:43:45ZWould abolishing private schools really make a difference to equality?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294540/original/file-20190927-185375-llkcyy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=112%2C28%2C6134%2C4139&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/pupils-computer-class-teacher-480125899">Shutterstock/SpeedKingz</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>For some, the British private school system evokes images of rolling playing fields and academic excellence that can pave the way to an elite university education and a prosperous life. For others it simply cements societal injustice and inter-generational inequality.</p>
<p>Unsurprisingly, the UK’s Labour party is now in the latter camp. And at its recent national conference it endorsed a series of measures that would effectively see <a href="https://theconversation.com/abolishing-private-schools-is-admirable-but-wont-make-choosing-a-state-one-any-easier-for-parents-124111">private education abolished</a>.</p>
<p>The proposal would see endowments – or recurrent income from past benefactors – of wealthy private schools “nationalised”. The money would then be used to help subsidise the integration of private schools into the state-funded system. </p>
<p>Creating one system of schools for all would have many potential benefits. For a start it might mean that more high attaining pupils, currently in private schools, would be role models for a wider range of fellow pupils. It might also help to improve social cohesion and foster understanding by creating <a href="https://policy.bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/education-policy">a better mix of young citizens</a> who will work together in the future. </p>
<p>The better-off parents currently using private schools could add their support to the operation and improvement of their local state schools. And it would enable a large number of issues to be standardised – such as teacher qualifications, provision of extracurricular activities, access to sporting facilities and safeguarding. </p>
<p>Some commentators, though, <a href="https://www.kentonline.co.uk/kent/news/its-absolutely-insane-212917/">claim the idea is rooted in envy</a> and will damage something valuable and traditional in education. Others have said it is not feasible – that <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/d93922e6-dde8-11e9-b112-9624ec9edc59">the costs would be too great</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7496721/Eton-headmaster-SIMON-HENDERSON-slams-Labours-plan-abolish-private-schools.html">Critics have also pointed</a> out that <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/f0e7b158-deb7-11e9-b112-9624ec9edc59">private schools already offer free</a> and assisted places to a small number of disadvantaged pupils – or open their facilities for use by nearby state schools. And others have <a href="https://theconversation.com/get-rid-of-private-schools-wed-be-better-tackling-inequalities-between-state-schools-121805">proposed more modest changes</a> such as ending the charitable status and tax exemption of many of the richer schools. </p>
<h2>Are private schools better?</h2>
<p>Private schools come in <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/0013189X030007018">all shapes and sizes</a>. Many are small, with few facilities and these are often accommodated in converted residential accommodation. Quite a few are religious. And some buy in (often from the US) their own curriculum and teaching materials. </p>
<p>In general, these schools don’t take very privileged children, and do not produce notably high attainment results. Quite a large number are special schools, or even hospitals – taking in young people with some of the severest learning or physical challenges.</p>
<p>That said, the majority of privately educated pupils attend larger, more established and popularly successful schools – though <a href="https://mailchi.mp/a7aa2d643ebe/abolisheton">few of these are like Eton</a>. Most are coeducational, non-selective, day schools, with somewhat smaller class sizes than in the state sector, but otherwise not very remarkable. </p>
<h2>Top results?</h2>
<p>A number of private schools have among some of <a href="https://ukguardianship.com/best-independent-schools-in-the-uk-gcse-league-table-2018/">the highest exam results</a> in the country. Though this is not entirely surprising as not only do private schools have better facilities and smaller classroom sizes, but the state sector also has special schools and pupil referral units making up a proportion of its exam grades. </p>
<p>Indeed, more than 20 years of educational research shows that the results of any school are <a href="https://www.nuffieldfoundation.org/sites/default/files/files/Do_parental_involvement_interventions_increase_attainment1.pdf">largely determined</a> by the nature of their pupil intake. That is to say, grammar schools do not produce better results, they simply <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2018.1443432">select the most pupils who are already achieving higher levels academically</a>. Schools in the north of England are not worse than those in the south, they simply have <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/2158244018825171">more long-term disadvantaged pupils</a>. </p>
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<p>Across the state sector, any difference in results can be explained by the <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/2158244018825171">prior attainment and challenges that pupil’s face</a>. And although the data is less complete for private schools, <a href="https://www.bera.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/J05587-BERA-RI-140-Interactive-02.pdf">there is no reason to expect anything different</a>.</p>
<h2>Reform the state sector</h2>
<p>So if private schools are no better for pupils, perhaps abolishing them would make no difference either way. It would not create a crisis of attainment, but neither would it enhance equality – as the same privileged pupils will still have high attainment at state schools. And those pupils will still dominate subsequent opportunities based on having higher grades. </p>
<p>Some richer parents might also opt for home education, paying for tuition, and banding together to fund extra-curricular activities. The result would be the same as now. Indicating that schools themselves may not really be the issue. </p>
<p>Perhaps then it would be better to address the sharp inequalities in school access in the state system and move towards a position where there isn’t an incentive to spend money on private education. But for this to happen laws and procedures for all schools would need to be equalised. </p>
<p>Private schools would need to be made more transparent, provide more data and be required to use qualified teachers. At the same time faith-based, grammars and all other “diverse” kinds of schools should be phased out – and one school format decided upon.</p>
<p>Above all, successive administrations and secretaries of education need to <a href="https://theconversation.com/abolishing-private-schools-is-admirable-but-wont-make-choosing-a-state-one-any-easier-for-parents-124111">stop creating or expanding new types</a> of state schools – and instead use the clear evidence which shows that the tax-payer funded, SAT-tested, Ofsted-inspected schools are <a href="https://www.nuffieldfoundation.org/sites/default/files/files/Do_parental_involvement_interventions_increase_attainment1.pdf">all about as good as each other</a>. And that paying for a private school simply to get an advantage in terms of exam results is a waste of money.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/124141/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephen Gorard was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council to investigate school intakes and outcomes</span></em></p>There’s no evidence that private schools produce better results than state schools for equivalent pupils.Stephen Gorard, Professor of Education and Public Policy, Durham UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1216162019-09-25T20:42:36Z2019-09-25T20:42:36ZFive charts on Catholic school enrolments: they’re trending down while Australia’s population booms<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/293718/original/file-20190924-54775-ghthn3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=8%2C633%2C2986%2C1297&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Catholic secondary schools experienced significant growth prior to 2015, but since then, enrolments have stagnated.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>In recent months, one of Victoria’s oldest Catholic girls’ schools, Presentation College, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-07-30/presentation-college-windsor-catholic-girls-school-to-close/11364188">announced it was closing</a> down, citing falling enrolments. Other <a href="https://www.heraldsun.com.au/leader/inner-south/st-bedes-college-mentone-and-st-james-college-east-bentleigh-to-merge-in-2021/news-story/e5004f9cbc3251bb1c5a2f503fe34619">Catholic schools</a> have decided to merge together, some also pointing to dwindling enrolments.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, Australia is in the midst of a population boom with new schools being built and <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/Lookup/4221.0Main+Features12018?OpenDocument">overall enrolment numbers</a> on the rise. So, are enrolments in Catholic schools going down across the country, and if so, why?</p>
<h2>Enrolment numbers over the last decade</h2>
<p>School enrolments across Australia are, overall, trending upwards. Our calculations show <a href="https://www.acara.edu.au/reporting/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia-data-portal">enrolments increased</a> by nearly 12% from 2009-2018, representing around 409,000 extra students across all schools. If the current trend continues, four million students will be studying in Australian schools by 2022. </p>
<p>The trends show government and independent schools are becoming more popular than Catholic schools.</p>
<p>As the graph below shows, government primary school enrolments steadily increased until 2014. There was a fall in 2015, but then the numbers kept climbing. Government secondary school enrolments showed no similar lull, steadily increasing over the last four years. </p>
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<p>The trend for independent schools was similar to that of government schools. The only difference is that independent schools generally have higher enrolments in secondary schools than in primary, as parents are more likely to make the choice to transition to an independent school in the secondary years.</p>
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<p>Catholic primary school enrolments increased until 2014, then dropped slightly in 2015, like the government and independent school enrolments. However, Catholic primary enrolments didn’t recover and have remained reasonably stagnant since 2015.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/three-charts-on-why-catholic-primary-school-parents-can-afford-to-pay-more-102643">Three charts on: why Catholic primary school parents can afford to pay more</a>
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<p>Catholic secondary schools have been on a slight <a href="https://www.acara.edu.au/reporting/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia-data-porta">downward trajectory</a> from 2016, with a loss of 1,798 students in the last two years.</p>
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<p>The difference in primary and secondary student enrolments from 2014-2015, in part, reflects <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/Lookup/4221.0Explanatory%20Notes12015?OpenDocument">changing definitions</a> of primary and secondary students in Western Australia and Queensland. The trend is mirrored in secondary schools where enrolments went up between the two years.</p>
<h2>Enrolments increasing, but slower for Catholic schools</h2>
<p>Government schools <a href="https://www.acara.edu.au/reporting/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia-data-portal">saw enrolments grow</a> by 11% between 2009 and 2018 – an increase of around 260,000 students. Independent school enrolments grew by around 17% (84,600 new students) while Catholic school enrolments grew by only 8%, which accounted for around 61,000 new students.</p>
<p>As a share of the total enrolment growth, government schools accounted for around 64%, Catholic schools for 15% and independent schools 21%. </p>
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<p>Government schools experienced significant growth from 2011. There was a decrease in extra student numbers between 2017 and 18, but the overall trend is up. Independent schools have maintained similar enrolment levels with a noticeable increase in enrolments over the last two years. But Catholic school enrolment growth steadily decreased each year since 2013.</p>
<p>In 2017 and 2018, Australian Catholic schools had a net decrease of 180 and 1,135 students respectively. Victoria and Queensland are the only jurisdictions that have experienced increases over the same period, with 839 and 1,153 additional enrolments respectively.</p>
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<h2>Why is this happening?</h2>
<p>So, what’s driving the overall downturn in Catholic school enrolments? There has been <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/education/enrolments-in-catholic-schools-fall-as-independent-schools-grow-20190308-p512ud.html">some speculation</a>, such as from the NSW Teachers Federation, it may be due to fallout from the <a href="https://www.childabuseroyalcommission.gov.au/">Royal Commission into child sex abuse</a> (which ran from 2013 until the final report’s release in December, 2017).</p>
<p>But the data also indicate enrolment patterns may be driven by broader demographic and social trends. New migrants may be partly responsible. Over the last ten years Australia has experienced a <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/Lookup/3412.0Main+Features12017-18?OpenDocument">net overseas migration</a> of more than two million people. </p>
<p>Analysis of <a href="http://isca.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/The-changing-face-of-Australian-schooling_FINAL_web.pdf">census data shows</a> students who arrive in Australia in the three years before the census date are most likely to go to a government school. In 2016, 77% of these students attended a government school.</p>
<p>Fewer of these students attend Catholic schools, with enrolments dropping from 12% in 2011, to 9% in 2016 among migrant groups. Migrant enrolments in independent schools have remained steady over those five years.</p>
<p>For many parents, the decision about which school their children will attend can be complex and dependent on many factors. Most of the <a href="https://minerva-access.unimelb.edu.au/handle/11343/225639">research on school choice</a> shows families typically exercise this choice at the secondary school level.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-im-choosing-the-local-state-school-even-though-it-doesnt-have-all-the-bells-and-whistles-48154">Why I'm choosing the local state school – even though it doesn't have all the bells and whistles</a>
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<p>The key factors influencing parents when choosing a particular government primary school is the convenience of its location and whether other family members are at the school. </p>
<p><a href="https://aifs.gov.au/media-releases/parents-primary-school-choice-about-more-academic-results">Research</a> on school choice shows parents of children attending an independent school most frequently referred to academic results as the motivating factor behind their decision to send their child there. For Catholic schools, it was the religious values. </p>
<p>More Australian families are identifying as having “no religion”. Since 2006, students in the “no religion” category have increased, and those with a Catholic affiliation have decreased, <a href="http://isca.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/The-changing-face-of-Australian-schooling_FINAL_web.pdf">from 30% to 27% respectively</a>.</p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/as-australia-becomes-less-religious-our-parliament-becomes-more-so-80456">As Australia becomes less religious, our parliament becomes more so</a>
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<p>Of course, many families choose schools based on financial considerations. Recent analysis by the ANZ shows mid-tier private schools (which charge between A$10,000 and A$20,000 a year in tuition fees) <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/business/the-economy/private-school-enrolments-slump-as-parents-feel-economic-pinch-20190914-p52rba.html">saw a drop in enrolments</a> in 2017 and 2018. </p>
<p>These families may be opting for so-called “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/a-lesson-in-location-20090530-gdtk7o.html">magnet schools</a>” which are high performing government schools where parents move to the catchment area to increase their chances of admission. This shows parents make strategic choices within school sectors as well as between them. </p>
<hr>
<p><em>Note: Data was sourced from the <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/4221.0">ABS</a> and <a href="https://www.acara.edu.au/reporting/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia-data-portal">ACARA</a> and may not correspond with annual data released by school system authorities. However the overall trends are the same.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/121616/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Zoran Endekov does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Australia is in the midst of a population boom. But Catholic school enrolments have been decreasing since 2013.Zoran Endekov, Education Policy Fellow, Victoria UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1113692019-02-14T10:07:55Z2019-02-14T10:07:55ZWhy Britain’s private schools are such a social problem<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258488/original/file-20190212-174870-1owa4uk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Private schools tend to be richly resourced and expensive, so those children lucky enough to attend them normally receive a good education, with academic advantages enhanced by a range of extra-curricular activities. But while this might be great for private pupils these schools pose a serious problem for Britain’s education system and society. </p>
<p>Britain’s private schools are <a href="https://www.llakes.ac.uk/sites/default/files/Green%2C%20Anders%2C%20Henderson%20%26%20Henseke.pdf">very socially exclusive</a> and there is no sign that attempts to mitigate this exclusivity through means-tested bursaries <a href="https://www.llakes.ac.uk/sites/default/files/Green%2C%20Anders%2C%20Henderson%20%26%20Henseke.pdf">are working</a>. The scale of bursaries is far too small to make a difference – just 1% of children go for free. </p>
<p>The exclusivity stems from the enormous price tag of private schooling. Fees average £17,200 a year per child, and are much higher for boarding schools. Some question whether the schools offer much in return for this parental investment: “Let them waste their money” writes one contributor to the <a href="https://www.thedadsnet.com/">Dadsnet</a> internet forum – convinced from his experience that the quality of a private education is nothing special. But <a href="http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10024567/">research</a> indicates otherwise.</p>
<p>Large-scale <a href="http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10024567/">studies</a> confirm the clear academic advantages to be gained from going to a private school in Britain. This holds true, even after allowing for children’s prior abilities and for the fact that children tend to come from affluent family backgrounds. At each stage of education the progress made by the privately educated is modestly but significantly above that of state-educated children on average. </p>
<h2>Better jobs with more money</h2>
<p>Privately educated children also enjoy the many extra-curricular activities on offer. And they get all the guidance and advice they need to “work the system” in order to improve their chances of getting into a top university. <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/engines-of-privilege-9781526601261/">The privately educated</a> are twice as likely as similar state-educated children to achieve a place at one of Britain’s elite universities. </p>
<p>For fee-paying parents, nothing is guaranteed. But there is no doubt that their children’s life chances are bettered when they spend a part of their wealth in this way.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258489/original/file-20190212-174851-1bgztfg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258489/original/file-20190212-174851-1bgztfg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258489/original/file-20190212-174851-1bgztfg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258489/original/file-20190212-174851-1bgztfg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258489/original/file-20190212-174851-1bgztfg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258489/original/file-20190212-174851-1bgztfg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258489/original/file-20190212-174851-1bgztfg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Private school students face a dizzying choice of after-school clubs and activities.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>This private advantage in Britain is unusual. In many other countries where there are an appreciable number of private schools, the fees – and the resource gaps between the private and state schools – are <a href="https://www.tes.com/news/uks-privatestate-school-wealth-gap-may-be-biggest-world">far lower</a>. With the exception of some developing countries, you do not find much evidence of children at fee-paying schools doing notably better academically than other children. </p>
<p>Educational advantages naturally give Britain’s privately educated a huge helping hand <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1002/berj.3256">in the labour market</a>. Put bluntly, going to a private school gets you a job with higher pay. How high depends on age, gender and time period. Some estimates of the premium are <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1002/berj.3256">as much as 35%</a>. </p>
<h2>Unfair and unequal</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.llakes.ac.uk/sites/default/files/Green%2C%20Anders%2C%20Henderson%20%26%20Henseke.pdf">Only 9%</a> of the overall population in the UK are privately educated, but they occupy an especially high proportion when it comes to positions of public influence: a third of MPs and top business executives, half of cabinet members and newspaper editors, three-quarters of judges –- <a href="https://www.suttontrust.com/research-paper/leading-people-2016-education-background/">the list goes on</a>. This disproportionate influence on society detracts from Britain’s democracy. </p>
<p>Part of what comes with a private education is “positional”. It enables pupils to jump the queue for many of the high-status rungs of British society. Of course, this is privately advantageous, but socially it is of little overall value if others are held back. </p>
<p>This is enormously unjust in a world where education is so important to people’s life chances. Indeed, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/education/2019/jan/13/public-schools-david-kynaston-francis-green-engines-of-privilege">63% of those recently contacted</a> in a poll agreed it was unfair that “some people with a lot of money get a better education and life chances for their children by paying for a private school”. Only 18% disagreed.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258490/original/file-20190212-174867-10vmu9v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258490/original/file-20190212-174867-10vmu9v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258490/original/file-20190212-174867-10vmu9v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258490/original/file-20190212-174867-10vmu9v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258490/original/file-20190212-174867-10vmu9v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258490/original/file-20190212-174867-10vmu9v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258490/original/file-20190212-174867-10vmu9v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">The famous Eton College in Windsor, which charges up to £12,910 per term – with three terms per academic year.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>A good deal of private school spending, especially by the wealthier schools, is plainly extravagant: “Luxury country clubs with quite a nice school attached,” is how <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/private-schools-catering-to-the-global-elite-are-spending-lavishly-because-of-their-huge-uk-tax-a7022246.html">one journalist</a> describes what private schools have become. Some of the resources devoted to Britain’s elites would go a lot further if directed instead to the educational needs of children from low-income families. </p>
<p>In our recent book <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/engines-of-privilege-9781526601261/">Engines of Privilege</a> the historian <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/author/david-kynaston/">David Kynaston</a> and I state the case for reforming these schools. Some proposals we set out would discourage parents – reducing the advantages of paying for private education. Other proposals would seek to partially integrate the private and state sectors to help change the social composition of private schools. Either type of approach would make a real difference. </p>
<p>Ultimately though, making these schools available to a wider and more representative population and making education less unequal is critical for the better functioning of society. Though such a move will not be easy, as there are vested interests capable of blocking policy changes. But as our book shows, serious reform is possible if there is sufficient political will.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/111369/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Francis Green receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council. </span></em></p>Only 9% of people in the UK are privately educated, and yet they occupy an especially high share in positions of public influence.Francis Green, Professor of Labour Economics and Skills Development, UCL Institute of Education, UCLLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/937222018-03-22T04:16:52Z2018-03-22T04:16:52ZCatholic schools aren’t all the same, and Gonski 2.0 reflects this<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211483/original/file-20180322-165583-13xaejj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">In the debate about Catholic school funding, it needs to be recognised that not all Catholic schools are the same.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/success?src=QED6NQLrTlDywMMEYjb53g-1-13">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Bill Shorten <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/mar/20/public-school-lobby-criticises-labors-arbitrary-250m-for-catholic-schools">is being accused</a> of buying support from the Catholic sector to win the seat of Batman, by appearing to promise Catholic schools A$250 million in the first two years of a Labor government. The Catholic sector says this money goes a way to restoring the funding lost in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics-79828">Gonski 2.0 reforms</a>. Public and independent schools are outraged at the perceived favouritism.</p>
