tag:theconversation.com,2011:/id/topics/developmental-psychology-5060/articlesDevelopmental psychology – The Conversation2024-02-26T00:35:18Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2223922024-02-26T00:35:18Z2024-02-26T00:35:18ZFrom viral social media ‘pranks’ to hooning, what makes teens behave so badly?<p>Two teens were arrested in Melbourne last month after horrific <a href="https://www.heraldsun.com.au/leader/south-east/calls-for-teens-to-be-locked-up-after-pushing-man-79-off-pier/news-story/1d837321ac8e6a99959251825ac7410f">video footage</a> of them pushing an unsuspecting elderly fisherman off a pier went viral.</p>
<p>The “prank” appeared to have been undertaken and filmed for the purpose of social media content. The man had to be rescued by good samaritans and the teens have been charged. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="TiktokEmbed" data-react-props="{"url":"https://www.tiktok.com/@9newsmelbourne/video/7324857167754923265"}"></div></p>
<p>Soon after this, a schoolboy made headlines after being filmed on a footbridge pouring a whole <a href="https://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/victoria/milk-prankster-escapes-serious-action-from-police/news-story/533d6a87c84f968455cb20cdd901f7d3">bottle of milk</a> on women enjoying a boat ride on Melbourne’s Yarra River.</p>
<p>It is easy to explain this behaviour away as poor parenting, problem children or with the old rationale that “kids will be kids”. But we can better explain human behaviour by considering biological, psychological and social influences. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-do-young-children-sometimes-steal-and-what-should-parents-do-about-it-200906">Why do young children sometimes steal? And what should parents do about it?</a>
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<h2>Invisible risks, invisible consequences</h2>
<p>Perhaps the most important factor to consider is the development of a young person’s brain. <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK499919/#:%7E:text=One%20of%20the%20last%20places,and%20then%20react%20to%20them">The evidence</a> is clear that a person’s brain does not fully mature until they are well into their 20s. </p>
<p>The prefrontal cortex of the brain is the last part to develop fully. The function of the prefrontal cortex is higher-order tasks such as decision-making and emotional regulation. Importantly, this is the part of the brain that considers information that is not immediately obvious.</p>
<p>So when a child rides their bike on a footpath, the adult behind them might tell them to slow down just in case a car reverses from a driveway. But the child doesn’t foresee this risk because there is no car to be seen. The <em>potential</em> risk is clear to the adult but, as it isn’t immediately identifiable, it is <em>invisible</em> to the child. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575239/original/file-20240213-16-q8f5ol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575239/original/file-20240213-16-q8f5ol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575239/original/file-20240213-16-q8f5ol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575239/original/file-20240213-16-q8f5ol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575239/original/file-20240213-16-q8f5ol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=476&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575239/original/file-20240213-16-q8f5ol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=598&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575239/original/file-20240213-16-q8f5ol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=598&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575239/original/file-20240213-16-q8f5ol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=598&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">If risks aren’t immediate to children, parents’ warnings about them can fall flat.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/happiness-mother-son-on-bicycles-funning-288735896">Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p>Humans have a self-preservation instinct: when we understand the risk of death, we avoid it. When a usually sensible young man drives his car too fast, he is not consciously taking a risk. He is simply enjoying the rush of going fast. The risk is not tangible or visible, and therefore not present in his decision-making. </p>
<p>For the teenaged boys in the viral videos, they’re in the same prank-like mindset of an annoying older brother. It is not that they are <em>choosing</em> to ignore potential consequences, it’s just that not all the consequences are visible to them. They might be driven by the immediate attention of laughs or internet notoriety, but harm to others, police charges and potential school expulsion are probably not in their thought process.</p>
<h2>Personalities formed through nature and nurture</h2>
<p>Some people have a larger appetite for risk. One child will dive head-first into an ocean and another won’t get their feet wet. </p>
<p>This is likely due to a combination of environmental and biological factors: some people are more comfortable with the feeling of fear, whereas some may have had parents who were overprotective, or perhaps an early life experience of trouble near water that has left a legacy. </p>
<p>These factors all contribute to a person’s psychology. A person who is risk-averse is more likely to be “scared” of pranks or unsafe behaviour. This is not necessarily because they are cognitively more able to think through the potential outcomes, but because they are acting on their fear of new or unknown environments. A new situation elicits fear and, in turn, cautionary behaviour. </p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576086/original/file-20240215-16-6wvf33.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A young boy hugs the leg of his dad" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576086/original/file-20240215-16-6wvf33.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/576086/original/file-20240215-16-6wvf33.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576086/original/file-20240215-16-6wvf33.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576086/original/file-20240215-16-6wvf33.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576086/original/file-20240215-16-6wvf33.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576086/original/file-20240215-16-6wvf33.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/576086/original/file-20240215-16-6wvf33.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Some children have a higher capacity for fear than others.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/sad-son-hugging-his-dad-near-307192661">Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p>A young person who is less fearful will be less reluctant in new environments. So it’s not a coincidence that the “good” child who appears not to make “reckless” decisions is often the same child who struggles more with adapting to life changes, such as starting school. Similarly, the “naughty” toddler or the “class clown” might be the most adaptable and open to new environments. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/its-real-to-them-so-adults-should-listen-what-children-want-you-to-know-to-help-them-feel-safe-113834">'It's real to them, so adults should listen': what children want you to know to help them feel safe</a>
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<h2>The urge to fit in</h2>
<p>Finally, our behaviour is influenced by those around us. When we are in a group we behave differently from when we are alone. We are all driven by a desire to fit in, to be liked, and sometimes we might do things we would not normally to be included. </p>
<p>For young people today, this is amplified through social media. Their audience is not only those right near them, but those who are in their wider digital circle. There is an instant reinforcement of a behaviour when there is a large, online audience.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577220/original/file-20240222-22-vthtyp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A group of teenagers sit outside and use their smartphones" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577220/original/file-20240222-22-vthtyp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577220/original/file-20240222-22-vthtyp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=367&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577220/original/file-20240222-22-vthtyp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=367&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577220/original/file-20240222-22-vthtyp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=367&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577220/original/file-20240222-22-vthtyp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=462&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577220/original/file-20240222-22-vthtyp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=462&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577220/original/file-20240222-22-vthtyp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=462&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Young people are often driven by a desire to fit in, especially on social media.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/teens-using-phones-outdoors-concept-youth-2154896429">Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p>Frequently, we see prankster behaviour when young people are on school holidays. They are bored and looking for entertainment. </p>
<p>There are few spaces that are welcoming for groups of teenagers to simply “hang out”, and there are many that are actively hostile to groups of youths. <a href="https://youthlaw.asn.au/learn-about-the-law/orders-to-move-on-and-stay-away/#:%7E:text=or%20stay%20away%3F-,A%20police%20officer%20or%20a%20PSO%20can%20order%20you%20to,likely%20to%20breach%20the%20peace">Move-on laws</a> for example, were designed with the intention of being able to prohibit young people from gathering. </p>
<p>Finally, a crucial factor is the construction of gender, where boys’ larrikinism can be seen as hyper-masculine and cool, making these types of behaviours more likely to be socially endorsed. </p>
<h2>What can be done?</h2>
<p>Unfortunately, not a lot. You cannot expedite the development of a brain and you can’t do much about someone’s psychology. School programs might be understood by some young people but not by others, and are expensive to deliver. Nationwide organisations like <a href="https://www.lifeedvic.org.au/schools/pricing">Life Education</a>, which offers a program of health education to primary school students, and <a href="https://www.elephanted.com.au/">Elephant Ed</a>, which is increasingly used by schools to deliver sex education, are provided at cost to the school.</p>
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<p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/teenage-brain-matures-with-onset-of-puberty-6210">Teenage brain matures with onset of puberty</a>
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<p>However, social influences can be changed, albeit slowly. </p>
<p>If we can provide young people with social places to be where they are engaged, they will then be less bored. The <a href="https://www.youthaodtoolbox.org.au/adolescent-community-reinforcement-approach">Adolescent Community Reinforcement Approach</a> (an intervention developed to reduce “antisocial” behaviours by connecting people to their communities) is based on the premise that behaviour change shouldn’t be focused on stopping a problem behaviour. </p>
<p>Instead, it should provide young people with opportunity for positive “prosocial activity”. So for example, offering more access to free basketball courts for young people interested in basketball gives them a positive way to spend their time. </p>
<p>When we continue to see young people as wild criminals who have no respect, we create a greater divide between young people and ourselves.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/222392/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kathryn Daley has received funding from FARE Australia and Melbourne City Mission. She is a member of the Women's Correctional Services Advisory Committee. She was formerly a youth worker at the Youth Support and Advocacy Service (YSAS).</span></em></p>In the wake of a series of viral ‘pranks’, many are wondering why teens do such bad things. It’s not as simple as you think.Kathryn Daley, Senior Lecturer, Youth Work & Youth Studies, Social Equity Research Centre, RMIT UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2179922023-12-18T16:17:20Z2023-12-18T16:17:20ZAdvertising toys to children is an environmental nightmare – here’s how parents can deal with it<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566310/original/file-20231218-23-ncxq5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C1280%2C960&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://pixabay.com/photos/lego-blocks-multicoloured-plastic-1649878/">RegenWolke/Pixabay</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>As Christmas approaches, many children experience the “gimme-gimmes” and write a list of toys that they hope Santa will bring. This is to be expected. Toys give children a chance to learn and be curious, engage their imaginations in play and become socialised with others.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, <a href="https://fashnerd.com/2018/05/ecobirdy-sustainable-recycling-innovative-technology/#:%7E:text=According%20to%20ecoBirdy's%20website%2C%2080,just%20six%20months%20on%20average.">80% of all toys</a> end up in landfills, incinerators or the ocean. The toy industry uses <a href="https://www.theworldcounts.com/challenges/consumption/other-products/environmental-impact-of-toys">40 tonnes of plastic</a> for every US$1 million it generates in revenue and has <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352550922000550">an excessive carbon footprint</a>.</p>
<p>Toys may contribute to the development of a child while threatening their health and wellbeing with pollution. Advertisers perpetuate this paradox, and children are vulnerable to their persuasive tactics.</p>
<p>Advertisers know that children are an inevitable part of the consumer decision-making cycle and coax them to pester their parents to part with hard-earned cash. Creating an emotional attachment to toys in the minds of children is key – tie-ins with food, fun, clothing and music create a spiral of brand-associated desire. </p>
<p>Popular but non-recyclable loom bands (a wrist-worn accessory) are <a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2715044/Loom-band-craze-eco-ticking-timebomb-Fears-thousands-bands-recycled-discarded-street.html">a poignant example</a>. This worldwide children’s craze, often used to signal solidarity with a cause, has led to a deluge of silicone-based rubber reaching landfills and the ocean every year. </p>
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<img alt="A colourful selection of children's toys on a white background." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566298/original/file-20231218-21-uk0iid.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C5162%2C3993&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566298/original/file-20231218-21-uk0iid.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=464&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566298/original/file-20231218-21-uk0iid.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=464&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566298/original/file-20231218-21-uk0iid.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=464&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566298/original/file-20231218-21-uk0iid.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566298/original/file-20231218-21-uk0iid.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566298/original/file-20231218-21-uk0iid.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=583&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">The vast majority of plastic toys are not widely recycled.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/multicolored-learning-toys-gDiRwIYAMA8">Vanessa Bucceri/Unsplash</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
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<p>Aside from emotional marketing (which works on children and adults alike) <a href="https://bpspsychub.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1348/026151008X388378">studies have shown</a> that very young children often cannot tell whether they are watching a television programme or an advertisement. Banner advertising on game sites present the same issue. </p>
<p>Only from the <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1470785318802682">ages of nine to 11</a> do children begin to become brand-aware and conscious of the social currency that brand power presents. While they may increasingly understand the intent behind branding, they are also at an age where they are prone to peer pressure and will use what psychologists call their “<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/0267257X.2010.495281">pester power</a>”.</p>
<p>Children are clearly vulnerable to these tactics, and the result is a growing stream of plastic into the environment. But psychological research suggests that a child’s developmental capacity to understand the climate crisis and its consequences could provide an antidote. By giving children space to participate fully in decisions that are potentially harmful to the environment, parents may counteract a child’s susceptibility to aggressive advertising. </p>
<h2>Give children more agency</h2>
<p>The Psychological Society of Ireland recently responded to a call for recommendations on improving children’s rights laws from the <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/calls-for-input/2023/call-comments-draft-general-comment-childrens-rights-and-environment-special">United Nations</a>. Leading the submission, <a href="https://www.psychologicalsociety.ie/source/PSI%20response%20to%20UN%20Committee%20on%20Rights%20of%20the%20Child%20-%20Draft%20General%20comment%20No-26%20(SIGHRP).pdf">the team and I</a> addressed the mental health problems caused to children by environmental harm. </p>
<p>Elaine Rogers, Alexis Carey and I published a <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/904850/pdf">review paper</a> drawing on psychological research and the UN’s global consultation with 16,000 children. This consultation found that children across a range of ages not only demonstrate their understanding of the threat climate change poses but readily propose solutions. </p>
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<img alt="A child holding up a toy camera." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566302/original/file-20231218-29-okj15f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566302/original/file-20231218-29-okj15f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566302/original/file-20231218-29-okj15f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566302/original/file-20231218-29-okj15f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=414&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566302/original/file-20231218-29-okj15f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566302/original/file-20231218-29-okj15f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566302/original/file-20231218-29-okj15f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=521&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Children can understand the climate crisis – and the role that consumerism plays in it.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/girl-holding-purple-and-green-camera-toy-GagC07wVvck">Tanaphong Toochinda/Unsplash</a></span>
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<p>When the opportunity arises, children and adolescents express empathy and distress at the situation, and may even be predisposed to anxiety. The climate anxiety that children experience may be for themselves and their own family, for future generations, or for the environment and other species. These findings suggest that the capacity for children to understand the climate crisis could counteract their susceptibility to advertising which inflames it.</p>
<p>Drawing on our analysis of how children’s participation can generate solutions to environmental issues, I have put together recommendations which may be helpful to parents and guardians this Christmas season.</p>
<h2>Get the whole family involved</h2>
<p>Have discussions with your child about how a toy will possibly be good or bad for the environment. For instance, some <a href="https://corporate.mattel.com/sustainable-materials-in-toys">well-known brands</a> have switched to using plastic made from ethanol extracted from sugar cane.</p>
