tag:theconversation.com,2011:/global/topics/local-governmnet-25548/articles
Local governmnet – The Conversation
2022-04-05T03:17:30Z
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/179479
2022-04-05T03:17:30Z
2022-04-05T03:17:30Z
‘Don’t shove us off like we’re rubbish’: what people with intellectual disability told us about their local community
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455684/original/file-20220331-18-t7vi72.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C8%2C5894%2C3300&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>As the federal election approaches, civic engagement is back on people’s minds. But not everyone’s needs are well served in the political sphere – and one of the areas most ripe for improvement is actually at the local government level.</p>
<p>To find out more about their experiences of civic and social participation, we spent 12 months speaking with people intellectual disabilities about how they experience their local communities and the services local government provides.</p>
<p>Our <a href="https://socialimpact.uts.edu.au/case-study/my-home-my-community-giving-people-with-an-intellectual-disability-a-voice/">study</a> found there is huge opportunity to incorporate the ideas and opinions of people with intellectual disabilities about their local communities. This would help support greater civic inclusion for all.</p>
<p>Among other things, participants called for for access to better transport options, better maintained public toilets and more pedestrian crossings. </p>
<p>Many told us our focus group was the first time in their lives anyone had asked their opinion about these aspects of their local community.</p>
<h2>What we did</h2>
<p>Our <a href="https://www.uts.edu.au/node/284291/what-we-do-old/research/my-home-my-community">project team</a> included core members and researchers with intellectual disabilities. We conducted focus groups in six local government areas (a total of 45 people) in a mix of metropolitan and regional areas across New South Wales and Victoria. </p>
<p>To capture the types of improvements to local services and places that people with intellectual disability want to see, we asked participants: what would you change if you were the boss of your local government?</p>
<p>Our findings, published in the journal <a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/13/16/9075">Sustainability</a>, reveal people with intellectual disabilities are more than capable and willing to contribute to shaping local communities for the better – but are rarely asked about their opinions or experiences. </p>
<p>Our research suggests participation could be improved via several key changes.</p>
<p><strong>1. Ensure accessible information and communication</strong></p>
<p>One person with intellectual disability told us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>if you want us to participate, we need to know what things are happening and when […] and not just the disability events.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This was a common refrain. Many people with intellectual disability want their local government to provide more accessible information, in a range of formats, about what’s happening in the community and most importantly, how to participate. </p>
<p>One person told us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>If I was the boss of my council […] I would text people to let them know that they can call council.</p>
</blockquote>
<p><strong>2. Create inclusive employment opportunities</strong></p>
<p>One of the most powerful messages in every focus group we conducted is a call for more employment opportunities. Participants spoke at length about hopes for a job, perhaps even one in local government. One person told us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We could work at the front desk and be welcoming.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Another said:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I wish I could work but there are not many opportunities.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>As one participant put it: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>If I was the boss of my local council I would employ people with disability.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455694/original/file-20220331-27-43edd8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A man with intellectual disability waters a garden." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455694/original/file-20220331-27-43edd8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455694/original/file-20220331-27-43edd8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455694/original/file-20220331-27-43edd8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455694/original/file-20220331-27-43edd8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455694/original/file-20220331-27-43edd8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455694/original/file-20220331-27-43edd8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455694/original/file-20220331-27-43edd8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Participants spoke at length about hopes for a job, perhaps even one in local government.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><strong>3, Ensure people feel safe and respected</strong></p>
<p>Unfortunately, we heard many stories of people not feeling safe in their local community. </p>
<p>Participants also told us of many regular exchanges in public where they did not feel welcome or respected. Quotes from the focus groups included: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>I wish people were more friendly to people with intellectual disability.</p>
<p>If I was the boss at [my council] I would make sure I listened to people. People don’t listen to me when I have a problem.</p>
<p>Sometimes, when I go to the shops, people just look at me […] I think the council could train people to help people with disability […] and be like ‘OK, are you sure you’re alright with this? We can help you out, if you need more help, just call us back.’ […] Not just shove us off like we are rubbish.</p>
</blockquote>
<p><strong>4. Create well-designed built environments</strong></p>
<p>The design and maintenance of accessible public spaces, parks and recreational areas were a regular topic in our discussions. </p>
<p>Participants talked about how we could be improving the experiences of everyone in the community, telling us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We need more accessible drop-offs right at the library [and pool] […] we have to walk too far and get tired as a group. It caused a problem before because we were always late to the class.</p>
<p>The council should fix our [pedestrian] crossing, they go too fast, someone nearly got hit last week.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455693/original/file-20220331-18-4aov4k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A woman and man with intellectual disability ride bikes along a path." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455693/original/file-20220331-18-4aov4k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455693/original/file-20220331-18-4aov4k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455693/original/file-20220331-18-4aov4k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455693/original/file-20220331-18-4aov4k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455693/original/file-20220331-18-4aov4k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455693/original/file-20220331-18-4aov4k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455693/original/file-20220331-18-4aov4k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The design and maintenance of accessible public spaces, parks and recreational areas were a regular topic in our discussions.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>How councils can improve</h2>
<p>Local governments and state government departments outline their inclusion plans and outcomes in a <a href="https://www.facs.nsw.gov.au/inclusion/advisory-councils/disability/inclusion-plans#:%7E:text=Disability%20Inclusion%20Planning%20is%20about,rights%20of%20people%20with%20disability">Disability Inclusion Action Plan</a>. These plans – based around identified need through local consultations including people with disability, their carers and family – are designed to translate into direct actions by councils to provide more inclusive communities for all. </p>
<p>When we spoke to local government representatives about the findings of our research we found great variation in whether local governments have staff or resources to support inclusion of people with disability. But there is a genuine willingness and desire on their part to do things differently. </p>
<p>Conceptualising what inclusion is, and what it isn’t, is a good start. According to Jack Kelly, a member of our <a href="https://www.uts.edu.au/node/284291/what-we-do-old/research/my-home-my-community">research team</a>, and a person with a disability:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Holding an event once a year for International Day of People with A Disability doesn’t make your council inclusive.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>One way to improve the confidence of local governments to engage more often and regularly with diverse local communities, including people with intellectual disabilities, is to provide some practical guidance on inclusive practice. There are <a href="https://cid.org.au/resource/inclusive-communication-tips/">myriad</a> <a href="https://cid.org.au/inclusion-services/">resources</a> online to <a href="https://media.accessiblecms.com.au/uploads/the-inclusion-library/2021/04/LGNSW-A3_Poster_Practical-Ways-to-Include-PWID.pdf">guide</a> such a process.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455696/original/file-20220401-15-i8cvd5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A group of people with intellectual disability participate in an outdoor activity." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455696/original/file-20220401-15-i8cvd5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/455696/original/file-20220401-15-i8cvd5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455696/original/file-20220401-15-i8cvd5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455696/original/file-20220401-15-i8cvd5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455696/original/file-20220401-15-i8cvd5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455696/original/file-20220401-15-i8cvd5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/455696/original/file-20220401-15-i8cvd5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Many people with intellectual disability want their local government to provide more accessible information, in a range of formats, about what’s happening in the community and most importantly, how to participate.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Looking beyond local government, every civic engagement opportunity, including <a href="https://cid.org.au/our-campaigns/peat-island/">urban planning processes</a> and <a href="https://cid.org.au/resource/how-to-vote-in-the-local-government-elections-in-nsw/">voting</a>, is worthy of a review. We must explore ways to make information, communication and processes more inclusive.</p>
<p>Providing information in a range of formats and clearly explaining processes improves opportunities for civic inclusion for everyone, including people with low literacy, culturally and linguistically diverse communities, people with intellectual disabilities and all other communities in between.</p>
<p>But organisations should not rely solely on external resources. </p>
<p>As highlighted by people with intellectual disabilities themselves, inclusive employment represents one of the most important steps forward towards greater social and civic inclusion. </p>
<p>This would not only demonstrate that the contributions of people with disability are valued in their community, but would mean that knowledge and social capital about inclusion can be built from within. </p>
<p>As Justine O'Neill, CEO of Council for Intellectual Disability told us:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Employing people with intellectual disability in roles that support the purpose of the organisation changes attitudes, builds organisational capacity and confidence to be an inclusive employer and results in better informed work.</p>
</blockquote><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/179479/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Phillippa Carnemolla received funding to undertake this research project from the National Disability Insurance Scheme Australia (NDIA) as part of their Information Linkages and Capacity Building Grant Program. Phillippa is also a member of the City of Sydney Inclusion (Disability) Advisory Panel and a Director of the Centre for Universal Design Australia. This story is part of The Conversation's Breaking the Cycle series, which is about escaping cycles of disadvantage. It is supported by a philanthropic grant from the Paul Ramsay Foundation.</span></em></p>
People with intellectual disability told us they want better transport, employment and better maintained public toilets and pedestrian crossings. But many said their opinions were rarely sought.