<p>Part of the key to making sense of this seemingly endless debate is to recognise that Catholic schools are not all the same. Even more important is that government funding, under the Gonski 2.0 model, will reflect the actual socioeconomic mix of each school.</p>
<p>Batman, for instance, is a diverse electorate, which provides an interesting case study. The Catholic schools serving the highest proportion of educationally disadvantaged students will either be unaffected by Gonski 2.0, or will attract more government funding. Those with more students in higher socioeconomic groups will be affected – but this is fair policy.</p>
<h2>How schools funding works</h2>
<p>Under the new schools funding model, often called Gonski 2.0, a <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/what-schooling-resource-standard-and-how-does-it-work">school resourcing standard</a> (SRS) is calculated for each school. This target level of funding incorporates three elements.</p>
<p>The first is a level of base funding per student for all schools. In 2018, this is A$13,764 per secondary school student and A$10,953 per primary student. </p>
<p>The second is additional needs-based funding based mainly on the characteristics of each school’s students. This is measured in terms of low socio-economic status (SES), disability, and language background other than English.</p>
<p>The third element is an estimate of the capacity of parents who send their children to non-government schools to contribute towards the cost of schooling. This ranges from 10% of the base funding for low-SES schools to 80% for high-SES schools. This means Catholic and independent schools with poorer parents get more government funding than those with more affluent parents, even before individual student need is taken into account.</p>
<p>The estimated parental capacity to contribute is based on <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/2017_and_2018_ses_scores_for_publication_11oct17_-_updated_20.11.17.pdf">each non-government school’s SES score</a>. This is calculated by looking at the <a href="http://www5.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/cth/consol_act/aea2013210/s54.html">average socioeconomic makeup</a> of the areas where a school’s parents live.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catholic schools with an SES score of less than 100 will either be unaffected, or have their funding increased, under Gonski 2.0.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/thoughtful-elementary-students-sitting-classroom-143627596">Shutterstock</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>A non-government school with students from a mix of average neighbourhoods would have an SES score of 100. In 2018, under Gonski 2.0, parents of a primary student in such a school would be expected to contribute about A$1,750 (16% of the base funding). This would be roughly twice as much for secondary school (A$3,484 or 25%).</p>
<p>A non-government school with students from very affluent neighbourhoods might have an SES score of 120-130. The expected parental contribution would range from A$6,700-A$8,760 for primary schools, and A$9,500-A$11,000 for secondary schools.</p>
<p>A non-government school whose families come from battling neighbourhoods might have an SES score of about 80. For such a school, parents would be expected to contribute the minimum 10% of base funding, or A$1,095 for primary students and A$1,376 for secondary students.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/confused-about-changes-to-school-funding-heres-what-you-need-to-know-78455">Confused about changes to school funding? Here's what you need to know</a>
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</em>
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<hr>
<p>These are huge differences. Changing the SES score of a non-government secondary school by just one point means about A$300 more or less government funding per student. For non-government primary schools, this is worth between A$200 and A$400 per student. </p>
<p>This naturally influences school fees. When government funding is low, fees will typically be high. When government funding is high, schools can afford to set low fees.</p>
<h2>From Gonski 1.0 to Gonski 2.0</h2>
<p>The original Gonski model (in 2013) treated Catholic schools as a homogeneous group. They were allocated a “system-weighted average” score based on the state the school was in, such as <a href="http://www.csnsw.catholic.edu.au/school-funding-explained-in-five-easy-steps-no-really/">a score of 101 in NSW</a>. </p>
<p>Primary schools that came under this score had an expected parental contribution of 13.5%. Regardless of how advantaged a Catholic primary school might be, the formula never expected parents to contribute more than A$1,400. </p>
<p>This enabled all Catholic primary schools to keep their fees low – often in the range of A$2,000-A$3,500 even for the most highly advantaged schools and regardless of parents’ actual ability to pay. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, a highly advantaged independent primary school would need to have fees of at least A$8,000 per year to have adequate resources to educate its students.</p>
<p>Gonski 2.0 removed the system-weighted average. Funding for Catholic schools will still be handed over to each state as a lump sum, and each Catholic diocese will retain the right to allocate funding across its schools. But the calculation of the school resourcing standard for each school will take into account the huge differences in parents’ financial means.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-how-does-funding-work-in-the-catholic-school-system-78469">Explainer: how does funding work in the Catholic school system?</a>
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<h2>The Batman case study</h2>
<p>So back to Batman - where this latest funding fight has erupted. The northern part of the electorate is mainly covered by the generally working-class suburb of Reservoir. The middle is split between Preston and Thornbury, both of which have gentrified over recent years.</p>
<p>The southern end includes Northcote, Alphington, Fairfield and Clifton Hill, once home to Italian nonnas but now dominated by professionals keen to live close Melbourne’s centre. There are 13 Catholic primary schools in Batman. The SES scores range from 92 in Reservoir to 117 in Alphington. </p>
<p>Six socially diverse schools in the northern end of Batman have an SES score of less than 100. So their funding is unaffected, or even increased, under Gonski 2.0. Two other schools in the north have an SES score of just over 100. Most of their students (78%) come from families that are more advantaged than average, <a href="http://docs.acara.edu.au/resources/About_icsea_2014.pdf">based on their parents’ education and occupation</a>, and only 4% come from the most disadvantaged quarter of families. Their expected capacity to contribute will increase by less than A$1,000.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics-79828">The passage of Gonski 2.0 is a victory for children over politics</a>
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</em>
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<p>Three schools in the middle of the electorate have an SES score of 108 or 109. These will be affected more: their expected capacity to contribute will increase by about A$2,000. </p>
<p>Two small schools at the southern end have an SES score of 115 or above. Their expected capacity to contribute will increase by about A$4,000 per student. But this would have a very different impact across the two schools, because one appears to serve advantaged families (70% of students from the most educationally-advantaged quartile and only 1% from the least), while the other is much more socially diverse (10% from the least advantaged quartile and another 20% from the second-lowest). </p>
<p>This highlights some of the limitations of the current SES score, which is one reason why it is so important to improve it in the <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/review-socio-economic-status-ses-score-methodology">current review</a> by the recently appointed <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/national-school-resourcing-board">National School Resourcing Board</a>.</p>
<h2>A national picture</h2>
<p>The nationwide picture is similar to that of Batman. For Catholic schools with the lowest SES scores, nearly three-quarters of their students come from families that are less advantaged than average. For Catholic schools with the highest SES scores, this proportion is well under 10%.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=388&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=388&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=388&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=488&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=488&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=488&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Educationally disadvantaged students are the bottom two quartiles of the socio-educational advantage (SEA) metric, a student-level measure of parental education and occupation that is reported on MySchool.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Grattan Institute</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">CC BY-NC-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Looking at the most educationally disadvantaged quartile of students, Catholic schools look even more similar to independent schools with the same SES score.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Educationally very disadvantaged students are the bottom quartile of the socio-educational advantage (SEA) metric, a student-level measure of parental education and occupation that is reported on MySchool.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Grattan Institute</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">CC BY-NC-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In fact, for the 21 Catholic primary schools with an SES score of 125 (where the capacity to contribute curve tops out), only about 20 students out of 5,500 come from the bottom quartile. It is hard to argue these schools are socially diverse, or serving the poorer students, arguments sometimes made to justify the need to keep their fees low. </p>
<p>So, not all Catholic schools are the same, and we should stop talking about them as if they were.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/93722/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and Grattan uses the income to pursue its activities.</span></em></p>Catholic schools say they’re losing money under Gonski 2.0, but this is only true for schools serving students in affluent areas – those in poorer areas will either be unaffected, or get more.Peter Goss, School Education Program Director, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/834642017-09-17T19:42:08Z2017-09-17T19:42:08ZMale teachers are an endangered species in Australia: new research<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/185018/original/file-20170907-8380-1a21kn0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1%2C0%2C998%2C667&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Both men and women are capable of being excellent teachers, and we want both in our schools.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock/Tyler Olson</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Male teachers may face extinction in Australian primary schools by the year 2067 unless urgent policy action is taken. In government schools, the year is 2054. </p>
<p>This finding comes from <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0272775717303278">our analysis</a> of more than 50 years of national annual workplace data – the first of its kind in any country.</p>
<p>We found a sharp decrease in the percentage of male teachers since records of teacher gender began in 1965. This includes classroom teachers, head teachers, and principals.</p>
<p>This rapid decline of men is not limited to primary schools. From 1977, when numbers of primary and secondary teachers were first recorded separately, we find an equally rapid decline of male representation in Australia’s secondary schools. In primary schools, there has been a steady decline from 28.5% to 18.3%; in secondary schools, it has dropped from 53.9% to 40%. </p>
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<p>Looking at the data by state and school sector, the lowest representation of men in primary schools is just 12.2% in Northern Territory Independent schools and 36.4% in Queensland government secondary schools.</p>
<h2>Causes of the decline</h2>
<p>Factors that deter men from teaching have been discussed in both the media and <a href="https://theconversation.com/primary-schools-are-losing-more-and-more-male-teachers-so-how-can-we-retain-them-82017">research literature</a>. While some men (and women) may be deterred from teaching because it is perceived to have low <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13598660500286176">salary and status</a>, men also face social pressures to conform to particular masculine ideals. And teaching is often seen as “women’s work”. It is unclear if these pressures have intensified over the last 50 years. </p>
<p>There may also be a social stigma in advocating for more male teachers when women still face adversity in many other fields. In this way, policymakers may assume that declining male representation in schools is not a problem, or of less importance compared to other professions.</p>
<p>Alternatively, hiring policies may play a role. </p>
<p>We have little data on the hiring policies of different teacher employers around Australia. When looking at the percentage of male teachers in government, Independent, and Catholic sectors separately, we see that government schools show the sharpest drop over time. Independent primary and secondary schools and Catholic secondary schools also show a drop in male teachers, yet at a less rapid rate.</p>
<h2>The impact on students</h2>
<p>While teacher gender has little effect on <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0272775712000209?via%3Dihub">student achievement</a>, and students’ role models are often their <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1468181032000119131">peers</a>, there are important social and psychological reasons for Australian schools to include more male teachers. </p>
<p><a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09540253.2013.796342?journalCode=cgee20">Students themselves</a> tell us that they want to be taught by both women and men. Just as some boys and girls find it easier to relate to female teachers, others find it easier to relate to male teachers. A teaching workforce that is diverse – in gender, ethnicity, religion, and sexual orientation – is most likely to appeal to diverse groups of students.</p>
<p>The decline in male representation in schools also limits opportunities for students to observe men outside their families who are caring, nurturing, and concerned about education. This may lead students to assume that only women are suited for such work, or that such traits are atypical in men.</p>
<p>Finally, for students with risky home lives, male representation may be particularly important. The presence of male and female teachers within the school environment allows students to see men and women interacting in positive, equal, and <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00131911.2016.1223607">non-violent ways</a>, and to observe men working with female leaders. In this way, male representation in schools may help to challenge misconceptions of what men can and cannot do.</p>
<h2>The impact on schools</h2>
<p>There are also important workplace reasons for Australian schools to include more male teachers.</p>
<p>Across professions, <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/abs/10.1108/EDI-03-2015-0020?af=R&">workforce diversity</a> is pursued because it creates an inclusive environment, facilitates multiple perspectives, and ensures that various groups are included in decision-making processes. Importantly, links have also been found to <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1540-6210.2008.01977.x/abstract;jsessionid=980D497CED4B455C1E319073254A1DBB.f04t03">job satisfaction and performance</a>.</p>
<p>Extending these findings to Australian schools, we suggest benefits for the school community when men and women are more equally represented.</p>
<p>Given the importance of diversity, the <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/education_and_training_diversity_strategy_20150209.pdf">Australian government</a> has committed to ensuring that the teaching workforce broadly reflects both the student population and Australian community. There are <a href="https://education.nsw.gov.au/policy-library/associated-documents/wdplan2012-17.pdf">policies</a> that aim to increase the representation of Aboriginal people, racial and religious minority groups, people under the age of 25, people with a disability, and women in leadership positions.</p>
<p>But there are no current workforce diversity policies to redress the sharp decline in male teachers.</p>
<h2>What can be done</h2>
<p>We now know where the male teacher population is headed. It is becoming increasingly unlikely that Australian schools will genuinely reflect the student population or broader community. A review of Australian workforce diversity policies is urgently needed.</p>
<p>Fortunately, much can be learned about increasing male representation in schools by looking to professions where the representation of women has been increased. These include STEM and business. As we suggest elsewhere, <a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-to-rethink-recruitment-for-men-in-primary-schools-66670">targeted scholarships</a> could be used to increase the number of men studying education.</p>
<p>Additionally, increasing teachers’ salaries and permanent teaching positions may benefit the profession more broadly, while also providing incentives for men (and women) who consider a career in teaching later in life. Challenging negative perceptions is also important, and may require large-scale campaigns.</p>
<p>Both men and women are capable of being excellent teachers, and we want both in our schools. A more diverse teaching workforce benefits everyone – students, parents, and teachers alike.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/83464/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Penny Van Bergen has previously received funding from The Australian Research Council. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kevin F. McGrath does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Despite the need for both male and female teachers, male primary school teachers could be extinct by 2067.Kevin F. McGrath, Casual Academic, Department of Educational Studies, Macquarie UniversityPenny Van Bergen, Senior Lecturer in Educational Psychology, Macquarie UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/798282017-06-23T00:13:29Z2017-06-23T00:13:29ZThe passage of Gonski 2.0 is a victory for children over politics<p>In the early hours of this morning, the Senate did something profound. It voted to improve the way we fund our schools. This is a victory for the children of Australia.</p>
<p>A Senate packed with cross-benchers and minor parties was supposed to make political compromise harder, and good policy all but impossible. </p>
<p>But the cross-benchers have proved the naysayers wrong. Not only did they pass Education Minister <a href="https://theconversation.com/turnbull-announces-schools-funding-and-a-new-gonski-review-77011?sa=pg1&sq=gonski&sr=13">Simon Birmingham’s needs-based funding plan</a> – an olive branch <a href="https://theconversation.com/giving-a-gonski-will-be-torrid-test-for-the-greens-77593">summarily dismissed by Labor</a> – but they negotiated amendments to improve the plan.</p>
<h2>What will change with the passage of Gonski 2.0?</h2>
<p>Birmingham’s original package, the so-called Gonski 2.0, makes key improvements to the national school funding framework established by the Gillard government in the 2013 Education Act (explained further in our <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Grattan-Institute-Submission-to-the-Senate-Inquiry-into-the-Australian-Education-Bill-2017.pdf">Senate Inquiry submission</a>).</p>
<p>First, Commonwealth funding of schools increases and is also more consistent across all states and sectors. </p>
<p>Commonwealth funding to government schools will rise from an average of 17% of their needs in 2017 to 20% by 2023. Funding to non-government schools will rise from an average of 77% to 80%. </p>
<p>Second, Gonski 2.0 removes some of the special deals so that underfunded schools will get the Commonwealth share of their target funding within six years – much sooner than under the 2013 Act. Many overfunded schools will have their funding growth rates slowed, and a small number of the most overfunded schools will have their funding cut over the next ten years. This is an important break from the former Labor government’s promise, embedded in the 2013 Act, that “no school will lose a dollar”. </p>
<p>Third, it makes several changes to the funding formula. One big change is a revised parental “capacity to contribute” measure, which removes the “system weighted average” approach for non-government systemic schools. The Catholic schools hate this change, because it overturns a generous funding arrangement that enabled them to keep primary school fees low regardless of how wealthy the parents are. </p>
<p>Fourth, Gonski 2.0 reduces the indexation rate for school funding in line with low wages growth. It will remain at 3.56% a year until 2020, but from 2021 a new and lower floating indexation rate will apply, based on the wage price index and CPI. (A minimum floor of 3%, added at the urging of stakeholders, is problematic but far from a deal-breaker.) </p>
<p>Lastly, Gonski 2.0 creates a stronger link between Commonwealth funding and agreed national initiatives to improve student performance.</p>
<h2>What tweaks were made at the 11th hour?</h2>
<p>A number of <a href="http://wbfinancial.feedsynews.com/govt-reaches-deal-on-schools-funding/?utm_content=buffer3b596&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer">last-minute “tweaks”</a> were made to secure the required Senate votes.</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Underfunded schools will get much-needed extra money more quickly – over six years rather than ten. This change means an extra $4.9 billion will be provided on top of the $18.6 billion in the May budget. </p></li>
<li><p>A 12-month “transition package” of $50 million will be provided to systemic schools, whether Catholic or independent, and there will be an (overdue) review of the parental “capacity to contribute” measure. </p></li>
<li><p>State government funding appears to be subject to a “clawback” mechanism, similar to what we proposed in our <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Grattan-Institute-Submission-to-the-Senate-Inquiry-into-the-Australian-Education-Bill-2017.pdf">Senate inquiry submission</a>. This is designed to ensure state governments step up. It is not clear exactly how it will work, but if a state fails to provide at least 75% of the target funding to government schools, or 15% of the target for non-government schools, the federal government will withhold some funding to that state.</p></li>
<li><p>A body will be established to conduct independent reviews of the school funding formula and ensure transparency on the distribution of funds.</p></li>
</ul>
<h2>What this means for schools</h2>
<p>Schools will now have more certainty on how they will be funded – at least from the Commonwealth. </p>
<p>The concept of needs-based funding now has across-the-board support, even if there are differences on the details and how much money each party is promising. Importantly, Commonwealth funding to disadvantaged schools will be delivered a lot faster. </p>
<p>Attention will now turn to the states, given that they provide most of the funding for government schools, which educate the bulk of Australia’s disadvantaged students. Further questions will continue to be raised about the impact on students with disabilities.</p>
<h2>Winners and losers</h2>
<p>The only way to determine which schools are “winners” and which are “losers” is by looking at what would have happened if the Senate had voted down Gonski 2.0. So,
here’s the “scoreboard” under Gonski 2.0 compared to the 2013 Education Act.</p>
<p><strong>Government schools are (mostly) winners</strong></p>
<p>Government schools in all states, and in the ACT, will get more Commonwealth funding. </p>
<p>Based on the new six-year timeframe for underfunded schools, our latest modelling suggests government schools in NSW will get between $200 million and $300 million more federal funding over the next four years. For Victoria, the boost is between $300 million and $400 million. Both Queensland and South Australia appear to get between $100 and $200 million extra. The boosts for government schools in Tasmania and the ACT are smaller in dollar terms, but still substantial per student. </p>
<p>The biggest winners are state schools in Western Australia, which will get about $500 million more over four years, and at least $2 billion more over a decade.</p>
<p>Government schools in the Northern Territory will lose compared to their current level of Commonwealth funding, which is higher than other jurisdictions – but a transition package has been provided.</p>
<p><strong>Catholic schools will lose</strong> </p>
<p>Catholic schools are right to say they will be worse off than under the 2013 Act. Their federal funding is projected to be $3.1 billion less over the next ten years. </p>
<p>This loss arises mainly from the interaction of two changes to the capacity-to-pay measure. The first is the removal of the generous “system weighted average” in the capacity-to-pay measure, which treated all Catholic schools as average rather than basing their funding on each school’s parent body. The second change is to the curve used to calculate parents’ capacity to contribute in primary schools. The previous curve had limited how much parents were expected to contribute in even quite advantaged primary schools.</p>