<p>Look for eco-labels on toys and find out which suppliers stock <a href="https://www.greentoys.com/">Green Toy</a> brands. Also ask questions about the educational merit of a toy choice and help your child weigh up the pros and cons. Try balancing these purchases with more commercial ones.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A selection of wooden toy animals." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566300/original/file-20231218-17-3tuk08.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566300/original/file-20231218-17-3tuk08.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=422&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566300/original/file-20231218-17-3tuk08.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=422&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566300/original/file-20231218-17-3tuk08.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=422&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566300/original/file-20231218-17-3tuk08.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=530&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566300/original/file-20231218-17-3tuk08.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=530&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566300/original/file-20231218-17-3tuk08.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=530&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Certification schemes exist to make ethical choices easier for parents and guardians.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.pexels.com/photo/green-crocodile-wooden-toy-on-the-floor-3661197/">Cottonbro Studio</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Perhaps find out how your children could become involved in national and international debates on climate change. The UN recently made explicit that there is a legal responsibility on advertisers to ensure that marketing does not mislead children and it has placed a high value on children’s involvement in these matters, producing a <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/crc/gcomments/gc26/2023/GC26-Child-Friendly-Version_English.pdf">child-friendly version</a> (and an accompanying <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=88ytWDLmyC8">video</a>) of its position on children’s rights and the environment. </p>
<h2>Toy banks</h2>
<p>Look out for collection points for pre-loved toys. Toy banks can start with family, friends and neighbours. Perhaps canvass local residential committees and local government to start one if there isn’t one near you.</p>
<p>Encourage your children to gather a used-toy selection to send to local charity shops in the run up to Christmas. </p>
<h2>Encourage longevity</h2>
<p>When toys have a personal story, children are more likely to want to play with them for longer, especially <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/andyrobertson/2018/01/26/connected-toys-need-to-learn-longevity-from-traditional-toy-makers/?sh=32b506292ad2">character toys</a>. </p>
<p>For example, a doll and teddy bear “holiday” or “hospital stay” might reignite your child’s interest in a toy when they return. </p>
<h2>Safe spaces</h2>
<p>Creating <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/crc/gcomments/gc26/2023/GC26-Child-Friendly-Version_English.pdf">safe spaces</a> for discussion at home, at school or in the community will help your children think critically about how product marketing or merchandise could make them complicit in damaging the environment. The discussion should feel safe and non-adversarial. </p>
<p>Remember that children are the gatekeepers of purchasing power, with the ability to persuade parents, caregivers and even Santa to bring them the toys they choose. </p>
<p>Empowering your children to make grown-up decisions about the toys they’d like to have, or to keep, will help reduce the negative impact of advertising on their wellbeing.</p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="Imagine weekly climate newsletter" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/434988/original/file-20211201-21-13avx6y.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
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</figure>
<p><strong><em>Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?</em></strong>
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<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Cowley-Cunningham is a chartered psychologist of the British Psychological Society and an associate fellow of the Psychological Society of Ireland. She is affiliated with the Green Party, Ireland. </span></em></p>Until the age of nine, children struggle to distinguish adverts from TV shows.Michelle Cowley-Cunningham, Chartered Psychologist and Postdoctoral Researcher at the National Centre for Family Business, Dublin City UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2131082023-11-02T12:32:59Z2023-11-02T12:32:59ZSecure attachment to both parents − not just mothers − boosts children’s healthy development<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/557110/original/file-20231101-17-9niwf.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1065%2C231%2C7495%2C5467&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Strong, supportive relationships with moms, dads and nonparental caregivers are all vital.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/playful-african-american-couple-enjoying-a-day-in-royalty-free-image/538866254">skynesher/E+ via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Imagine a sudden rustle in the tall grass. A ripple of alarm passes through the group of early humans who live together amid ancient, rugged terrain. In the center of the encampment, a 3-year-old child – let’s call her Raina – stumbles and falls, her eyes wide with fear.</p>
<p>Without hesitation, her mother sweeps her up into her protective arms, while her grandmother quickly gathers herbs and leaves to create a pungent smokescreen to deter lurking predators. Simultaneously, Raina’s father and uncles move swiftly to the outskirts of the camp, their vigilant eyes scanning for signs of danger.</p>
<p>In this heart-pounding moment, Raina was enveloped in a web of care. Multiple caregivers worked seamlessly together, their collective efforts serving as a shield against the unknown threat that lurked beyond the safety of their campfire’s glow. It took a village to ensure Raina’s safety. </p>
<p>For at least 200,000 years, children grew up in a similar setting to Raina’s: <a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674060326">a social environment with multiple caregivers</a>. But 20th-century child psychologists placed almost exclusive importance on the mother-child bond. Research on children’s attachment relationships – the emotional ties they develop with their caregivers – and how they <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12213">influence child development</a> has had a mother-centric focus. Academic psychology’s emphasis on the child-mother relationship can be at least partly attributed to social norms about the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12275">appropriate roles of mothers and fathers</a>. Whereas fathers have been characterized as the breadwinners, mothers have been thought of as more involved in the daily care of children.</p>
<p>We are <a href="http://www.ordagan.com/">clinical-developmental psychology</a> and <a href="https://research.vu.nl/en/persons/carlo-schuengel">child and family</a> researchers interested in studying how the quality of child-caregiver relationships affects children’s development. With 29 other researchers, we started a research consortium to study children’s attachment relationships. Together, we ask: How does having attachment relationships to both mothers and fathers affect children’s socioemotional and cognitive outcomes?</p>
<h2>Mother-centric attachment research</h2>
<p>Children develop <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpp.13675">attachment relationships</a> with people whose presence around them is stable over time. For most children, these people are their parents.</p>
<p>Social scientists broadly classify attachment relationships as secure or insecure. A secure relationship with a specific caregiver reflects a child’s expectation that when they’re alarmed – as when emotionally or physically hurt – this caregiver will be available and emotionally supportive. In contrast, children who are uncertain about the availability of their caregivers in times of need are likely to form an <a href="https://seasinternational.org/explanations-of-attachment-theoretical-concepts/">insecure attachment relationship</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/557114/original/file-20231101-25-tq14v2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Black and white 1950s photo of a seated baby with a smiling woman" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/557114/original/file-20231101-25-tq14v2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/557114/original/file-20231101-25-tq14v2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=475&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557114/original/file-20231101-25-tq14v2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=475&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557114/original/file-20231101-25-tq14v2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=475&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557114/original/file-20231101-25-tq14v2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=596&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557114/original/file-20231101-25-tq14v2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=596&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557114/original/file-20231101-25-tq14v2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=596&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The emphasis on a mother’s love alone is outdated.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/portrait-of-mother-baby-royalty-free-image/53329627">George Marks/Retrofile RF via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In the U.S. and Europe, where most attachment research has been conducted to date, the primary caregiver was frequently assumed to be the mother. Accordingly, researchers have almost exclusively focused on mothers as attachment figures. Mothers <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/med-psych/9780198842064.001.0001">were also more accessible for researchers</a>, and they more readily consented to participate in studies than fathers and nonparental caregivers such as grandparents and professional caretakers.</p>
<p>Furthermore, many researchers have assumed that there is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/cd.23219925703">a hierarchy within parental caregiving</a>, wherein attachment with mothers is more important for understanding children’s development than attachment with caregivers considered “secondary,” such as fathers. </p>
<p>Already by the late 1980s, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0166-4115(08)61071-7">some scholars recognized the need</a> to assess the joint impact of children’s attachment relationships with multiple caregivers on their developmental trajectories. But little research ensued. Recently, we <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12272">revived such calls</a> and <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/cad.20446">proposed models</a> that researchers can use to systematically assess the joint effects of children’s attachment to both mothers and fathers on an array of developmental outcomes. </p>
<p>Then, we recruited more than two dozen social scientists from eight countries who are interested in these questions around attachment relationships. Together, we formed the Collaboration on Attachment to Multiple Parents Synthesis consortium.</p>
<h2>The more secure attachments the better</h2>
<p>The first step our group took was compiling data collected by attachment researchers across the globe over the past 40 years. We identified previous research on the attachment relationships of more than 1,000 children with both their parents.</p>
<p>Instead of categorizing children as securely versus insecurely attached to one parent, we placed them into one of four groups: </p>
<ul>
<li>Children with secure attachment relationships to both mother and father.</li>
<li>Children with secure attachment to mother and insecure attachment to father.</li>
<li>Children with insecure attachment to mother and secure attachment to father.</li>
<li>Children with insecure attachments to both parents. </li>
</ul>
<p>In two separate studies, we assessed whether the children’s attachment to mother and father predicted <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/cad.20450">mental health</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13998">language competence</a>. In these studies, children’s attachment relationships were assessed by observing how they behaved during brief separations from each parent – for instance, in what psychologists call the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/t28248-000">strange situation procedure</a>.</p>
<p>We found that children who simultaneously had secure attachment relationships with both mothers and fathers were likely to experience <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/cad.20450">fewer symptoms of anxiety and depression</a> and to exhibit <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13998">better language skills</a> than kids with one or no secure attachment relationships within their intact, two-parent families.</p>
<p>How might a child’s network of attachment relationships have these effects? While we couldn’t assess it in our study, there are various plausible mechanisms at play. For instance, think about a child with two secure attachment relationships to both mother and father who has trust in both parents that they will be there in challenging situations.</p>
<p>All children encounter sadness, anger and despair. But because a child with dual secure attachments can readily turn to their parents for help and support, <a href="https://doi.org/10.3390/brainsci11091226">negative emotions may be resolved quickly</a> and not turn into defiance or depression. Because they have <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9507.1995.tb00055.x">less of a need to monitor their parents’ whereabouts</a>, this child may also be more adventurous and exploratory, giving them experiences to share and talk about. They might be exposed to a wider range and amount of verbal expression – helping expand their language skills. </p>
<h2>Mothers aren’t the whole story</h2>
<p>It is also important to note what we did not find: There was no hierarchy of importance in terms of which parent a child developed a secure attachment with. Children with secure attachment only to mothers (but not to fathers) and children with secure attachment only to fathers (but not to mothers) were not statistically different in their mental health and language competence outcomes.</p>
<p>These findings support an important takeaway: Mothers and fathers are equally important in raising children and setting them up for optimal developmental trajectories. In other words, it is the number of secure attachment relationships a child develops within the family network – not the specific gender of the adult with whom a secure relationship is developed – that matters.</p>
<p>Children have also been shown to thrive when developing secure attachment relationships in nontraditional families, such as those with <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/14616734.2019.1588906">same-sex parents</a>. We thus expect that future studies will replicate our findings in nontraditional two-parent families. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/557118/original/file-20231101-27-sw6du4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="portrait of a multigenerational family at a dining table" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/557118/original/file-20231101-27-sw6du4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/557118/original/file-20231101-27-sw6du4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557118/original/file-20231101-27-sw6du4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557118/original/file-20231101-27-sw6du4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557118/original/file-20231101-27-sw6du4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557118/original/file-20231101-27-sw6du4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/557118/original/file-20231101-27-sw6du4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Moms, dads, grandparents, babysitters – a child’s whole network of caregivers contributes to their well-being.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/portrait-of-multigenerational-family-gathered-in-royalty-free-image/975317032">Thomas Barwick/Stone via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Future research should also investigate other family networks that include nonparental caregivers, such as grandparents, who often take an active role in rearing children. In collectively oriented cultures, family households often comprise a <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1002/cad.20442">wider network of attachment figures</a> than the traditional two-parent households often found in the U.S., Canada and Europe. Studies in these cultures are likely to find that attachment networks may be more pertinent than research on single relationships when it comes to understanding children’s mental health and academic skills.</p>
<p>As the African proverb goes, it takes a village to raise a child. We are all descendants of children like Raina. Our findings highlight the critical need to adjust policy and early intervention efforts to support the parent couple and potentially other configurations of stable caregivers – not just mothers.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/213108/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Carlo Schuengel receives funding from the Netherlands Organisation for Health Research and Development (ZonMw) and from the Scientific Research Foundation (SWO)‘s Heeren Loo. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Or Dagan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Psychologists have long focused on the importance of a secure attachment with a mother for healthy child development. A new look supports the value of attachment – but it doesn’t have to be with mom.Or Dagan, Assistant Professor of Clinical Psychology, Long Island University PostCarlo Schuengel, Professor of Clinical Child and Family Studies, Vrije Universiteit AmsterdamLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2077902023-07-12T12:39:39Z2023-07-12T12:39:39ZChildren, like adults, tend to underestimate how welcome their random acts of kindness will be<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/536832/original/file-20230711-7795-jjqo2v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=15%2C179%2C3478%2C2751&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Little thoughtful gestures can make someone's day.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/illustration/big-hand-giving-pencil-to-man-royalty-free-illustration/1064885574?phrase=pencil+gift&adppopup=true">alashi/DigitalVision Vectors via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>The <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/topics/research-brief-83231">Research Brief</a> is a short take about interesting academic work.</em></p>
<h2>The big idea</h2>
<p>From <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797618772506">expressing gratitude</a> to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0001271">surprising someone with a mug of hot chocolate</a> on a cold day, adults tend to underestimate how positively others will respond to their <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0001271">random acts of kindness</a>. I’m a <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=p4aWpaQAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">behavioral scientist</a> who teamed up with my research partner <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?hl=en&user=4BpUtrQAAAAJ">Nicholas Epley</a> on research that showed how children and teens share this misunderstanding.</p>
<p>We gave 101 kids who were 4-17 years old and 99 adults who were visiting a museum in Chicago an opportunity to perform a random act of kindness. They received two museum-branded pencils and were told that they could keep both pencils but were encouraged to give one to another visitor.</p>
<p>The people taking part in this stage of our two experiments then completed a survey asking them to predict how big the pencil’s recipient would consider this act of kindness to be, how positive or negative that person would say they felt afterward, and how good or bad the act of giving the pencil away made them feel.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, and out of sight of the people who gave pencils away, the people who received them – or a parent or legal guardian if they were kids – were approached by a researcher and told that someone else taking part in the study chose to give them a pencil as a random act of kindness. Those people then said how big that act of kindness was and how receiving it made them feel.</p>
<p>We compared the predictions of the people who gave pencils away with what the people receiving the pencils experienced and found that, like adults, most of the kids participating in the study underestimated the positive impact of their small act of kindness. </p>
<p>As we explained in the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0001433">Journal of Experimental Psychology</a>, we found that the vast majority of the people of all ages said they felt better after giving a pencil to a stranger.</p>
<h2>Why it matters</h2>
<p>Our findings show that doing good feels good, both for those who do good deeds and those who benefit directly from those actions.</p>
