The absence of a speaker of the House − a single individual but the linchpin in Congress − could produce a dangerous crisis in America’s constitutional democracy.
Buthelezi should not be dismissed as a mere stooge during apartheid. Yet, he deserves little praise as an advocate for human rights and civil liberties.
By declaring a ‘constitutional county,’ local leaders assert they are creating a refuge from anti- or unconstitutional actions undertaken by an overzealous state or federal authority.
Parliament’s failure to live up to its constitutional mandate was noted by the State Capture Commission as having enabled former president Zuma’s regime to corrupt state behaviour with ease.
After 1994 efforts were made to embed democracy. The focus was on policy and institution-building. What was missing was ensuring all South Africans were on board.
Corruption thrives in a destabilised state with weak institutions. South Africa cannot be allowed back to that space because there will be no turning back.
South Africa has many problems. But, as Jacob Zuma has found out, the strength of its rule of law and the independence of its judiciary should not be underestimated.
The judicial process in South Africa is hugely contested. This places an exaggerated burden on the courts to act with maximum independence and impartiality.
As a branch of government, the courts must naturally be accountable for the exercise of their power. The means of achieving their accountability must be balanced against their necessary independence.
In this case, the appropriate conclusion about the Constitutional Court’s finding against the Public Protector is that there’s much to be comforted by.
The politicians who removed Zuma are likely to be running the government for the next five years. Current events were their first test and offered a hint of how the country may be governed.
Arbitration hearings into the deaths of mentally ill patients has brought to light shocking cruelty and neglect on the part of South African officials.
Distinguished Professor and Derek Schrier and Cecily Cameron Chair in Development Economics, School of Economics and Business Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand
Post-Doctoral Researcher, South African Institute For Advanced Constitutional, Human Rights, Public and International Law (SAIFAC), University of Johannesburg