<p>The loss is biggest for ACT Catholic schools, which will see virtually no funding growth for a decade. </p>
<p>A core complaint from the Catholic leadership is that the socioeconomic status (SES) score disadvantages Catholic schools. Accordingly, one of the first jobs of the new National Schools Resourcing Board will be to review the SES scores. The final impact on Catholic schools will depend on the findings of that review.</p>
<p>In the meantime, a one-off transition package of around $50 million over the next year will be delivered to help “vulnerable” Catholic and independent schools adjust to the new arrangements.</p>
<p><strong>Independent schools have mixed outcomes</strong></p>
<p>The impact on independent schools is mixed. Those serving low socioeconomic communities are winners. A handful of (mostly wealthy) private schools will have their overly generous funding arrangements whittled back.</p>
<h2>The Senate has done its job today</h2>
<p>It is worth celebrating a day when the Australian system of democracy did its job well. </p>
<p>With a better model of school funding approved, policymakers can shift their focus to the harder job of finding ways to lift the performance of Australian students.</p>
<p>Federal Education Minister Simon Birmingham deserves credit for Gonski 2.0: he originated the plan and stared down the scaremongers. The 11th-hour amendments improve the package, and there are no special deals of the type that infected every previous funding settlement for decades.</p>
<p>In light of the opposition from Labor, the fate of Gonski 2.0 came down to the supportive cross-benchers: The Nick Xenophon Team, Pauline Hanson’s One Nation, Derryn Hinch, Lucy Gichuhi and Jacqui Lambie. The Greens, having done good work to secure the key amendments, succumbed at the last to the pressure of the Australian Education Union. </p>
<p>Paul Keating once memorably dismissed the Senate as unrepresentative swill. If that epithet was ever fair, it is not fair today. Because early today, the Senate cross-benchers stood up for Australia’s children and passed a package that, while it may not be perfect, might just help us move on from Australia’s <a href="http://insidestory.org.au/the-educational-consequences-of-the-peace">oldest, deepest and most poisonous debate</a> – how to fund our schools.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79828/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and Grattan uses the income to pursue its activities.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julie Sonnemann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The passage of the new schools funding program is a big win for Australian children.Peter Goss, School Education Program Director, Grattan InstituteJulie Sonnemann, Research Fellow, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/770812017-05-03T01:55:44Z2017-05-03T01:55:44ZGonski 2.0: Is this the school funding plan we have been looking for? Finally, yes<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/167624/original/file-20170503-4096-nbi5nv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Catholic schools and over-funded schools will lose out the most.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com </span></span></figcaption></figure><p>They used to say that a week is a long time in politics. How last century! Now a day is a long time in politics, or at least the politics of school funding.</p>
<p>Just yesterday morning, I was arguing that school funding was at an impasse. By early afternoon that had all changed, along with the federal government’s rhetoric on school funding. Instead, we were introduced to Gonski 2.0. </p>
<p>For the first time, Education Minister Simon Birmingham has <a href="https://theconversation.com/turnbull-announces-schools-funding-and-a-new-gonski-review-77011">proposed a credible plan</a> to deliver needs-based funding. </p>
<p>But is this the plan we have been looking for?</p>
<h2>Where we were at before the announcement</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/review-of-funding-for-schooling-final-report-dec-2011.pdf">Gonksi report in 2011</a> was an inspired attempt to move past decades of funding wars. </p>
<p>Negotiated or bastardised (depending on your point of view) in its implementation <a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-model-was-corrupted-but-labor-and-coalition-are-both-to-blame-65875">by the last Labor government</a>, it was at first derided, then supported, then buried by the Coalition under Tony Abbott.</p>
<p>The re-boot of leadership under Malcolm Turnbull left school funding in limbo. The resulting policy vacuum led to a messy and unfocused debate. </p>
<p>Labor continued to claim that the only true path was to add billions of dollars to school funding. But Labor’s figures are greatly inflated because of its unwillingness to make tough decisions – or recognise the benefits of historically low wages growth.</p>
<p>At one point, Turnbull suggested to the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) that funding should be split, with the Commonwealth paying for non-government schools and states paying for government schools. But this is a terrible idea with <a href="https://theconversation.com/split-funding-idea-for-schools-has-big-risks-and-few-clear-benefits-57102">big risks and few benefits</a>.</p>
<p>Birmingham then publicly supported needs-based funding, but could not explain how we would get there. </p>
<p>Grattan Institute <a href="https://theconversation.com/new-model-for-school-funding-that-wont-break-the-budget-69406">published our own plan last November</a>, arguing that the Coalition could deliver Gonski-style needs-based funding without more money, if it made some tough decisions about indexation and over-funded schools. </p>
<h2>What has now changed?</h2>
<p>Flanked by the big-Gonski himself, Turnbull and Birmingham finally announced the Coalition’s plan.</p>
<p>1) They recommitted to the principles of Gonski, which they referred to as genuine needs-based funding and branded as <em>Gonski 2.0</em>. </p>
<p>2) They promised not to tinker with the overall design of the funding formula for each school, called the “Schooling Resource Standard” or SRS. (The details of the SRS formula should be reviewed, since there are flaws and the original analysis was done with too little evidence. But the formula follows the core design suggested by Gonski, and makes sense.)</p>
<p>3) They disentangled Commonwealth and state funding, arguing that Commonwealth funding should depend on need, not on where students live. </p>
<p>So now, for the first time, the Commonwealth will have a simple and transparent way to explain how it funds schools:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Every school has a target level of funding, the SRS</p></li>
<li><p>Government schools receive Commonwealth funding equal to 20% of SRS (up from 17% on average today)</p></li>
<li><p>Non-government schools receive Commonwealth funding equal to 80% of SRS (up from 77%).</p></li>
</ul>
<p>This is a big change from the current model, under which comparable students in similar schools could receive thousands of dollars more or less from the Commonwealth depending on which state or territory they live in.</p>
<p>States and territories will be expected to maintain their real level of funding, but will not otherwise be tied to the SRS formula. </p>
<p>This gives states some flexibility in how much they invest in schools, a good idea in a federal system. </p>
<p>So far so good. But for the numbers to add up, five more changes were needed.</p>
<p>4) Turnbull and Birmingham reduced the long-term indexation rate so that school funding will grow in line with a blend of wages and CPI after 2021. </p>
<p>This change will save billions of dollars over the long term compared to the current legislation. </p>
<p>5) They extended the timeline out to 10 years, giving the power of compound interest more time to do its magic. </p>
<p>6) They tweaked some of the special deals Julia Gillard struck with the Catholic school system. These tweaks will have the effect of expecting parents to contribute more, especially in Catholic primary schools.</p>
<p>7) They finally overturned the mantra of “no school will lose a dollar”, thereby saving maybe $1.5 billion over the next decade.</p>
<p>8) They added new money to the pot compared to the 2016 budget – $2.2 billion over the next four years, substantially more over the long term.</p>
<h2>Who are the big winners and losers?</h2>
<p>Compared to the Labor proposal, most schools, sectors and states will feel like losers. But taxpayers are big winners. </p>
<p><a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/circuit-breaker/">Grattan’s analysis shows</a> that Labor’s plan is far more expensive than required, a huge problem given the state of the federal budget.</p>
<p>Compared to the 2016 budget, the big winners are:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Government schools in states that are currently underfunded, especially New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland</p></li>
<li><p>Western Australia, which receives much less from the Commonwealth for its government schools</p></li>
<li><p>Underfunded independent schools (especially the lower-fee schools, some of which are the most underfunded schools in the entire country). </p></li>
</ul>
<p>Compared to the 2016 budget, the big losers are:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Catholic schools, which will lose a number of special deals (especially for the Australian Capital Territory which had a special deal all of its own); more analysis is needed to understand whether they will be worse off overall</p></li>
<li><p>24 highly over-funded schools that will have their per-student funding cut</p></li>
<li><p>About 300 slightly over-funded schools that will have their funding slowed or frozen. It is not entirely clear who these schools are at this stage. </p></li>
</ul>
<h2>Where does this all leave us?</h2>
<p>We can now move on from the phoney war to a genuine debate about a concrete and credible proposal. Three things should happen now.</p>
<p>First, there will need to be much broader consultation than has occurred so far. The multitude of states, sectors and other stakeholders in schooling will need to mollified, even if some will never be fully satisfied.</p>
<p>Second, the federal government needs to pass legislation to give effect to the new funding arrangements. This is a big task: timing is tight, given the current deal runs out before the start of the 2018 school year. The senate will be a challenge. </p>
<p>Third, Gonski himself will lead an expert review, to report by the end of this year. His task is to synthesise the evidence on what works and provide advice on how the extra funding should be spent.</p>
<p>Many shots are still to be fired. But this clear, positive approach could be just what we need to get us past the squabbling on funding – a key hurdle so that we can move on to the issues that will really drive improvements in school education.</p>
<p>If that happens, everyone will be a winner, especially Australia’s students. </p>
<p>Well, maybe not everyone. If Gonski 2.0 sticks, the Labor party will need to find a new signature issue to take to the next election.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>• This piece was amended on 3 May to correct a point that was made. The piece suggested that the 300+ schools that will have their funding cut will “probably include government schools in the ACT that are currently funded well above target”. However it is not yet clear who these schools are. The sentence has been amended to reflect this.</strong> </p>
<hr>
<p>•<em>Do you have a question about school policy and recent education announcements? Leave your questions in the comments and we’ll pass them on to an expert.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/77081/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and Grattan uses the income to pursue its activities.</span></em></p>For the first time, Education Minister Simon Birmingham has proposed a credible plan to deliver needs-based funding.Peter Goss, School Education Program Director, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/702222016-12-09T13:56:21Z2016-12-09T13:56:21ZThe state has helped poor pupils into private schools before – did it work?<p>The Independent Schools Council, a body representing 1,200 private schools, is <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/education/2016/dec/09/private-schools-in-england-propose-10000-free-places">offering to provide 10,000 annual free places</a> to low-income pupils. As we prepare for an extended debate over the benefits of getting deprived children into private schools, we would do well to look back at the last government-backed attempt to do this: the long-gone Assisted Places Scheme. </p>
<p>The first education policy that <a href="http://www.margaretthatcher.org/document/110858">Margaret Thatcher</a> announced after she came to power in 1979, the scheme saw more than 75,000 pupils receive publicly-funded and means-tested assistance to attend some of the most selective and prestigious private schools in England and Wales over the course of 17 years.</p>
<p>The scheme was highly controversial, and when New Labour came to power in 1997 it was quickly abolished – and the arguments over its merits are now set to resume. They generally revolve around three main questions: whether it reached the right students, whether those students actually benefited from it, and whether it hurt nearby state-maintained schools.</p>
<p>Even with the benefit of hindsight, these are still complex questions. Here’s a brief outline of some evidence we can use to answer them.</p>
<h2>#1: Did the scheme reach the right children?</h2>
<p>One of the main criticisms of the scheme was that it didn’t reach the right pupils. While it was often framed as an attempt to “rescue” bright children from working class families and disadvantaged communities, the main criterion for eligibility, other than passing the school’s entrance examination, was financial need. </p>
<p>This meant the policy was significantly “colonised” by parents who might have been suffering short-term financial hardship (often because of divorce), but who were in many ways quite culturally and economically advantaged. </p>
<p>An <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0142569900110206?journalCode=cbse20">early study</a> of the scheme in 1989 found that fewer than 10% of those with an assisted place had fathers in manual jobs, whereas 50% had fathers in middle-class jobs. Almost all the employed mothers of assisted place pupils were also in middle-class jobs. </p>
<p>In general, it became clear that the majority of children who received assistance came from families with relatively strong educational inheritances, meaning the gap between what they’d have achieved without assisted places and what they managed with them was probably not as wide as imagined.</p>
<h2>#2: Did pupils who received assisted places actually benefit?</h2>
<p>There’s no straightforward answer to this one, but there’s little doubt that many individuals did benefit measurably from the scheme. </p>
<p>My colleagues and I have tracked the careers of a cohort of assisted place-holders over the last 30 years, and <a href="http://orca.cf.ac.uk/3042/">have found</a> that for many of them, the scheme provided access to learning opportunities and experiences that they might not otherwise have had. In terms of qualifications, simple comparison of GCSE and A-level results revealed that our assisted place holders did better than our state-educated respondents, and better than might have been predicted on the basis of background socio-economic and educational inheritance variables. </p>
<p>But the academic achievement of those who held assisted places varies widely. The place-holders who saw the highest gains in qualifications were from middle-class backgrounds. The advantages for those from working-class backgrounds were less clear cut, and overall these pupils did <em>worse</em> than might be expected. This is largely because these pupils were disproportionately likely to have dropped out school before they were 18. </p>
<p>It seems these students found it difficult to thrive in the more socially exclusive environments of elite private schools. And while the degree results of assisted place-holders compare favourably with their state-educated counterparts, they were less likely to have completed their studies. Nearly one in ten dropped out of or failed their university courses. </p>
<p>In general, we <a href="http://www.suttontrust.com/researcharchive/educational-career-trajectories-assisted-place-holders/">concluded</a> that if children from disadvantaged backgrounds stayed on at school and at university, they did well. However, the odds of these students “dropping out” were high. </p>
<h2>#3: How did it affect neighbouring schools?</h2>
<p>This is perhaps the most difficult question of all to answer. There is already considerable <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/education/education-news/academies-increase-divisions-between-the-rich-and-poor-study-finds-segregation-made-worse-by-a-wider-8797105.html">social segregation</a> between many state-maintained schools, and it’s impossible to know what choices parents might have made had the Assisted Places Scheme not been available. </p>
<p>It might be argued that the impact was minimal, especially if the scheme benefited those who might have sent their children to private school anyway (as was often suggested – see question #1). The number of assisted places certainly wasn’t large enough to have any significant system-wide effect on admissions statistics. But the scheme’s ideological impact was perhaps more significant than the numbers of pupils involved. Simply by virtue of being in place, it sent a clear message that state-maintained non-selective schools are unable to meet the needs of the academically able. </p>
<p>Overall, then, the scheme’s history is a chequered one. Although individual schools and students did benefit, there’s plenty of evidence that this 30-year-long experiment was hardly an unqualified triumph. If the Independent Schools Council’s latest proposal is taken up and the government commits to once again helping poor and deprived pupils into private schools, the Assisted Places Scheme provides clear benchmarks for success. </p>
<p>Any new scheme must serve the people it’s actually meant to serve, and any schools that participate need to find ways of making students from disadvantaged backgrounds feel like they belong. And more than that, any such scheme has to be careful what message it’s sending about the state sector, where the overwhelming majority of eligible children will still spend their school years.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/70222/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sally Power receives funding from HEFCW, the Economic and Social Research Council, and the Sutton Trust, who also funded projects that produced research cited in this article.</span></em></p>The Assisted Places Scheme was a controversial policy that got 75,000 poorer pupils a top-tier education. Or so it was claimed.Sally Power, Director of WISERD Education, WISERD, Cardiff UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/665192016-10-10T16:41:24Z2016-10-10T16:41:24ZTheresa May’s plans to relax faith school admissions will do nothing for social justice<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140888/original/image-20161007-21447-1kanoz7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Mixed response to May's faith school plan.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>With competition for school places set to <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/national-pupil-projections-trends-in-pupil-numbers-july-2015">intensify over the next decade</a>, the government’s recent <a href="https://consult.education.gov.uk/school-frameworks/schools-that-work-for-everyone/supporting_documents/SCHOOLS%20THAT%20WORK%20FOR%20EVERYONE%20FINAL.pdf">proposal</a> to relax admissions rules for new faith schools has been met with mixed responses. While the move to allow new faith schools to select all of their pupils by religion has been <a href="http://schoolsweek.co.uk/faith-schools-welcome-100-faith-based-admissions/">welcomed by many religious schools</a>, others have expressed fears that allowing schools to select their entire intake by faith will lead to <a href="http://schoolsweek.co.uk/removing-faith-selection-cap-will-increase-segregation-say-humanists/">increased segregation</a>.</p>
<p>The 50% cap on religious admissions was introduced in 2010, and has led to a situation where new faith schools (post 2010) can only select half of their pupils based on religion, whereas established faith schools (pre 2010) have continued to be able to religiously select up to 100% of their intake. Although not all of the schools that are still able to religiously choose all of their pupils actually do so. </p>
<p>In her “<a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/britain-the-great-meritocracy-prime-ministers-speech">great meritocracy</a>” speech, Theresa May argued that the current 50% cap on these new faith schools “is failing in its objective to promote integration” because minority faith schools do not attract pupils of other or no faith.</p>
<p>And in one sense, this is correct. Data from the <a href="https://consult.education.gov.uk/school-frameworks/schools-that-work-for-everyone/supporting_documents/SCHOOLS%20THAT%20WORK%20FOR%20EVERYONE%20FINAL.pdf">School Census</a> shows there is little ethnic mixing in minority religious free schools. These are schools for groups that tend to experience high levels of societal discrimination – such as Muslim or Jewish schools. The communities these schools serve are often stigmatised by society – so it is foolish to think that a cap alone could solve problems faced by these groups.</p>
<p>This said, <a href="https://humanism.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016-09-15-FINAL-Ethnic-diversity-in-religious-Free-Schools.pdf">data</a> from religiously selective secondary schools shows that Christian free schools which have the 50% cap in place actually have greater levels of ethnic diversity than fully selective Christian schools.</p>
<h2>Religious selection</h2>
<p>To allow new schools to religiously select 100% of their pupils is not only problematic in terms of social integration, it is also unfair. Particularly given that faith schools claim to offer <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/leaguetables/12043152/Primary-School-league-tables-Faith-schools-have-tight-grip-on-rankings.html">better quality education</a> and <a href="http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/ioep/clre/2005/00000003/00000001/art00005?crawler=true">higher attainment levels</a>.</p>
<p>What’s more, the way in which faith schools deliver the religious aspect of the curriculum has started to change. Although faith schools aim to provide a good general education and introduce children to the beliefs and practices of a particular faith, many opponents claim that the second aim is “<a href="http://tre.sagepub.com/content/1/1/89">indoctrinatory</a>”. To try and address this, <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13617672.2016.1141532?journalCode=cjbv20">faith educators</a> have increasingly turned away from traditional “confessional” <a href="http://ice.sagepub.com/content/17/2/285.abstract">religious instruction</a> and have instead moved towards an education that considers religion from a more open perspective – allowing children to make up their own minds. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140894/original/image-20161007-21423-jxmzjr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140894/original/image-20161007-21423-jxmzjr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140894/original/image-20161007-21423-jxmzjr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140894/original/image-20161007-21423-jxmzjr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140894/original/image-20161007-21423-jxmzjr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140894/original/image-20161007-21423-jxmzjr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140894/original/image-20161007-21423-jxmzjr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The government’s decision to lift the 50% cap on faith-based admissions to new free schools prompted differing reactions.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This means the education that many faith schools now offer is more accessible to pupils with other religions, or to those with no faith. And <a href="http://faithdebates.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/WFD-Faith-Schools-Press-Release.pdf">recent research</a> shows that the “faith aspect” of faith schooling matters far less to those contemplating school choice than academic standards, location or discipline.</p>
<h2>Priority pupils</h2>
<p>The prime minister has failed to notice this change in attitudes towards faith education and has even cited the Catholic Church’s view on the cap as another reason to abandon it. The church argues that not prioritising children from Catholic backgrounds contravenes the rules of the church – known as “<a href="http://www.catholiceducation.org.uk/news/ces-news/item/1003609-catholic-church-welcomes-prime-minister-s-removal-of-the-cap-on-faith-admissions">Canon law</a>”. </p>
<p>The church’s position eventually led to <a href="http://www.liverpoolecho.co.uk/news/liverpool-news/st-marys-college-crosby-abandons-7116064">the abandonment of a free school application</a> from a fee paying school – St Mary’s College in Crosby. In this case, the Archdiocese of Liverpool refused to support a bid because of the cap.</p>
<p>But the <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/religionpublicsphere/2016/09/the-governments-changes-to-faith-schools-sides-with-hardline-religion/">claim about Canon law is disputed</a> – with critics noting there are many <a href="http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/docserver/download/5k9fq23507vc.pdf?expires=1475767680&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=05CD7293462499EE1976CDFB3C74EE50">non-selective Catholic schools elsewhere</a> in the world. <a href="https://humanism.org.uk/2016/09/09/exposed-catholic-hypocrisy-in-calls-for-end-to-restrictions-on-religious-selection-in-schools/">Private Catholic schools</a> are also far less likely to select on religious grounds than those in the state sector.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140895/original/image-20161007-21458-1yr68i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140895/original/image-20161007-21458-1yr68i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140895/original/image-20161007-21458-1yr68i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140895/original/image-20161007-21458-1yr68i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140895/original/image-20161007-21458-1yr68i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140895/original/image-20161007-21458-1yr68i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140895/original/image-20161007-21458-1yr68i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">May made the announcement as part of a major overhaul of secondary education.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The abandonment of the cap is based on a concern to meet a need for additional school places, but the logic is flawed. This is because the school places the policy will provide will only be available to a small subset of pupils – and the families who need the places most will probably not benefit from these new schools at all. </p>