<p>Yet, despite the fact that <a href="https://newsinhealth.nih.gov/2017/02/do-social-ties-affect-our-health">connecting with others is good for your health</a>, the world is experiencing a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2020.0027">loneliness epidemic</a> that the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0001005">COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated</a>. </p>
<h2>What other research is being done</h2>
<p>Our findings contribute to a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/09637214221128016">growing body of research</a> suggesting that people may be reluctant to do good deeds because they don’t realize how welcome these acts of kindness are. </p>
<p>Related research has cast light on the tendency to underestimate just how much others will appreciate many expressions of kindness, such as <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797618772506">unexpectedly hearing from a friend</a> or <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/pspa0000277">receiving a compliment</a>. People even misunderstand how <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/09567976221097615">willing others are to lend a hand</a> with chores like carrying boxes or stepping in to take a picture.</p>
<p>Some evidence even suggests that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/pspa0000277">people want to give more compliments than they usually do</a>.</p>
<p>Unlike these other experiments, we were able to show that the tendency to misunderstand how much good their small acts of kindness can do begins early in life. Learning what the social consequences of this failure to appreciate just how big of a deal small acts of kindness are requires more research.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/207790/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Margaret Echelbarger does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>In a study with people as young as 4 years old, participants underestimated how much others would appreciate their good deeds.Margaret Echelbarger, Assistant Professor of Marketing, Stony Brook University (The State University of New York)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1569062021-04-09T12:20:07Z2021-04-09T12:20:07ZAt what age are people usually happiest? New research offers surprising clues<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/394082/original/file-20210408-17-iunr2y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=3%2C6%2C2114%2C1403&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">In an ongoing study, most of those interviewed seemed to recognize that they were happier in their 30s than they were in their 20s.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/composite-of-portraits-with-varying-shades-of-skin-royalty-free-image/1249641728?adppopup=true">RyanJLane via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>If you could be one age for the rest of your life, what would it be?</p>
<p>Would you choose to be nine years old, absolved of life’s most tedious responsibilities, and instead able to spend your days playing with friends and practicing your times tables? </p>
<p>Or would you choose your early 20s, when time feels endless and the world is your oyster – with friends, travel, pubs and clubs beckoning? </p>
<p>Western culture <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-old-would-you-want-to-be-in-heaven-127410">idealizes youth</a>, so it may come as a surprise to learn that in <a href="https://www.swnsdigital.com/2021/02/average-american-would-freeze-time-to-stop-aging-at-this-perfect-age-if-they-could/">a recent poll</a> asking this question, the most popular answer wasn’t 9 or 23, but 36.</p>
<p>Yet <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=srXTP4QAAAAJ&hl=en">as a developmental psychologist</a>, I thought that response made a lot of sense.</p>
<p>For the last four years, I’ve been studying people’s experiences of their 30s and early 40s, and my research has led me to believe that this stage of life – while full of challenges – is much more rewarding than most might think.</p>
<h2>The career and care crunch</h2>
<p>When I was a researcher in my late 30s, I wanted to read more about the age period I was in. That was when I realized that no one was doing research on people in their 30s and early 40s, which puzzled me. So much often happens during this time: Buying homes, getting married or getting divorced; building careers, changing careers, having children or choosing not to have children. </p>
<p>To study something, it helps to name it. So my colleagues and I named the period from ages 30 to 45 “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000600">established adulthood</a>,” and then set out to try to understand it better. While we are still collecting data, we have currently interviewed over 100 people in this age cohort, and have collected survey data from more than 600 additional people.</p>
<p>We went into this large-scale project expecting to find that established adults were happy but struggling. We thought there would be rewards during this period of life – perhaps being settled in career, family and friendships, or peaking physically and cognitively – but also some significant challenges. </p>
<p>The main challenge we anticipated was what we called “the career and care crunch.” </p>
<p>This refers to the collision of workplace demands and demands of caring for others that takes place in your 30s and early 40s. Trying to climb a ladder in a chosen career while also being increasingly expected to care for kids, tend to the needs of partners and perhaps care for aging parents can create a lot of stress and work. </p>
<p>Yet when we started to look at our data, what we found surprised us. </p>
<p>Yes, people were feeling overwhelmed and talked about having too much to do in too little time. But they also talked about feeling profoundly satisfied. All of these things that were bringing them stress were also bringing them joy. </p>
<p>For example, Yuying, 44, said “even though there are complicated points of this time period, I feel very solidly happy in this space right now.” Nina, 39, simply described herself as being “wildly happy.” (The names used in this piece are pseudonyms, as required by research protocol.)</p>
<p>When we took an even closer look at our data, it started to become clear why people might wish to remain age 36 over any other age. People talked about being in the prime of their lives and feeling at their peak. After years of working to develop careers and relationships, people reported feeling as though they had finally arrived. </p>
<p>Mark, 36, shared that, at least for him, “things feel more in place.” “I’ve put together a machine that’s finally got all the parts it needs,” he said. </p>
<h2>A sigh of relief after the tumultuous 20s</h2>
<p>As well as feeling as though they had accumulated the careers, relationships and general life skills they had been working toward since their 20s, people also said they had greater self-confidence and understood themselves better.</p>
<p>Jodie, 36, appreciated the wisdom she had gained as she reflected on life beyond her 20s: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Now you’ve got a solid decade of life experience. And what you discover about yourself in your 20s isn’t necessarily that what you wanted was wrong. It’s just you have the opportunity to figure out what you don’t want and what’s not going to work for you. … So you go into your 30s, and you don’t waste a bunch of time going on half dozen dates with somebody that’s probably not really going to work out, because you’ve dated before and you have that confidence and that self-assuredness to be like, ‘hey, thanks but no thanks.’ Your friend circle becomes a lot closer because you weed out the people that you just don’t need in your life that bring drama.”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Most established adults we interviewed seemed to recognize that they were happier in their 30s than they were in their 20s, and this impacted how they thought about some of the signs of physical aging that they were starting to encounter. For example, Lisa, 37, said, “If I could go back physically but I had to also go back emotionally and mentally … no way. I would take flabby skin lines every day.”</p>
<h2>Not ideal for everyone</h2>
<p>Our research should be viewed with some caveats. </p>
<p>The interviews were primarily conducted with middle-class North Americans, and many of the participants are white. For those who are working class, or for those who have had to reckon with decades of <a href="https://www.raceforward.org/videos/systemic-racism">systemic racism</a>, established adulthood may not be so rosy. </p>
<p>It is also worth noting that the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/18/us/politics/women-pandemic-harris.html">career and care crunch has been exacerbated, especially for women, by the COVID-19 pandemic</a>. For this reason, the pandemic may be leading to a decrease in life satisfaction, especially for established adults who are parents trying to navigate full-time careers and full-time child care.</p>
<p>[<em>You’re smart and curious about the world. So are The Conversation’s authors and editors.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters/weekly-highlights-61?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=weeklysmart">You can get our highlights each weekend</a>.]</p>
<p>At the same time, that people think of their 30s – and not their 20s or their teens – as the sweet spot in their lives to which they’d like to return suggests that this is a period of life that we should pay more attention to. </p>
<p>And this is slowly happening. Along with my own work is an excellent book recently written by Kayleen Shaefer, “<a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/603770/but-youre-still-so-young-by-kayleen-schaefer/">But You’re Still So Young</a>,” that explores people navigating their 30s. In her book she tells stories of changing career paths, navigating relationships and dealing with fertility.</p>
<p>My colleagues and I hope that our work and Shaefer’s book are just the beginning. Having a better understanding of the challenges and rewards of established adulthood will give society more tools to support people during that period, ensuring that this golden age provides not only memories that we will fondly look back upon, but also a solid foundation for the rest of our lives. </p>
<figure>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">‘Established adulthood’ is an emerging area of study.</span></figcaption>
</figure><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/156906/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Clare Mehta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A developmental psychologist explains how a period of life that’s often hectic and stressful can also end up being quite rewarding.Clare Mehta, Associate Professor of Psychology, Emmanuel CollegeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1514192021-01-29T13:27:20Z2021-01-29T13:27:20Z10 parenting strategies to reduce your kids’ pandemic stress<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/380588/original/file-20210125-23-1824kto.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=299%2C132%2C5414%2C3174&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Making time to connect one on one is crucial.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/BrbogxYe7FE">S&B Vonlanthen/Unsplash</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Parents are dealing with huge demands on their time and energy. Children may not be attending school or involved in regular activities. As the pandemic continues to wreak havoc on families, routines have collapsed, patience is wearing thin and self-care is a distant memory.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/0000177-000">Decades of research</a> have <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=7ML3dNEAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">taught</a> <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=BHBN1dUAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=sra">us</a> that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0749-3797(98)00017-8">adversity during childhood</a> has <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s00406-005-0624-4">damaging effects on health and development</a>. Many studies have shown that kids who have faced abuse, neglect and family conflict struggle forming friendships, have academic difficulties and face physical and mental health problems in adolescence and adulthood.</p>
<p>Fortunately, developmental scientists have identified ways to help children <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Handbook+of+Child+Psychology+and+Developmental+Science%2C+Volume+3%2C+Socioemotional+Processes%2C+7th+Edition-p-9781118953891">survive and thrive</a> <a href="https://www.guilford.com/books/Ordinary-Magic/Ann-Masten/9781462523719">during times of adversity</a>. The beneficial effects of protective and nurturing experiences are <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03110-7_1">powerful antidotes to stress and adversity</a> and prepare children to cope with hard times for years to come.</p>
<p>Families worried about possible long-term effects of pandemic-related disruption can learn from these proven strategies. Here are 10 ways parents can foster children’s resilience during challenging times.</p>
<h2>1. Connect with one another</h2>
<p>Make time to talk, listen and play without distractions. Be sure children know they are loved unconditionally. This can include taking breaks to check in during the day when learning and working at home, having a special bedtime routine that includes talking about the day, taking walks together, or playing favorite games. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/13948-000">Making the effort to connect</a> helps children know they’re valued and creates a sense of security.</p>
<h2>2. Support children’s friendships</h2>
<p>Think about ways for children to play together outdoors, talk via technology or play a video game virtually with friends. Some families are creating safe zones or bubbles, where they allow children to pick a close friend or two whose family is practicing recommended coronavirus precautions that they can interact with more closely. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0025401">Maintaining friendships</a> gives children opportunities to learn from peers and reduces stress, providing support and acceptance.</p>
<h2>3. Find ways children can help others</h2>
<p>Talk about how others are also struggling. Encourage them to donate toys they’ve outgrown, save money for a special cause or help a neighbor with errands like shopping, bringing in mail, doing yardwork or dog-walking. When you do things for others in the community, include your children and talk about why you do it. This helps children <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9507.1996.tb00073.x">learn about the needs of others and cultivates empathy</a>.</p>
<h2>4. Help children stay involved in clubs or groups</h2>
<p>Some groups that work well during a pandemic include outdoor Scouting, Zoom clubs and other special-interest clubs such as outdoor sports, fishing, hiking or biking. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.42.4.698">Being part of a group</a> helps children feel a sense of belonging and promotes identity development. It can also help build morals and values and even promote academic success.</p>
<h2>5. Stay in touch with important adults</h2>
<p>Children benefit from <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/jcop.20106">relationships with other grown-ups</a>, like grandparents and teachers. They can be another source of support and someone to talk to about problems or successes. They’re particularly important when parents are unavailable due to work or other obligations. Help kids stay connected through Zoom, email, phone calls, FaceTime and special activities like outdoor events. Some social media groups have targeted programs to link children with others to play games or chat. </p>
<h2>6. Keep up with hobbies</h2>
<p>Boredom is a parent’s worst enemy. Having an enjoyable hobby is rewarding for kids; it provides engaging leisure time and opportunities to master something. Such activities provide connections with others, can teach discipline and how to manage one’s emotions and behavior, and promote self-esteem. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1757913917712283">Explore art, music</a>, science projects, writing, chess and other hobbies that develop physical, artistic and intellectual skills while providing hours of enjoyment.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381191/original/file-20210128-15-6fq4jt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="parents and kids working out at home together" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381191/original/file-20210128-15-6fq4jt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381191/original/file-20210128-15-6fq4jt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381191/original/file-20210128-15-6fq4jt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381191/original/file-20210128-15-6fq4jt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381191/original/file-20210128-15-6fq4jt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381191/original/file-20210128-15-6fq4jt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381191/original/file-20210128-15-6fq4jt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Exercising together has physical and mental benefits.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/family-exercising-at-home-royalty-free-image/1225102298">gilaxia/E+ via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>7. Be physically active</h2>
<p>Make exercise a part of family routines. Take walks or ride bikes, play active video games like Wii, go to the park, stretch or do yoga together. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10409289.2013.780505">Exercise has many of the same benefits</a> as hobbies. It also helps children handle the physical effects of stress on the body and improves mood and mental health.</p>
<h2>8. Create routines</h2>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/4-good-practices-for-anyone-caring-for-quarantined-kids-135626">Routines are a powerful nonverbal signal</a> to children’s brains that they are safe and that life is predictable. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/01.IYC.0000290352.32170.5a">Keeping a routine</a> can reduce the number of conflicts, and children know what to do and expect during different points of the day.</p>
<p>Create and display (together, ideally) daily or weekly calendars with words or pictures that remind children when learning, playing, resting, sleeping and eating activities occur. Invent little rituals that comfort as well as accomplish goals, especially at bedtime: read, tell stories, sing a special song, say a prayer or list loved ones. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sleh.2014.12.002">Such activities ensure better sleep</a> than allowing children to drift off watching a video. Children may push back if they’ve gotten used to less structure during the day, but most will welcome knowing what to expect.</p>
<h2>9. Keep realistic expectations for learning</h2>
<p>Children’s involvement in schooling varies widely during the pandemic, with some hardly affected and others learning entirely at home. Virtual schooling requires parents to be more involved than before – monitoring assignments, checking in during the day and seeking help when children are struggling.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381193/original/file-20210128-19-xzqtbl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Daughter and dad baking together" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381193/original/file-20210128-19-xzqtbl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381193/original/file-20210128-19-xzqtbl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381193/original/file-20210128-19-xzqtbl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381193/original/file-20210128-19-xzqtbl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381193/original/file-20210128-19-xzqtbl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381193/original/file-20210128-19-xzqtbl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381193/original/file-20210128-19-xzqtbl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Learning doesn’t have to happen in a scholastic setting – for instance, baking relies on math.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/mixed-race-family-at-home-together-royalty-free-image/554916875">Michael Heffernan/Stone via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>While schoolwork is indeed important, not all learning takes place in class. Involve children in opportunities to learn during everyday tasks such as cooking (measuring, timing), gardening, shopping (figuring sales prices, adding), and games (cards, dominoes, board games) that build memory and thinking skills. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2018.11.018">Read with your child every day</a>. Depending on the level of the book, you can read to your child or take turns reading pages.</p>
<h2>10. Maintain a healthy and safe home</h2>
<p>In addition to maintaining COVID-19 precautions, make nutritious meals, declutter and organize toys, games, hobby supplies and learning materials. Find ways to involve children in preparing meals, organizing their work and play spaces, cleaning up after activities, and sharing in conversations about family rules. Chaos and clutter are the enemies of calm. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/dev0000087">Creating safe and orderly spaces</a> helps children manage stress. Eating healthy foods together benefits physical and mental health. </p>