Phillippa Carnemolla, Associate Professor, University of Technology Sydney
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/175152
2022-01-20T13:22:18Z
2022-01-20T13:22:18Z
South African farming: new policy offers promise, but there’s fixing to be done too
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/441282/original/file-20220118-27-1cdsw4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Trucks lining outside a container yard in Cape Town, South Africa. Infrastructure backlogs are a threat to food exports.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Photo by Nardus Engelbrecht/Gallo Images via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>For most agricultural subsectors, South Africa is emerging from <a href="https://www.econ3x3.org/node/468">one of the best years</a>. The 2020/21 season saw bumper harvests for grains, oilseeds and some fruits. These boosted export earnings and improved farm incomes, especially for grains where the large harvest coincided with higher crop prices. </p>
<p>When it started the current season, 2021/22, <a href="https://www.sagis.org.za/CEC-Okt-2021b.pdf">promised to be exceptional</a>. But the continuation of the <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2022/01/14/afasa-kzn-calls-on-govt-to-relook-at-allocation-of-farm-land-in-wake-of-floods">heavy rains has proved to be a challenge for various regions</a>, causing crop damage and delaying planting. The heavy rains of the new year are <a href="http://www.bom.gov.au/climate/enso/outlook/">La Niña</a> induced and follow another year of higher-than-average moisture. <a href="https://www.grainsa.co.za/">Various crop surveys</a> have indicated a potential decline in harvests in 2021/22 as a result.</p>
<p>The year ahead could therefore be financially costly for the farming community if crop damage proves to be extensive. The devastation being caused is another reminder that climate change is driving unpredictable weather patterns.</p>
<p>Beyond the vagaries of the weather and the impact on crops, the year ahead offers a range of promising developments, as well as escalating difficulties if problems aren’t addressed.</p>
<p>On the upside is the imminent launch of an <a href="https://www.gov.za/speeches/gro-processing-stakeholders-further-discussions-agriculture-29-mar-2021-0000">Agriculture and Agro-processing Master Plan</a>, along with a possible launch of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-a-land-reform-agency-could-break-south-africas-land-redistribution-deadlock-165450">Land Reform Agency</a>.</p>
<p>Both initiatives will require private sector participation to succeed. So far, the drafting process of the master plan has been done collaboratively with all social partners (business, labour, community and government). This cooperation will need to extend into practical implementation. The Land Reform Agency will also require private sector support, especially when it has been established and starts operating.</p>
<p>On the down side, the first dark cloud on the horizon for the sector is the poor state of local municipalities. Continued deterioration will have devastating knock-on effects.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/small-towns-are-collapsing-across-south-africa-how-its-starting-to-affect-farming-162697">Small towns are collapsing across South Africa. How it's starting to affect farming</a>
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<p>It could stymie the master plan rollout efforts, and presents a risk to the agribusinesses, broader agriculture and other sectors of the economy. The same is true for the logistics infrastructure, particularly rail, which is <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2021-09-19-infrastructure-under-attack-criminals-ratchet-up-railway-violence-says-transnet/">under attack</a>, putting at risk export oriented sectors such as agriculture.</p>
<h2>Policy priorities</h2>
<p>The primary focus for the sector in 2021 was the <a href="https://www.gov.za/speeches/gro-processing-stakeholders-further-discussions-agriculture-29-mar-2021-0000">Agriculture and Agro-processing Master Plan</a>. This is social compact programme whch aims to expand agricultural production, broaden the inclusion of black farmers and boost the sector’s competitiveness. This is likely to be launched in the first half of this year. Implementation success will rest on the buy-in of all social partners.</p>
<p>So far the the plan has been discussed primarily at a national level. But implementation will be at the provincial and municipality level. The priority for the government should be to ensure that local structures have a solid understanding of the division of responsibilities.</p>
<p>The land reform debate will remain part of the policy discussion this year. First, the <a href="https://wandilesihlobo.com/2021/08/08/how-a-land-reform-agency-could-break-south-africas-land-redistribution-deadlock/">Land Reform and Agricultural Development Agency</a>, which President Cyril Ramaphosa first mentioned in his 2021 state of the nation address, could be launched within the first half of the year. This agency’s focus will likely be land redistribution. This is another crucial area that requires private sector collaboration.</p>
<p>Secondly, the governing African National Congress (ANC) will have its policy conference this year. One of the contentious issues that emerged from the last conference was the <a href="https://cisp.cachefly.net/assets/articles/attachments/73640_54th_national_conference_report.pdf">adoption of a policy resolution of expropriation of land without compensation</a>, with specific qualifications, such as ensuring that the policy doesn’t negatively affect the economy and food security at implementation. </p>
<p>This policy failed to get support in the National Assembly in December 2021. In my view, this was a favourable outcome. Nevertheless the ANC is likely to revisit the issue. The result of the policy conference is therefore worth watching as it will have implications for the agriculture sector and agribusinesses.</p>
<h2>Fixing what’s broken</h2>
<p>South Africa’s municipalities have become <a href="https://theconversation.com/small-towns-are-collapsing-across-south-africa-how-its-starting-to-affect-farming-162697">increasingly dysfunctional</a>. This is adding to the cost burden for agribusiness in some towns where farmers have assumed public responsibilities such as road maintenance and water supply. </p>
<p>The improvement of local governance will be a key area to watch. It dovetails with the poor roads infrastructure, which is an additional cost burden for agribusinesses, as some commodities are heavily reliant on roads. Consider the grains and oilseeds industry. In this subsector, <a href="https://www.sagis.org.za/monthly-grain-transport.html">roughly 80%</a> of the produce is transported by road.</p>
<p>Functioning infrastructure and efficient logistics is key to the country’s ambition to open export markets to countries such as China, India, Bangladesh, Japan, and Saudi Arabia, among others. In the past year, the government has had <a href="https://www.farmersweekly.co.za/agri-news/south-africa/sa-grown-pears-can-now-be-exported-to-china/#:%7E:text=After%20many%20years%20of%20hard,Chinese%20market%20six%20years%20ago.">success with pears being sold into China</a>, but the goal is to reach wider access for a range of products.</p>
<p>This will require fixing the country’s logistics challenges, specifically the rail and port efficiencies. Here government could increase the security focus given the <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2021-09-19-infrastructure-under-attack-criminals-ratchet-up-railway-violence-says-transnet/">vandalisation of rail infrastructure</a>. This could involve an increase of deployment of police and crime intelligence personnel. </p>
<p>When it comes to port facilities, the state utility Transnet has signalled its openness to discuss collaboration with business. This is a welcome development. South African ports’ efficiency has regressed. <a href="https://ihsmarkit.com/Info/0521/container-port-performance-index-2020.html">World Bank research</a> lists South African ports among the least efficient in a ranking of 351.</p>
<p>Other areas of capacity also need to be addressed. For example, <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-01-12-red-flags-raised-agricultural-organisations-and-experts-warn-that-animal-vaccine-production-in-south-africa-could-fail/">media reports suggest that</a> the <a href="https://www.obpvaccines.co.za/">Onderstepoort Biological Products</a>, a South African state-owned animal vaccine manufacturing company, is hopelessly inefficient. This is a major risk given that the institution is responsible for the production of livestock vaccines. It’s therefore critical to the sustainability of South Africa’s vibrant livestock industry.</p>
<p>The goal should be to reestablish its capacity and invest in infrastructure improvement. </p>
<p>Another institutional reform issue that matters enormously across the agricultural sector is the Land and Agricultural Development Bank of South Africa (Land Bank). A <a href="https://nationalgovernment.co.za/units/management/116/land-and-agricultural-development-bank-of-south-africa-land-bank">new board</a> has been put in place to stabilise the institution following its <a href="https://pmg.org.za/committee-meeting/31108/">liquidity challenges</a>. The bank remains one of the pillars of South Africa’s agricultural economy, and should be playing a key role in providing finance to the sector, and thus supporting transformation and sustainability.</p>
<p>Strong institutional capabilities will be needed even more acutely as the agricultural sector adjusts to a new set of regulations under the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-eus-green-deal-opportunities-threats-and-risks-for-south-african-agriculture-170811">European Green Deal</a>. The European Union’s new “Farm to Fork strategy” is designed to ensure that agriculture, fisheries, and the entire food system effectively contribute to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. </p>
<p>The consequence for South African farmers is that it will result in additional compliance costs that will likely negate the benefits of existing preferential trade arrangements.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/175152/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Wandile Sihlobo is the Chief Economist of the Agricultural Business Chamber of South Africa (Agbiz), and also a member of the South African President's Economic Advisory Council (PEAC).</span></em></p>
What’s in store for South Africa’s agricultural sector.