<p><a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03054980903072611">Evidence</a> suggests that – despite the Catholic Church’s claim its schools are more <a href="http://www.catholiceducation.org.uk/news/ces-news/item/1002818-new-research-shows-catholic-schools-are-more-ethnically-diverse-and-higher-performing-than-national-averages">socially and ethnically diverse</a> than the national average – faith schools are more likely to admit pupils from <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.ezproxyd.bham.ac.uk/doi/10.1080/01411926.2010.489145/epdf">affluent families</a> or with <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.ezproxyd.bham.ac.uk/doi/10.1080/01411926.2010.489145/epdf">higher levels of prior attainment</a> than <a href="http://www.suttontrust.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Caught-Out_Research-brief_April-16.pdf">nondenominational schools</a>. </p>
<h2>Exclusive education</h2>
<p>It is clear that advocates of faith based education now face a dilemma. Either they maintain that faith schools can provide “non-indoctrinatory” education – which is accessible, attractive and valuable to families of all denominations. Or they argue for a distinctive form of religious instruction – which would only be suitable for children of faith. Only schools of the second sort can adequately justify religiously selective admissions. But given that public attitudes to the funding of separate schools <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/education/2014/jun/14/taxpayers-should-not-fund-faith-schools">have hardened in recent years</a>– and the extent to which indoctrination is considered “morally unacceptable” – such schools would be unlikely to win public support.</p>
<p>Admissions policies fundamentally determine who becomes part of a school’s student body. So the role that higher levels of religious selection could play in worsening social injustice – by “creaming off” the best, most motivated or wealthiest pupils – should not be underestimated.</p>
<p>If the positive outcomes associated with faith schools could be directly linked to the religiosity of pupils, it might be possible to defend the policy to admit higher proportions of children from faith backgrounds. </p>
<p>But, in the absence of compelling evidence to support this, the only other way to justify religious selection is to show there is something distinctive about faith education – something which makes it exclusively of worth to pupils from religious families. Unfortunately for supporters of fully religiously selective schools, it’s difficult to show this is the case.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/66519/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ruth Wareham is a Researcher at the University of Warwick where her current academic post is funded by the Spencer Foundation. She is a member of the Labour Party.</span></em></p>Allowing new faith schools to religiously select 100% of their pupils is not only problematic in terms of social integration, it is simply unfair.Ruth Wareham, Research Assistant, Faith Schooling: Principles & Policies, University of WarwickLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/586642016-05-04T11:02:10Z2016-05-04T11:02:10ZA good year for private schools – but at what cost to everyone else?<p>Britain’s private schools are in rude health. According to the 2016 census from the <a href="http://www.isc.co.uk/research/annual-census/">Independent Schools Council</a>, 518,432 children attend independent schools, the highest since records began. Fee increases are the lowest since 1994 and the proportion of international students has remained stable. </p>
<p>There is also evidence that private schools have become more accessible: a third of pupils received fee assistance worth £850m overall and 30% of pupils are from ethnic minority backgrounds. A significant number of private schools – 1,122 – also operate in partnership with state schools. </p>
<p>While this is a good news story for private education, the data has to be set <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/11627719/Social-mobility-has-come-to-a-halt.html">against a backdrop</a> of increased inequality and reduced social mobility. This is a problem because politicians constantly remind us that the primary purpose of education is to help create a fair society where everyone has equal opportunities. As schools minister Nick Gibb <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/schools-as-the-engines-of-social-mobility">recently put it</a>: “Schools can – and must – be engines of social mobility.”</p>
<h2>Ruling public life</h2>
<p>The good news from the census is limited to the 7% of pupils whose parents can afford to send them to private school. This is particularly apparent in light of the domination of public life by those from private schools. In 2014, the Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/old-boys-club-still-dominates-public-life-according-to-major-new-report-9695229.html">reported that Britain’s elite were</a> “formed on the playing fields of independent schools”. This has led to a growing sense of alienation between a ruling elite and everyone else. The <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/208244/Public_Attitudes_research__SMCP_Commission_.pdf">same report found that</a> 65% of people believe “who you know” is more important than “what you know”, and 75% of people think family background <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/208244/Public_Attitudes_research__SMCP_Commission_.pdf">has a significant influence on life chances</a> in Britain today.</p>
<p>Education cannot be separated from this process because the existing social order is reflected across the education system. Parents with money have more choices for their children. Good state schools are colonised by “<a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/education/education-news/sharp-elbowed-parents-gaining-unfair-share-of-school-places-new-book-claims-10109769.html">sharp elbowed</a>” middle classes, while those who can use their purchasing power to opt out of the state sector completely. Children whose parents have neither the social or material means are often left behind. </p>
<p>Some have argued that this is social justice in action. To <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/london-mayor-election/mayor-of-london/10480321/Boris-Johnsons-speech-at-the-Margaret-Thatcher-lecture-in-full.html">quote the outgoing mayor of London, Boris Johnson</a>: “The harder you shake the cornflake packet the easier it will be for some cornflakes to get to the top”. The implication is that those who come from wealthy backgrounds tend to be more capable so will do better at school. </p>
<p>Yet, as <a href="http://intouniversity.org/sites/all/files/userfiles/files/Leon%20Feinstein%20evidence%20fro%20early%20years.pdf">Leon Feinstein</a>, director of evidence at the Early Intervention Foundation demonstrates, education is heavily determined by social background and class is a significantly better predictor of how well a child will do at school than cognitive ability.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/121175/original/image-20160504-17469-11blbsd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/121175/original/image-20160504-17469-11blbsd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=365&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/121175/original/image-20160504-17469-11blbsd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=365&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/121175/original/image-20160504-17469-11blbsd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=365&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/121175/original/image-20160504-17469-11blbsd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=459&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/121175/original/image-20160504-17469-11blbsd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=459&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/121175/original/image-20160504-17469-11blbsd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=459&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A tough race to life’s starting line.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.shutterstock.com/editorial?cr=00&pl=edit-00%22>Shutterstock.com">Paolo Bona/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>Where pupils from poorer backgrounds do start well, they tend to fall away in comparison to their wealthier counterparts. “<a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/educationnews/7914719/Rich-thick-kids-do-better-at-school-says-Gove.html">Rich thick kids</a>” as former education secretary Michael Gove opined, <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/educationnews/7914719/Rich-thick-kids-do-better-at-school-says-Gove.html">“do better than poor clever children”</a>.</p>
<h2>Partnerships on an equal footing</h2>
<p>Talking to a headteacher of a state primary school recently, I was struck by the frustration she felt. She had participated in a number of collaborative events with private schools in the hope of raising the aspirations of her pupils. Yet she felt that the children’s ambitions were not improved, nor were the private school pupils’ attitudes challenged. Interaction, it would appear, is not enough. </p>
<p>Feminist philosopher Alison Jagger argues that <a href="https://ndpr.nd.edu/news/23929-the-political-thought-of-jacques-ranci-232-re-creating-equality/">this is inevitable where power relationships are unequal</a>, where equality is assumed as the outcome of such interactions, not the starting point. As with bursaries, partnerships with state schools are often viewed as charity by private schools: state schools are recipients of their benevolence. The relationship between the two participants starts from a position of inequality. </p>
<p>Todd May, the American political philosopher, argues that to challenge social order those who are perceived to be in the weaker position should take rather than wait to be given. They must assume equality from the outset and make demands accordingly. From this point of view, those from poorer backgrounds are within their rights to make demands on those who reduce their opportunities. </p>
<p>In the case of the frustrated headteacher, the aspirations of her pupils can only be realised through a relationship that begins with equality, where she is able to take the lead, rather than waiting to be given. This will often lead to withdrawal of support from the advantaged but, as May points out, at least the inequity of the situation is made apparent. </p>
<p>The same can be said for the private education sector writ large. Those of us who are not able to benefit from the existing system should make more demands on such institutions: demand they are not exempt from taxation, demand more support for those who cannot pay, demand more access to their facilities, demand they pay a premium when employing teachers trained at the state’s – taxpayers – expense. </p>
<p>Perhaps, as Elvis Costello <a href="http://www.elviscostello.com/words#/words-detail/Columbia+Records+/Elvis+Costello+/Radio,+Radio/cd/669/8251">once said</a>, we should all “want to bite the hand that feeds us” a little more.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/58664/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Graham Downes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>More children are going to independent school in the UK, according to a new census.Graham Downes, Programme Leader, Education Studies and International Education, Bath Spa UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/547642016-02-18T11:34:09Z2016-02-18T11:34:09ZCurriculum changes contradict vision for Britain’s creative future<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/111642/original/image-20160216-19245-pdf5ov.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Is art being sidelined?</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Monkey Business Images/www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The government is pulling simultaneously in two different directions when it comes to how seriously it takes the creative industries. At a speech at the first birthday of the Creative Industries Federation in January, chancellor George Osborne <a href="http://www.artsprofessional.co.uk/news/chancellor-endorses-art-arts-sake">argued</a> that public investment in creative industries was “an investment in who we are as a nation”. He also recognised the importance of “art for art’s sake”. </p>
<p>Yet a month later, <a href="http://www.nsead.org/downloads/survey.pdf">a survey of 1,000 teachers</a> reveals how many feel art is being sidelined in the state-school curriculum. A new performance measure <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/english-baccalaureate-ebacc/english-baccalaureate-ebacc">called the EBacc</a>, first introduced in 2010, encourages schools to enter students for five core academic GCSE subjects, but as art isn’t one of them it faces decline. </p>
<p>In schools where there had been a reduction in time allocated to art and design, 93% of the teachers questioned in the survey agreed that “the EBacc had reduced opportunities for students to select the subject”. This pattern is being repeated across the creative subjects. </p>
<p>There is also an increasing gap between creative provision in the state sector and independent schools. This is because independent schools do not have to follow national curriculum guidelines. They have an independent inspection system of their own and have far more freedom to choose to do what they think is right for their pupils.</p>
<p>The only possible outcome of this will be a rapid decrease in the number and diversity of young people who are able to envisage a future for themselves in the creative industries. This puts Osborne’s vision for the growth of this UK success story at risk.</p>
<h2>Creativity should not be a privilege</h2>
<p>This curtailing of the chance for creative encounters in school does not simply limit young peoples’ potential to succeed in the creative sector but more widely in society too. It makes the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of “cultural capital” more pertinent than ever. Exactly 50 years ago, <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/The_Love_of_Art.html?id=sj1kQgAACAAJ&source=kp_cover&redir_esc=y">Bourdieu wrote</a> about the importance of a person’s <em>habitus</em>, the social and cultural environment into which we are born, and where we are educated. This determines our ability to develop cultural and social capital, and the impact of this capital on our aspiration and potential achievement. </p>
<p>Successive departments for education since then have tried to find the best way to fill in the gaps left by the very circumstances of birth. But there is compelling evidence in the work of organisations such as <a href="http://www.artscouncil.org.uk/media/uploads/Equality_Diversity_and_the_Creative_Case_A_data_report_2012-2015.pdf">Arts Council England</a>, the <a href="http://www.hefce.ac.uk/pubs/year/2013/201328/name,83272,en.html">Higher Education Funding Council</a> and others that we are once again slipping back into a situation where our educational and professional fates are sealed at birth.</p>
<p>The Sutton Trust <a href="http://www.suttontrust.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Subject-to-background1.pdf">has also stressed</a> the importance of disadvantaged young people developing advanced cognitive skills to enable them to bridge educational gaps – both in terms of progress in school and <a href="http://www.suttontrust.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/john-jerrim-report-final-4.pdf">admission to</a> “high status universities”. </p>
<p>I have been involved in partnerships between schools, museums and galleries over many years and have seen how creative encounters build these vital cognitive skills – an area that has been the subject of <a href="https://www.nfer.ac.uk/publications/44420/44420.pdf">some research</a>. And yet opportunities for this sort of activity are being increasingly restricted, not simply by money, but by the changes to the curriculum that encourage schools to prioritise away from the creative subjects. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/111508/original/image-20160215-22563-k94evr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/111508/original/image-20160215-22563-k94evr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/111508/original/image-20160215-22563-k94evr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/111508/original/image-20160215-22563-k94evr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/111508/original/image-20160215-22563-k94evr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/111508/original/image-20160215-22563-k94evr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/111508/original/image-20160215-22563-k94evr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Pupils attend a research discovery day in the Stanley and Audrey Burton Gallery, University of Leeds.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">University of Leeds.</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>I spend a great deal of time working with private schools, given that my subject of art history, according to information supplied to me by the AQA exam board, is now only taught in eight state schools. And I see the differences in creative opportunities for pupils.</p>
<h2>Building a creative future</h2>
<p>In a 2015 report into the future of cultural value in Britain, <a href="http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/research/warwickcommission/futureculture/finalreport/warwick_commission_final_report.pdf">The Warwick Commission</a> cited the depressing statistic that children born into low-income families with low levels of qualifications are the least likely to be employed and to succeed in the cultural and creative industries. </p>
<p>At the same time, the government estimates that the global gross value added to the economy by the creative and cultural industries is over <a href="http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/research/warwickcommission/futureculture/finalreport/warwick_commission_final_report.pdf">£76.9 billion</a>. </p>
<p>While Osborne clearly recognises and values this sector of the economy as a key part of the government’s forward planning, the Department for Education’s current reform agenda seems to be turning its back on the job of nurturing the next generation of creative practitioners and thinkers. </p>
<p>It would be a terrible mistake to allow culture and creativity to become only accessible to those who can pay for it. During times of austerity, it is shortsighted to limit people’s career paths. Instead, we should provide all young people with the confidence, potential and aspiration to achieve whatever future direction they choose to take – this is how we future proof the UK. </p>
<p>As the Warwick Commission report reminds us, an English education system that is not multi-disciplinary, and infused with creativity and enterprise: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Will negatively impact not just on the future of the creative industries, but also on our capacity to produce creative, world-leading scientists, engineers and technologists.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>If we focus on the EBacc subjects in isolation, we lose the possibilities produced by a creative ecosystem which equips young people from every background with the skills to think beyond boundaries.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/54764/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Abigail Harrison Moore was invited to speak at the APPG on Art, Craft and Design Education by the National Society for Education in Art and Design.</span></em></p>Art has been sidelined and is in danger of only becoming a subject for the privileged.Abigail Harrison Moore, Head of School, School of Fine Art, History of Art and Cultural Studies, University of LeedsLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/468142015-08-31T03:45:46Z2015-08-31T03:45:46ZCharter schools would only make our school system’s problems worse<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/93384/original/image-20150831-17760-o7mmzw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Introducing a new type of school will only make things worse for Australia's already inequitable system.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/52846207@N04/4962668165/">Matt/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>A <a href="http://www.cis.org.au/pdf/rr6.pdf">report released today by the Centre for Independent Studies</a> says Australia should establish charter schools. Charter schools are publicly funded but privately operated schools that operate within the terms of a contract or “charter” which reduces what is seen as stifling public sector regulation. In fact, the report goes one step further in proposing Australia adopt for-profit charter schools.</p>
<h2>Does Australia need charter schools?</h2>
<p>The first charters appeared in the US in the early 1990s. They have since spread to England, Sweden, Chile and, most recently, New Zealand. So why not here?</p>
<p>The Centre for Independent Studies’ answer to the question is well researched, comprehensive and seriously misdirected.</p>
<p>The report starts with the widely recognised fact that both international and local standardised testing shows Australian schools making little or no headway on improving performance or reducing inequality. It argues that charters might help, in two ways.</p>
<p>First, charters might take over failing schools in which disadvantaged students are concentrated, and succeed where other approaches have not. And perhaps they would. A closer look at these so-called “conversion” charters is needed. Second, the report also wants “start-up” charters: schools established from scratch to compete with existing schools. </p>
<p>These new entrants, the report argues, might not only boost performance but bring choice to parents who can’t afford fees or who do not want religion-based schooling for their children. Freed from the usual curriculum and staffing requirements, they would also encourage innovation.</p>
<p>Even in the US, where charters first appeared and have grown to around 6% of enrolments, gains have been limited, as the report is careful to acknowledge. In the crucially different Australian setting, it is likely that any improvement that might flow from “conversion” charters would be more than offset by the effects of start-ups.</p>
<p>Most <a href="http://credo.stanford.edu/research-reports.html">US studies</a> suggest that many charters there are no better than the schools they compete with or replace, some are worse and some “outperform”. </p>
<p>Their record in innovation is similarly mixed. Some do use their freedom from the usual rules and regulations to innovate, but most pitch to parents in the same way as Australia’s independent schools. They sell on “traditional” values, curriculum, teaching methods and discipline.</p>
<p>As the report candidly concedes, there is little evidence to suggest that for-profit charters do better than the not-for-profits.</p>
<h2>Australia is a different ball game</h2>
<p>These very equivocal findings provide a less-than-robust platform from which to launch a new kind of school into a system that already has many, but that is not the only problem. The big difficulty is that Australia in 2015 is crucially different from the US in the early 1990s.</p>
<p>The US charters brought choice and competition to a system that had neither. They were an anti-public-school-monopoly measure. The new US charters were not permitted to charge fees, or to discriminate on academic, racial, family income or any other grounds.</p>
<p>Unlike the US, Australia already has a range of ways of organising, funding and running schools. It also has extensive experience of choice and competition, which, in our unique scheme of things, has been a disaster.</p>
<p>The fundamental structural problem is inadvertently uncovered by the report in the course of making out its case that Australian charter schools should be funded to the same level as mainstream public schools, and should be obliged to take all comers. </p>
<p>The obvious question arising: if a level playing field is a good thing within the public sector, why not in the system as a whole?</p>
<p>Around one third of Australian schools are not only permitted to charge fees, but fees up to double the amount spent on the average public school student. They are able to select on academic grounds as well as according to capacity to pay. </p>
<p>This is not just a problem of non-government schools, as is so often supposed. Government systems have joined in via academically selective schools and programs that are in practice socially and ethnically selective as well.</p>
<p>These unique arrangements have set in motion a vicious circle, in which the advantaged choose to go where the advantaged go, leaving behind schools in which the disadvantaged increasingly cluster with the disadvantaged. </p>
<p>As <a href="http://www.appa.asn.au/content/gonski-report/Review-of-Funding-for-Schooling-Final-Report-Dec-2011.pdf">Gonski</a> pointed out, the substrate of educational inequality in Australia is <a href="http://www.nousgroup.com/images/news_attachments/nous-schoolingchallengesandopportunities_2011.pdf">high and rising</a> social segregation in schooling, and his funding recommendations tackled this structural problem at one of its sources.</p>
<p>There is a case for what might be called deregulation of Australian schools, particularly to permit better ways of staffing and organising educational work, as the charter idea suggests. </p>
<p>But feeding yet more choice and competition into a system that has such distorted forms of both can only compound our problems.</p>
<p>It is a shame that the report did not choose to examine the case for competitive neutrality, for a genuinely level funding and regulatory playing field, as the basis of a more equal and productive Australian school system rather than propose what amounts to the further Balkanisation of an already dysfunctional system.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/46814/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dean Ashenden does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Feeding yet more choice and competition into a system that has such distorted forms of both can only compound our problems.Dean Ashenden, Honorary Senior Fellow, Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/443082015-07-08T20:06:50Z2015-07-08T20:06:50ZGive a Gonski? Funding myths and politicking derail schools debate<p>The past few weeks have seen some wild twists and turns in the politics of Australian school funding. </p>