<h2>Parenting in the time of coronavirus</h2>
<p>Many parents naturally do the things listed above. However, with increased stress and demands on time, these activities are difficult to maintain. Now is a good time to pick a few of these strategies and get back on track.</p>
<p>Every family is different, and what’s appropriate <a href="http://www.acesandpaces.com/uploads/6/4/3/1/64312853/morris___hays-grudo_parent_tips_during_covid-19.pdf">differs by children’s ages</a>, whether infants and toddlers, school-age children or teens and young adults. But adjusted for age and circumstances, these tried-and-true techniques can help youngsters make it through tough times and come out the other side OK.</p>
<p>[<em>Understand new developments in science, health and technology, each week.</em> <a href="https://memberservices.theconversation.com/newsletters/?nl=science&source=inline-science-understand">Subscribe to The Conversation’s science newsletter</a>.]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/151419/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jennifer Hays-Grudo receives funding from the National Institute of General Medical Sciences of the National Institutes of Health
under Award Number P20GM109097.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Amanda Sheffield Morris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Parents can take a page from psychological research on trauma and recovery to help kids struggling with pandemic life.Amanda Sheffield Morris, Professor of Human Development and Family Science, Oklahoma State UniversityJennifer Hays-Grudo, Professor of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, Oklahoma State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1364352020-04-22T12:00:49Z2020-04-22T12:00:49ZTeens are wired to resent being stuck with parents and cut off from friends during coronavirus lockdown<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/329592/original/file-20200421-82699-1732c4e.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=96%2C273%2C5428%2C3648&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The last thing adolescents want is to be trapped at home alone, by order of their parents.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/feeling-sick-royalty-free-image/1062253138">Roos Koole/Moment via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>“Can’t I just go see one friend?”</p>
<p>“I need to hang out with my friends.”</p>
<p>“You are being overprotective and unreasonable!” </p>
<p>Social distancing is both necessary and hard. If my Facebook news feed and anecdotal experience in my own family are at all representative of larger trends, adolescents are especially feeling the pain. Separating from others goes against <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0165025409342634">basic human needs</a> for <a href="https://www.guilford.com/books/Self-Determination-Theory/Ryan-Deci/9781462538966">companionship and connection</a> that everyone feels, yet the challenge of social distancing may be especially difficult for teenagers.</p>
<p>Social distancing contradicts much of what being a teenager is all about. As a psychology professor who studies adolescents’ peer relationships, I find it helpful to think about this reality from a developmental perspective – assuming <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/1950-00529-000">certain tasks arise at different periods</a> during development, and that mastering them contributes to well-being and happiness. The typical changes that come with adolescence and the <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781506307633.n223">developmental tasks</a> that confront adolescents help explain why they’re having a particularly hard time with social distancing.</p>
<h2>Teens’ friends are their world</h2>
<p>Adolescence is a time when forming and maintaining close, intimate friendships is a critical developmental task – a main “job” of being an adolescent. Teens are socially and emotionally prepared for this task, and achieving it provides them abilities they need for meeting the challenges ahead. Teens spend much of their waking time with peers and friends. Psychology research suggests that those relationships have <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12905">important implications for adjustment and well-being</a>. </p>
<p>In friendships, teens <a href="https://www.guilford.com/books/Friendships-in-Childhood-and-Adolescence/Bagwell-Schmidt/9781462509607">learn and practice social and emotional skills</a> that are important now <a href="https://www.guilford.com/books/Handbook-of-Peer-Interactions-Relationships-and-Groups/Bukowski-Laursen-Rubin/9781462541218/contents">and for their success in future relationships</a>. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/psychology/social-psychology/cambridge-handbook-personal-relationships-2nd-edition?format=PB">They learn how</a> to give and ask for help and support; they work on conflict resolution, compromise and forgiveness; they learn about closeness, intimacy and reliability; and they figure out how to make others laugh and have fun together. Each time they practice these skills with their friends, they’re working on perfecting competencies that will be crucial for successful relationships throughout the rest of their lives.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/329589/original/file-20200421-82658-upvc9b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/329589/original/file-20200421-82658-upvc9b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/329589/original/file-20200421-82658-upvc9b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329589/original/file-20200421-82658-upvc9b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329589/original/file-20200421-82658-upvc9b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329589/original/file-20200421-82658-upvc9b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329589/original/file-20200421-82658-upvc9b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329589/original/file-20200421-82658-upvc9b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Hanging out can be the most important part of their day.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/diverse-teenage-friends-eat-lunch-in-school-royalty-free-image/641510086">SDI Productions/E+ via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>So much of this happens during face-to-face interactions when teens gather in the basement, legs and arms entwined as three or four pile on a couch talking and hanging out, or at the school lunch table when a dozen teens sit together at a table designed for half as many. Social distancing runs counter to what teens want and need to be doing with their peers and friends. </p>
<h2>Becoming their own people</h2>
<p>Another important task of adolescence is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470479193.adlpsy001012">developing emotional and behavioral autonomy</a> – feeling, thinking and acting as a self-governing person. Demands from parents and other authorities to stay home and practice social distancing make many teens bristle. They want to make those decisions for themselves. </p>
<p>As adolescents’ brains develop, their cognitive skills are advancing. Their decision-making abilities improve, and they start to think more abstractly and <a href="https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/cognitive-development/book244119">about multiple perspectives simultaneously</a>. Those advances certainly help them better understand the global challenges we’re all confronting with COVID-19 than younger children might.</p>
<p>Yet, those <a href="https://www.mheducation.com/highered/product/adolescence-steinberg/M9781260058895.toc.html">advances also come with</a> greater tendencies to see things as relative instead of absolute, to question adults and to be better arguers than when they were younger. And teens famously <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1532-7795.00031">experience a</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1006/jado.2000.0319">type of egocentrism</a> that can involve a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-006-9144-4">feeling of uniqueness and invulnerability</a> that might make them downplay the importance of social distancing. </p>
<p>Although teens are developing more adult-like cognitive abilities, they are <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.41.4.625">generally more likely to make risky decisions</a> than adults are. An adolescent and an adult may both think about the positive and negative consequences of social distancing, yet adults and teens may value them differently. A teen may <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/sode.12227">emphasize the rewards of seeing friends</a>, while an adult may put more weight on the health risks of contracting or spreading the virus. </p>
<h2>Adolescents can adjust</h2>
<p>Together, the social and emotional tasks of adolescence – developing intimate friendships and achieving autonomy – make <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/social-issues/hes-18-and-wants-to-hang-with-his-boys-his-mom-hasnt-been-able-to-stop-him/2020/03/29/95f192fc-7136-11ea-b148-e4ce3fbd85b5_story.html">teens uniquely resistant to calls for social distancing</a>.</p>
<p>The cognitive changes of adolescence are in part responsible for the laments I’ve heard from parents of my 16-year-old’s friends, describing the endless arguing about parents’ draconian mandates to engage in social distancing.</p>
<p>I recognize that many people are confronting life-and-death situations or serious economic consequences for their families and do not have the luxury of worrying about angsty and argumentative teens. Nevertheless, it is important to consider the potential unintended consequences that accompany social distancing.</p>
<p>So what’s a parent to do?</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/329593/original/file-20200421-82645-sdmy07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/329593/original/file-20200421-82645-sdmy07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/329593/original/file-20200421-82645-sdmy07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329593/original/file-20200421-82645-sdmy07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329593/original/file-20200421-82645-sdmy07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329593/original/file-20200421-82645-sdmy07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329593/original/file-20200421-82645-sdmy07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/329593/original/file-20200421-82645-sdmy07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Frustration can run high in both generations.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/rude-teenager-ignores-his-mom-royalty-free-image/1026754494">SDI Productions/E+ via Getty Images</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>First, recognize that teens’ seeming all-consuming desire to be with friends is reasonable and exactly what they should want to do. </p>
<p>Second, encourage their social connections and help them figure out how to maintain those interactions, albeit from a distance. Perhaps relax prohibitions against screen time when it is used to connect with friends through FaceTime and Google Hangouts. For younger teens, actively help them host a Zoom dance party with their friends and think creatively about ways to maintain social interactions with technology. </p>
<p>Third, continue to talk with teens about the coronavirus and its consequences. Acknowledge the uncertainty everyone feels. Help them engage their developing critical thinking skills around news reports and graphs of data and other evidence about the beneficial effects of social distancing. </p>
<p>And finally, understand that teens’ push for autonomy, their arguing about the unreasonableness of what they’re not allowed to do and their lack of unbridled excitement about forced family time all fit with the social, emotional and cognitive tasks that define adolescence.</p>
<p>[<em>You need to understand the coronavirus pandemic, and we can help.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=upper-coronavirus-help">Read The Conversation’s newsletter</a>.]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/136435/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Catherine Bagwell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Together the social and emotional ‘jobs’ of adolescence – developing intimate friendships and achieving autonomy – make teens uniquely resistant to calls for social distancing.Catherine Bagwell, Professor of Psychology, Oxford College, Emory UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1342182020-04-13T12:18:02Z2020-04-13T12:18:02ZIsolating together is challenging – and relationship stresses can affect biological functioning<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/323399/original/file-20200326-132965-3t008f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=14%2C7%2C4912%2C3255&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Partners who feel connected to one another may experience health benefits.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/F0ZiHWliGGM">becca tapert/Unsplash</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In the wake of COVID-19 <a href="https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/advice-for-public">social distancing</a> and <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2020/03/23/us/coronavirus-which-states-stay-at-home-order-trnd/index.html">stay-at-home orders</a>, young couples may find themselves spending more time with each other than ever before.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/323045/original/file-20200325-168903-19laz86.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/323045/original/file-20200325-168903-19laz86.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/323045/original/file-20200325-168903-19laz86.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=238&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323045/original/file-20200325-168903-19laz86.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=238&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323045/original/file-20200325-168903-19laz86.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=238&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323045/original/file-20200325-168903-19laz86.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323045/original/file-20200325-168903-19laz86.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323045/original/file-20200325-168903-19laz86.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">In unprecedented times, couples navigate the latest relationship test.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://twitter.com/ItsDanSheehan/status/1239700293983465474">ItsDanSheehan/Twitter</a></span>
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</figure>
<p><a href="https://clasprofiles.wayne.edu/profile/gx7719">As a developmental psychologist</a> who conducts research on adolescent and young adult relationships, I’m interested in understanding how young people’s everyday social interactions contribute to their health. Past research shows that people who have <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797615594118">higher-quality friendships</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.60.110707.163459">romantic relationships</a> during their teens and 20s typically have lower risk for illness and disease during adulthood, whereas individuals with early relationships characterized by <a href="https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2012-1029">conflict or violence</a> experience heightened risk for negative health outcomes. Why might this be the case?</p>
<h2>Can matters of the heart affect your heart?</h2>
<p>My colleagues and I wondered whether young people’s everyday, seemingly mundane, interactions with their dating partners might have acute effects on their physiological functioning. These direct connections between social functioning and physiology could accumulate over time in ways that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721416667444">ultimately affect long-term health</a>. </p>
<p>We conducted <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/abm/kaaa019">a study</a> to examine whether young dating couples’ everyday romantic experiences were related to their physiology. We specifically investigated if couples’ feelings towards one another during the day predicted changes in their heart rate while they slept.</p>
<p>We focused on overnight heart rate because other research shows that having chronically elevated heart rate can <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2869.2010.00871.x">hamper the essential restorative effects of sleep</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1161/HYPERTENSIONAHA.111.173104">increase risk for later cardiovascular disease</a>, the <a href="https://www.cdc.gov/heartdisease/facts.htm">leading cause of death</a> for men and women in the United States. </p>
<p>To test our question, we used participants from <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550617709115">a larger, ongoing study</a> in our lab at the <a href="https://dornsife.usc.edu/labs/margolinfamilystudies/">University of Southern California</a> to capture a “day in the life” of young dating couples. The couples, most of whom were in their early 20s and had been dating for 1-2 years, were recruited from the Los Angeles area. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/323047/original/file-20200325-168872-c02nig.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/323047/original/file-20200325-168872-c02nig.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/323047/original/file-20200325-168872-c02nig.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323047/original/file-20200325-168872-c02nig.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323047/original/file-20200325-168872-c02nig.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323047/original/file-20200325-168872-c02nig.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323047/original/file-20200325-168872-c02nig.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/323047/original/file-20200325-168872-c02nig.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Even subtle, day-to-day interactions between couples can leave their mark.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/iNK5CGCpD8U">The Creative Exchange/Unsplash</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
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<h2>24 hours together</h2>
<p>They were asked to choose a day they were planning to spend most of their time together and, on that chosen day, couples came into our lab first thing in the morning. They were equipped with a wireless chest-strap heart monitor and lent a mobile phone that sent surveys every hour until they went to bed. When participants left the lab, they were told to go about their day as they normally would. </p>
<p>Our study focused on 63 heterosexual couples who had valid 24-hour heart rate data (some participants took the monitors off when they slept or reattached them incorrectly after showering). </p>
<p>Every hour during the day, participants rated two things: how annoyed and irritated they felt with their dating partner, and how close and connected they felt to their dating partner. Participants also reported on their hourly behaviors to make sure we knew about anything else that could affect their overnight heart rate – like whether they drank alcohol, exercised or took medication. For 24 hours, the heart rate monitor tracked couples’ heartbeats per minute, an indicator of physiological activity.</p>
<h2>From feelings to physiology</h2>
<p>Even after taking into account both partners’ daytime heart rate, stress levels, drug or alcohol use and physical activity, we found that men’s overnight heart rate changed depending on how women felt toward their partner throughout the day. </p>
<p>When women felt closer and more connected to their partners during the day, men had lower overnight heart rates. When women felt more annoyed and irritated with their partners during the day, men had higher overnight heart rates. On average, men’s overnight heart rates were about 2 to 4 beats per minute slower in couples where women expressed more closeness. On the other hand, men’s heart rates were about 1.5 to 3 beats per minute faster if women expressed greater annoyance. </p>
<p>Interestingly, we found that women’s annoyance did not predict increases in men’s heart rate, if women also felt close to their partners throughout the day. In other words, the negative effects of annoyance got diluted if some closeness was also in the mix. </p>
<p>There were actually no effects of men’s annoyance or closeness on women’s overnight heart rates – men’s cardiovascular responses appeared to be uniquely sensitive to women’s daytime relationship feelings. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10253890.2018.1561843">Other research</a> has found similar gender differences. One possibility is that women are more likely to express their feelings of closeness or annoyance, whereas men may <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/000312240607100205">feel less comfortable</a> engaging in such communication.</p>