Wandile Sihlobo, Senior Fellow, Department of Agricultural Economics, Stellenbosch University
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/167517
2021-09-14T16:10:37Z
2021-09-14T16:10:37Z
Marriages of inconvenience: the fraught politics of coalitions in South Africa
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/420279/original/file-20210909-21-zmb5t2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Former Nelson Mandela Bay Mayor Athol Trollip, from the DA, third from left, and his deputy Mongameli Bobani, from the UDM, extreme right, help clean up a street in 2017. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">by Werner Hills/Foto24/Gallo Images/Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The popularity of the African National Congress (ANC), which has governed South Africa since <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/south-african-general-elections-1994">the end of apartheid in 1994</a>, has slipped in successive elections from its high of over <a href="http://archive.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/arc/2291_94.htm">60%</a>. First it declined to under <a href="https://www.elections.org.za/NPEDashboard/app/dashboard.html">60% </a>, then to below <a href="https://www.eisa.org/eu/eu2016main.htm">50%</a> in the cities of Tshwane, Johannesburg, and Nelson Mandela Bay in 2016. </p>
<p>Nonetheless, the Democratic Alliance (DA), the official opposition, shows no sign of benefiting from the ANC’s slack – hardly reaching even 30% of the votes cast. Instead, the ANC’s numbers have been absorbed by small, mostly new parties.</p>
<p>Inevitably, South Africa is in for many decades of coalitions. This is the central theme of a new <a href="https://mistra.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/MISTRA-Marriages-of-Inconvenience-layout-FA-chap-10.pdf">book</a>, <em>Marriages of Inconvenience: The Politics of Coalitions in South Africa</em>, which takes a forward-looking view of the country politics but also a historical one.</p>
<p>Political scientist <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/susan-booysen-197872">Susan Booysen</a> and the <a href="https://mistra.org.za/">Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection</a>, the independent think tank, have done themselves proud by assembling a team of 15 scholars to publish this authoritative 528 page volume. It shows both the nation’s track record of previous municipal and provincial coalitions, and what factors will influence future successes and failures in the new round of coalitions that will come after the <a href="https://www.enca.com/news/local-government-elections-be-held-1-november">1 November 2021 local government elections </a>.</p>
<p>South Africans ought, at the least, to remember their former Government of National Unity <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/south-african-government-national-unity-gnu-1994-1999">between 1994-97</a>: this was a grand coalition of the then three largest parties in Parliament – the ANC, National Party, and the Inkatha Freedom Party – diverse in policies, but united in the intention to defuse the threat of continued civil war. </p>
<p>From 1983-89 South Africa was in a low-level civil war, including rioting, petrol-bombing, assassinations, wildcat general strikes, and <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/covert-operations">massacres</a>.</p>
<p>The political future will be markedly different, the authors say. In short, voters face a mix of parties winning an outright majority in some towns, but increasingly requiring coalitions to hold power in other towns. For this reason, South Africa will increasingly, but variably and intermittently, enter into interparty coalition arrangements in the years to come. (p.6)</p>
<h2>Lessons from elsewhere</h2>
<p>Part of this book examines coalitions in other countries, whose lessons South Africa could heed. At one extreme, Mauritius had a coalition which lasted 15 years (p.453). At the other, Italy has suffered 30 prime ministers after World War II - of whom only four lasted five years or more. Belgium took 13 attempts over 493 days to negotiate a coalition in 2019; after their 2010 election, they took 541 days to succeed in forming a coalition. (p.462)</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/what-two-books-have-to-say-about-the-political-lifespan-of-south-africas-anc-103377">What two books have to say about the political lifespan of South Africa's ANC</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>South Africa’s political parties would do well to learn from Ireland, where the three largest political parties negotiated a coalition treaty over one hundred pages long. This stipulated measures and mechanisms for conflict resolution, plus agreed compromise policies on health care, education, housing, and foreign policy.</p>
<h2>Sobering experiences</h2>
<p><a href="https://mistra.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/MISTRA-Marriages-of-Inconvenience-layout-FA-chap-10.pdf">Marriages of Inconvenience</a> examines South Africa’s sobering experiences with coalitions in the Western Cape and Kwazulu-Natal; and in Nelson Mandela Bay, Tshwane, Johannesburg, and Cape Town.</p>
<p>The rarest of all the country’s coalitions – so far – have been short ANC-DA coalitions in Beaufort West and Kannaland, (pp.52, 60) though these parties are adjacent on the country’s political spectrum. The most unlikely have been the Johannesburg, Tshwane, and Mandela Bay DA-Economic Freedom Front “confidence and supply agreements”. This is political science jargon for a minimalist agreement where one party agrees to vote with the other only on votes of no confidence, and on passing the annual budget.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421853/original/file-20210917-27-mzohjk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421853/original/file-20210917-27-mzohjk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=913&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421853/original/file-20210917-27-mzohjk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=913&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421853/original/file-20210917-27-mzohjk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=913&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421853/original/file-20210917-27-mzohjk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1147&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421853/original/file-20210917-27-mzohjk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1147&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421853/original/file-20210917-27-mzohjk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1147&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Nelson Mandela Bay, in the Eastern Cape, provides readers with a grim lesson of all the reasons to wish to minimise or best of all avoid coalitions. Two authors in this book have each previously written a book about this city’s governance. The DA, African Christian Democratic Party, Congress of the People, Freedom Front Plus, and the United Democratic Movement (UDM) did indeed have a “co-governance agreement” between them both on substantive issues, such as not allocating public works jobs on party lines, through to procedures for consultation. (p.269)</p>
<p>Eagerness for power left both the DA and ANC vulnerable to extortion from the smallest parties. The UDM (with only two councillors) and the Patriotic Alliance (with only one councillor) both in turn demanded - and got – the mayoralty.</p>
<p>The UDM’s <a href="https://www.news24.com/news24/obituaries/obituary-mongameli-bobani-port-elizabeths-mayor-who-was-both-loved-and-loathed-20201112">Mongameli Bobani</a>’s first action on becoming mayor was to demand lists of all contracts up for tender, and all vacant managerial positions – flashing red lights. He fired the city manager, and appointed a further seven acting city managers, in his attempts to get his way. (pp. 383-4)</p>
<p>All DA appeals to UDM national leader <a href="https://www.pa.org.za/person/bantubonke-harrington-holomisa/">Bantu Holomisa</a> to replace Bobani fell on deaf ears. The inevitable result was the collapse of the DA-led coalition; a collapse of the following coalition; then a period with no mayor. This put many day-to-day operations into a tailspin.</p>
<h2>Dangers of political interference</h2>
<p>This is not the only instance where the vulnerability of municipal staff to political threats from their mayor hurt South Africa. Prior to 2000, the post of city manager - then called <a href="https://open.uct.ac.za/handle/11427/16765">town clerk</a> – was on permanent staff. This was then changed to a maximum contract of five years, to expire one year after municipal elections.</p>
<p>The city manager is the CEO of the entire administration of a metropolis, where the buck should stop when anything malfunctions or ceases to work.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/who-stands-to-win-or-lose-if-south-africa-were-to-hold-all-elections-on-the-same-day-145333">Who stands to win or lose if South Africa were to hold all elections on the same day</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Since 2000, the city manager has been appointed on a contract limited to a maximum of five years (p.297). This means that no city manager may dare refuse an illegal order from a mayor about appointments or tenders for fear of their contract not being renewed, or even being fired from their career job.</p>
<p>In practice, the situation is worse – municipal managers average only three and a half years before they are squeezed out by their political bosses; in the large <a href="https://www.gov.za/about-government/government-system/local-government">metropolitan councils</a> they average a mere 15 months before being purged. (p.277). The consequences are devastating – the bleeding away of competent leadership, and appointment of unqualified and sometimes unethical party hacks to, for example, run the sewage treatment plant.</p>
<p>Political interference in appointments and tenders are the prime drivers of corruption. South Africa urgently needs to return to city managers as permanent staff as speedily as possible. This will require a statutory revision.</p>
<p>Another lesson from the book is that all political parties in the country centralise power. No municipal nor provincial coalition will survive unless it is supported by the national leadership of all the political parties involved.</p>
<p>This book will be valuable on every bookcase. It could not be more timely – the country is now a mere two months away from the next local government election, in which there are certain to be far more coalitions than ever before.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/167517/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Keith Gottschalk is an ANC member, but writes this review in his professional capacity as a political scientist.</span></em></p>
South Africa’s political parties would do well to learn from Ireland, where the three largest political parties negotiated a coalition treaty that stipulated mechanisms for conflict resolution.