<p>Debates were re-ignited when Fairfax obtained <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/tony-abbotts-school-reform-paper-proposes-cutting-federal-funding-20150621-ghtkkz.html">a leaked discussion paper</a> from the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet that advanced a number of radical ideas for reforming school funding.</p>
<p>The Coalition swiftly distanced itself from the most extreme options in the paper, including <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/comment/leaked-report-shows-school-funding-is-in-a-mess-20150622-ghu8c6">charging high-income parents</a> to send their children to public schools. </p>
<p>In the heat of political fallout from the leaked paper, the Australian Council for Educational Research <a href="http://www.acer.edu.au">(ACER)</a> last week released a <a href="http://research.acer.edu.au/aer/14/">rigorous review</a> of school funding in Australia. </p>
<p>The report echoed growing arguments that school funding arrangements in Australia’s federal system are increasingly messy, inequitable and unsustainable.</p>
<p>The report also showed federal increases in school funding have risen more sharply for non-government schools than government schools since the 1970s.</p>
<p>This week advocacy group Save Our Schools <a href="http://www.saveourschools.com.au/media-releases/media-release-funding-for-public-schools-down-funding-for-private-schools-up">released an analysis</a> of funding data from 2009-2013, arguing state/territory funding for schools has fallen for public schools but risen for independent schools.</p>
<p>Unsurprisingly, each of these reports has been accompanied by heated and often polarised debates in the media, twitter-sphere and among experts. </p>
<h2>Can’t see the wood for the trees?</h2>
<p>It is often hard to get clarity over the state of Australian school funding.</p>
<p>While funding has always been a perplexing area of policy, it has descended into a hazy quagmire since the release of <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/documents/review-funding-schooling-final-report-december-2011-0">the Gonski Report</a> in 2011. </p>
<p>This is ironic, given the Gonski review was designed to clean up school funding in our nation. </p>
<p>School funding is hard to grasp because it is made up of a complex set of policies and formulas that differ across states, territories and sectors (public, Catholic and independent).</p>
<p>The confusion in recent debates, however, owes just as much to misleading political and public debates, which further obscure this already complex policy field.</p>
<p>Indeed, some statements and opinion pieces about Gonski border on fantasy – distorting the facts of the report so heavily that the “net effect” is a grand artifice of debate built upon non-truths and heresy. </p>
<p>Current debates are handicapped by a number of myths, which need to be overcome if the funding debate is going to evolve towards greater clarity. </p>
<h2>Myth 1: public schools versus private schools</h2>
<p>There is a wealth of quality data that reveals important differences between the funding of government, Catholic and independent schools.</p>
<p>These differences need to be taken seriously and rigorously scrutinised to determine whether school funding arrangements are equitable.</p>
<p>The problem is, such data is often misconstrued or simplified down to an argument that pits public and private schools against each other.</p>
<p>A common misconception is that Australia has one “public” sector (funded by taxpayers) and one “private” sector (funded by parents).</p>
<p>Frequently, for example, I am asked the question: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Why should parents pay taxes to send other people’s children to public schools when they already pay to send them to a private school?</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This question reflects a widespread misunderstanding about how schools are actually funded.</p>
<p>The truth is, there is no such thing as a purely “private” school in Australia. All schools in Australia receive money from governments.</p>
<p>As the graph below shows, the key difference between sectors is not whether one receives government funding or not.</p>
<p>Instead, the key issue at stake is the amount and proportion of funds that come from either federal or state/territory governments, and from “private” sources such as parental fees.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/87688/original/image-20150707-1297-mp89va.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/87688/original/image-20150707-1297-mp89va.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/87688/original/image-20150707-1297-mp89va.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/87688/original/image-20150707-1297-mp89va.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/87688/original/image-20150707-1297-mp89va.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/87688/original/image-20150707-1297-mp89va.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/87688/original/image-20150707-1297-mp89va.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>All schools, therefore, are publicly supported.</p>
<p>Rather than pitting public and private schools against each other, the debate should instead focus on whether or not “the mix” of funding provided to schools, regardless of state or sector, is fair and maximises opportunities for all young Australians.</p>
<p>This is exactly what the Gonski report sought to do in making recommendations to develop a funding model that is “needs-based” and “sector-blind”. In other words, a model that funds schools based on need, rather than whether schools are government, Catholic or independent. </p>
<h2>Myth 2: Labor is the pro-Gonski party</h2>
<p>We hear a lot these days about how federal Labor committed to funding schools for six years based on a Gonski-inspired model, but the federal Coalition will only fund the first four years. </p>
<p>This is true, but does not tell the whole story.</p>
<p>Often ignored in this “six vs four year” debate is that federal Labor never produced a funding model that faithfully represented the core principles of the Gonski report. </p>
<p>Instead, the principles of the Gonski reform were compromised from the word go, when Labor promised that <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/education/prime-minister-julia-gillard-says-private-schools-will-get-more/story-fn59nlz9-1226453690310">no school would lose a dollar</a> under the plan. </p>
<p>Instead of a “needs-based” and “sector-blind” model, therefore, Australia was delivered a model that protected the vested interests of Catholic and independent schools. </p>
<p>The Victorian Labor government has also distorted the principles of Gonski, by passing a curious piece of legislation that ensures a minimum of <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/comment/state-labors-big-mistake-on-school-funding-20150315-142q07.html">25% of state government funding</a> for government schools will be allocated to the independent and Catholic sectors. </p>
<p>Labor leader Bill Shorten has also <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/education/bill-shorten-refuses-to-fund-full-gonski/story-fn59nlz9-1227415234400">refused to commit</a> to the last two years of the Gonski reform if elected.</p>
<p>These crucial facts are often forgotten by pro-Gonski supporters, who paint Labor as the “Gonski party”. The reality is Labor governments have shied away from the bold reforms called for under Gonski.</p>
<p>This is not to suggest the Coalition has a better plan. It doesn’t. <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/comment/leaked-report-shows-school-funding-is-in-a-mess-20150622-ghu8c6">It is not only clear</a> the Coalition has no intention of pursuing Gonski-based reforms, it also appears to be considering a range of other weird and wonderful options.</p>
<h2>Myth 3: ‘How much?’ is the key question</h2>
<p>While school funding is clearly important, it is by no means the “magic bullet solution” to fix Australian schools. </p>
<p>Gonski is not the messiah. </p>
<p>A myth that has circulated since the Gonski report has been that the greatest equity question in Australian schooling is about “how much” cash schools get. </p>
<p>By focusing on “amounts of cash”, debates have obscured the equally important question of “what schools do” with the cash. </p>
<p>We could give a school all the money in the world, but if there is bad leadership, an incoherent curriculum or poor teaching practices, it is simply wasted money. </p>
<p>By focusing on “how much”, the school funding debate promotes a very narrow vision of what “equity” means in schools.</p>
<p>We constantly hear debates about the inequitable distribution of money, but how often do we have a debate about the inequitable distribution of quality teachers or curriculum options?</p>
<p>Any injection of cash into schools, therefore, <a href="http://www.afr.com/opinion/in-wake-of-stalled-gonski-review-is-there-a-way-forward-on-school-funding-20150630-gi18xk">needs to be accompanied</a> by monitoring and accountability measures that ensure money is “well spent”. </p>
<h2>Back to the (Gonski) future…</h2>
<p>The Gonski report was a landmark moment in the history of Australian school funding and an unprecedented opportunity to develop an equitable funding model.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, the politics of distraction, fuelled by political leaders afraid to disrupt the status quo, has ensured the principles of Gonski remain unfulfilled.</p>
<p>It is time, therefore, to revisit the future proposed by Gonski and to stem the flow of bad ideas that are driving school funding into a political mess.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>Glenn will be on hand for an Author Q&A between 1 and 2m AEST on Thursday, July 9. Post your questions in the comments section below.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/44308/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Glenn C Savage does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Political debates around school funding focus on public versus private, which party is the Gonski champion, and who gets the most money. All of these debates miss the point.Glenn C Savage, Researcher and Lecturer in Education Policy, Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/436242015-06-22T05:46:15Z2015-06-22T05:46:15ZLeaked school funding proposals: should we be worried?<p>The <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/tony-abbotts-school-reform-paper-proposes-cutting-federal-funding-20150621-ghtkkz.html">leak of four reform proposals</a> for Australian schooling from a confidential draft of the Green Paper on the <a href="https://federation.dpmc.gov.au/">Reform of the Federation</a> has triggered panic and confusion across the country. But while the proposals may seem worrying at first glance, they need to be put in context.</p>
<p>First, these are not policy announcements. They are merely the next step in the long, exhaustive White Paper process, following the launch of the <a href="http://federation.dpmc.gov.au/issues-paper-4">issues paper exploring roles and responsibilities in education</a> late last year. </p>
<p>Discussion and feedback from that paper has been digested by the White Paper Taskforce in the Prime Minister’s department, and now have taken some rudimentary form as a collection of policy reform options in a draft of the Green Paper. </p>
<p>These options are now the subject of confidential and collaborative discussions with Australia’s state and territory governments – discussions intended to critique, elaborate, amend and refine. Following these revisions, the Green Paper will be publicly released for everyone else to view and have their say.</p>
<p>The Green Paper is a <a href="http://federation.dpmc.gov.au/faq-page#n168">consultation document outlining a range of possible solutions</a> to the key problems as assessed by the government. Public submissions are encouraged. </p>
<p>Only after all of this feedback, and yet more research, more consultation with stakeholders and further discussions with the states, will the Commonwealth release the end product – the White Paper – next year. </p>
<p>This document will officially state the government’s preferred policy settings and approach on government roles and responsibilities in education, health, housing and financial relations. Even White Papers, however, are far from implemented policy: they are just preferred policy settings.</p>
<p>Second, the proposals leaked to Fairfax Media are not at all surprising to those that read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/federal-government-to-take-a-back-seat-in-education-35714">background “issue paper” on federalism in education</a>, which repeatedly argued that schooling outcomes would likely be improved if the Commonwealth returned some or all of its responsibilities in school education to the states. It also raised the possibility of alternative funding structures.</p>
<h2>Proposal 1: make states and territories responsible for all schools</h2>
<p>This could improve the targeting and effectiveness of education funding and programs. But it must be accompanied by commensurate funding from the Commonwealth to the states. </p>
<p>Having two levels of government making funding and program decisions independently distorts policymaking, dilutes the effectiveness of programs and distracts schools from their own cohesive and tailored plans for enhanced learning. </p>
<h2>Proposal 2: make states responsible for public schools, and Commonwealth non-government schools</h2>
<p>This could exacerbate the inequities and policy perversions created by two levels of government pulling independent policy levers independently, and provide incentives to reduce expenditure at the expense of the other level.</p>
<h2>Proposal 3: reduce Commonwealth involvement in schools, without significant structural change</h2>
<p>This is the most likely scenario of the four draft reform options, and depending on the detail it could see significant improvement. Productive collaboration between states and Commonwealth could enhance targeting of needs-based funding and by extension equity and excellence throughout all school systems. </p>
<h2>Proposal 4: make the Commonwealth the dominant funder of all schools</h2>
<p>This would be unlikely and unwise. The <a href="http://www.appa.asn.au/content/gonski-report/Review-of-Funding-for-Schooling-Final-Report-Dec-2011.pdf">Gonski Review of School Funding</a>, and the Commonwealth government itself, both repeatedly state that policy experience and expertise in schooling is held by the states, not the Commonwealth. </p>
<p>Connected to this fourth draft proposal was a suggestion that wealthy families pay fees to send their children to public schools and that Commonwealth funding for schools be connected to family ability to contribute. This fee impost could incentivise families to shift to private schools, exacerbating the residualisation in Australia’s school system from the public system to private schools.</p>
<p>Federal Education Minister Christopher Pyne quickly distanced himself from this proposal: </p>
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<p>However, public schools around the country already charge a variety of fees and levies. In most states, schools can legally charge for things <a href="http://www.audit.vic.gov.au/publications/20150211-School-costs/20150211-School-costs-presentation.pdf">“not directly related to providing free instruction”</a>.</p>
<p>Excursions, uniforms, music instruction, and school photos usually incur extra costs. On top of that, many schools ask for money for building funds and more. School principals cite inadequate government funding as the reason for these parent payments.</p>
<p>In 2013, Victorian parents of public school students <a href="http://www.audit.vic.gov.au/reports_and_publications/latest_reports/2014-15/20150211-school-costs.aspx">paid</a> A$310 million to schools – an average of A$558 per student. This was an increase of A$70 million, or 29%, since 2009. Schools in wealthier areas charge and collect much more than this. Schools educating disadvantaged families charge far less and have a low collection rate. </p>
<p>The Victorian Auditor General’s Office <a href="http://www.audit.vic.gov.au/reports_and_publications/latest_reports/2014-15/20150211-school-costs.aspx">found</a> “parent payments have become essential to the provision of free instruction in government schools”; “schools are charging parents for items that should be free”; and the Victorian Department of Education:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… has no oversight on what items and how much schools charge parents.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>We need to do away with the myth that public education is free and talk about how government and communities can <a href="http://www.mitchellinstitute.org.au/reports/the-shared-work-of-learning/">work together to better support schools and students</a>. Schools have been operating without necessary support for too long. Greater coordination, collaboration and support is urgently required.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/43624/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bronwyn Hinz is a member of Need to Succeed, which advocates for needs-based, sector-neutral school funding, and has spoken at their Victorian symposium.</span></em></p>The leak of four reform proposals for Australian schooling has triggered panic and confusion across the country. But while at first glance the proposals may seem worrying, they need to be put in context.Bronwyn Hinz, Policy Fellow at the Mitchell Institute for Health and Education Policy (Victoria University) & PhD Candidate, School of Social and Political Sciences & Melbourne Graduate School of Education, Victoria UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/436112015-06-22T02:34:19Z2015-06-22T02:34:19ZWithdrawing federal funding for public schooling would exacerbate two-tiered system<p>Fairfax press has <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/tony-abbotts-school-reform-paper-proposes-cutting-federal-funding-20150621-ghtkkz.html">reported</a> the federal government’s green paper on <a href="https://federation.dpmc.gov.au/">reforming the federation</a> has suggested four possible scenarios for school funding:</p>
<ol>
<li>Give states and territories complete funding responsibility</li>
<li>The federal government to fund independent schools, while states and territories fully fund public schools</li>
<li>Reduce overall federal involvement in schools</li>
<li>The federal government to become the major funder of schools.</li>
</ol>
<p>Given there is nearly a A$30 billion shortfall in <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-education-budget-report-card-f-for-fail-41746">school funding</a> from 2018 in this year’s federal budget, it can be assumed that number 4 is the most unlikely scenario. Given the Coalition’s commitment to <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/renewing-federalism">small central government</a>, it is most likely they would support divesting in school funding, pushing back onto the states and territories.</p>
<p>The opposition has <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-06-22/labor-condemns-proposed-fundamental-shift-in-schools-funding/6562562">condemned</a> the proposed changes. The government was quick to <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2015/jun/22/christopher-pyne-rules-out-rich-paying-fees-for-public-schooling">rule out</a> means-testing parents who send their children to public schools. Education minister, Christopher Pyne took to Twitter:</p>
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<p>However, the question remains: if the federal government withdraws from funding public schools, which is looking increasingly likely, how will the states and territories pick up the slack?</p>
<h2>A two-tiered school system?</h2>
<p>The <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/opinion/editorials/value-for-the-education-dollar/story-e6frg71x-1226903790451">user-pays</a> mentality should be no surprise, considering that in the past 18 months the government has attempted (unsuccessfully) to introduce a GP co-payment and privatise the university sector by deregulating fees.</p>
<p>I have argued <a href="https://theconversation.com/pyne-misses-the-point-in-education-reform-26233">previously</a> that the reform agenda misses one of the most important questions: what kind of society do we want to live in? A two-tiered system of schooling will have devastating effects on our social fabric, widening an already too large and persistent <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-poor-kids-continue-to-do-poorly-in-the-education-game-23500">equity gap</a>. </p>
<p>Under a market approach to schooling, poor students will be even <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/comment/students-captive-to-market-forces-and-unfair-school-funding-models-20131208-2yza6.html">worse off</a>. Considering the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2015/jun/21/australian-inequality-rising-as-top-20-increase-wealth-and-income-report">rising inequality</a> in Australia, this will only further exacerbate the situation.</p>
<p>The 2011 <a href="http://www.appa.asn.au/content/gonski-report/Review-of-Funding-for-Schooling-Final-Report-Dec-2011.pdf">Gonski Review</a> of School Funding was a sector-blind, needs-based and equitable funding model, which had at its heart the promise that</p>
<blockquote>
<p>all students have access to a high standard of education regardless of their background or circumstances.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Despite claiming to be on a <a href="http://www.themonthly.com.au/politicoz/november/1385419988/unity-ticket">unity ticket</a> for school funding in the lead-up to the 2013 election, the Coalition government has gone against many of Gonski’s recommendations, including the bulk of Gonski funding.</p>
<p>The focus on whether parents <a href="http://www.couriermail.com.au/news/national/wealthy-parents-could-be-forced-to-pay-for-public-schooling/story-fnihslxi-1227409005468">might have to pay</a> more to send their children to public schools is a distraction from the real situation, which is that the government is increasingly seeking to <a href="https://theconversation.com/health-and-schools-spending-growth-must-eventually-be-slowed-abbott-23622">divest</a> in public health and education.</p>
<p>Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/education/school-funding-co-payment-for-wealthy-a-matter-for-states-pm-says/story-fn59nlz9-1227409186021">statement</a> that school funding is a matter for the states and territories belies the broader federalism “reform” agenda that puts market logic at the heart of education, health, welfare and other social services; turning them from public goods to private commodities.</p>
<h2>Why we should all fight for public education</h2>
<p>A common neoliberal myth supposes that if everyone is working in their own economic, social and political interests, then it will have benefits for others. <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/business/economics-blog/2015/jun/21/so-much-for-trickle-down-bold-reforms-are-required-to-tackle-inequality">Trickle-down economics</a> is one example, with another being the argument that having a university degree <a href="http://theconversation.com/university-a-worthwhile-investment-for-individuals-and-society-oecd-31516">benefits</a> the degree-holder more than society.</p>
<p>When it comes to schooling, the argument is made that parents should have the <a href="https://theconversation.com/school-choice-no-great-love-for-the-private-path-but-parents-follow-the-money-40376">choice</a> to send their children to the best school in order to get the best education they can. This has played out in the US with the rise of charter schools, and in the UK with its focus on free schools and academies. Yet, as I have previously <a href="https://theconversation.com/education-is-a-public-good-not-a-private-commodity-31408">described</a>, such moves increase inequity.</p>
<p>The adverse effects of the <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jun/10/sweden-schools-crisis-political-failure-education">Swedish free schools</a> system, where the creation of for-profit schools being funded by public money has seen both decreasing educational outcomes and increasing inequality, should provide a cautionary tale for Australia.</p>
<p>Since the New South Wales <a href="http://www5.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/nsw/num_act/psao1866n33208.pdf">Public Schools Act 1866</a>, legislation has enshrined compulsory, secular and universal access to public schooling. This is not something that should be taken lightly, nor should it be cast aside with a spurious argument that it is not the responsibility of the federal government.</p>
<p>Providing universal access to high-quality education that is publicly provided is something we are all collectively responsible for.</p>
<p>Public schooling should not be seen as a safety net, providing limited education for those who cannot afford to go to a private school. Instead, it needs to be celebrated as being one of the most important foundations for a healthy democracy.</p>
<p>Access to education provides enormous <a href="http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002296/229603E.pdf">benefits</a> to individuals and societies – increasing health, prosperity, social cohesion and political awareness – while also reducing welfare dependency, crime and incarceration rates.</p>
<p>If we are serious about our attempts to close the gap in Indigenous education, raise literacy and numeracy levels, reduce social disadvantage and provide a meaningful education for all students in Australia, regardless of where they live, then we must have a strong public education system. </p>
<p>Any attempt to undermine the fabric of public education is an attempt to undermine the fabric of society. As such, it is something that every single one of us should be very concerned about.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/43611/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stewart Riddle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Fairfax press has reported the federal government’s green paper on reforming the federation has suggested four possible scenarios for school funding: Give states and territories complete funding responsibility…Stewart Riddle, Senior Lecturer, University of Southern QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/410902015-05-13T20:10:20Z2015-05-13T20:10:20ZLocation matters most to parents when choosing a public school<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/80390/original/image-20150505-8415-1tdikyl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Nope, not nearly urban enough.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com.au</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>There is an <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/public-versus-private-education">ongoing, heated debate</a> surrounding public versus private secondary schools. Most of these debates concern the quality or merit of private and public schools. </p>
