The problem for the Democratic Alliance is not one of policy. There is real substance in its commitment to substituting racial criteria for overcoming historical disadvantage.
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Local government elections in South Africa have traditionally been characterised by low voter turnout.
Each black person and woman may be an individual but, because they are black and women, they face obstacles which whites and men don’t.
The bigger parties which contest elections at all three levels would benefit the most – but voters might split their votes.
The government was initially praised for its handling of the COVID-19 pandemic but powerful interests could now be pushing its containment plans off course
The stalemate in Tshwane is a manifestation of coalition arrangements that serve the partisan interests of parties, to the detriment of citizens.
The book is set to heighten the debate about the future of the party, whose dominance has been in decline since 2009.
Coalitions work best when parties in the partnership are aligned politically.
There is no moral equivalence between apartheid’s use of race categories and their continued use by the democratic government.
Political mistrust is high as the country looks to the next municipal elections in 2021.
Successful coalition governance ultimately depends on political maturity and the ability to govern across divisions.
The white liberal establishment, both inside and outside the Democratic Alliance, holds on to its race-blindness by distorting the South African idea of “non-racialism”.
Mmusi Maimane’s resignation highlights one of the core problems of democratic South Africa - the assumption that the only way to do anything is the way white men did it in the past.
South Africa’s parliamentary system would make it difficult to achieve a fusion of parties.
Race is the fault line. Prominent black DA figures label attempts to remove leader Mmusi Maimane as an attempt by whites to force black members into a subordinate position.
Because it’s a blend of political influences the transition it is facing has, inevitably, had an existential effect on the Democratic Alliance.
The survey findings show that people who had taken part in protests over the last five years were more likely to vote for opposition parties.
Secrecy over who funds political parties should trigger fears that government decisions will reflect the wishes of large donors.
The recent election has shown again that the extremism which worries democrats in much of the world has little traction in South Africa.
Despite its endurance, the Democratic Alliance still hasn’t found a firm foothold to grow the votes in South Africa’s changing political landscape.
Kontributor teratas
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Political Scientist, University of the Western Cape
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Professor of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand
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Professor of Political Studies, University of Johannesburg
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Professor in Political Science, University of South Africa
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Professor of Public Affairs, Tshwane University of Technology
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Professor of Urban Governance, University of the Witwatersrand
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Professor of Law, University of the Witwatersrand
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Chief Research Specialist in Democracy and Citizenship at the Human Science Research Council and a Research Fellow Centre for African Studies, University of the Free State
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Senior lecturer, The University of Edinburgh
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Associate Professor in Public Law, University of Cape Town
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Professor School of Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand
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Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of South Africa (UNISA), University of South Africa
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Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of Leicester
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Visiting Professor and Professor Emeritus, University of the Witwatersrand
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Lecturer, Nelson Mandela University