Keith Gottschalk, Political Scientist, University of the Western Cape
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/142192
2020-07-08T12:18:56Z
2020-07-08T12:18:56Z
New census reveals extent of lack of ethnic minority representatives in local councils
<p>A new census, the first of its kind, of all local councils in the UK reveals significant under-representation of ethnic minorities, with some councils having fewer ethnic minority councillors than would be expected given their highly diverse local populations. </p>
<p>An institutional disadvantage in local government can perpetuate wider ethnic disadvantages – and scrutiny and pressure must be extended to this level of government to improve representation. The <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/black-lives-matter-anti-racism-protesters-march-in-uk-cities-for-fourth-weekend-12011051">Black Lives Matter marches</a>, the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/mar/21/windrush-institutional-racism-hostile-environment">Windrush Review</a> finding of institutional failures in the Home Office’s “hostile environment” policy, and the discovery that ethnic minority people are at <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-52219070">higher risk of death from COVID-19</a>, keeps issues of racial disadvantage at the top of the news agenda. Yet, we still lack a clear view of what to do about it. </p>
<p>One of the strategies must be to make sure ethnic minorities are fairly represented in decision-making bodies. The importance of this local level is underlined by the recent lockdown of ethnically diverse <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2020/07/01/leicester-lockdown-map-areas-coronavirus-uk/">Leicester</a> and the <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/coronavirus-bradford-and-london-boroughs-among-36-at-risk-areas-that-could-be-just-days-away-from-local-lockdowns-12018594">inclusion of many diverse areas</a> on a list of future possible local lockdowns.</p>
<p>In national politics, Britain has made progress on ethnic minority representation in the last ten years. From a small handful of ethnic minority MPs there <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/general-election-2019-heralds-the-most-diverse-parliament-for-gender-and-ethnicity-11885529">are now more than 60</a> – and on both sides of the houses of parliament. From all-white government, Britain has progressed to <a href="https://www.itv.com/news/2020-06-07/the-cabinet-is-one-of-the-diverse-in-british-history-matt-hancock-defends-lack-of-black-mps-on-front-bench/">the most diverse cabinet in history</a>, with two out of the three top jobs held by minority politicians. Despite the remaining shortfall, at the national level the intense scrutiny since at least 2010 has helped to improve things – and quickly.</p>
<p>What is now needed is this same intense scrutiny of local government. Before now, we knew virtually nothing about the representation of ethnic minorities at the local level, even though this arena carries so much impact on the lives of minorities. From planning, transport, education, housing and green spaces that affect everyone, to more specific decisions to do with grants for local organisations and powers over local businesses – including licences, enforcement of trading standards and business support – local authorities can play a role in perpetuating ethnic disadvantages, or could be used to address them.</p>
<h2>Minority report</h2>
<p><a href="http://documents.manchester.ac.uk/DocuInfo.aspx?DocID=49921">Our study</a> found that 7% of local councillors are of ethnic minority origin, compared to 10% of MPs. This is largely explained by the uneven distribution of ethnic minorities around the UK, as numbers of ethnic minority councillors are higher in ethnically diverse areas. However, we also identified many diverse areas such as Manchester, Reading and some London boroughs, that have a significant shortfall. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346367/original/file-20200708-3974-1s1jok7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346367/original/file-20200708-3974-1s1jok7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346367/original/file-20200708-3974-1s1jok7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=770&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346367/original/file-20200708-3974-1s1jok7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=770&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346367/original/file-20200708-3974-1s1jok7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=770&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346367/original/file-20200708-3974-1s1jok7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=967&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346367/original/file-20200708-3974-1s1jok7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=967&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346367/original/file-20200708-3974-1s1jok7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=967&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">UK ethnic minority councillors (excl. county councillors), 2019. Contains OS data © Crown copyright 2018.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>A significant number of the areas where people with ethnic minority origins constitute 40% or more of local residents, have fewer non-white councillors than they should, with a small number having a shortfall of minority councillors of between 10-25% (see Figure 1). </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346028/original/file-20200707-18-5uydsl.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346028/original/file-20200707-18-5uydsl.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346028/original/file-20200707-18-5uydsl.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346028/original/file-20200707-18-5uydsl.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346028/original/file-20200707-18-5uydsl.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346028/original/file-20200707-18-5uydsl.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=534&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346028/original/file-20200707-18-5uydsl.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=534&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346028/original/file-20200707-18-5uydsl.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=534&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Figure 1:</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Maria Sobolewska/Neema Begum</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We conclude that the effort that political parties have made to increase their diversity at a more visible national level – including by placing ethnic minority parliamentary candidates in safe seats – has not been replicated at the local level.</p>
<p>There are also disparities between different ethnicities and, within this, gender. Most ethnic minority councillors are of South Asian background, whereas people of black background are less well represented (see Figure 2). </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346098/original/file-20200707-194401-1jyqg7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346098/original/file-20200707-194401-1jyqg7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346098/original/file-20200707-194401-1jyqg7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346098/original/file-20200707-194401-1jyqg7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346098/original/file-20200707-194401-1jyqg7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346098/original/file-20200707-194401-1jyqg7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346098/original/file-20200707-194401-1jyqg7v.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Figure 2.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Maria Sobolewska/Neema Begum</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Most South Asian councillors are men, with South Asian women most underrepresented among all women. Conversely, among black councillors, it is men who are the least well represented, as 60% are women (see Figure 3).</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346099/original/file-20200707-194418-1ngvm7y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346099/original/file-20200707-194418-1ngvm7y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/346099/original/file-20200707-194418-1ngvm7y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=440&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346099/original/file-20200707-194418-1ngvm7y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=440&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346099/original/file-20200707-194418-1ngvm7y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=440&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346099/original/file-20200707-194418-1ngvm7y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=553&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346099/original/file-20200707-194418-1ngvm7y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=553&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/346099/original/file-20200707-194418-1ngvm7y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=553&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Figure 3.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Maria Sobolewska/Neema Begum</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Most ethnic minority councillors represent the Labour Party, perhaps unsurprisingly given the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/feb/26/loss-of-minority-ethnic-support-threatens-tory-power-study-suggests">Labour advantage among ethnic minority voters</a>. While the Conservatives have increased their share of ethnic minority MPs, particularly of South Asian background, we are yet to see a similar increase at the local level, again highlighting the lack of a similar push to diversify at this less visible and less scrutinised level of government.</p>
<p>Our study improves on previous efforts, which have been either a census of a selection of local authorities (either in London or those that were deemed particularly ethnically diverse), or were based on surveys with relatively low response rates (Local Government Association biennial surveys). We covered not only all local authorities in England, <a href="http://documents.manchester.ac.uk/DocuInfo.aspx?DocID=49921">but also included</a> these in the devolved nations. But the effort and time involved in collecting and coding data on individual councillors is often prohibitive. This could be entirely avoided if the government chose to enact and extend to local government <a href="https://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/latest-news-and-research/parliamentary-briefings/enacting-section-106-of-the-equality-act-2010/https://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/latest-news-and-research/parliamentary-briefings/enacting-section-106-of-the-equality-act-2010/">section 106 of the 2010 Equality Act</a>, which puts a duty on the political parties to collect and report equality data of their candidates.</p>
<p>The government has been called on before to enact this section, by the <a href="https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/en/publication-download/diversity-candidates-and-elected-officials-great-britain">Equality and Human Rights Commission</a> and the pressure now should be reapplied, given the momentum of the anti-racist movement in the UK. Local councils could also be required to publish data on diversity just as the House of Commons <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn01156/">now does routinely</a>. </p>
<p>This kind of scrutiny is necessary to keep up the pressure on political parties to improve representation at the local level, and thus ensure ethnic minorities have the power to improve their lives, and their opportunities as active participants in an important political institution.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/142192/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Maria Sobolewska receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council. She is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Neema Begum receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.</span></em></p>
From planning, transport, education, housing, to decisions about grants and businesses, local authorities can play a role in perpetuating ethnic disadvantages – or could be used to address them.
