Australia needs to recapture the urgency felt in the early 20th century about achieving an honourable and just settlement with Indigenous people.
There is a deep connection between past and present in Indigenous affairs in Australia.
Malcolm Turnbull explicitly chose to assume the mantle of his predecessor Tony Abbott as ‘prime minister for Indigenous affairs’.
For many, relations between Indigenous Australians and the government are best described as being in a state of crisis.
Of 1082 Indigenous specific.
programs identified in the report,
92% have never been evaluated to see if they are achieving their objectives.
A new report highlights how little we know about what works and what doesn't when it comes to publicly-funded Indigenous programs. It's a similar story in other policy areas – but we can do better.
The Referendum Council has extended its timetable for consultations on the constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians.
The longer the process of recognising Indigenous Australians in the Constitution goes on, the more debate is likely to split and fracture.
The Ord River was targeted for agricultural expansion in the 20th century.
Ever since British settlement, water rights in Australia's north have favoured landowners over traditional owners, effectively locking Aboriginal people out of agricultural development.
Malcolm Turnbull’s criticism of Bill Shorten’s remarks on a treaty with Indigenous Australians reflects genuine anxiety that support for recognition is cooling.
If we are to have a mature and sensible debate on Indigenous recognition, we must be more willing to embrace difficult issues and diverse perspectives.
Australia has rejected self-determination as being fundamental to Indigenous humanness and development.
Public policy no longer requires the imprimatur of the Aboriginal people; Aboriginal participation in the decisions taken about their lives is negligible.
The Coalition has fundamentally altered the architecture of Indigenous policymaking and delivery since 2013.
Serious policy focus on Indigenous affairs has been notably absent during the early weeks of the long election campaign.
In Ali Curung, 400km north of Alice Springs, the things that work for the community, including a local broadcasting and computer centre, are a response to local strengths and needs.
In some Indigenous communities, the ratio of programs to people served is possibly the highest in the world. Somehow, for many, Closing the Gap remains an elusive goal. A rethink is needed.
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull is calling for innovation to improve the lives of Indigenous people, but must beware of causing instability with new policies that dismiss everything before them.
Across Indigenous Australia, innovation is occurring locally, under the radar of government policies and support. We can look to this innovation and stop fixating on finding the elusive policy solution.
Australian basketballer Alice Kunek (left) attracted the ire of a team-mate for this Instagram post where she had painted her face brown.
Debates around blackface and Indigenous health share similar characteristics that reveal aspects of Australian society when it comes to race.
All governments must re-commit and re-energise their efforts to the Closing the Gap initiative.
The formation of the Close the Gap Campaign in March 2006 has provided ongoing focus and scrutiny on the health inequalities faced by Indigenous Australians.
The 2016 Closing the Gap report represents Malcolm Turnbull’s first substantial statement on Indigenous affairs since assuming office.
Though commendable as a means of keeping Indigenous disadvantage on the policy agenda, the annual Closing the Gap report has come to reflect a lot of what is wrong with Indigenous affairs.
Police often don’t recognise that someone has an intellectual disability or brain injury due to a lack of training in this area, researchers have heard.
Brian Yap (葉)/flickr
Police have become the default frontline response to Aboriginal people with mental and cognitive disabilities, setting this group up for a lifetime of 'management' by the criminal justice system.
Aboriginal people with mental and cognitive disability are ‘managed’ by police, courts and prisons due to a lack of appropriate community-based services.
Australia's high rates of imprisonment and re-imprisonment of Aboriginal people with mental and cognitive disabilities is not only shameful, it is entirely predictable and preventable.
While Adam Goodes is the public face of the debate, almost any Indigenous Australian can speak of the day-by-day experience of a lack of respect for who they are.
For at least some Australians, it seems that Indigenous culture is acceptable only as an object of consumption for tourists visiting the remote north.
If a way ahead on constitutional recognition is to be forged, it must be through political leadership and genuine public consultation.
The parliamentary committee's report highlights the deep division between those who want to advance Indigenous recognition through minimal constitutional change and those who seek more substantive reform.
Indigenous young people are 25 times more likely to be detained than non-Indigenous young people.
A new generation of Indigenous youth is being separated from their families and culture – this time by the force of criminal law that ignores the proven alternative of community-based justice.
Giving constitutional status to an Indigenous advisory body would give Indigenous Australians a say about laws that directly affect them.
Proposals for constitutional recognition of Indigenous people are gaining momentum but also raising legal concerns. Here is a form of words to create an advisory council that overcomes those concerns.
Man in the middle: former Labor MP turned independent Billy Gordon (centre) is now one of three crucial cross-bench MPs in the Queensland parliament.
Three north Queensland MPs representing just 3% of the state's population will wield huge power in Queensland's parliament when it resumes on Tuesday.