<p>Of course, every relationship has its natural ups and downs, and our study only captures a snapshot of young dating couples’ lives together. However, the findings suggest the way romantic partners feel about one another, even within a single day, can have acute effects on their biological functioning during sleep. </p>
<p>These seemingly trivial, everyday experiences could build up over time and help explain why relationships wind up affecting people’s health – for better or for worse.</p>
<p>[<em>You need to understand the coronavirus pandemic, and we can help.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=upper-coronavirus-help">Read The Conversation’s newsletter</a>.]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/134218/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hannah L. Schacter has received funding from the National Science Foundation and the Society for Research on Child Development. </span></em></p>A study found the emotional dynamic between young heterosexual partners can have a measurable physiological effect on men, but not on women.Hannah L. Schacter, Assistant Professor of Psychology, Wayne State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1265852019-12-12T18:53:06Z2019-12-12T18:53:06ZKnowledge is a process of discovery: how constructivism changed education<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/304373/original/file-20191129-45285-1z137fz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">According to constructivists, we truly understand something when we filter it through our senses and interactions.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>This is the second of two essays exploring key theories – <a href="https://theconversation.com/i-had-an-idea-in-the-1980s-and-to-my-surprise-it-changed-education-around-the-world-126519">cognitive load theory</a> and constructivism – underlying teaching methods used today.</em></p>
<hr>
<p>Constructivism is an educational philosophy that deems experience as the best way to acquire knowledge. </p>
<p>We truly understand something – according to a constructivist – when we filter it through our senses and interactions. We can only understand the idea of “blue” if we have vision (and if we aren’t colour blind). </p>
<p>Constructivism is an <a href="https://research.acer.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1008&context=learning_processes">education philosophy</a>, not a learning method. So while it encourages students to take more ownership of their own learning, it doesn’t specify how that should be done. It is still being adapted to teaching practice.</p>
<p>The philosophy underpins the inquiry-based method of teaching where the teacher facilitates a learning environment in which students discover answers for themselves.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-is-inquiry-based-learning-and-how-does-it-help-prepare-children-for-the-real-world-115299">Explainer: what is inquiry-based learning and how does it help prepare children for the real world?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>How developmental psychology shapes learning</h2>
<p>One of the earliest proponents of constructivism was Swiss psychologist <a href="https://daneshyari.com/article/preview/353441.pdf">Jean Piaget</a>, whose work centred around children’s cognitive development. </p>
<p>Piaget’s theories (popularised in the 1960s) on the <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00094056.1966.10727991">developmental stages of childhood</a> are still used in contemporary psychology. He observed that children’s interactions with the world and their sense of self corresponded to certain ages.</p>
<p>For instance, through sensations from birth, a child has basic interactions with the world; from two years old, they use language and play; they use logical reasoning from age seven, and abstract reasoning from age eleven. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306057/original/file-20191210-95120-13im1eb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306057/original/file-20191210-95120-13im1eb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306057/original/file-20191210-95120-13im1eb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306057/original/file-20191210-95120-13im1eb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306057/original/file-20191210-95120-13im1eb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306057/original/file-20191210-95120-13im1eb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306057/original/file-20191210-95120-13im1eb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306057/original/file-20191210-95120-13im1eb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Jean Piaget observed children discover the world in stages that correspond with their age.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Before Piaget, there had been little specific analyses on the developmental psychology of humans. We understood that humans became more cognitively sophisticated as they aged, but not exactly how this occurred.</p>
<p>Piaget’s theory was further developed by his contemporary, Lev Vygotsky (1925-1934), who saw all <a href="https://zodml.org/sites/default/files/%5BAlex_Kozulin,_Boris_Gindis,_Vladimir_S._Ageyev,_S_0.pdf#page=55">tasks as fitting into</a>:</p>
<ol>
<li><p>tasks we can do on our own</p></li>
<li><p>tasks we can do with guidance</p></li>
<li><p>tasks we can’t do at all.</p></li>
</ol>
<p>There’s not a lot of meaningful learning to be made in the first category. If we know how to do something, we don’t gain too much from doing it again. </p>
<p>Similarly, there’s not much to be gained from the third category. You could throw a five year old into a calculus class run by the most brilliant teacher in the world but there just isn’t enough prior understanding and cognitive development for the child to learn anything.</p>
<p>Most of our learning occurs in category two. We’ve got enough prior knowledge to make sense of the topic or task, but not quite enough to fully comprehend it. In developmental psychology, this idea is known as the zone of proximal development – the place between our understanding and our ignorance.</p>
<h2>Using the zone for learning</h2>
<p>Imagine asking ten-year-old students to go about adding every number from 1 to 100 (1 + 2 + 3 + 4 + 5 and onwards). They could theoretically do this by brute force addition which will likely bore and frustrate them. </p>
<p>A constructivist inspired teacher might instead ask: “is there a faster way of doing it?” and “is there a pattern of numbers?”</p>
<p>With a bit of help, some students might see that every number pairs with a corresponding number to add to 101 (1 + 100, 2 + 99, 3 + 98). They end up with 50 pairs of 101, for a much easier, faster sum of 50 x 101.</p>
<p>The pattern and easy multiplication might not have come intuitively (or even at all) to most students. But facilitation by the teacher pushes their existing knowledge into a meaningful learning experience – using a completely mundane problem. It then becomes a process of discovery rather than monotonous addition.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306058/original/file-20191210-95153-1iusbmd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306058/original/file-20191210-95153-1iusbmd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306058/original/file-20191210-95153-1iusbmd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306058/original/file-20191210-95153-1iusbmd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306058/original/file-20191210-95153-1iusbmd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306058/original/file-20191210-95153-1iusbmd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306058/original/file-20191210-95153-1iusbmd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306058/original/file-20191210-95153-1iusbmd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">In a group, each student contributes their individual capabilities to solve a given problem.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Medical students began using <a href="http://www.tp.edu.sg/staticfiles/TP/files/centres/pbl/pbl_sandra_joy_kemp.pdf">constructivist pedagogies</a> in US and Australian universities in the 1960s. Instead of teachers showing students exactly how to do something and having them copy it (known as explicit instruction), tutors prompted students to form hypotheses and directed them to critique one another.</p>
<p>Constructivist pedagogy <a href="http://www.ut.ee/%7Etriinm/educational_technology2/artikkel4.pdf">is now a common basis for teaching across the world</a>. It is used across subjects, from <a href="http://my.ilstu.edu/%7Eawlorsb/referent.pdf">maths and science</a> to <a href="https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ835400.pdf">humanities</a>, but with a variety of approaches. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/dont-just-solve-for-x-letting-kids-explore-real-world-scenarios-will-keep-them-in-maths-class-124876">Don’t just solve for x: letting kids explore real-world scenarios will keep them in maths class</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>The importance of group works</h2>
<p>Learning methods based on constructivism primarily use group work. The emphasis is on students building their understanding of a topic or issue collaboratively. </p>
<p>Imagine a science class exploring gravity. The question of the day is: do objects drop at different speeds? The teacher could facilitate this activity by asking:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>“what could we drop?”</p></li>
<li><p>“what do you think will happen if we drop these two objects at the same time?” </p></li>
<li><p>“how could we measure this?” </p></li>
</ul>
<p>Then, the teacher would give students the chance to conduct this experiment themselves. By doing this, teachers allow students to build on their individual strengths as they discover a concept and work at their own pace.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306485/original/file-20191212-85386-77mgk8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306485/original/file-20191212-85386-77mgk8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306485/original/file-20191212-85386-77mgk8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=961&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306485/original/file-20191212-85386-77mgk8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=961&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306485/original/file-20191212-85386-77mgk8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=961&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306485/original/file-20191212-85386-77mgk8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1207&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306485/original/file-20191212-85386-77mgk8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1207&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/306485/original/file-20191212-85386-77mgk8.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1207&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Do objects drop at different speeds?</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Experiments in science class, excursions to cultural landmarks in history class, acting out Shakespeare in English – these are all examples of constructivist learning activities. </p>
<h2>What’s the evidence?</h2>
<p>Constructivist principles naturally align with what we expect of teachers. For instance, teacher professional standards require them <a href="https://www.qct.edu.au/pdf/QCT_AustProfStandards.pdf">to build rapport</a> with students to manage behaviour, and expert teachers tailor lessons to students’ specific cultural, social and even individual needs. </p>
<p>Explicit instruction is still appropriate in many instances – but the basic teaching standard includes a recognition of students’ unique circumstances and capabilities.</p>
<p>Taking the constructivist approach means students can become <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10734-015-9945-z">more engaged</a> and responsible for their own learning. Research <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11165-013-9369-7">since the 1980s</a> shows it <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1877050910004199/pdf?md5=ba1977b2a2325d74cced28f7dd9fdc65&isDTMRedir=Y&pid=1-s2.0-S1877050910004199-main.pdf&_valck=1">encourages creativity</a>.</p>
<p>Constructivism can be seen as merely a <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Manuel_Baechtold/publication/257659802_What_Do_Students_Construct_According_to_Constructivism_in_Science_Education/links/54d8c42f0cf2970e4e78e2c6.pdf">descriptive theory</a>, providing no directly useful teaching strategies. There are simply too many learning contexts (cultures, ages, subjects, technologies) for constructivism to be directly applicable, some might say.</p>
<p>And it’s true constructivism is a challenge. It requires creative educational design and lesson planning. The teacher needs to have an exceptional knowledge of the subject area, making constructivist approaches much harder for primary school teachers who have broader general knowledge.</p>
<p>Teacher-directed learning (the explicit teaching of content) has been used for a lot longer, and <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/002221949602900406">it’s shown to be very effective</a> for <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/00222194020350040101">students with learning disabilities</a>.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-is-explicit-instruction-and-how-does-it-help-children-learn-115144">Explainer: what is explicit instruction and how does it help children learn?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>A major challenge for constructivism is the current outcomes-focused approach to learning. Adhering to a curricular requirement for assessment at certain times (such as end-of-term tests) <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/sce.10038">takes the focus away</a> from student-centred learning and towards test preparation.</p>
<p>Explicit instruction is more directly <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/30181986.pdf">useful for teaching to the test</a>, which can be an unfortunate reality in many educational contexts. </p>
<p>An an education philosophy, constructivism has a lot of potential. But getting teachers to contextualise and personalise lessons when there are standardised tests, playground duty, health and safety drills, and their personal lives, is a big ask.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/i-had-an-idea-in-the-1980s-and-to-my-surprise-it-changed-education-around-the-world-126519">I had an idea in the 1980s and to my surprise, it changed education around the world</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/126585/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Luke Zaphir does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Constructivism is an educational philosophy that underpins the inquiry-based method of teaching, where the teacher facilitates a learning environment in which students discover answers for themselves.Luke Zaphir, Researcher for the University of Queensland Critical Thinking Project; and Online Teacher at Education Queensland's IMPACT Centre, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1197322019-08-01T12:40:55Z2019-08-01T12:40:55ZGrudges come naturally to kids – gratitude must be taught<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286490/original/file-20190731-186814-a2phye.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1120%2C300%2C4355%2C3126&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Kids have no problem remembering who plays fair.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/boy-serious-offended-concept-childrens-emotions-1198736056">Natalia Lebedinskaia/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Have you heard this tale? In ancient times, an escaped slave hid in a cave only to encounter a wounded lion. Although afraid, the man helps the lion, removing a thorn from its paw. The lion is forever grateful, shares his food with the man and, eventually, saves his life.</p>
<p>If this millennia-old fable sounds familiar, you may have encountered it as a child. Variations of “<a href="https://www.bartleby.com/17/1/23.html">Androcles and the Lion</a>” appear in Aesop’s Fables and Roman folklore, and the story persists in <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/isbn/9780140502770">children’s books today</a>.</p>
<p>Stories like these capitalize on a lesson that most people consider to be deeply natural and intuitive: “You scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours.” Given the relevance of this proverb in daily life, like many psychologists before <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=Rrq6vekAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">us</a>, <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=zu9eT-YAAAAJ&hl=en">we</a> <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=Tt4hKsQAAAAJ&hl=en">assumed</a> that this principle would be at play in the behavior even of young children.</p>
<p>However, <a href="https://doi.org/10.31234/osf.io/vjb6q">recent experiments</a> by our team suggest that reciprocity of this kind is neither natural nor intuitive: Young children showed almost no awareness that they should repay favors to those who helped them in the past.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286275/original/file-20190730-186819-2y6trw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286275/original/file-20190730-186819-2y6trw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286275/original/file-20190730-186819-2y6trw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=428&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286275/original/file-20190730-186819-2y6trw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=428&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286275/original/file-20190730-186819-2y6trw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=428&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286275/original/file-20190730-186819-2y6trw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=538&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286275/original/file-20190730-186819-2y6trw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=538&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286275/original/file-20190730-186819-2y6trw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=538&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The lion remembers Androcles’ kindness and returns the favor down the road.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AJean-L%C3%A9on_G%C3%A9r%C3%B4me_-_Androcles.jpg">Jean-Léon Gérôme/Wikimedia Commons</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Helping those who help you</h2>
<p>The principle of direct reciprocity – paying back those who have helped you in the past – is so central to everyday life that it’s often imbued with moral status. In many societies, including the U.S., <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0021201">failure to return a favor</a> can be considered a great offense.</p>
<p>Beyond the personal level, researchers have argued that direct reciprocity can explain both the <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2092623">success of communities</a> and the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tics.2013.06.003">evolution of cooperation</a> more generally. We reasoned that if reciprocity is indeed something that evolved as a foundation of the way human beings interact with others, it should come naturally to young children.</p>
<p>To test this hypothesis, we designed a simple computer game for 4- to 8-year-olds. Children interacted with four avatars that we told them were other children playing the game. In one version of task, all of the “other children” received a sticker, leaving the child without any. But then one of the players gave their sticker to the child.</p>
<p>In the next phase of the game, the child received a second sticker which they could give to one of the other players. Surely, the most obvious choice would be to return the favor and give that sticker to their prior benefactor?</p>
<p>In fact, the answer was an unequivocal no. Even when forced to give their new sticker away, and even when interacting with people who were members of their same social group, children at all ages gave randomly to one of the other players. Their behavior showed no evidence of direct reciprocity.</p>
<p>Was there something wrong with our task? Or was it too difficult for young children to keep track of who had done what? It didn’t seem like it – when we asked them, nearly all the kids recalled who had given them a sticker.</p>
<p>We found this same effect several times in other groups of children, again finding no evidence that they respect the principle of “You scratch my back, and I’ll scratch yours.”</p>
<p>Does this mean children never show direct reciprocity? Not exactly. In fact, they did, just in the form of grudges rather than gratitude.</p>
<h2>Paying back with a punishment</h2>
<p>Direct reciprocity actually comes in two flavors. In addition to the positive form of returning benefits – showing gratitude – there is a negative form of returning injuries – holding grudges. This negative form is also ensconced in proverbs, such as “An eye for an eye.”</p>