Maria Sobolewska, Senior Lecturer in Politics, University of Manchester
Neema Begum, Research Associate, Centre on the Dynamics of Ethnicity, University of Manchester
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/134763
2020-03-27T12:17:28Z
2020-03-27T12:17:28Z
Stimulus package will remain half-baked unless local governments get more of the dough
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/323320/original/file-20200326-133001-12e5kmn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=21%2C21%2C4749%2C2996&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">People still need baked goods even during a lockdown.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/an-employee-at-a-cafe-and-bakery-wears-a-facemask-in-los-news-photo/1207568926?adppopup=true">Frederic Brown/AFP via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Lawmakers are pinning their hopes on a <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/03/26/senate-trump-coronavirus-economic-stimulus-2-trillion/">US$2 trillion package</a> to prop up the U.S. economy and provide relief to individuals and business ravaged by the coronavirus.</p>
<p>The stimulus is expected to <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/sarahhansen/2020/03/26/states-local-governments-would-get-150-billion-from-2-trillion-stimulus-bill/#e6d0df1161ca">pump $150 billion in aid to state and local governments</a>. But with nearly <a href="https://www.governing.com/gov-data/number-of-governments-by-state.html">40,000</a> local governments across all 50 states, the money will be stretched thin and is likely to run out quickly. Many local officials are already bracing for severe budget shortfalls and mid-year cuts.</p>
<p><a href="http://fordschool.umich.edu/faculty/stephanie-leiser">I study the fiscal health of local governments</a>, and believe the federal government will need to do much more to provide relief to local governments in this crisis.</p>
<p>To understand why local governments are in such a vulnerable and precarious position as this pandemic-induced economic crisis begins, consider this analogy: local governments as “bakeries.” </p>
<h2>Self-rising costs?</h2>
<p>Imagine you are a bakery owner in a small town. The coronavirus pandemic has caused everything to shut down, but you get a call from your local school principal asking if you’ll give out free loaves of bread to local kids in need of meals. So you continue baking bread even as revenues from paying customers dry up. </p>
<p>As the weeks go by, you worry more and more about running out of cash. You consider a bridge loan but realize that’s not allowed – these “bakeries” are supposed to keep their budgets balanced. If revenues fall unexpectedly, they have to cut spending, hike prices or maybe dip into their reserves – if there are any.</p>
<p>Increasing prices is not feasible because your customers are in no position to pay more and, in in this analogy, would certainly vote against it. And you can’t cut production because you know the community depends on your bread. Reducing expenses will be tough because most of your costs are labor, and you don’t want to lay off employees or cut their wages. Oh, and you still have the mortgage to pay.</p>
<p>Fast forward to the end of the year. Revenues are down 20% but the good news is business is beginning to pick up. But don’t forget – many of these “bakeries” <a href="https://www.taxpolicycenter.org/briefing-book/what-are-tax-and-expenditure-limits">cannot let their revenues increase faster than inflation</a>, now well below the pre-recession level of about 2.2%. If revenues start to recover too quickly, you’ll have to lower your prices to stay below the limit.</p>
<p>Best case scenario: It will take you about least 10 years just to get revenue back to where it was before, not counting inflation. Meanwhile, your expenses will continue to increase and somehow you’ll also have to shore up the emergency reserves you spent providing bread to kids when they couldn’t go to school. </p>
<h2>An oven-ready solution?</h2>
<p>The bakery’s situation may sound absurd, but it describes the conditions in which most local governments currently find themselves. In Michigan, where I teach, more than half of local governments say they are financially the same or worse off <a href="http://closup.umich.edu/michigan-public-policy-survey/78/mixed-signals-continue-for-michigan-local-governments-fiscal-health-while-future-outlooks-worsen/">compared to 2008</a>. And in a spring 2019 survey, only 13% said they were very prepared for the <a href="http://closup.umich.edu/michigan-public-policy-survey/77/michigan-local-officials-views-on-the-next-recession-timing-concerns-and-actions-taken/">next recession</a>.</p>
<p>Like families and businesses, what local governments need in an emergency is liquidity. But unlike our fictional bakery, local governments are required by law to keep revenue and expenses <a href="https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/93461/sustainable-budgeting-in-the-states_2.pdf">in line</a> and cannot borrow to cover any revenue shortfalls. That’s why federal aid is so critical to ensure that local public health offices, water and sewer utilities, and first responders can continue to provide essential community service in the coming months.</p>
<p>Enduring this crisis will be painful for local governments, and <a href="https://www.taxpolicycenter.org/briefing-book/what-are-tax-and-expenditure-limits">strict limits</a> on revenue and expenditure growth will impede their recovery. If the stimulus package coming out of Washington fails to address the real constraints local communities face in battling coronavirus, we are likely to see unprecedented levels of fiscal stress and crisis in our cities, towns, and counties for years to come.</p>
<p>[<em>Get facts about coronavirus and the latest research.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=upper-coronavirus-facts">Sign up for our newsletter.</a>]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/134763/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephanie Leiser does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>
State and local authorities are expected to get $150 billion in an attempt to alleviate economic fallout from the coronavirus. But the money will be thinly spread and could run out quickly.
Stephanie Leiser, Lecturer in Public Policy, University of Michigan
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/114936
2019-04-11T14:12:44Z
2019-04-11T14:12:44Z
Cape Town’s taxi violence is rooted in attempts to govern competition
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268063/original/file-20190408-2914-r51nql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Millions of South Africans rely on taxis for their daily commute.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Rich T Photo/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Over the last 30 years South Africa’s taxi industry has grown tremendously. At the moment, <a href="https://albertonrecord.co.za/180858/taxistrike-5-things-may-not-known-sas-minibus-taxi-industry/">15 million</a> South Africans rely on taxis for their daily commutes. Some of these vehicles are minibus taxis that belong to organised associations; others are usually four or seven door sedans like Toyota Avanzas, whose drivers and owners tend not to belong to formal groupings.</p>
<p>Violence is very common on the country’s various taxi routes. In the most recent incident, four members of rival taxi associations were <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/capeargus/news/watch-4-dead-2-injured-in-hout-bay-taxi-related-shooting-20403940">gunned down</a> in Hout Bay, a suburb in Cape Town. The crime is reportedly linked to competition over routes between two rival taxi associations. </p>
<p>The kind of violent competition over routes that led to the deaths in Hout Bay has characterised the taxi industry since <a href="https://www.arrivealive.mobi/minibus-taxis-and-road-safety">its deregulation in 1987</a>. The industry remains one of the most profitable entrepreneurial paths that residents in mostly black townships can access – especially given the <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/DC/BSJul63.0036.4843.007.002.Jul%201963.7/BSJul63.0036.4843.007.002.Jul%201963.7.pdf">historical exclusion</a> of black South Africans from decent jobs and the skills to acquire them. </p>
<p>The late 1980s and early 1990s saw the rise of taxi “mother bodies” that attempted to monopolise routes by threatening violence. In response, the government tightened regulations on taxis. The key intervention was to issue licences for specific associations on specific routes. Individual taxi owners had to apply to join an association that enjoyed exclusive rights to a route. In effect, the state limited competition to reduce the likelihood of violence and bad driving.</p>
<p>This strategy has reduced but not eliminated violence. This is because new operators emerge all the time, or ambitious bosses try their luck against rivals. But sometimes the state too is to blame – albeit sometimes because of unintended consequences. </p>
<p>As research published in our new book <a href="http://www.democracydisconnected.com"><em>Democracy Disconnected: Participation and Governance in a City of the South</em></a> shows, the complicated and contradictory nature of local governance can exacerbate as well as contain taxi violence. </p>
<h2>Bureaucrats and business models</h2>
<p>The implicit business model of taxis is a low profit per fare, but a high volume of fares. The taxi driver first meets daily targets and then earns their own wage. This model not only incentivises drivers to transport large volumes of passengers: it also transfers much of the risk associated with frequent petrol price increases onto the driver first. </p>
<p>This means the taxi industry isn’t just competitive, but that this competition most keenly affects drivers whose livelihoods depend on moving large numbers of people quickly. </p>
<p>Then, when competition over the right to operate on routes heats up, the state tries to formalise taxis through licensing. The intention is to reduce conflict (and bad vehicles and bad driving) by improving livelihood security though guaranteeing business on a route. </p>
<p>Unfortunately, this bureaucratic intervention doesn’t always work as intended. For example, in Hout Bay a major route for the area was allocated to an association whose owners were not from Hout Bay. This marginalised another association, whose owners were from the area.</p>
<p>And another intervention by the City of Cape Town – the introduction of a Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) system that includes formal taxi owners affected by the new bus routes as owners in the new BRT Company – only complicated matters further.</p>
<h2>Complicating matters through development</h2>
<p>The BRT was informed by the revolutionary public transport system developed in <a href="https://www.uncovercolombia.com/blog/the-basics-of-public-transport-in-bogota/">Bogota, Colombia</a>. Cape Town’s version was conceived as a key part of an integrated public transport network to improve upon the existing public transport in the build up to the 2010 Soccer World Cup. </p>
<p>Its introduction has had a profound impact on Hout Bay’s taxi industry. That’s because one of the BRT’s key business features is to buy out taxi owners by incorporating those with licenses into vehicle operating companies that would be contracted by the City of Cape Town to run the buses used for the BRT for 12 years.</p>
<p>The idea was to give taxi owners a vested interest in the BRT and so promote cooperation rather than conflict. By and large this approach appears to have worked in Hout Bay: the route from the area to the CBD is <a href="http://democracydisconnected.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/Chapter-7_images.pdf">reportedly</a> one of the BRT’s top performers.</p>
<p>But not all taxi owners working the Hout Bay to Cape Town route were included in the new deal. And a number of taxi drivers summarily lost their jobs as their owners bought into the BRT without informing them. As a consequence a group of taxi owners from one association continued to operate illegally in Hout Bay, using an informal taxi rank near the police station for their activities.</p>
<p>So, while the BRT plan was intended to ease tensions with most formal taxi owners in Hout Bay – and to lessen the threat of violence and protest – it also seems to have unintentionally exacerbated them. Some taxi owners and drivers feel squeezed out of the market. So they operate informally and without licences. </p>
<h2>Governance is crucial</h2>
<p>This all shows that a number of conflicts are playing out over transport in Hout Bay. These are rooted in the contradictory logic’s of contending forms of market, bureaucratic and developmental governance. The drive for business profit sits in tension with bureaucratic attempts to reduce violence and improve road safety. It can also sit in tension with developmental attempts to provide affordable, accessible transport using busses. </p>
<p>Getting this balance between these contending social goods is tough, especially in a context where getting it wrong can cost lives. But if nothing else it shows how important well designed, consistent and thoughtful local governance is to the daily commute (and lives) of all South Africans.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/114936/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Fiona Anciano receives funding from the National Research Foundation. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Laurence Piper receives funding from the National Research Foundation. </span></em></p>
Violence is very common on South Africa’s various taxi routes.