<p>My <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17508487.2014.969288">research</a> about parents campaigning for new public schools found the quality or merit of the school is validated in its location. When it comes to the urban public school, the location of the school is exceedingly important for how desirable the school is for middle-class parents.</p>
<p>The geographical importance is not merely related to convenience and proximity (because many strategic middle-class school choosers will move house for a desirable public school). It is more nuanced and complex than that. A suburb in which a school is located lends itself to prestige, status and class. </p>
<h2>The statistics</h2>
<p>For three years, <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01596306.2012.739471">I studied groups of parents lobbying for brand-new public schools</a>. I wanted to know what made certain public schools more desirable than others; what kind of strategies parents used to acquire enrolment in the desirable schools; and why public education was meaningful and what it symbolised for parents.</p>
<p>This <a href="http://arrow.monash.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/monash:151197">research</a> encompassed interviews, observation and comparative analyses of 15 different suburbs and schools, by income, race and religion. </p>
<p>What came from this analysis is: for the participants in this study, desirable public high schools are located in suburbs with higher levels of income, in comparison to the state median and the surrounding suburbs. </p>
<p>The desirable schools are positioned in suburbs with higher levels of Australian-born residents, in comparison to the surrounding suburbs and on par with the state median. </p>
<p>The desirable public schools are also positioned in suburbs with higher levels of individuals who identify with “No Religion” in the Australian Census. In the desirable suburbs, the percentage of these individuals is higher than the state median and higher than the surrounding suburbs on all counts.</p>
<h2>Geography and class</h2>
<p>Beyond these statistics, there is another embedded layer to how geography influences and informs school choice. Each of my participants referenced class in the interviews. I did not ask any questions about class or use the actual word, but each interview participant referenced the “middle class” in relation to their own identity. </p>
<p>This reference was always negotiated, imagined and discussed in connection with where they live. Where you live is a crucial marker of your own “class story”. In turn, this directly influences how an individual engages in school choice, but also which school they want for their child. I make this argument in the context of the urban, public school.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81504/original/image-20150513-5763-djsy60.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81504/original/image-20150513-5763-djsy60.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81504/original/image-20150513-5763-djsy60.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81504/original/image-20150513-5763-djsy60.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81504/original/image-20150513-5763-djsy60.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81504/original/image-20150513-5763-djsy60.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81504/original/image-20150513-5763-djsy60.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81504/original/image-20150513-5763-djsy60.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Class is reinforced by our surroundings.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Michael Coghlan/Flickr</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Geography is physical – it is around us and under our feet. But it also represents and is emblematic of identity and class. Where an individual lives relates strongly to social standing. </p>
<p>Geography constructs class – that is, social divisions, social separations and social hierarchies. A lesser amount of infrastructure within particular suburbs, such as missing footpaths, a rickety footbridge, or a lack of schools, expresses matters of class – a sense of inferiority or superiority - within a physical space.</p>
<h2>The question of convenience</h2>
<p>Middle-class parents frequently rely on an argument of convenience. And of course, why shouldn’t they? We are all busy. </p>
<p>However, in my research, I find that problems of distance are always overcome, provided the school is desirable. If the middle-class school chooser can achieve enrolment in a desirable public school, then travel distances will not matter.</p>
<p>For the savvy chooser, there is a strong and significant perceived <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-lesson-from-canada-why-australia-should-have-fewer-selective-schools-35534">gap between “good” and “bad” schools</a>. Differences in government funding to schools contribute to this gap. </p>
<p>Indeed, it is not simply the stratification between “good” and “bad” schools - it reaches beyond that to the urban space in which the school is positioned, and how this space is characterised by school choosers.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/41090/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Emma Rowe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The quality of a public school is in location, location, location.Emma Rowe, Lecturer in the Faculty of Education,, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/366812015-02-05T06:15:33Z2015-02-05T06:15:33ZSend disadvantaged pupils to boarding school and only the brightest thrive<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/70928/original/image-20150203-25536-2folh6.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=923%2C14%2C2248%2C1231&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A French boarding school aimed at disadvantaged pupils. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author provided. </span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Send a child to a boarding school and they’ll thrive. That’s what <a href="http://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Preparing_for_Power.html?id=LMo1jbNuUMoC&redir_esc=y">many richer families believe</a> when they send their children away to board, and it’s the belief behind a series of programmes set up around the world in the past two decades, aimed at providing places at boarding schools for disadvantaged children. </p>
<p>Two examples are the <a href="http://www.seedfoundation.com/">SEED boarding schools</a>, started in the US in the late 1990s to teach poor black students, and the <em><a href="http://www.education.gouv.fr/cid50541/les-internats-d-excellence.html">internats d’excellence</a></em> (boarding schools of excellence), introduced in 2008 in France to teach students from poor families. There are 45 such <em>internats</em> are now operating in France, serving 4,200 middle and high school students, essentially for free. </p>
<p>These schools were opened because of concerns that the negative influences students are exposed to in their home environment could impair their academic potential. But very little is known about the effects that substituting school for home produce on students. The only study considering this question found that <a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/671798">being enrolled in the SEED boarding school in Washington DC increases student test scores</a>.</p>
<h2>Boarding by lottery</h2>
<p>In <a href="http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/staff/cdechaisemartin/ready_for_boarding.pdf">research</a> co-authored with Luc Behaghel and Marc Gurgand from the Paris School of Economics, and conducted with the <a href="http://www.povertyactionlab.org/">Poverty Action Lab</a>, we analysed the effects of a French <em>internat</em> on student outcomes. Our findings suggest that while these boarding schools can help boost pupils who are already strong academically, they might not be helping weaker students. </p>
<p>The school we studied was created in 2009, and is located south of Paris. Only 258 places in the boarding school were available, but 395 students applied. Applicants were higher achievers than their classmates in their original schools, but because they came from low-performing schools, their performance was comparable to that of the median student in the French population. Half of them came from families where French is not the main language spoken at home.</p>
<p>Students admitted were randomly selected out of the pool of applicants. We followed both the lottery winners and losers – who stayed at their regular schools – over two years after the lottery and gave them cognitive and non-cognitive tests at the end of each academic year. </p>
<h2>Stronger students do well</h2>
<p>One year after the lottery, cognitive test scores were very similar in the two groups. But after two years, boarders outperformed lottery losers on the maths test. The difference in performance between the two groups was sizeable. Boarders’ maths scores were comparable to that of the seventh strongest student in a representative French class of 20 students, while the lottery losers performance was more comparable to that of the tenth strongest student. </p>
<p>Our cost-benefit analysis shows that the boarding school is <a href="http://qje.oxfordjournals.org/content/114/2/497.short">as effective as reducing class size</a>. But the effect of the boarding school mostly comes from students who were already doing well in maths before they started boarding. Students who were weaker to begin with did not seem to benefit: even after two years we did not observe any test score gains among them.</p>
<p>From their first year onwards, boarders experienced substantially better study conditions than our lottery losers who didn’t go to boarding school. They benefited from smaller classes, reported much lower levels of classroom disruption and praised the engagement of their teachers. We did not find evidence that the quality of their study conditions changed over the two years.</p>
<h2>It takes time to adjust</h2>
<p>These patterns might be due to the fact that adjusting to the school initially reduces students’ well-being. When students arrive at the boarding school they need to adapt to their new environment. They have to cope with the separation from friends and family and also relinquish a certain amount of freedom. They have to wear a formal school uniform similar to those of English private schools and spend less time watching television than the lottery losers. </p>
<p>The boarders also face higher academic demands. They are immersed in an environment with peers who are academically stronger and teachers who are more demanding. Most of the new students experienced a sharp decline in their grades when they entered the school. </p>
<p>These factors were probably responsible for the lower levels of well-being we observed among boarders in the end of their first year. They were more likely to say they felt lonely or uncomfortable at school. Yet during their second year, students seemed to adjust. Boarder’s levels of well-being caught up with those of lottery losers: their motivation became higher and they also reported spending more time on their homework. This could also explain why the stronger students made more progress than the weaker ones. We found some indication that the initial negative shock on well-being was larger for weaker students, while the recovery was faster for stronger students.</p>
<h2>Lessons for other countries</h2>
<p>Overall, boarding seems to be a disruptive form of schooling for students. Once they have managed to adjust to their new environment, strong students make very substantial academic progress. On the other hand, this type of school does not seem well-suited to weaker students: even after two years we do not observe any test score gains among them.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/70123/original/image-20150127-17544-1k2b5yr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/70123/original/image-20150127-17544-1k2b5yr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/70123/original/image-20150127-17544-1k2b5yr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/70123/original/image-20150127-17544-1k2b5yr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/70123/original/image-20150127-17544-1k2b5yr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/70123/original/image-20150127-17544-1k2b5yr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/70123/original/image-20150127-17544-1k2b5yr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Charterhouse, one of England’s oldest boarding schools.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In England, the Centre for Social Justice think tank has <a href="http://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/UserStorage/pdf/Press%20releases%202014/CSJ-education-press-release--29.08.14.pdf">suggested</a> that more children from disadvantaged families should be sent to boarding school. One charity has <a href="https://news.tes.co.uk/b/news/2014/09/03/boarding-school-benefits-for-growing-numbers-of-disadvantaged-children.aspx">already begun placing</a> children in some of the UK’s top schools. Our results suggest that this type of policy might work with strong students, but not necessarily with weaker ones. <a href="http://educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/news/eef-in-the-news-the-effects-of-boarding-schools/">Studies currently being conducted about the UK program</a> will tell whether the results we found in France continue to apply across the channel.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/36681/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Clement de Chaisemartin received funding for this research from the French Experimental Fund for Youth. All of his research is independent and the views expressed in this article are entirely his own.</span></em></p>Send a child to a boarding school and they’ll thrive. That’s what many richer families believe when they send their children away to board, and it’s the belief behind a series of programmes set up around…Clement de Chaisemartin, Assistant Professor in the Department of Economics, University of WarwickLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/345302014-11-25T19:20:40Z2014-11-25T19:20:40ZVictorian election: on education, the parties’ priorities are muddled<p>The Victorian Labor opposition’s recent promise to change the state’s licence plates to <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/victorian-election-2014-daniel-andrews-to-change-number-plates-to-the-education-state-if-labor-wins-20141105-11h4ke.html">“Victoria: the education state”</a> is emblematic of the way both Labor and the Napthine Coalition government have made education a major focus of their election campaigns.</p>
<p>But just days before Victorian voters go to the ballot box, the promises both parties have made, including the number plate pledge, are misguided. They won’t necessarily give the state the education outcomes its children need.</p>
<h2>Napthine government’s education report card 2014</h2>
<p>To “balance the budget”, more than A$600 million was cut from public school education and $1.2 billion from TAFE over the term of this government. The Napthine government has <a href="http://www.education.vic.gov.au/about/department/Pages/refocusvet.aspx">focused</a> on private providers and “user pays”. Student support staff, Koori education specialists and literacy and numeracy coaches have been removed. Amalgamating nine regional and metro regions into four mega regions reduced regional support staff, especially in rural areas. </p>
<p>Capital works funding has been halved. This has left many public schools in deteriorated and dilapidated conditions. Many <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/asbestos-in-victorian-schools-needs-urgent-removal-demands-worksafe-20141122-11rso8.html">school buildings</a> still contain dangerous levels of asbestos, while private and Catholic schools continue to receive ever-larger amounts of public money.</p>
<p>Given Martin Dixon is a former school principal, principals, teachers and school communities should have had a state education minister who genuinely understood education. Before the 2010 election, the Baillieu-Napthine government promised to make Victoria’s teachers the best paid in Australia. </p>
<p>After more than 12 months of industrial strife, strikes and negotiations, Western Australian teacher pay still far outstrips that of Victoria. Victoria <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/national/education/alp-must-program-for-success-in-schools-20140728-zxm2p.html">invests less per student</a> than any other state or territory.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/65318/original/image-20141124-19612-1ojlrbh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/65318/original/image-20141124-19612-1ojlrbh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=180&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65318/original/image-20141124-19612-1ojlrbh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=180&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65318/original/image-20141124-19612-1ojlrbh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=180&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65318/original/image-20141124-19612-1ojlrbh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=226&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65318/original/image-20141124-19612-1ojlrbh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=226&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65318/original/image-20141124-19612-1ojlrbh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=226&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Victoria invests less per student than any other state or territory.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Flickr/Michael Fawcett</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Dixon has introduced a number of policy initiatives. The <a href="http://www.education.vic.gov.au/about/department/pages/teachingprofession.aspx">From New Directions to Action: World-class teaching and school leadership</a> and the <a href="http://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/learningcommunity.pdf">Towards Victoria as a Learning Community</a> policies outlined the government’s vision for excellence in school leadership and for a high-performing teaching workforce to help raise student achievement in Victoria to match the very best worldwide. But school communities and principals have tended to ignore these policies as just another top-down directive without substance.</p>
<p>Under Dixon, Victorians have witnessed the <a href="https://www.facebook.com/secularschools/posts/752112574850605">chaos and confusion</a> over <a href="http://www.education.vic.gov.au/about/department/legislation/Pages/sri.aspx">Special Religious Instruction</a> in schools, with Dixon seemingly <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/schools-face-please-explain-on-religious-instruction-20140811-102uay.html">beholden</a> to <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/schools-face-please-explain-on-religious-instruction-20140811-102uay.html">fundamentalist</a> religious groups over the wishes of principals and parents. As a result of her objections to breaches of the secular principle, a single mum of a prep child has been issued a Trespass Warning Notice by a school principal who supports ACCESS Ministries.</p>
<p>Using religious chaplains instead of qualified youth or social workers in secondary schools has led to the <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-10-26/victorian-school-fights-to-keep-its-welfare-officer/5842488">unemployment</a> of many valued social workers. The ratio of social workers to students in Victorian schools is <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/demand-for-school-social-workers-at-catastrophic-level-20141118-11p4rd.html">blowing out</a> from the recommended one worker to every 500 students to 10,000 and higher.</p>
<p>The employment of primary welfare officers has been an important initiative of the Liberal Party, which has pledged to put one in every primary school in Victoria. But the removal of <a href="http://www.aeuvic.asn.au/89838.html">Reading Recovery</a> and <a href="http://www.aeuvic.asn.au/814672.html">Literacy, Numeracy and Technology</a> tutors, ending the funding of VCAL and scrapping the Education Maintenance Allowance has hit the most disadvantaged students in government schools. </p>
<p>And what are schools meant to do with the <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/napthine-promises-3d-printers-for-every-government-school-20141027-11c9i2.html">3D printers</a> promised by Napthine? They will soon be made redundant by newer technology.</p>
<h2>Election promises – are they meaningless?</h2>
<p>Labor has made education its top priority with a <a href="http://www.viclabor.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/Victorian-Labor-Platform-2014.pdf">detailed</a> policy statement. The Liberals’ education <a href="http://www.premier.vic.gov.au/our-commitment/education.html">policy</a> is very difficult to find – the only link to it seems to be on the Independent Schools of Victoria <a href="https://www.is.vic.edu.au/independent/pubs/election/2014_election_liberal_policy.pdf">website</a>, not on the official Liberal Party of Victoria <a href="https://vic.liberal.org.au/OurPlan/HospitalsAndSchools">policy platform</a>.</p>
<p>Both parties have been involved in outrageous pork-barrelling in marginal electorates. In <a href="http://www.premier.vic.gov.au/media-centre/media-releases/9795-coalition-commits-21-million-package-for-frankston-students.html">Frankston</a>, the Liberals have promised $18 million for Frankston High School when the school wanted only $2.2 million. </p>
<p>In an ongoing <a href="http://www.heraldsun.com.au/leader/south-east/liberals-commit-almost-64-million-to-four-bentleigh-electorate-schools/story-fngnvmhm-1227129604422">bidding war</a> for Bentleigh, millions of dollars have been promised to primary and secondary schools in the seat. The Liberal <a href="http://www.heraldsun.com.au/leader/central/state-election-decider-for-prahrans-20m-public-high-school-plans/story-fngnvlpt-1227125916277">promise</a> to build a standalone secondary school in Prahran is contrary to the recommendations of <a href="http://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/research/prahranschoolprovision.pdf">two independent reports</a> commissioned by Dixon. </p>
<p>The second more detailed report was not released. I am reliably informed by insiders that the inquiry was not in favour of a new school in Prahran. In 2012, government schools in the City of Yarra had an <a href="http://www.yarracity.vic.gov.au/DownloadDocument.ashx?DocumentID=10040">unfilled capacity</a> of 1045 places.</p>
<p>Caulfield Liberal MP David Southwick promised more than $600,000 to Jewish schools in his electorate, only to later <a href="http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/victoria-state-election-2014/liberal-mp-in-funding-uturn/story-fnocxssc-1227130081719">delete</a> the announcement from his website and Twitter account.</p>
<p>The Liberals’ promise of a <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/coalition-promises-residential-college-in-melbourne-for-gifted-regional-students-20141120-11qbdr.html">residential academy</a> for gifted children from regional Victoria is an innovative and needed initiative. But the <a href="http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/victoria-state-election-2014/victorian-election-2014-kinder-children-get-100-in-liberal-pledge/story-fnocxssc-1227117362144">promise</a> of a non-means-tested $100 for all families to fund four-year-old kindergarten is ill-conceived.</p>
<p>Both major parties have ignored public schools in safe seats. Local community groups under the umbrella of <a href="http://www.ourchildrenourschools.com.au/">Our Children our Schools</a> have been campaigning to have primary and secondary schools re-opened around metropolitan Melbourne. Neither major party will commit to their requests – only the Greens have endorsed these grassroots mum-and-dad campaigns.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/65291/original/image-20141124-19639-1lfxbzz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/65291/original/image-20141124-19639-1lfxbzz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65291/original/image-20141124-19639-1lfxbzz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65291/original/image-20141124-19639-1lfxbzz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65291/original/image-20141124-19639-1lfxbzz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65291/original/image-20141124-19639-1lfxbzz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65291/original/image-20141124-19639-1lfxbzz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The plan to bring doctors into schools would be a bonus for the most disadvantaged kids.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Flickr/Myfuture.com</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Labor’s plan to have more than <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/labor-promises-doctors-for-schools-20141119-11pzjv.html">100 doctors</a> available for disadvantaged schools is innovative and will certainly help the most disadvantaged communities. A healthy child can certainly learn better. Promised support for families on pension cards with additional funds for <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victorian-state-election-labor-promises-150m-to-help-pay-for-school-camps-20141031-11f0lb.html">school camps</a> is another well-targeted Labor policy. </p>
<p>Labor has also promised a review of the way children with <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/victoria-state-election-labor-promises-help-for-students-with-autism-and-dyslexia-20141111-11ki7f.html">learning difficulties</a> are assessed after reports by the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission and Auditor-General revealed the education system was failing students with disabilities. The current policy leads to many children missing out on needed additional funding. </p>
<p>However, Labor’s promise of <a href="http://www.skynews.com.au/news/national/2014/11/10/vic-labor-promises-free-young-driver-training.html">free driver education</a> for all year 10 students is poorly targeted and non-means-tested.</p>
<h2>Key educational priorities for government</h2>
<p>One of the issues neither party is prepared to discuss is the public funding of non-government schools – which receive 7% of their funding from the state and 29% from the federal government. </p>