<p>We tested the negative form of direct reciprocity with a different group of children, who played a “stealing” version of the task.</p>
<p>Children started with a sticker which was then stolen by one of the four computer players. Later the other players had stickers and the child had the opportunity to take from one of them. Now children retaliated, often with relish, snatching a sticker from the thief in order to even the score.</p>
<p>Why were children of the same age eager to retaliate but unconcerned with returning a favor? Here too, memory errors or biases could not account for the phenomenon: Children were just as good at remembering the nice person as the mean person, but they only reciprocated in the case of negative behavior.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286491/original/file-20190731-186814-gpw7pn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286491/original/file-20190731-186814-gpw7pn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286491/original/file-20190731-186814-gpw7pn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286491/original/file-20190731-186814-gpw7pn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286491/original/file-20190731-186814-gpw7pn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286491/original/file-20190731-186814-gpw7pn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286491/original/file-20190731-186814-gpw7pn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286491/original/file-20190731-186814-gpw7pn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Who should receive the sticker?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/kid-gluing-sticker-on-applique-750057400">Dmytro Yashchuk/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>An expectation that must be learned</h2>
<p>Young children may not respond to obligation, but researchers know they <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.44.3.875">try to abide by social expectations</a>. We wondered if children were simply unaware of the norm of returning favors. Maybe it just doesn’t occur to them to reciprocate the benefits they received.</p>
<p>So, we asked them. We used the same game as before and children still received a sticker, but this time, we just asked “Whom should you give to?” In this case, kids in the oldest age group we looked at, 7- and 8-year-olds, did systematically pick the person who had given a sticker to them. Younger children chose the potential beneficiary at random; it appeared that they simply didn’t know the rule.</p>
<p>Our results suggested that young children must learn the principle of direct reciprocity in order to apply it.</p>
<p>We ran one last study to test this possibility. One group of children heard a story about two children who returned favors to each other, with this information presented in a prescriptive way: “I remember Tom gave me a sticker yesterday so I should do the same for him today.” A separate group of children heard a story about two children who engaged in positive actions, but not in any kind of reciprocal way.</p>
<p>Both groups of children then played the same game as before. It turned out children in the first group, who heard the reciprocity story, were much more likely to “pay back” the person who gave to them compared to the children who heard the second story about kind deeds. In other words, a simple story about gratitude was sufficient for children to start following the social norm of paying back favors.</p>
<p>So the upshot isn’t so grim after all: grudges may come more naturally than gratitude, but gratitude is readily learned. Perhaps, then, the reason why there are so many fables like “Androcles and the Lion” about reciprocity isn’t because the behavior comes so naturally. Instead, we need the fables precisely because it doesn’t.</p>
<p>[ <em><a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=signupinsight">Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter to get insight each day</a></em> ]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/119732/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nadia Chernyak received funding from the National Science Foundation, the John Templeton Foundation, and the Greater Good Science Center at UC Berkeley.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Peter Blake receives funding from the John Templeton Foundation and the National Science Foundation. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Yarrow Dunham receives funding from The National Science Foundation, the John Templeton Foundation, the U.S. Army Research Laboratory, and the U.K. Ministry of Defence. </span></em></p>Do children understand the lesson that if you scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours? Developmental psychologists suggest they’re more likely to punish bad behavior than they are to reward good deeds.Nadia Chernyak, Assistant Professor of Cognitive Science, University of California, IrvinePeter Blake, Associate Professor of Psychological and Brain Sciences, Boston UniversityYarrow Dunham, Assistant Professor of Psychology and Cognitive Science, Yale UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1172952019-06-11T23:10:28Z2019-06-11T23:10:28ZFather’s Day: Lesser-known ways dads improve children’s lives<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/276431/original/file-20190524-187165-4legd2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Fathers play an important role in helping children understand emotions. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Derek Thomson/Unsplash</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Father’s Day is a time when people think about the influence of their fathers on their lives. Traditionally, Father’s Day has been about thanking fathers for their help, their role in teaching new skills or even <a href="https://www.rd.com/jokes/dad/">their jokes</a>. While many dads may deserve praise for these reasons, in fact many support their children in much deeper and less obvious ways.</p>
<p>Developmental psychology is now uncovering a multifaceted understanding that goes beyond the simplistic or <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12147-008-9066-4">gendered view of the role of fathers</a> that is often portrayed on Father’s Day. </p>
<p>In the past, many researchers considered fathers to be secondary caregivers. However, important societal shifts <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-8624.00126">have led to increased father involvement across a variety of familial settings</a>. According to Statistics Canada, the number of <a href="https://www.statcan.gc.ca/eng/dai/smr08/2017/smr08_218_2017#a9">gay couples raising children together is on the rise, as is the number of single fathers and stay-at-home fathers</a>. </p>
<p>Even in biparental mother-father families, fathers are more involved in child care than before. These societal changes made researchers consider the diversity of fathers and how their <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/cdep.12275">increased role in child rearing contributes to children’s positive development</a>.</p>
<p>As a <a href="https://socialsciences.uottawa.ca/care/about/members/graduate-students">PhD candidate in developmental psychology</a>, my research tries to uncover the <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01494929.2016.1157121">unique ways that fathers influence their children</a>. During my studies, I’ve worked in research laboratories at the <a href="https://socialsciences.uottawa.ca/care/">University of Ottawa</a> and the <a href="https://education.umd.edu/research-college/labs/family-involvement-laboratory">University of Maryland, College Park</a> to understand how fathers from different backgrounds and cultures promote positive child development. This research is essential to gain a <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/mono.12404">more complete understanding of developmental psychology</a>.</p>
<h2>Fathers help children understand emotions</h2>
<p>Fathers play an important role in helping children understand emotions. My research group at the University of Ottawa followed 160 children with their mothers and fathers from the preschool age to elementary school. </p>
<p>We found that fathers who foster a positive relationship with their children provide good environments for children to learn crucial skills, such as how to interpret others’ emotions and how to regulate their own emotions. </p>
<p>As a result, children with a positive relationship with their dads showed <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14616734.2016.1263350">fewer conduct problems</a> in the preschool years, and fewer of what psychologists call <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14616734.2019.1589065">“externalizing behaviours”</a> at school age — maladaptive behaviours such as aggression, hyperactivity and antisocial behaviour. Such behaviours are an important <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1617081/">risk factor for the development of later delinquency, violence or criminal conduct</a>. </p>
<p>It’s worth noting that similar patterns were also found with children of <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14616734.2018.1557224">adoptive gay fathers</a> in a study conducted at the University of Québec at Montréal. </p>
<p>In both our study and this one, whether fathers reported being the primary caregivers or not, children were less likely to have behaviour problems when they had a positive relationship with their fathers. Put differently, fathers — not simply mothers, and not simply primary caregivers — play an important role in children’s emotional development.</p>
<h2>Fathers and positive self-esteem</h2>
<p>In our longitudinal study at the University of Ottawa, we also found that children with a more positive relationship with their fathers had <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14616734.2019.1589065">better self-esteem</a> in elementary school. Interestingly, the quality of the child-father relationship was more influential than the child-mother relationship in predicting these behaviours, even if many fathers were not the primary caregivers. </p>
<p>Fathers are important socialization agents in children’s lives. It’s possible they hold a special influence on how children come to behave in social settings and evaluate themselves as a function of their social worlds. </p>
<p>Although more research is needed to understand the specific factors at play, one thing is certain: positive father involvement is not only about quantity, but also about quality. </p>
<h2>Lasting effects on social competence</h2>
<p>Positive child-father experiences have lasting effects on children’s lives. Developmental psychologists have also found that children use the emotional skills learned in the child-father relationship when interacting with friends. For instance, children with a positive relationship to their fathers have <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03004430903211208">more reciprocal friendships</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/276428/original/file-20190524-187165-1tyiz0h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/276428/original/file-20190524-187165-1tyiz0h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=714&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276428/original/file-20190524-187165-1tyiz0h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=714&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276428/original/file-20190524-187165-1tyiz0h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=714&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276428/original/file-20190524-187165-1tyiz0h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=898&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276428/original/file-20190524-187165-1tyiz0h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=898&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276428/original/file-20190524-187165-1tyiz0h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=898&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Playing with children in a sensitive yet challenging way can foster long-lasting social skills.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Conner Baker, Unsplash</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Similarly, boys and girls who play physically (tickling, wrestling, rough-and-tumble play, etc.) with their fathers are <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/imhj.21676">more popular and more competent with their peers</a>. These studies show that even playing with children in a sensitive yet challenging way can foster long-lasting social skills.</p>
<h2>New language and cognitive abilities</h2>
<p>A positive relationship with one’s father also provides a great setting to learn new language and cognitive abilities. Studies of children with their father and mother have found that <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9507.2004.000267.x">fathers are more challenging than mothers when they talk to their child</a>, thereby helping children develop their cognitive and language skills. Interestingly, this finding has been demonstrated across a <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-child-language/article/lowincome-fathers-speech-to-toddlers-during-book-reading-versus-toy-play/4294B787D279529F284156802E1B6471">diversity of income</a> and <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/cdev.12768">cultural settings</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/278538/original/file-20190607-52753-198a9cn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/278538/original/file-20190607-52753-198a9cn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/278538/original/file-20190607-52753-198a9cn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/278538/original/file-20190607-52753-198a9cn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/278538/original/file-20190607-52753-198a9cn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/278538/original/file-20190607-52753-198a9cn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/278538/original/file-20190607-52753-198a9cn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Asking children who, what, where, when or why questions in the context of a positive relationship helps children develop important language skills.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>For instance, these fathers are more likely to ask for clarification and to ask questions starting with the “Five Ws” — who, what, when, where and why. In learning how to answer these challenging questions, children learn new ways to express their thoughts and develop a larger vocabulary. </p>
<p>In one study, children whose fathers used more Five Ws questions in their early years (as early as six months!) had <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S088520061830111X">better reading and math abilities in kindergarten</a>. By developing a positive relationship with their children, fathers create a space to challenge their children with difficult activities.</p>
<p>The positive effects of fathers are even seen on higher-level cognitive abilities. A recent study at the University of Montréal found that children who experienced high-quality interactions with their father when they were toddlers had <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03004430.2017.1342078">better high-order cognitive abilities</a> later in their school life. For example, these children had better working memory, planning abilities and were better able to control their impulses.</p>
<p>Overall, developmental psychology shows that the contributions of fathers are important in a diversity of settings. Even when <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2013-27136-002">fathers do not live with their child</a>, they can help them develop important social and academic skills by remaining actively involved in the child’s life. This Father’s Day, let’s take a second to thank our dads for their role in fostering our positive development!</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/117295/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Audrey-Ann Deneault has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Fonds de recherche du Québec - Société et culture for her doctoral research. </span></em></p>Developmental psychology has uncovered some lesser-known, yet important ways that fathers improve their children’s lives.Audrey-Ann Deneault, PhD Candidate in Developmental Psychology, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of OttawaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1104242019-02-15T11:48:48Z2019-02-15T11:48:48ZAdolescents have a fundamental need to contribute<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258333/original/file-20190211-174867-1iu4pe.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=68%2C163%2C5415%2C3535&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Harnessing adolescents’ readiness to help can be good for them and their communities.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/diligent-volunteers-company-working-hard-while-1201495798">YAKOBCHUK VIACHESLAV/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>No longer children but not yet adults, adolescents need opportunities to learn and prepare for their entrance into the broader society. But, as schooling increasingly extends the adolescent period and teenagers get dismissed as supposedly selfish and irresponsible, has society forgotten an important developmental need of our youth?</p>
<p><a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=MQScMDkAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">As a developmental scientist</a> who <a href="http://adolescence.semel.ucla.edu">focuses on adolescence</a>, I <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1745691618805437">reviewed dozens of studies</a> and found that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S2352-4642(18)30022-1">this age group</a> has a fundamental need to contribute to others – to provide support, resources or help toward a shared goal. Contributing helps them achieve autonomy, identity and intimacy – important milestones on the way to adulthood.</p>
<p>As teenagers grow up, their brains are developing in ways that appear to support the increasingly complex ways of thinking and behaving that underlie giving to others. And being able to make meaningful contributions predicts better psychological and physical health among youth as well as adults. I believe it’s time to move away from outdated stereotypes of adolescents as only selfish and dangerous risk-takers and to consider how they are ripe for learning about contributing to others and their communities.</p>
<h2>It’s human nature to give, even for adolescents</h2>
<p>For decades, economists and other scientists have asked thousands of people to play experimental games that ask people to give and share money and other resources with one another. These studies have consistently shown that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10683-011-9283-7">adults generally will provide some resources to others</a> – some estimates put the average at around 30 percent of their allotments – even if they don’t know the recipients and expect nothing in return.</p>
<p>Adolescents are generous, too. Several labs around the world have reported on the tendency for youth to share at least some of their money or rewards with others in these games, even at a cost to themselves. Studies in the Netherlands suggested that adolescents aged 9 to 18 will make a <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00291">costly donation to friends</a> between 50 and 75 percent of the time. They’ll donate even to strangers at a cost to themselves between 30 and 50 percent of the time. In research our team has conducted, American adolescents agreed to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/17470911003687913">give money to family at a loss to themselves</a> about two-thirds of the time.</p>
<p>Add in the fact that teenagers consistently report their friends as their <a href="https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1005147708827">most frequent source of emotional and social support</a>, and a picture emerges of adolescents as a group primed to contribute to others.</p>
<h2>Brain developments for good</h2>
<p>The adolescent brain gets blamed for a lot of bad behavior, such as delinquency and substance use. But this reputation is <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-its-time-to-lay-the-stereotype-of-the-teen-brain-to-rest-85888">undergoing a rehabilitation</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258243/original/file-20190211-174867-opczuz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258243/original/file-20190211-174867-opczuz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258243/original/file-20190211-174867-opczuz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=508&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258243/original/file-20190211-174867-opczuz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=508&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258243/original/file-20190211-174867-opczuz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=508&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258243/original/file-20190211-174867-opczuz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=639&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258243/original/file-20190211-174867-opczuz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=639&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258243/original/file-20190211-174867-opczuz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=639&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Overview of reward structures in the human brain.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Recolored_Overview_of_reward_structures_in_the_human_brain2.png">Oscar Arias-Carrión1, Maria Stamelou, Eric Murillo-Rodríguez, Manuel Menéndez-González and Ernst Pöppel.</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Neuroscience research shows that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721413480859">brain regions related to reward</a> – such as the ventral and dorsal striatum – become more sensitive during the teen years. At the same time, they’re strengthening connections to brain areas relevant for cognitive control, like the prefrontal cortex. Together these <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3313">developments in the growing brain</a> may be instrumental in the exploratory learning, creativity and cognitive flexibility essential to becoming an adult. </p>