Fiona Anciano, Senior Lecturer, Political Studies, University of the Western Cape
Laurence Piper, Professor of Political Studies, University of the Western Cape
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/80025
2017-06-26T14:24:24Z
2017-06-26T14:24:24Z
Using empty luxury homes to house Grenfell Tower victims is a no brainer
<p>Since the Grenfell Tower fire, hundreds of families have been made homeless. While many people have been put up in <a href="http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/homeless-grenfell-tower-fire-survivors-10679194">hotels</a> there are still a large number of families sleeping in local sports halls, with others having to stay with friends and relatives. </p>
<p>There have even been reports that some of those made homeless by the fire have been <a href="http://metro.co.uk/2017/06/20/homeless-grenfell-fire-victims-have-been-sleeping-in-cars-and-parks-mp-says-6722240/">sleeping in their cars and in parks</a>. As Emma Dent Coad, the newly-elected MP for Kensington, told Sky News: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>People have been sleeping in cars and in parks because they don’t know where to go and they aren’t being looked after.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This has all led to criticism that ministers must do more to find homes for the families who lost everything in the devastating blaze. </p>
<p>One such suggestion of how to help them came from Jeremy Corbyn, leader of the labour party, who proposed that vacant properties in the area <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/06/18/jeremy-corbyn-urges-people-occupy-empty-homes-supporters-plan/">should be seized</a> and made available to those made homeless by the fire. In a television interview, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/live/2017/jun/18/grenfell-tower-fire-may-under-pressure-after-angry-exchanges-in-no-10-live-updates?page=with:block-59465950e4b0d5ab311e8f17">Corbyn said</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>There are a large number of deliberately kept vacant flats and properties all over London – it’s called land banking. People with a lot of money buy a house, buy a flat, keep it empty.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Housing needs</h2>
<p>A <a href="https://twitter.com/YouGov/status/875746994379255808">YouGov poll</a> suggested that a majority of Britons support Corbyn’s calls to seize or “requisition” empty properties to the benefit of Grenfell residents. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"875746994379255808"}"></div></p>
<p>Most people questioned don’t see the use of land banking – or keeping homes empty to make money – as entirely legitimate. And there is also something particularly disturbing about having so many empty properties where people are in need of urgent homes.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175612/original/file-20170626-32751-84ooat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175612/original/file-20170626-32751-84ooat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175612/original/file-20170626-32751-84ooat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175612/original/file-20170626-32751-84ooat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175612/original/file-20170626-32751-84ooat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175612/original/file-20170626-32751-84ooat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175612/original/file-20170626-32751-84ooat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175612/original/file-20170626-32751-84ooat.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Campaigners in London after the Grenfell fire.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://afectadosporlahipoteca.com/2017/06/17/comunicado-en-solidaridad-con-los-habitantes-de-la-torre-grenfell-en-londres/">PAH</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/statistical-data-sets/live-tables-on-dwelling-stock-including-vacants">latest figures for Kensington and Chelsea</a> reveal there are 1,399 vacant dwellings in the borough as of April 2017. So given that around 600 people lived in Grenfell Tower, there are more than enough empty homes in the area to house everyone made homeless by the fire.</p>
<p>Corbyn also seemed to suggest that if needed, residents of Grenfell should be able to <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/06/18/jeremy-corbyn-urges-people-occupy-empty-homes-supporters-plan/">occupy the empty homes</a>, wherever they can find them, across Kensington and Chelsea.</p>
<h2>An occupation</h2>
<p>This style of occupation has been one of the main civil disobedience strategies of Spanish anti-eviction campaigners <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0261018314564036">Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca</a> (PAH) – platform for the mortgage affected – when occupying empty homes belonging to banks in Spain. </p>
<p>To maintain legitimacy in the eyes of the public, two aspects have been essential for their occupations. First, it has to be a last resort for households involved – making it clear that squatting is not a choice but a necessity. </p>
<p>Second, it has to be within what liberal thinker <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=tUEO9SuNG1oC&printsec=frontcover&dq=john+rawls+civil+disobedience&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiOh9X7qNrUAhXkDsAKHRyNBDkQ6AEIJzAB#v=onepage&q=john%20rawls%20civil%20disobedience&f=false">John Rawls</a> called “fidelity to law”. This means that although civil disobedience breaks a specific unjust law, it seeks to change that law rather than act entirely outside the law. </p>
<p>The ultimate goal of the PAH is to convert the empty property into social housing where the tenants pay a maximum of 30% of their income in rent – thereby legalising the occupation. </p>
<h2>Real estates</h2>
<p>Such occupations would be risky for households in Britain though, with recent legislation making squatting punishable with six months in prison and <a href="https://www.gov.uk/squatting-law/overview">£5,000 in fines</a>. </p>
<p>London housing campaigners, <a href="https://focuse15.org/e15-open-house-occupation/">Focus E15</a>, did temporarily occupy parts of an empty council estate in 2014 when Newham Council decided not to force an eviction through the courts. But the private owners of empty housing in Kensington are less likely to be lenient. Some potential neighbours have <a href="http://metro.co.uk/2017/06/24/kensington-resident-says-shell-move-out-of-luxury-block-if-grenfell-survivors-move-there-6731142/">already complained</a>.</p>
<p>So although residents in Grenfell, or buildings that are being evacuated in the aftermath, would likely be perceived as legitimate if they were to occupy, they would be doing so at significant personal risk.</p>
<p>That said, this is a time when the public perception of what makes for legitimate housing politics is changing. Social movements, not least <a href="https://grenfellactiongroup.wordpress.com/">Grenfell Action Group</a>, have been at the forefront of this change. </p>
<h2>Housing wealth</h2>
<p>What is clear is that the Grenfell fire and its aftermath has put a renewed focus on housing and how it relates to austerity, poverty, class, race and gender. </p>
<p>Just recently, the housing charity <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2017/jun/24/social-housing-poverty-homeless-shelter-rent">Shelter</a> warned that a million households in private rented accommodation risk becoming homeless by 2020. This is due to a combination of the housing benefit freeze, stagnating wages and increasing rents. </p>
<p>In short, housing has become much more about “exchange value” and much less about “use value”. What this means in practical terms is that there are large swathes of properties in London where nobody lives – and these houses are no longer used as homes. It also means that to a homeowner a property is seen as a long-term investment, rather than a place to call their own. All of which benefits the banks – as previous social housing becoming mortgaged through buy-to-let.</p>
<p>Ultimately, housing politics has become more about generating wealth, and less about housing people decently and safely. And the need for housing for the Grenfell residents vs the vast amount of <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/grenfell-tower-fire-deaths-homeless-kensington-and-chelsea-luxury-properties-empty-a7791671.html">empty properties</a> in the same London borough has brought this to light in the most devastating way possible.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/80025/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Oscar Berglund received funding from ESRC. </span></em></p>
A lesson in taking from the rich to give to the poor.