<p>Every year, more than $600 million is allocated from the state budget to support the Catholic ($410 million or $2200 per student) and independent ($190 million or $1700 per student) school sectors, in addition to more than A$2.2 billion a year from the federal government (Catholic $1.5 billion; independent $700 million), according to the <a href="https://www.is.vic.edu.au/independent/pubs/funding_details_2014.pdf">Productivity Commission’s 2014 report on government services</a>. Paying elite Scotch College <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victorian-government-gives-54-million-to-scotch-college-for-land-previously-valued-at-1-million-20141116-11nr17.html">$5.4 million</a> for a useless narrow strip of land under a freeway is emblematic of the Napthine government’s priorities.</p>
<p>According to the Department of Education and early Childhood Development <a href="http://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/department/vlc_fundingfact.pdf">website</a>, these arrangements will continue while it consults with stakeholders to:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… develop a long-term funding road map to better target resources to student need.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This is the Gonski money that is yet to be delivered to our schools. Many principals are asking where the Gonski money is – and so should the electorate. Remarkably, Labor has <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/labor-promises-120-million-for-catholic-and-independent-schools-20141024-11bcis.html">promised</a> an additional $120 million to Catholic and independent schools.</p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/65286/original/image-20141124-19624-1r7q8q8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/65286/original/image-20141124-19624-1r7q8q8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/65286/original/image-20141124-19624-1r7q8q8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=455&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65286/original/image-20141124-19624-1r7q8q8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=455&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65286/original/image-20141124-19624-1r7q8q8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=455&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65286/original/image-20141124-19624-1r7q8q8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=571&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65286/original/image-20141124-19624-1r7q8q8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=571&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/65286/original/image-20141124-19624-1r7q8q8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=571&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Independent schools receive state and federal funding despite public schools being in greater need.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Flickr/elycefeliz</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Victoria needs to <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/labor-promises-new-high-school-for-richmond-20140804-10038a.html">build public schools</a> (not private religious schools) in the growth areas. There is also a need to re-open schools previously closed in metro Melbourne where population changes demand it. Research by the <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/victoria-state-election-2014/victoria-needs-up-to-550-new-schools-by-2031-grattan-institute-20141017-117lv6.html">Grattan Institute</a> has shown that Victoria would need an extra 550 schools within the next 20 years. </p>
<p>This process needs to be done transparently, with public contributions and support. Genuine workforce planning policy for teachers needs to be implemented to eliminate the current oversupply of teaching graduates who are only able to get casual or <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/twothirds-of-new-teachers-on-contracts-20140804-100bdv.html">short-term contract</a> employment.</p>
<h2>Key issues facing Victorian education in the next decade</h2>
<p>Why do public schools need to sell raffle tickets and run fetes or even resort to <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/schools-crowdfund-to-make-ends-meet-20140725-zwzea.html">crowd-funding</a> to make ends meet?</p>
<p>It’s time to stop using education as a political football. Schools, teachers and parents want more stability and a coherent, long-term, bipartisan, evidence-based education policy beyond the election cycle.</p>
<p>This process has started in Queensland, with all stakeholders – government and opposition, teacher unions and parent associations – coming together to discuss education priorities. </p>
<p>Why not Victoria too?</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/34530/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Zyngier receives funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>The Victorian Labor opposition’s recent promise to change the state’s licence plates to “Victoria: the education state” is emblematic of the way both Labor and the Napthine Coalition government have made…David Zyngier, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Education, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/327682014-10-10T11:59:29Z2014-10-10T11:59:29ZOfsted reforms will mean better inspection for all… except some private schools<p>Ofsted’s chief inspector Michael Wilshaw is right to claim that his <a href="http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/news/ofsted-consults-radical-changes-inspection-0?news=23533">proposals for the future of school inspection</a> set out: “some of the most far-reaching reforms to education inspection in the last quarter of a century”. The biggest of these reforms is that schools classed as “outstanding” or “good” will not have as many regular full inspections – instead they will have more frequent but far shorter visits from Ofsted. And the biggest omission is that not all independent schools are to be inspected in the same way. </p>
<p>Looking back to 25 years ago, schools in England were subject to periodic inspection, not by Ofsted but by Her Majesty’s Inspectorate which also acted in an advisory capacity to the government education department of the day. </p>
<p>On average, primary schools were visited for one day roughly every seven years or so, when a professional dialogue took place with the head and governors. The smaller number of secondary schools would be visited more frequently. But there was no guarantee that any school would necessarily have a full inspection in any given period.</p>
<h2>Problems with quality assurance</h2>
<p>When Ofsted was created 22 years ago it faced a political imperative: all schools in England had to be inspected in a four-year period. Yet the number of HM Inspectors (HMIs) then in post, following reorganisation, was fewer than 200. </p>
<p>The result was a period of ill-thought out, frenzied activity involving the inadequate training of large numbers of would-be inspectors employed by a multitude of private agencies. Inspection handbook after inspection handbook were compiled which tried to codify inspection practice in a form which relied less on professional judgement and more on compliance with explicit, so-called “objective” criteria. </p>
<p>The whole process was intended to be monitored by an inadequate number of HMIs who could never quality assure the whole process closely enough. That political imperative was met but at a cost – to honest, mutually respectful relationships between inspectors and schools and to the reputation of inspection as a rigorous external form of school evaluation, free from political interference. </p>
<h2>Fewer inspections for good schools</h2>
<p>Somewhat to my surprise it is to the credit of the current chief inspector and his senior managers that they have recognised that those costs are now too high, especially given that more than 70% of schools are now regarded as “good” or “outstanding”.</p>
<p>The proposals are part of what <a href="https://theconversation.com/ofsted-reforms-are-a-cultural-shift-to-celebrate-best-teaching-24692">I have previously described</a> as a cultural shift in Ofsted. The inspectorate is now planning to alter the frequency and pattern of its inspections for “good” and “outstanding” schools, hearkening back to HMI inspection practice pre-1992. The proposed shorter visits are likely to take place every three years, according to Ofsted.</p>
<p>It is also proposing a long-overdue common inspection framework for early years settings on the Early Years Register, maintained schools and academies, further education and skills providers and independent schools that are not part of an association. The vast majority of inspection activity would be led by Ofsted’s own inspectors – <a href="https://theconversation.com/plans-to-renationalise-school-inspectors-under-ofsted-could-help-assure-quality-27459">rather than outsourced </a>– with an increased number of school and college leaders on brief attachments or longer secondments.</p>
<p>There are very real benefits to the proposed changes. Perhaps most importantly, they should enable many more schools to focus on the further improvement of teaching quality and educational standards, rather than devoting disproportionate amounts of time and anxiety preparing for inspection. </p>
<p>Those schools requiring intervention and advice based on expert classroom observation are more likely to receive it. The new arrangements should also improve Ofsted’s knowledge of local developments and better inform government of what is happening, including the effects of its policies on the education service as a whole.</p>
<h2>Private schools left off</h2>
<p>My only major reservation relates to Ofsted’s proposal to restrict its remit to non-association independent schools, rather than the whole <a href="https://theconversation.com/sending-in-ofsted-to-inspect-private-schools-could-level-the-education-playing-field-26832">gamut of private provision</a>. There can be no educational justification whatsoever for treating some independent schools differently from state schools in terms of inspection.</p>
<p>Leading independent schools are quite happy to quote examination data when justifying their privileged position. They should be equally happy to quote comparable Ofsted inspection findings. Ofsted needs to rethink its position and to work “without fear or favour” to develop a common inspection framework which does justice to all schools – state-maintained, academies, free schools and independent ones. The challenge for the whole of the private sector is to accept it – with good grace.</p>
<p>But Wilshaw has been wise not to proceed by introducing routine use of no-notice inspections, <a href="https://theconversation.com/no-notice-school-inspections-take-teachers-out-of-class-and-into-paperwork-31880">as had been mooted</a>. </p>
<p>Once the culture of inspection has changed these should not prove contentious in principle. But fundamental changes of mind-set take time. A culture of mutual respect and frankness between schools and inspectors needs to be in place and it isn’t there as yet. Ofsted should allow time for its other changes to take effect before reconsidering routine no-notice inspections.</p>
<p>Changing the culture of Ofsted and its relationship with schools will not be easy. It will be met with suspicion, even denial, by those within and outside the organisation. But these proposals represent a major opportunity for inspection reform which the teaching profession should welcome.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/32768/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Colin Richards worked as a government inspector of schools from 1983 to 1996, including four years in Ofsted.</span></em></p>Ofsted’s chief inspector Michael Wilshaw is right to claim that his proposals for the future of school inspection set out: “some of the most far-reaching reforms to education inspection in the last quarter…Colin Richards, Emeritus Professor of Education, University of CumbriaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/304782014-08-14T06:52:58Z2014-08-14T06:52:58ZThe strengths and benefits of Catholic and independent schools<p>Two recent pieces published on The Conversation (by <a href="https://theconversation.com/state-school-kids-do-better-at-uni-29155">Barbara Preston</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/private-schooling-has-little-long-term-pay-off-30303">Jennifer Chesters</a>) argue that parents might be wasting their money paying for a non-government school education. They contend that government school students do better at university and, especially when compared to students from independent schools, have similar labour market outcomes.</p>
<p>Defining the value of a school education in terms of tertiary performance and employment outcomes ignores the fact that there are many other less utilitarian reasons why parents might choose a Catholic or independent school.</p>
<p>The faith-based nature of many non-government schools; that most have extensive co-curricula activities such as Saturday sport; and that such schools have a school culture that parents support are also important considerations.</p>
<p>There is also a considerable amount of research suggesting that non-government schools, compared to many government schools, achieve stronger educational outcomes in areas like completion rates, academic results, success at the tertiary level and promoting social cohesion. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.melbourneinstitute.com/miaesr/publications/working-paper-series/wps2013.html">2013 Melbourne Institute Working Paper Series</a> No. 39/13 investigating the impact of Catholic schooling on wages concluded: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>… during the prime time of a career, wage rates for Catholic school graduates progress with labour market experience at a greater rate, on average, than wage rates for public school graduates.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The paper, after 15 to 25 years of labour market experience, put the benefit for Catholic school graduates at:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… around 12% higher growth in real hourly wages compared to wage projections for those who attended government schools.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>American education academic Francis Vella reached a similar conclusion in a <a href="http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/146308?uid=3737536&uid=2&uid=4&sid=21104520542457">1999 paper</a>. He wrote:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We also find that individuals from Catholic schools are more likely to find employment and are paid higher wages in addition to the effects operating through the higher levels of achieved education.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>In relation to tertiary studies, the first thing to note is that non-government school students, on average and even after adjusting for socioeconomic status (SES), are more successful at gaining entry as they achieve stronger Year 12 results compared to many government school students.</p>
<p>In a 2010 paper, University of Melbourne researcher Gary Marks <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13803611003711310?journalCode=nere20#.U-xISGSSyCU">concluded</a> that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… attendance at a Catholic or independent school significantly increased the odds of university participation, net of socio-economic background and prior achievement.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Contrary to the argument that independent school students have a higher drop out rate compared to government school students, Marks <a href="http://www.lsay.edu.au/publications/1835.html">also argued</a> in 2007 that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… students who had attended an independent school were no less likely to complete their course than students who had attended a government school.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>While, as cited by Barbara Preston, there are a number of English studies concluding that state school students, compared to non-government school students, achieve stronger tertiary results, the research is not all in agreement. In a 2004 <a href="http://www.buckingham.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/univadmiss.pdf">paper</a>, British education academic Alan Smithers argued:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>However, the difference is small and is not consistent. In addition, there are differences with university, the schools, the subjects studied and gender.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>A 2013 <a href="http://www.hefce.ac.uk/pubs/year/2013/201315/">research paper</a> by the Higher Education Funding Council for England concluded that students from independent schools outperform students from government schools in terms of:</p>
<ol>
<li>completing a degree;</li>
<li>achieving a first or upper second; and</li>
<li>gaining employment; or</li>
<li>undertaking further study.</li>
</ol>
<p>The research paper stated:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The sector-adjusted averages, like the raw data, show that a greater percentage of students from independent schools can be expected to achieve each of the four outcomes than those from state schools.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>One of the criticisms often directed at non-government schools is that they undermine a commitment to the common good and lead to social fragmentation. Once again, the evidence is far from consistent. A second Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY) <a href="http://www.lsay.edu.au/publications/1858.html">report</a> investigating volunteering as an essential aspect of active citizenship stated:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Students at government schools did less volunteering (in frequency and hours) than students in either Catholic or independent schools.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The LSAY report also cited US research showing that compared to government school students, Catholic school students are more likely to volunteer to perform community service. </p>
<p><a href="http://www.tpcs.org/about-us/Cardus-Cardus_Education_Survey_Phase_I_Report.pdf">Research</a> carried out by the Canadian-based Cardus think-tank also concludes that students from faith-based schools contribute in a positive way to social stability and social cohesion.</p>
<p>Australian research comparing the incidence of racism in Catholic and government schools also concludes that religious schools are beneficial. The <a href="http://www.fya.org.au/app/theme/default/design/assets/publications/Impact_of_Racism_FYA_report.pdf">report</a>, commissioned by the Foundation for Young Australians in 2009, concluded: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Those students who attend a Catholic school are 1.7 times less likely to report experiences of racism than students attending government schools.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Contrary to the impression that parents choosing Catholic and independent schools are wrong to expect strong outcomes for their children, it’s clear that there is a good deal of research supporting the belief that the impact of such schools is beneficial.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/30478/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kevin Donnelly does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Two recent pieces published on The Conversation (by Barbara Preston and Jennifer Chesters) argue that parents might be wasting their money paying for a non-government school education. They contend that…Kevin Donnelly, Senior Research Fellow - School of Education, Australian Catholic UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/268322014-05-16T12:22:26Z2014-05-16T12:22:26ZSending in Ofsted to inspect private schools could level the education playing field<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/48710/original/psymv2q2-1400231451.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/48710/original/psymv2q2-1400231451.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=430&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/48710/original/psymv2q2-1400231451.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=430&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/48710/original/psymv2q2-1400231451.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=430&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/48710/original/psymv2q2-1400231451.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=540&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/48710/original/psymv2q2-1400231451.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=540&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/48710/original/psymv2q2-1400231451.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=540&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Like many private schools, Brighton College would prefer to keep out of Ofsted’s spotlight.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/howzey/2236889885/sizes/o/">howzey</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Schools inspectorate Ofsted has once again been in the limelight with <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/education-27341805">the suggestion on May 10</a> that it could be tasked with the inspection of all independent schools.</p>
<p>The idea of Ofsted inspecting private schools is controversial and would mean exposing the origins of historically deep divisions between private and state education. These divisions extend beyond the school gates and have contributed to enduring inequalities in our society.</p>
<p>The suggestion by secretary of state for education Michael Gove came after a <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/education-secretary-michael-goves-speech-to-brighton-college">speech</a> at the fee-paying Brighton College. It caused a flurry of activity on social media along with a number of critical postings by heads of independent schools.</p>
<p>The head of St Hida’s Preparatory School for girls in Hertfordshire <a href="http://www.sthildas-school.co.uk/news/read/933">said</a>: “Whilst current ISI [Independent Schools Inspectorate] inspectors are heads and senior managers of independent schools and understand the very specific pressures inherent within their own world, Ofsted inspectors would need extra training and immersion to bridge this gap. Another cost.”</p>
<p>These largely echoed the concerns of Richard Cairns, head of Brighton College, over independent schools being inspected by those coming from “<a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/educationnews/10817647/Michael-Gove-Ofsted-should-inspect-all-private-schools.html">different educational worlds</a>”.</p>
<h2>Keeping a watchful eye</h2>
<p>At the moment, Ofsted is only tasked with directly inspecting private schools that don’t fall under the umbrella of the <a href="http://www.isc.co.uk/about-us-2/inspection">Independent Schools Council</a>. But it does monitor the work of the ISI which inspects <a href="http://www.isc.co.uk/press/press-releases/2014/new-report-demonstrates-the-significant-impact-of-independent-schools-on-the-british-economy">1,205 schools at which around half a million children are educated</a>.</p>
<p>The last report by Ofsted on the work of the ISI reflected that it “continues to be of good quality”, with Ofsted head Michael Wilshaw noting <a href="http://www.isi.net/news/0-0/ofsted-give-isi-highest-rating/">11 separate strengths</a> of current practice.</p>
<p>But the framework for inspection of the private sector is different to that used in state education. This makes any monitoring process prey to the “one rule for one, one rule for another” syndrome. </p>
<p>The prospect of introducing a system that operates across both state and private sector would certainly seem to make sense from a parents’ point of view. At the moment most of the information comes via slick marketing campaigns orchestrated by schools themselves. Although you can look at schools on websites such as <a href="http://www.best-schools.co.uk/">Best Schools UK</a> this only compares different private schools. </p>
<p>Parent websites such as <a href="http://www.parentdish.co.uk/teen/why-private-schools-are-better-than-state/">parentdish.co.uk</a> constantly debate the difference between private and state education. But they do this without much real evidence about standards of teaching and learning – apart from sets of results which are more likey to reflect selective intake policies rather than excellent teaching practice.</p>
<p>But inspection is far from cheap: since 2004 Ofsted has had to reduce its overheads from an operating budget of £266m in 2004-5 to a mere <a href="http://www.tes.co.uk/article.aspx?storycode=6112975">£143m by 2014-5</a> – an overall reduction of 46% within a decade. </p>
<p>The current, more proportionate approach to inspection which reduces the <a href="http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/news/ofsted-chief-unveils-new-blueprint-for-inspecting-good-and-outstanding-schools">frequency of inspections for outstanding schools</a>, has gone some way to cutting costs and reducing its operating budget. But to take on the whole of the private sector would incur more costs to the taxpayer – costs that some would argue would only benefit those that could afford private education anyway.</p>
<p>But the challenges of Ofsted expanding its remit to all private schools are not purely financial – it has recently <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/education/2014/mar/05/ofsted-inspection-system-state-school-problems-ascl">come in for criticism</a> from a number of agencies and organisations, most recently the <a href="http://www.sec-ed.co.uk/news/call-is-made-to-axe-inspection-service-providers-and-create-a-leaner-ofsted">Association of School and College Leaders</a> on its use of contract inspectors, indicating that their training is not up to standard. </p>
<p>If Ofsted was to directly inspect all private schools in addition to its extensive existing remit, inspectors would undoubtedly have to come from one of the contractors. The capacity of Ofsted’s own Her Majesty’s Inspectors – who not only lead inspections, but have a considerable remit in the quality control of agency inspectors – is already stretched to the limit.</p>
<p>Ofsted also employs an inspection framework which is largely driven by performance data and league tables – an element that <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/educationnews/10829987/State-schools-churning-out-a-generation-of-amoral-children.html">Richard Walden, chairman of the Independent</a> Schools Association said curtailed and compromised any focus on extra curricula activities, leading to considerable pressures on teachers and pupils alike.</p>
<p>In addition, it has also made state schools prey to politically driven innovation overload, which their counterparts in the private sector are able to resist. Far from stimulating creativity, this very <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/teacher-network/2011/oct/03/government-interference">often detracts</a> from investment in anything that is not testable or measurable.</p>