<p>These regions and networks, as well as those relevant for thinking about other people, have been implicated in prosocial and giving behaviors. Our team’s studies have shown that several regions – such as the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/17470911003687913">ventral and dorsal striatum</a> and the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2011.06.013">dorsolateral and dorsomedial prefrontal cortex</a> – are active when adolescents make costly donations to their family. Among youth who place great importance on helping family, we saw even more activation in additional regions related to social cognition and in the connections between them. Other researchers have obtained <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nst077">similar</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsw136">results</a>. </p>
<p>These are the very same neural networks that undergo the most change during the adolescent years. The networks seem to be active during the complex decision-making – to whom, when, how much, do they really need it? – that can be involved in sharing resources, support and effort with others. It’s tricky to work through these kinds of difficult questions. The developing brain may enable youth to learn how to make the computations necessary to answer them.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258334/original/file-20190211-174887-he8zql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258334/original/file-20190211-174887-he8zql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258334/original/file-20190211-174887-he8zql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258334/original/file-20190211-174887-he8zql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258334/original/file-20190211-174887-he8zql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258334/original/file-20190211-174887-he8zql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258334/original/file-20190211-174887-he8zql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258334/original/file-20190211-174887-he8zql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Volunteering has benefits for the volunteers, too.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/staff-serving-food-homeless-shelter-kitchen-184909757">Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Giving benefits the giver, too</h2>
<p>Contribution helps givers and receivers. More and more evidence links giving and doing things for others with improved psychological and physical health. Volunteering and providing assistance has been correlated with <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9280.14461">lower mortality</a>, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1097/PSY.0b013e31829de2e7">fewer health problems</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/002214650504600106">less depression</a>.</p>
<p>And of course adolescents experience such benefits, as well. In an intriguing study, researchers randomly assigned one group of youths to participate in a program providing support and companionship to the elderly. Compared to a control group of teens, these adolescents later had <a href="https://doi.org/10.1001/jamapediatrics.2013.1100">lower circulating levels of inflammation</a> – a marker known to be associated with a variety of chronic health problems.</p>
<p><a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/emo0000494">Another study</a> observed that helping others on a daily basis <a href="https://theconversation.com/teens-who-feel-down-may-benefit-from-picking-others-up-101882">improved the mood of youth</a>, particularly for those who suffered from higher levels of depressive symptoms. Our team even observed that adolescents were significantly <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0014728">happier on days in which they helped</a> their families, due in part to their sense of fulfilling an important role in the family.</p>
<h2>Helping meet the need to contribute</h2>
<p>Providing youth with the opportunity to make contributions to others would seem to be a win-win: Youth gain skills and maintain well-being while communities benefit from their efforts. But are adolescents currently offered such opportunities in their daily lives?</p>
<p>First think about the home setting. Do families give adolescents a chance to participate in decision-making that affects themselves and their relatives? Do youth make instrumental contributions to their families, whether through daily chores or in more substantial ways like helping siblings with schoolwork?</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258331/original/file-20190211-174880-1gsfkqg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258331/original/file-20190211-174880-1gsfkqg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/258331/original/file-20190211-174880-1gsfkqg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258331/original/file-20190211-174880-1gsfkqg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258331/original/file-20190211-174880-1gsfkqg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258331/original/file-20190211-174880-1gsfkqg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258331/original/file-20190211-174880-1gsfkqg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/258331/original/file-20190211-174880-1gsfkqg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Teens can help other students outside the classroom.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/couple-classmates-working-together-on-laptop-200191874">antoniodiaz/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In the school environment, do students feel as if their opinions are valued and their suggestions are considered? Are there enough slots in student leadership and extracurricular activities to give all students the opportunity to participate?</p>
<p>In the broader community, people must be welcoming of adolescents’ unique contributions, even when they may differ from the adults’. Are quality programs – those that allow youth to have a say – equitably available to the ethnically and economically diverse youth of today? <a href="https://doi.org/10.17226/10022">Several national organizations</a> such as Boys and Girls Clubs of America and 4-H aim to make it so, but limited resources can be a significant hurdle.</p>
<p>Figuring out ways to promote youth contribution can be challenging. Decisions need to be made about the appropriate type and amount, and responsible adults sometimes need to limit what adolescents can and should do. For example, participation in student governance would be positive, but taking on excessive job responsibilities that interfere with schooling and sleep would be detrimental. These decisions likely vary according to the norms and values of each community. And people must make a conscious effort to confront parochialism, by which adolescents and adults tend to give and do more for others like themselves.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, at a time in history when many economies no longer depend upon child and adolescent labor, perhaps the understandable desire to protect youth has led many people to forget an important ingredient in the period of life often called the “<a href="https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Apprenticeship-for-Adulthood/Stephen-F-Hamilton/9781451602364">apprenticeship for adulthood</a>.” Adolescents appear to be primed to give and contribute to others. They and our communities could benefit greatly if we collectively find more opportunities for them to do so in their daily lives.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/110424/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andrew J. Fuligni receives funding from the National Institutes of Health and the National Science Foundation. He is a board member of the Center for the Developing Adolescent.</span></em></p>Teens get a bad rap as selfish, dangerous risk-takers. But neuroscience and psychology research is revising that image: Adolescents are primed to help those around them, with positive benefits for all.Andrew J. Fuligni, Professor of Psychiatry & Psychology, University of California, Los AngelesLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/935322018-04-17T10:43:11Z2018-04-17T10:43:11ZChildren are natural optimists – which comes with psychological pros and cons<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214511/original/file-20180412-577-zq8tds.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=283%2C245%2C4353%2C3157&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Little kids have a tendency to look on the bright side.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/little-boy-enjoying-rain-dressed-rainbow-142706665">Brian A Jackson/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>You might hesitate to make a character judgment about someone based on a first encounter. Most adults would probably want to see how a stranger acts in several different circumstances, to decide whether someone new is nice, mean or trustworthy.</p>
<p>Young children are strikingly less cautious when making character judgments. They often show a positivity bias: a tendency to focus on positive actions or selectively process information that promotes positive judgments about the self, others, or even animals and objects. </p>
<p>Why does it matter if children see the world through rose-colored glasses? Children who are overly optimistic may unwittingly find themselves in unsafe situations, or they may be unable or unwilling to learn from constructive feedback. And in an era of “fake news” and myriad informational sources, it’s more important than ever to raise strong critical thinkers who will grow into adults who make informed life decisions. Psychologists <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=Gwes7ewAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">like me</a> investigate this optimism that seems to emerge very early in life to figure out more about how it works – and how and why it eventually decreases over time. </p>
<h2>Smart little optimists</h2>
<p>In many ways, children are sophisticated thinkers. In early childhood, they carefully gather data from their environment to construct theories about the world. For example, children understand that animate objects, such as animals, operate very differently from inanimate objects, such as chairs. Even preschoolers can tell the difference <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jecp.2015.09.002">between experts and non-experts</a>, and they understand that different kinds of experts <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8624.00458">know different things</a> – like how doctors know how human bodies work and mechanics know how cars work. Children even track people’s records of accuracy to decide <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2006.01778.x">whether they can be trusted</a> as learning sources for things like the names of unknown objects.</p>
<p>This level of skepticism is impressive, but it is sorely lacking when children are asked to make evaluative rather than neutral judgments. Here, children show clear evidence of a positivity bias.</p>
<p>For example, my colleagues and I have shown that 3- to 6-year-olds only need to see one positive behavior to <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.42.3.500">judge a story character as nice</a>, but several negative behaviors to judge a character as mean. I’ve also found that children <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jecp.2011.10.008">reject negative trait descriptions</a> about strangers (such as “mean”) from credible judges of character, but readily accept positive trait descriptions (like “nice”).</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214326/original/file-20180411-549-pb92fa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214326/original/file-20180411-549-pb92fa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214326/original/file-20180411-549-pb92fa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214326/original/file-20180411-549-pb92fa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214326/original/file-20180411-549-pb92fa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=800&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214326/original/file-20180411-549-pb92fa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214326/original/file-20180411-549-pb92fa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214326/original/file-20180411-549-pb92fa.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1005&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Looks friendly, but actually dangerous.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/trubble_pics/5610661873">Trubble</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Whereas children use information about expertise effectively in non-evaluative domains – <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2011.01618.x">like when learning about dog breeds</a> – they are reluctant to trust experts who make negative evaluations. For example, my lab found that 6- and 7-year-olds trusted positive descriptions of an unfamiliar animal (such as “friendly”) by a zookeeper, but <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12156">disregarded negative descriptions</a> (like “dangerous”). Instead they trusted a non-expert who gave positive descriptions.</p>
<p>In our other research, children <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/sode.12205">mistrusted an expert’s negative assessment</a> of artwork and instead trusted a group of laypeople who judged it positively. And preschoolers tend to evaluate their own performance on problem solving and on drawing positively even after being <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12941">told that they were outperformed</a> by a peer.</p>
<p>Altogether, research reveals that the positivity bias is present as early as 3 years of age, peaks in middle childhood, and weakens only in late childhood.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214329/original/file-20180411-566-71gh2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214329/original/file-20180411-566-71gh2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214329/original/file-20180411-566-71gh2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=456&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214329/original/file-20180411-566-71gh2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=456&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214329/original/file-20180411-566-71gh2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=456&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214329/original/file-20180411-566-71gh2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=573&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214329/original/file-20180411-566-71gh2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=573&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214329/original/file-20180411-566-71gh2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=573&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Everything’s new, everything’s great.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/GEJxI_QRPwM">Karl Fredrickson/Unsplash</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Why do we start life with rose-colored glasses?</h2>
<p>Psychologists don’t know for sure why kids are so optimistic. It’s likely due in part to the positive social experiences that most children are lucky enough to have early in life. </p>
<p>With age, children are exposed to harsher realities. They begin to see differences in performance among people, including their peers, and this gives them a sense of where they stand in relation to others. They eventually receive evaluative feedback from their teachers and start to experience a greater variety of negative relational experiences, like bullying.</p>
<p>Even so, children often remain stubbornly optimistic despite contrary evidence. There may be different forces at play here: Because positivity is so ingrained in children’s minds, they may struggle to pay attention to and integrate contradictory evidence into their working theories about people. American children are also taught not to say mean things about others and may question the intentions of well-meaning people that speak hard truths. This may be the reason that children <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12059">prioritize benevolence over expertise</a> when learning new information.</p>
<p>The spirit in which negative information is offered can influence whether it’s able to break through a child’s positivity bias. In one study in my lab, we presented <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/sode.12205">negative feedback as improvement-focused</a> (“needs work” rather than “very bad”). In this case, children were more willing to accept negative evaluations and understood that the feedback was intended to be helpful. Youngsters are likely to benefit most from constructive feedback when they understand it’s meant to help them and also when parents and teachers emphasize the <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/44330/mindset-by-carol-s-dweck-phd/">process of learning rather than achievement</a>.</p>
<h2>Positive bias is tempered over time</h2>
<p>Should caregivers worry about the positivity bias? Overall, probably not.</p>
<p>One advantage is that it <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.47.1.46">opens children up</a> to try new things fearlessly and may contribute to learning. Children who approach others positively are more likely to <a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/1130613">transition successfully through school</a> and have greater social success.</p>
<p>But in an era where people talk about “baby geniuses,” parents and educators need to be aware that children are not as sophisticated as they might appear, at least when it comes to evaluative judgments. It’s also important not to assume that older children necessarily have a better handle than younger children on making such judgments. Talking to kids about their beliefs may help them to think about what evidence supports them and to reflect on available information.</p>
<p>As for teaching children to accept negative feedback about themselves, a moderate approach is probably best. If children are reared in a loving environment where they’re taught over time to accept that they aren’t always the best, or that they sometimes need to do better, they may be better equipped to handle the inevitable hard knocks of life. We all become jaded adults soon enough.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/93532/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Janet Boseovski has received funding from The Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.</span></em></p>Human beings seem to be born wearing rose-colored glasses. Psychologists are interested in how this bias toward the positive works in the very young – and how it fades over time.Janet J. Boseovski, Associate Professor of Psychology, University of North Carolina – GreensboroLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/923282018-03-05T11:42:37Z2018-03-05T11:42:37ZWhen can you buy a gun, vote or be sentenced to death? Science suggests US should revise legal age limits<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207698/original/file-20180223-108110-1ocl6op.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Vietnam War protests led to a lower voting age. The Parkland shooting could push similar reevaluations.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.apimages.com/metadata/Index/APTOPIX-School-Shooting-Florida/7bc83c9e428e469b97d4efd6acea6ac1/1/0">AP Photo/Gerald Herbert</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Societies have long grappled with where to draw the chronological age boundary between adolescence and adulthood. The United States stands apart from most of the world in that it uses different ages for different rights and responsibilities. We permit people to <a href="https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/policyinformation/pubs/hf/pl11028/chapter4.cfm">drive when they are 16</a> (even younger in a few states), but prohibit them from <a href="https://www.cdc.gov/alcohol/fact-sheets/minimum-legal-drinking-age.htm">purchasing alcohol until they are 21</a>. The ages at which adolescents can <a href="https://filmratings.com/Tips">see a risqué movie</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/child-marriage-is-still-legal-in-the-us-88846">choose to marry</a>, enter into contracts, or buy cigarettes generally fall between these two extremes.</p>