Oscar Berglund, Research Fellow in International Political Economy, University of Bristol
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/68125
2016-11-29T02:26:13Z
2016-11-29T02:26:13Z
How Trump could shock a divided nation back to life as collaborator-in-chief
<p>“Partnership, not conflict,” were the <a href="http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-na-pol-trump-election-night-speech-20161108-story.html">words</a> spoken by President-elect Donald Trump during his acceptance speech. That collaborative approach is what my scholarship on <a href="http://americancityandcounty.com/blog/contract-cities-mass-collaborative-governance-0">good governance</a> shows is required for effective public administration.</p>
<p>That is also what effective and sustainable leadership demands of the Republican Party, which is now in a position to govern with a majority in both the <a href="https://theconversation.com/house-results-republicans-lose-just-a-handful-of-seats-but-party-factions-run-deep-67532">House</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/democrats-failed-to-gain-a-senate-majority-too">Senate</a>. Some of Trump’s recent actions, such as the selection of Stephen Bannon for White House strategist and his urge to respond to critics on Twitter, have continued to elicit concern among his detractors. Nevertheless, he has shown signs that he’s willing to work out differences by mending fences with his most vocal critics such as Mitt Romney and Nikki Haley.</p>
<p>Perhaps the president-elect can create the newly structured Republican Party that GOP faithfuls hoped for, but were not able to achieve in the last two election cycles. Perhaps these efforts signal a more collaborative framework at the national level of governance in a country that has been divided by political rhetoric and administrative stalemate for well over a decade.</p>
<p>Could the next four years of Trump presidency be just what the doctor ordered for the GOP and a divided country?</p>
<h2>Shock to the system</h2>
<p>Interest-based negotiations within Republican ranks, as well as between <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/17/us/politics/democrats-house-senate.html?_r=0">Republicans and Democrats</a>, may follow the initial shock to status quo. From my experience as a mayor and council member, and a professor at the Bedrosian Center on Governance, I have learned successful governance is all about the quest for the win-win.</p>
<p>This strategy focuses on the integration of needs, desires, concerns and fears that are important to each side. Take for example, the governance model of <a href="http://www.lakewoodcity.org/about/history/lakewoodplan/default.asp">the Lakewood Plan</a> in Lakewood, California – a city of just over 81,000 people outside of Los Angeles. The motive behind the plan, which was put forth in 1954, was to retain local control over local services. Residents wanted to eliminate duplication and rely on more efficient and cost-effective government service providers. </p>
<p>Public and private organizations collaborated to solve public policy and administration problems based on interests. This manifested in a number of ways: for example, a trash hauler in the private sector collecting municipal waste; a county fire department providing fire service to smaller cities; private lawyers acting as city attorneys; private arborists trimming city trees; citizens using a smartphone application to report a dangerous condition on the road. </p>
<p>This innovative plan became the model for hundreds of communities in California to deliver municipal services through collaboration.</p>
<p>During this unusual election cycle, the American people similarly asked their leaders to search for common interests and common good among urban and rural interests. Working-class women in blue states gave Trump <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/11/trumps-road-to-victory/507203/">double-digit margins</a>. This imbalance in the blue states pierced the Democratic “blue wall” at its most vulnerable place. According to <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/09/why-democrats-in-western-pennsylvania-are-voting-trump/499577/?">reporting</a> by The Atlantic, Democratic voters in blue states like Ohio, Pennsylvania and Indiana simply voted for “self-preservation.” They voted to preserve what is left of their jobs. They voted to bring back lost jobs to preserve their local communities.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.nbcnews.com/politics/first-read/first-read-2016-urban-rural-divide-n580056">Reconciling</a> urban politics with those of rural America is not a new <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/11/red-state-blue-city-how-the-urban-rural-divide-is-splitting-america/265686/">problem</a>, but the Trump administration needs to focus on the integration of rural needs and urban America. </p>
<p>In the postmortem of this highly contested and polarized elections, President-elect Trump and the GOP alone can decide if they will become irrelevant through ideological competition or succeed through collaboration. </p>
<p>These Rust Belt voters expect to be “great again.” But four years isn’t much time to change the fate of neglected Democrats and Republicans living in the Rust Belt. If the city-educated elites and urban global politics remain the priority, I believe the Rust Belt will vote for change again in 2018 and 2020 in larger numbers.</p>
<p>President-elect Trump appears to be hinting at this when he said in his <a href="http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-na-pol-trump-election-night-speech-20161108-story.html">acceptance speech</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“It’s time to pledge to every citizen of our land [urban and rural] that I will be president for all Americans, and this is so important to me.” </p>
</blockquote>
<p>As an outsider, Trump is not burdened by GOP party ideology. I believe this makes him well suited to set the tone for interest-based negotiations to address both short- and long-term goals set during the campaign. A simple page out of local collaborative governance may serve this presidency and the American people.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/68125/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Frank V. Zerunyan is affiliated with the City of Rolling Hills Estates, California serving as Mayor Pro Tem.
This is a non partisan elected office. </span></em></p>
Could Trump bring a new, unifying approach to negotiating to Washington? His outsider status may present an opportunity to mend fences, says an expert in governance.
Frank V. Zerunyan, Professor of the Practice of Governance, University of Southern California
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/67537
2016-10-25T00:09:35Z
2016-10-25T00:09:35Z
Change Agents: Stuart Morris and Leonie Hemingway on Australia’s most radical reform of local government
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/142820/original/image-20161024-15926-1chyy0s.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Stuart Morris QC (left) and Leonie Hemingway (formerly Leonie Burke) led the Labor and Liberal governments' attempts at reforming local government.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Andrew Dodd</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Victoria’s council reforms in 1994 remain Australia’s most radical restructuring of local government. </p>
<p>The changes under the Kennett government reduced the number of councils from 210 to 79 through amalgamations.</p>
<p>In this episode of Change Agents, Andrew Dodd brings together Stuart Morris QC and Leonie Hemingway (formerly Leonie Burke), the two people who respectively led the Labor and Liberal governments’ attempts at reform.</p>
<p>They speak for the first time publicly about their successes and failures on the road to this overhaul of local government.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>Change Agents is a collaboration between The Conversation and the Swinburne Business School and Swinburne University’s Department of Media and Communication. It is presented by Andrew Dodd and produced by Samuel Wilson and Andrew Dodd, with production by Heather Jarvis.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/67537/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>
In this episode of Change Agents, Andrew Dodd speaks with Stuart Morris and Leonie Hemingway about their successes and failures on the road to reforming Victoria's local government.
Andrew Dodd, Program Director – Journalism, Swinburne University of Technology
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/66349
2016-10-06T12:14:10Z
2016-10-06T12:14:10Z
Can we really say that giving money to people begging makes their problems worse?
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140329/original/image-20161004-20221-19m8ygz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> </figcaption></figure><p>A council in England <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/nottingham-city-council-anti-begging-homeless-poster-campaign-demonising-outrage-a6949916.html">was recently reprimanded</a> for running an advertising campaign against begging. In a series of posters displayed throughout Nottingham, the city council claimed that “beggars aren’t what they seem”, that begging “funds the misuse of drugs” and that money given to beggars would go “down the drain” or “up in smoke”. </p>
<p>The UK Advertising Standard Authority (ASA) <a href="https://www.asa.org.uk/Rulings/Adjudications/2016/9/Nottingham-City-Council/SHP_ADJ_343048.aspx">upheld complaints</a> about Nottingham City Council’s campaign, saying that it reinforced negative stereotypes against vulnerable people, and portrayed all beggars as “disingenuous and undeserving” people who would use direct donations irresponsibly. The council was ordered not to display the ads in their current form again, and to avoid using potentially offensive material in the future. </p>
<p>But the council <a href="http://www.nottinghamcity.gov.uk/council-response-to-asa-july-2016/">defended the campaign</a>, arguing that the “hard-hitting” posters were necessary to “discourage members of the public from giving money to people who beg” on the basis that doing so would likely fund “life-threatening drug or alcohol addictions”. The posters encouraged people to donate money to local charities instead, using the hashtag <a href="https://twitter.com/search?q=%23givesmart&src=typd">#givesmart</a>. </p>
<p>Similar appeals have been made by <a href="http://www.thamesreach.org.uk/news-and-views/campaigns/giving-to-beggars/faq/?locale=en">other charities</a> and <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/08/21/kensington-chelsea-homeless-poster-advises-not-to-give-money_n_8020332.html">councils</a> across the UK: the borough of Kensington and Chelsea <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/08/21/kensington-chelsea-homeless-poster-advises-not-to-give-money_n_8020332.html">attracted controversy</a> over its own anti-begging messages, and Nottingham City Council was <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/nottinghamshire/3682260.stm">ordered to withdraw</a> a similar campaign once before, in 2004, because it wasn’t backed up by evidence. </p>
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<p>Although the council cited <a href="http://www.frameworkha.org/blog/1534_givesmart_-_provocative_but_accurate">a blog post</a> from a local charity in support of its claims, it’s clear that both the advertising watchdog and members of the public need to see more evidence that such campaigns prevent harm, rather than cause it. </p>
<p>So, how could local authorities avoid such a misstep in the future? </p>
<h2>Doctor’s orders</h2>
<p>For one thing, if the aim is to prevent the harms of drug and alcohol addiction, the council could follow existing health recommendations. The <a href="https://www.nice.org.uk/about">National Institute for Health and Care Excellence</a> (NICE) – the body providing advice on best-practice for health and social care in England – makes <a href="https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/cg115/chapter/1-Guidance#interventions-for-alcohol-misuse">a range of recommendations</a> for helping people with alcohol addiction, for example. This includes following an evidence-based treatment manual and charting each person’s progress to review the effectiveness of different treatments. For homeless people, it recommends residential care for up to three months – it says nothing about trying to limit the amount of money that people receive.</p>
<p>But perhaps the council is keen to curb begging for other reasons: because it wants to satisfy members of the general public who <a href="http://www.nottinghamcdp.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Respect-for-Nottingham-Survey-2015.pdf">find it a nuisance</a> – if this were the reason it would be deeply troubling. Or perhaps it has a rationale for how cutting money to people begging might somehow treat those who have drug and alcohol problems and not cause anyone harm.</p>
<p>In any case, the council needs to be transparent about its aims and the evidence it has about the potential impacts of such campaigns so that an informed debate is possible.</p>
<h2>Evaluating the evidence</h2>
<p>There are many factors to take into account when evaluating the benefits and detriments of an ad campaign like this one. For instance, it would be useful to know how much money is given to people begging, how many of those people have alcohol or drug problems and how many seek out, or are given, support by local charities. </p>