<h2>A seductive prospect</h2>
<p>Despite these tricky questions, a level playing field on school inspection does have a number of deeply seductive elements, however it is implemented. Opening up the Pandora’s Box of independent education provision to the scrutiny of a single inspection system and a uniform inspection framework may well go some way to exposing the origins of the historically deep divisions between private and state education. </p>
<p>These are divisions which extend beyond the school gates and have contributed to enduring inequalities in our society. The coming together of “different worlds” that Cairns describes may well prove a shock to both parties. But the insights that emerge from such a process may be worth overcoming the financial, political and operational challenges that will undoubtedly be engendered. </p>
<p>Given its history and current structure, whether Ofsted is the right organisation for the job is altogether a different matter.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/26832/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
Schools inspectorate Ofsted has once again been in the limelight with the suggestion on May 10 that it could be tasked with the inspection of all independent schools. The idea of Ofsted inspecting private…Jacqueline Baxter, Lecturer in social policy, The Open UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/98362012-09-27T06:57:38Z2012-09-27T06:57:38ZFinnish education guru Pasi Sahlberg In Conversation: full transcript<figure>
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<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Welcome to The Conversation. My name is John Hattie from the University of Melbourne and I have here today, Pasi Sahlberg from the Department of Education in Finland. </p>
<p>It’s certainly exciting to have you here and we look to your country all the time. What’s it like to be in the top five education league tables?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: You know, most Finnish people don’t think like this, unless you remind us that we are there but most people don’t really care about where we are. But I think it’s like always when you’re on the top of the hill, it’s windy, it’s busy and in a way, it’s not a comfortable place to be. </p>
<p>In Finland, we say it’s easier to ski behind somebody else, you have the track and you know where to go. But if you’re the first one, you don’t see anything, it’s just snow and white.</p>
<p>We have been a little bit in this type of situation where we have to choose which direction where to go and people are asking these questions – so I would much rather be number five than number one. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: In terms of what we want to do here in Australia, our Prime Minister has aspirations <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/drive/australian-education-system-to-make-world-top-five-by-2025/4240818">to be in the top five [internationally]</a>. Any sense of what we need to do here? That’s a horrifically large question but given your experience of what you’ve done in Finland, and we want to get there soon, we’re not going to wait for 30 or 40 years, so what would you say to us?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: When I read the Prime Minister’s goal, which is a kind of ambitious goal to have, [I don’t see it] literally to be number five but it’s kind of like a metaphor that you want to improve. So it doesn’t matter if you’re number five or number eight or number three, it’s a call for improvement. </p>
<p>And as I see Australia… you’re doing pretty well. That you are already on the map of the world’s best education systems, so I don’t see this as a situation, like in many other countries, where you have a much longer way to go, many of the basic issues are in place here. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: But do you get the sense though that when you go to countries that are 20th and 30th, and we’re more like 10th and 12th, often I think the mood in Australia is like we’re 20th or 30th. It sounds like there’s a crisis going on because we’re not in the top five.</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: What I hear here is much more of very pessimistic, critical views on what you’re doing. And as an external observer, and I’ve seen most of the OECD countries up close, I can say that things are much better here – here and in New Zealand – when I meet with principals and teachers.</p>
<p>But I think, of course, there are things that you need to do and I think you’re in a much better situation here in Australia today than in most countries ten years ago when you didn’t have this experience and evidence from the [Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA)] and other things. So if you take a close look at what the well-performing countries have done, and what the countries who have been able to climb up this education performance pyramid, you have much more choices to make.</p>
<p>Some of the things you are already considering here include: how do you spend the money? How do you fund your education system? I think a very important question is: what do you do with the teachers? How should you prepare them? How can you provide them with more professional development? [There’s] the leadership issue. </p>
<p>And then finally one of the critical issues here is, if you compare Australia to the other high-performing education systems, is the question of equity. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Let’s just go back through those, on funding we actually spend more funding per student than you do in Finland by a long way.</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: You do spend, if you use the current statistic a little bit more than Finland. But I think, this is because of your massive funding for structures…</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: The Building the Education Revolution…</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Yes, but if you take that away, and compare what Australia was spending three years ago, you have a significant gap between Finland and Australia, in favour of Finland, so we have been spending more. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Now, in terms of teacher quality – that’s the catch-all all the time. The message that often comes through from that is that the teachers need to improve, they’re not good. What have you done in Finland on teacher quality?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: We decided when we started to build the current education system 40 years ago, we realised that if you have a system that is aiming to be not number one, but equitable so that every child will be having opportunity and pathways to be successful, that requires teachers that are better educated and better education not just for some teachers but for everybody, all of them.</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: And certainly at the beginning they have to be at least a masters to get in?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Many other countries have probably done a different way. But in Finland, we decided that early childhood development and primary teachers, pre-school teachers and primary teachers are the key. And that’s why we require they will have an academic higher degree before they can teach. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: But once they’re in, how do you keep their education, their professional development going, because we spend an enormous amount of money on that. </p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: On professional development?</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Oh, yes.</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Well, education is very decentralised in Finland, so it’s very much up to the school, individual teachers, municipalities who are running the schools to make sure that teachers who are in service there have access to professional development. But I would say that this kind of systematic way of focusing on highly trained teachers and building a profession during the course of the last 30-35 years has created a system where becoming a primary school teacher is in very high demand in Finland. </p>
<p>Because many young people when they look at what the primary school teachers do with a high quality academic master degree that they earn in our universities, they see pretty much what the medical doctors, or lawyers or engineers or anybody else with a similar degree are doing, with their autonomy, independence, respect, professional collective nature of work. </p>
<p>And that’s why I think they are going there. Not only because the university degree is kind of a competitive degree but the image of being a primary school teacher is pretty close to how you would describe a medical doctor’s work.</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: So then, the temptation for me to say is for the way that we could do that and improve things and make sure our money is spent well, is tie it to the performance of children and look at the whole test accountability notions to make sure we’re spend in the money the right way.</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Well, this is your way to think about these things but the culture in this respect is very different in Finland. We are putting much more emphasis in Finland on well-being, happiness and health of children. So everybody is healthy and ready to develop themselves and to take the responsibility of their own learning.</p>
<p>What I hear from foreign visitors to Finland, and we have a massive number of people coming, many of them they are surprised to see how much responsibility for learning in Finnish schools is with the pupils. So they are driving the learning and development, not the teachers and if you have this type of system, where the responsibility of learning and development is primarily with the learners themselves. You cannot rely on numbers and testing. </p>
<p>Of course, we do that as well, but I think the difference between our countries is that in Finland we tend to rely much more on the numbers, the assessments and tests that are made by teachers and schools and trust the numbers that they show are real.</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: And you have a nice index of that such as PISA, and so what you’re telling me is that you’re using a lot more about student assessments, capabilities of the students rather than inflicting tests as we tend to try to do.</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Absolutely, and I think if you use the English terms like assessment for learning, which is not at all a Finnish invention. So we are relying on the research and ideas from Australia, from England, the United States, in this respect. But I think for example, this student assessment for learning is something that we have, we have caught the international idea and we have put it into practice in our schools. </p>
<p>Like we have done with many other innovations in Finland. There are very few original Finnish ideas in pedagogy and teaching. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Not completely true, the words “respect”, “responsibility”, “trust” certainly have come out of the Finnish system very strongly.</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Sure, but I’m talking about if you look at the educational literature on pedagogy, of teaching methods, or assessment ideas. Very few of them come from Finland. So what I’m saying is that our skill is not to invent, our skill is to implement and understand what ideas work. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: If I’m listening to you now, and I’m saying, “well, how would I interpret it in Australia?” Then I come up with my magic word, the word that is used all the time, “autonomy”. We’d give the teachers autonomy, we’d give the schools autonomy, and that comes then with choice and whether parents should have choice etc. </p>
<p>In your high schools in Finland, do the parents get a lot of choice in terms of the kind of schools they can send them to? Do the students get a lot of choice about the kind of subjects? How early is that choice?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Well, what we have done in Finland is that we have delayed the parental choice to upper-secondary school which is when our kids are about 16 years of age and when you have a 16-year-old Finn very few parents anymore have anything to say about their choice, this is the end of the compulsory education. So together with the responsibility for their own learning they also have the responsibility and freedom to choose where they want to go. </p>
<p>The first time when parents really can choose or students can choose between one school and another comes at the age of 16. And I think this is one of the things that I see in many other high-performing countries that they postpone and delay the parental choice as late as possible. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: We have a big choice here, the whole debate about private and public, and choosing schools, and there’s religious schools that you can choose from. We stream the kids, is there streaming in Finnish high schools?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: High schools sure, yes, we have two very different types of high school, upper secondary school options – occasional school and general school they lead to very different…</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: That’s before 16?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: That’s at the age of 16. Not before then, there’s nothing. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: There’s a lot of that here.</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: This is the main idea of Finnish education system, we try to keep children in the similar school all the way until they are 16 and leave the compulsory school. And this is what many, actually, all of the high performing countries are trying to do the same. So they are not really opening education to the free market type of choice before the students sit in PISA.</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Yes, and it’s quite different here. </p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: If you technically wanted to build a strategy to be high in the PISA rankings, this is one thing that you should consider – to manage and delay the parental choice to later stage that would improve equity and enhance the quality. But of course, it’s never simple like this.</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: And that’s the other question, I want to ask you: equity. Australia is reasonably high-performing but not so high on equity. And what I’m hearing you say here is that one way is to delay parental choice until at least 16. </p>
<p>Any other ways to address equity? You must have low-socioeconomic schools do they have the dramatic differences like we do in this country?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Australia is doing a little bit better than the OECD countries on average in equity. So if we organise countries, rank order them in term of equity, Australia is …</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: We are nowhere near Finland. </p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: You know there are countries, all the Scandinavian countries are very strong in equity and that’s why. It’s not only the school issue, particularly with the equity issue we have to look at many other things, like what the health system and social protection and early childhood development are doing. </p>
<p>But I think one thing that is probably standing taller than anything else in Finland in terms of this is how we understand and organise special education, the education for children with special needs. </p>
<p>And that’s a different way to do this thing than here and in many other countries because we have a much more sensitive lens through which we are looking at our classrooms and students. And that’s why we have many more students who are categorised as special needs students than, for example what we have here. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: And you separate them? </p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: No, it’s inclusive, it’s an inclusive principle. But this means that we also have many more individuals in our basic school system, our grade one to nine system who are receiving individualised support and help. They normally receive it early on, rather than when the problems are already there. </p>
<p>So if I had to pick up one thing that Finland is doing particularly systematically and well to enhance equity, it’s the special education system. It’s very pricey, it’s very expensive. But when we do our economics of education, we also calculate that the cost of not doing that would be much higher later on. </p>
<p>So that’s why we want to invest early on and make sure that everybody is treated as an individual and will receive the basic support and help and then try to make sure everyone can succeed.</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: So the obvious question from that is, that you, therefore, have very low class sizes?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: No, we don’t, if you walk in to a urban classroom in primary school today, you would probably see the same number of kids that you would see here and in New Zealand. Internationally we are very similar in this respect. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: So what I’m hearing about what we should think about here in Australia is worry about giving more of the responsibility and the trust to the teachers and as a consequence, looking at the equity issues of health and well-being as well as academic outcomes, and make teachers responsible for that. </p>
<p>But what I’m not quite understanding is how do we know that as taxpayers that we’re getting our return?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: From your school system?</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Because we know, I’ve been a kid through school, not every teacher’s perfect, how are you going to make sure we do make sure these desirable things are in place?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: One thing that we are doing, I’m not saying that you could do this right away or that you should do this at all, is that we are relying on schools as communities to report these things back to the communities and parents. This is one thing. </p>
<p>Then the other thing, of course, is the overall idea of leadership, a localised, kind of community based education that we have. Finland doesn’t have a kind of centralised system where the government is running the things, it’s all within our communities and parents are, of course, very much…</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Are responsible to the community?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Yeah, but you know, if in Finland if we want to know how things are going we do exactly what the OECD is doing when it wants to know how the countries are doing, we are taking samples of schools and pupils and teachers and we are measuring and assessing and evaluating them just like any other research would do. </p>
<p>And you know, probably because of this trust that we have in our system, this seems to be enough to convince politicians, authorities, parents that things are going well. Of course, we have bad teachers or poor teachers who are not performing to the level that they should in Finland, like in every country. But we don’t think that just by collecting numbers of every single classroom or school you can…</p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: The community can speak?</p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Yeah, so I think Finland is probably a little bit different in that way, we have a very strong sense of kind of collective doing things in our communities. Typically if you have a school where there are one or two teachers who are not performing as they should, I think the first thing to help these teachers is the collective professional community rather than waiting for the authority of somebody else to come and say what to do. </p>
<p>This is the first thing we try to do and if it doesn’t help, then some other measures will step into the picture. </p>
<p><strong>John Hattie</strong>: Pasi Sahlberg thank you very much, I think we’ve heard a tremendous amount about the trust, the cooperation, the collaboration, the way in which the community is involved and I really love the way in which you are able to express it in the manner in which you do. We have a tremendous amount to learn.</p>
<p>So welcome to Australia and we look forward to having you back. </p>
<p><strong>Pasi Sahlberg</strong>: Thank you so much.</p>
<p><em>This article is an edited transcript of an interview between Pasi Sahlberg and John Hattie. You can watch the full video here.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/9836/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Hattie has received funding from the ARC.</span></em></p>John Hattie: Welcome to The Conversation. My name is John Hattie from the University of Melbourne and I have here today, Pasi Sahlberg from the Department of Education in Finland. It’s certainly exciting…John Hattie, Professor, Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/97642012-09-25T05:22:08Z2012-09-25T05:22:08ZThe MLC ‘scandal’: who cares, and why?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/15844/original/hg88yrnf-1348546152.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=4%2C15%2C1019%2C711&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The story about the sacking of a Melbourne private girl's school principal has made national news, but why?</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Flickr/mikecogh</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>For more than a week, I’ve seen numerous articles about <a href="http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/victoria/methodist-ladies-college-principal-rosa-storelli-sacked-over-remuneration-discrepancies/story-e6frf7kx-1226476742648">an internal fight</a> between the Board and Principal of Melbourne’s Methodist Ladies’ College, a private girls’ school. </p>
<p>Principal Rosa Storelli has been sacked for alleged overpayments of $700,000 over 10 years. It appears to be a dispute over accounting methods, but the police have not been called and everyone is at pains to deny any deliberate wrongdoing.</p>
<p>As outrageous a sum as that may be, why should I care about the shenanigans at a school I know nothing about? I’m not interested in discussing the scandal itself, but I am astonished that such goings on are making national news. </p>
<p>If Storelli had done something really interesting – run through the quadrangle naked, perhaps – that I could understand, particularly if caught on video. But as it stands, why is it making headlines? </p>
<p>I suppose there is some justification for the scandal dominating the headlines of the suburban newspaper in the school’s local area, but can media organisations like The Age, the Sydney Morning Herald (SMH), Nine MSN and the Australian Financial Review (AFR), to name just a few, justify running it for days and days? Surely not. Almost a week after it broke, the story continues to run, including <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/mlc-directors-could-not-forgive-overpayments-to-sacked-principal-20120924-26he5.html">two</a> <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/opinion/society-and-culture/mlcs-board-left-with-no-choice-but-to-stand-its-ground-20120924-26hat.html">pieces</a> in The Age today.</p>
<p>Surely it is only of real interest to a very small number of people; those parents who are forking out as much as $23,000 per year in fees for example. And, yes, noone knows better than I do that taxpayers money has also been involved in the running of this school, but while that is a much bigger (and more newsworthy) issue than the financial accounting anomalies or otherwise of an individual school, with the honourable exception of <a href="http://www.thepunch.com.au/articles/how-much-should-you-get-for-running-a-girls-school/">this article by James Campbell</a>, it hasn’t been noted very much in the coverage I have seen.</p>
<p>I remember becoming increasingly irritated with a regular columnist in the SMH who would occasionally fill his allotted column inches pontificating about the internecine politics of GPS football games. Needless to say, I didn’t read them, but the arrogance of the assumption that the average newspaper reader might be interested in such trivia about schools most could never hope to send their kids to got right up my nose. And so it is with this latest MLC malarkey.</p>
<p>Imagine if a similar story broke about the misbehaviour of the Principal of a public high school in the western suburbs of Sydney (they can only dream of any kind of overpayment, of course, let alone one of $700,000 in allowances on top of their salary). It might warrant a headline or two, depending on how serious the offence, but if it was merely a squabble between the school’s P&C Treasurer and the Principal over the little expenditure they have discretionary control over, it is hard to see it interesting many big-end-of-town journos.</p>
<p>It is difficult not to assume that the reason special interest stories like these get such a run is because the people who write for and edit our major news media both attended and send their own kids to such privileged schools. It is all about the self-interests of members of a particular club or – dare I say – class. </p>
<p>Their assumption that what interests them, must interest the rest of us reveals a great deal about their view of their own importance. Particularly considering that schools like these educate as few as 5% of all Australia’s children. When you look at them that way, their internal goings on really don’t matter very much at all.</p>
<p>There is, however, one reason why it might make sense to run a story or two about the failures and scandals of such self important but largely irrelevant schools like MLC, but it wouldn’t be by pretending they are serious “news”. Let’s accept them for what they actually are – entertainment. Good old reliable schadenfreude – one of my favourite words for one of my favourite emotions – there is no denying it is just good fun watching the once high and mighty with very plebian egg all over their faces.</p>
<p>But after six solid days of it – word to the news desks of our major publications – can you give it a rest?</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/9764/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jane Caro does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>For more than a week, I’ve seen numerous articles about an internal fight between the Board and Principal of Melbourne’s Methodist Ladies’ College, a private girls’ school. Principal Rosa Storelli has…Jane Caro, Lecturer, School of Communication Arts, Western Sydney UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.