<p>We would also need some hypotheses; for example, that the campaign will cause donations to local charities to rise, or drug and alcohol difficulties to fall among people who beg. These could be tested by tracking donations, or conducting surveys with people who beg both before and after the intervention, while taking account of any other factors that might have led to change.</p>
<p>Of course, the outcomes of such research can vary greatly, depending on whose perspectives you include. For example, Camden and Islington councils <a href="http://www.camden.gov.uk/ccm/content/housing/housing-policy-and-strategies/file-storage-items/time-for-change-survey/">once asked locals</a> their views on diverted giving (donating to charity, rather than directly to people in need). While 36% were positive, only 2% of people who were actually begging thought it was a good idea.</p>
<h2>Whose views?</h2>
<p>Deciding who to include in studies is a perennial problem in social research, especially when evaluation reports present rich details of people’s lives. Nottingham Council included three brief case summaries <a href="http://www.nottinghamcity.gov.uk/council-response-to-asa-july-2016">in their reply to the ASA’s judgment</a>. Here’s one of them:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>A man and a woman, who had previously been the subject of a Criminal Anti-Social Behaviour Order (CRASBO), were not homeless but travelled in to the city centre to beg for cash to fund their drug and alcohol addictions. The man would act as a look-out for his partner while she begged in shop doorways.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>It is unclear what criteria the council used to choose their examples, but <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02673030120080053">other research</a> offers a different perspective on what it’s like to beg. One study, conducted in Scotland in the late 1990s, reported on a range of difficult decisions that people had to make, for instance choosing between begging and crime:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>My bru [social security] money ran out and I had nae money. I have got a criminal record, so the choice was go back tae being a criminal and dae crookin’ and that or dae beggin’ and no get the jail. I am sick of the jail and that, so I decided tae dae beggin’.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>They also reported what it felt like to beg – it seems plausible that people begging in Nottingham will have similar experiences:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>They just look down on you like you’re dirt … like there was one time this guy says ‘you’re homeless, you’re dirt, you don’t have to be there, get a job’</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Mapping complexities</h2>
<p>Complex social and behavioural questions such as this can easily result in a complicated web of causes and effects. But mathematical tools such as <a href="http://bayes.cs.ucla.edu/BOOK-99/book-toc.html">causal networks</a> may help: these can be designed and analysed using <a href="http://www.bayesfusion.com/products">special software</a>, which enables researchers to visualise the relationships between different factors in a diagram. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/139980/original/image-20161002-9475-sv2jp8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/139980/original/image-20161002-9475-sv2jp8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/139980/original/image-20161002-9475-sv2jp8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/139980/original/image-20161002-9475-sv2jp8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/139980/original/image-20161002-9475-sv2jp8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/139980/original/image-20161002-9475-sv2jp8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=532&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/139980/original/image-20161002-9475-sv2jp8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=532&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/139980/original/image-20161002-9475-sv2jp8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=532&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Example network of causal relationships.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Each of the circles and arrows has a mathematical meaning: researchers can constrain the networks using data collected from studies, or try out invented scenarios to explore the consequences of different policies before any is implemented. All evaluations of complex interventions will make assumptions and have limitations; these diagrams can be used to make those assumptions explicit, and sound out where more research is needed. </p>
<p>Of course, all this is just a brief sketch of the complexities involved. Given the information released so far, it is unclear how deeply the council considered the potential harms or benefits of this campaign. Perhaps using causal networks to explain how they thought it would work, and what adverse effects had been accounted for, would help to reassure the public. It’s vital that local authorities <a href="http://jech.bmj.com/content/68/3/288.full">make use of research</a> to understand the unintended impacts of policy – especially when it affects the most vulnerable people in society.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/66349/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andi Fugard is a member of the Labour Party.</span></em></p>
Nottingham City Council are in trouble over a series of anti-begging posters – it’s important to know if their claims stack up.
Andi Fugard, Co-Director of the Centre for Evaluation, National Centre for Social Research
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/55536
2016-03-11T12:21:36Z
2016-03-11T12:21:36Z
Should fracking decisions be made locally?
<p>The future role of gas in the UK is the subject of significant debate. There is controversy <a href="http://www.ukerc.ac.uk/news/role-of-gas-as-bridge-to-a-low-carbon-future-in-the-uk-is-limited-new-research-finds.html">about how much gas we could use and for how long</a>, and whether this will be compatible with statutory climate change targets. As North Sea supplies decline, there are also starkly differing views about whether some of the gas we will need in future should come from domestic shale gas resources.</p>
<p>Despite the number of headlines about shale gas, there has been very little development activity so far. Fracking for shale gas has only been carried out at one site near Blackpool, where operations by Cuadrilla <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/newsbysector/energy/8864669/Cuadrilla-admits-drilling-caused-Blackpool-earthquakes.html">caused minor earthquakes in 2011</a>. This means that it is almost impossible to determine whether significant UK shale gas production would make economic sense. The recent <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-oil-and-gas-companies-are-dealing-with-low-prices-52928">falls in oil</a> and gas prices have added to this uncertainty, but are likely to make commercial viability more challenging.</p>
<p>During the recent <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-onshore-oil-and-gas-licences-offered">14th licensing round</a> for onshore oil and gas, 159 areas were awarded licenses for development – 75% of these were for unconventional oil and gas extraction, which has sparked local debates in many of the <a href="http://www.ukoog.org.uk/onshore-extraction/where-we-operate">affected areas</a>.</p>
<p>Two planning applications submitted by Cuadrilla for exploration at sites in Lancashire <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-lancashire-35522919">were recently turned down</a> by the local council on the grounds of noise and traffic. One of these was refused against the advice of council officers. An appeal by Cuadrillia is currently underway. Whether or not it goes in favour of the council or the developer, it raises broader questions about the role of local democracy and decision-making. </p>
<p>Last August the government announced the introduction of <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/faster-decision-making-on-shale-gas-for-economic-growth-and-energy-security">fast-track planning</a> regulations designed to limit the length of local planning processes for unconventional oil and gas operations. Greg Clark, the secretary of state for communities and local government, also said he expects to <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2015/nov/27/lancashire-fracking-shale-gas-drilling-cuadrilla-greg-clark">have the final say</a> over the Lancashire applications. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/u3qp7aFioJU?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">What is Fracking?</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This intention to constrain local planning processes has understandably led to <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2016/feb/09/lancashire-county-council-fracking-cuadrilla-public-inquiry">concerns about local democracy</a>. It is not the first time national government has tried to <a href="http://www.planningresource.co.uk/article/1384841/government-intends-extend-its-ability-intervene-local-plans">intervene in local decision-making</a>, especially when it comes to the development of new large-scale infrastructures or natural resources.</p>
<p>While national government may emphasise a particular course of action, like the development of shale gas, there is no guarantee that local decision-makers will simply agree. Furthermore, selective limits on local planning risk exacerbating public mistrust. A Sciencewise project on <a href="http://www.sciencewise-erc.org.uk/cms/assets/Uploads/Publicengagementwithshalegasandoil.pdf">public engagement with shale gas and oil</a>, commissioned by the government, revealed significant unease among participants about decision-making processes. </p>
<h2>A waste of energy?</h2>
<p>Given that large-scale changes to energy infrastructures are very likely to be required across the UK as the <a href="https://www.theccc.org.uk/publication/the-fifth-carbon-budget-the-next-step-towards-a-low-carbon-economy/">energy system decarbonises</a>, this issue goes well beyond shale gas. <a href="http://www.northdevonjournal.co.uk/Countryside-campaigners-delighted-Bideford-wind/story-28859719-detail/story.html">Local opposition has also been significant</a> for other energy developments such as wind farms, solar farms, gas storage sites and electricity transmission lines.</p>
<p>The government’s approach to different energy sources appears to be inconsistent – most notably between onshore wind and shale gas. In contrast with the approach for shale, local planners will determine whether new onshore wind projects go ahead or not. Ministers have defended this situation on the grounds that a lot of wind farms are already being deployed, while shale gas is at a very early stage. </p>
<p>Although the government’s <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/public-attitudes-tracking-survey">regular energy opinion poll</a> no longer asks specific questions about onshore wind, other polls suggest it still has significant public support - as well as being the cheapest low carbon electricity generation technology.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/113959/original/image-20160306-17765-1jhfop0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/113959/original/image-20160306-17765-1jhfop0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/113959/original/image-20160306-17765-1jhfop0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/113959/original/image-20160306-17765-1jhfop0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/113959/original/image-20160306-17765-1jhfop0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/113959/original/image-20160306-17765-1jhfop0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/113959/original/image-20160306-17765-1jhfop0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Where should our energy come from?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://static.pexels.com/photos/8717/food-pot-kitchen-cooking.jpg">Pexels</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The focus on shale and wind could also be a missed opportunity for a broader conversation about the UK’s sustainable energy transition. This conversation should not be restricted to which technologies or resources should be used, and what they might cost. <a href="http://www.ukerc.ac.uk/programmes/energy-supply/transforming-the-uk-energy-system-public-values-attitudes-and-acceptability.html">Previous research</a> from the UK Energy Research Centre suggests that people are also interested in how energy systems can reflect values such as fairness, sustainability and efficiency. A focus on individual sources like shale gas in isolation leaves little space for this broader conversation to be held.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/55536/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The UK Energy Research Centre is funded by three UK Research Councils: EPSRC, ESRC and NERC.</span></em></p>
There’s a bunfight about whether local or national government should call the shots when it comes to fracking.
Jim Watson, Research Director, UK Energy Research Centre
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.