<p>Nearly all <a href="http://chartsbin.com/view/545">other countries use one age</a> — <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Age_of_majority">almost always, 18</a> — to distinguish between minors and adults for most legal purposes. This one-age-fits-all regime has the advantages of consistency, clarity and fairness. Once you’re an adult, you’re an adult.</p>
<p>Taking an issue-specific approach permits society to align legal responsibilities and privileges with people’s abilities and needs. It also allows citizens to change our collective mind about particular boundaries when events dictate rethinking them, as was the case when demonstrations over the Vietnam War draft prompted Congress to <a href="https://constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendments/amendment-xxvi">lower the voting age from 21 to 18</a>.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/16/us/stoneman-douglas-shooting.html">Parkland school shooting</a>, in which 17 high school students and staff were killed by a 19-year-old with a semiautomatic assault rifle, may be another one of these transformative events. The massacre has understandably prompted a <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2018/02/23/politics/congress-obstacles-gun-law-control/index.html">national discussion about gun control</a>, but this is not the only policy debate that this tragedy should stimulate.</p>
<p>Three age-related revisions to the law, in particular, deserve careful consideration in the wake of the shooting: increasing the minimum age for purchasing firearms, lowering the voting age and raising the age of eligibility for capital punishment.</p>
<p>As I outline in my book “<a href="http://www.laurencesteinberg.com/books/age-of-opportunity">Age of Opportunity: Lessons From the New Science of Adolescence</a>,” research on <a href="https://www.nature.com/collections/vbmfnrsssw">adolescent psychological and brain development</a> provides a compelling basis for changing our laws.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207696/original/file-20180223-108139-s1xmi7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207696/original/file-20180223-108139-s1xmi7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/207696/original/file-20180223-108139-s1xmi7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=233&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207696/original/file-20180223-108139-s1xmi7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=233&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207696/original/file-20180223-108139-s1xmi7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=233&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207696/original/file-20180223-108139-s1xmi7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=293&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207696/original/file-20180223-108139-s1xmi7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=293&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/207696/original/file-20180223-108139-s1xmi7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=293&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Researchers know adolescent brains are still developing, as can be seen during cognitive tasks.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/nihgov/40268599281">Dr. Richard Watts and ABCD/Univ. of VT P.I. Dr. Hugh Garavan</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Predictable developmental timetables</h2>
<p>In order to understand how the new science of adolescence can inform this discussion, we need to differentiate between “cold” and “hot” cognition. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-28099-8_967-1">Cold cognition</a> is invoked in quiet situations, when you’re alone and unhurried. Here the most important skills are those measured by standardized tests of basic intellectual abilities, including attention, memory and logical reasoning.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/brain/awu177">Hot cognition</a> is what kicks in when you are excited, agitated, in groups, or rushed. Under these circumstances, the most important skill is <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/anger-in-the-age-entitlement/201110/self-regulation">self-control</a>, which enables us to regulate our emotions, resist coercion and think before we act. </p>
<p>For the past 20 years, my colleagues and <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=fpFXX8EAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">I have been studying</a> the developmental timetables of cold and hot cognition. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0014763">Our initial research</a> was conducted in the United States, but <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12532">our most recent study</a> included more than 5,000 people between ages 10 and 30 in 11 countries in Europe, Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and North and South America. The age trajectories we discovered were the same in our international sample as they were in the United States study.</p>
<p>Our studies show that the abilities necessary to make reasoned decisions are mature by age 16. By this age, adolescents can gather and process information, think logically and draw evidence-based inferences.</p>
<p>Self-regulation does not mature until around age 22, however. Not until this age are people capable of restraining themselves when their emotions are intense, when they are pressured by their peers, or when they feel hurried.</p>
<p>These findings on the development of cold and hot cognition parallel patterns of adolescent brain development. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3509">Neuroimaging studies show</a> that brain systems necessary for cold cognition are mature by mid-adolescence, whereas those that govern self-control are not fully developed until the early 20s.</p>
<h2>Growing into privileges</h2>
<p>Most people would agree that individuals who have trouble controlling their emotions or thinking through the consequences of their acts should not possess deadly weapons. This, after all, is the rationale behind prohibiting those with serious mental illness from purchasing assault rifles and other firearms. (Even the staunchest defenders of Second Amendment rights, <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-vice-president-pence-bipartisan-members-congress-meeting-school-community-safety/">including President Trump</a>, favor placing restrictions on the sale of guns to the mentally ill.)</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"966662241977360384"}"></div></p>
<p>Adolescence is not a mental illness, but it is a time during which many mentally healthy people have difficulty controlling their impulses and regulating their behavior. Based on the science, I <a href="https://www.flgov.com/2018/02/23/gov-scott-announces-major-action-plan-to-keep-florida-students-safe-following-tragic-parkland-shooting/">agree with Florida’s Republican Gov. Rick Scott</a> that people should not be permitted to purchase firearms until they are at least 21, if not older.</p>
<p>Voting, in contrast, is an act for which cold cognitive abilities are sufficient for competence. An election unfolds over months, which diminishes time pressure and permits people to gather facts and weigh them. Although you might discuss your preferences with others, the act of voting is done alone, and you have as much time as you want to deliberate inside a voting booth.</p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Marjory Stoneman Douglas student Emma Gonzalez calls out President Trump and the NRA at an anti-gun rally.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>It is quite clear from post-Parkland events, during which we have witnessed many examples of <a href="https://qz.com/1212712/florida-shooting-stoneman-douglas-student-quotes-after-the-high-school-attack/">wise, articulate and informed young people</a> discussing gun control, that high school students are able to understand and speak knowledgeably about political issues that affect them. There is no reason why people who have the intellectual skills necessary to vote should be prohibited from doing so.</p>
<p>Teenagers may make bad choices, but they won’t make them any more often than adults do. As I noted in a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/02/opinion/sunday/voting-age-school-shootings.html">recent op-ed in The New York Times</a>, I believe the U.S. ought to lower the voting age to 16, as several countries <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-8963-2_4">in Europe</a> and <a href="http://chartsbin.com/view/re6">South America</a> have done.</p>
<h2>A question of juvenile responsibility</h2>
<p>Deciding how to sentence the 19-year-old Parkland attacker, Nikolas Cruz, is certain to be controversial. In its 2005 decision in <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/03-633.ZS.html">Roper v. Simmons</a>, the U.S. Supreme Court abolished the juvenile death penalty on the grounds that adolescents are inherently less mature than adults and therefore not deserving of punishments reserved for those who are fully responsible for their crimes.</p>
<p>In 2010 and 2012, in <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/2009/08-7412">several cases</a> on the constitutionality of <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/2011/10-9646">life without parole for juveniles</a> that followed Roper, amicus briefs submitted by scientific organizations <a href="http://www.apa.org/about/offices/ogc/amicus/graham-v-florida-sullivan.pdf">including the American Psychological Association</a> helped persuade the court that its decision in Roper was consistent with research on adolescent brain development.</p>
<p>In the last five years, <a href="http://www.lawneuro.org/files/adol_dev_brief.pdf">neuroscientific evidence has accumulated</a> showing that many of the deficiencies characteristic of the juvenile brain continue to be evident after age 18. It makes sense for courts to consider people to be less than fully responsible for their criminal acts up to the age of 21.</p>
<p>In 2017, I presented this science in <a href="https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/files/pdf/KentuckyAge21DecisionEfrainDiaz.pdf">Commonwealth of Kentucky v. Diaz</a>, a case involving a 20-year-old accused of murder. That court agreed that the logic of Roper should apply to people up to age 21, and that the death penalty could not be considered as a possible sentence for Mr. Diaz. The case is now under appeal.</p>
<p>Nikolas Cruz’s public defenders have <a href="https://www.local10.com/news/parkland-school-shooting/prosecutors-push-back-on-talk-of-plea-deal-for-parkland-gunman">offered prosecutors a guilty plea</a> and their willingness to <a href="http://www.sun-sentinel.com/local/broward/parkland/florida-school-shooting/fl-school-shooting-nikolas-cruz-grand-jury-20180228-story.html">accept a life sentence</a> in return for the state’s agreement to not pursue the death penalty. To date, the prosecutors have not announced their intentions. Although given the enormity of Cruz’s crime, there will surely be a public outcry pushing for the death penalty, the science is on the defense’s side.</p>
<p>Research on adolescent brain and psychological development can inform debates about where to draw legal lines between minors and adults. Science is not the only consideration when society contemplates changes in the law. But to the extent that people care to align social policies with current understanding of human development, the science of adolescence can help guide the discussion.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92328/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Laurence Steinberg receives funding from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and the Klaus J. Jacobs Foundation.</span></em></p>Teens’ brains develop different skills along a predictable timeline. These milestones should influence the legal age boundaries for voting, buying guns and being put to death.Laurence Steinberg, Professor of Psychology, Temple UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/894392018-02-06T11:36:31Z2018-02-06T11:36:31ZTeens aren’t just risk machines – there’s a method to their madness<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/204906/original/file-20180205-14083-1bn3d07.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=5%2C22%2C1111%2C718&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Just because everyone else is doing it...</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/shanepope/2661228337">Shane Pope</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>You know the conventional wisdom: Adolescents are <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/08/well/family/teenagers-do-dumb-things-but-there-are-ways-to-limit-recklessness.html">impulsive by nature</a>, like bombs <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2014/04/27/opinion/sunday/the-dangers-of-friends.html">ready to go off</a> at the most minor trigger. Parents feel they must cross their fingers and hope no one lights the fuse that will lead to an explosion. Adults often try restricting and monitoring teens’ behavior, in an effort to protect these seemingly unthinking riskseekers. That’s the tale told in the media, anyway.</p>
<p>Neuroscience evidence has seemed to bolster the case that adolescents are just wired to make bad decisions. Studies suggest that brain regions associated with self-control and long-term planning, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2010.00712.x">such as the prefrontal cortex</a>, are still developing. At the same time, adolescence is a time of <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2015.07.083">increased activity in a brain region associated with reward</a>, the ventral striatum. The story goes that these out-of-control teens are both extra sensitive to rewards and unable to rein in impulses – and thus naturally risky. They just can’t control themselves because their brains are unevenly developed.</p>
<p>As psychologists who focus on adolescents and their developing brains, we believe that teens have gotten an unfair rap. There are important developmental reasons adolescents act the way they do. They’re driven to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3313">explore their environments and learn</a> everything they can about their surroundings. A teenager’s job, developmentally speaking, is to try out new behaviors and roles. Doing that sometimes involves risk – but not necessarily risk for its own sake.</p>
<h2>Teens have their own priorities</h2>
<p>Adolescents are just as capable as adults of controlling their behaviors to achieve their goals.</p>
<p>In fact, adolescents are actually <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dcn.2017.07.007">more accurate than adults</a> at laboratory tasks that measure cognitive control; they do just fine at things like updating knowledge of rules when they change or maintaining numbers in working memory. Person-to-person differences in these types of abilities <a href="https://doi.org/10.1523/JNEUROSCI.2345-13.2013">within age groups are larger</a> than the effect of being an adolescent or an adult.</p>
<p>Adolescents even do just as well, if not better, than adults at tasks that come with potential rewards. For example, adolescents are <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/cercor/bhp225">faster and more accurate</a> than adults at refraining from pressing a button when they know strong performance on the task comes with a reward. Teens <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7610.2009.02121.x">perform better even in emotional contexts</a> if they are rewarded for success. </p>
<p>In both of these scenarios, being focused on getting a reward is helpful. In fact, if the stakes are high, teens <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12092">are more deliberative</a> and show more activity in control regions of the brain than adults.</p>
<p>However, if researchers use incentives as a distraction, teens <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.conb.2010.01.006">do worse than adults</a> at tasks that involve cognitive control. For example, one study found adolescents were slower and less accurate at ignoring previously rewarding stimuli when they need to direct their decision-making attention elsewhere.</p>
<p>So teens don’t make decisions like adults. The real difference lies in what adolescents value: Gaining peer acceptance or a reward may outweigh the value adults place on delaying reward for a long-term nonsocial goal, such as financial stability.</p>
<h2>A time of exploration and learning</h2>
<p>Way back in human evolutionary history, when lifespans were shorter, adolescents needed to explore their world to find food and mates. While stakes are different for modern teens, exploration is still important, as they learn skills essential for adulthood. Adolescence is the time when teens master how to navigate social relationships, develop more of a sense of who they are, and figure out how to do things independently.</p>
<p>Learning and exploring, by definition, require teens to have experiences where the outcome is unknown in advance. A big part of that means taking some risks to explore and figure out new information.</p>
<p>Imagine never leaving your neighborhood because you know it’s safe. Walking to a new area might be more dangerous, but it could offer better restaurants or more part-time jobs. It might also provide more diverse social opportunities, such as team sports or exposure to additional romantic prospects.</p>
<p>The essence of exploration is venturing into the unknown for the chance at something better.</p>
<p>This plays in to the way adolescents have a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/srep40962">greater tolerance for ambiguity</a> than adults. Given the chance at winning a greater reward, teens are more willing to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1207144109">choose an option with more “risk,”</a> or uncertainty of winning or losing, than the “safe” option where the odds of winning and losing are spelled out.</p>
<p>In the end, learning about the world necessarily involves risk. You don’t know for sure what you might learn until you try it. This fact is reflected in the brain’s architecture, as the same regions recruited during reward processing and risk taking are <a href="https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-017-02174-z">also involved in learning</a>. In fact, the people who activated those reward regions the most during a risk-taking task in the lab also <a href="https://doi.org/10.1162/jocn_a_01061">learned the fastest on the task</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/204907/original/file-20180205-14089-1pofbr3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/204907/original/file-20180205-14089-1pofbr3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/204907/original/file-20180205-14089-1pofbr3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204907/original/file-20180205-14089-1pofbr3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204907/original/file-20180205-14089-1pofbr3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204907/original/file-20180205-14089-1pofbr3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204907/original/file-20180205-14089-1pofbr3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/204907/original/file-20180205-14089-1pofbr3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Teens are negotiating their internal and external worlds.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/yourdon/9365503766">Ed Yourdon</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">CC BY-NC-SA</a></span>
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<h2>Exploring the self</h2>
<p>There is one other aspect of adolescent exploration that doesn’t fit with the standard story: It looks different from teen to teen. Most teenagers aren’t the stereotypical whirlwinds of risk taking. If adolescence is focused on learning about the world more than taking risks for their own sake, then many teens will learn without putting themselves in harm’s way. What determines the nature of teenage exploration?</p>
<p>Part of the task of adolescence is trying out different “selves” and discovering who you are. Adolescent exploration helps teens form their identity. This period is a time of increased autonomy, socialization and self-consciousness.</p>
<p>The ways teens choose to explore their world depend on <a href="https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/WH7NT">how they think about themselves and their social world</a>. For example, consider a high schooler deciding to ditch soccer practice to talk to a crush or sneak to the mall. Does the teen identify as an athlete? Is soccer an important part of her self? Do her friends compare who scored more goals?</p>
<p>Across adolescence, teens begin to actively question and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-009-9401-4">think about their identity</a>. Regions of the brain that help process self and social information also <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nss113">continue to mature during these years</a>. When teens think about <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dcn.2014.01.003">themselves and what other people think about them</a>, these same brain regions light up.</p>
<p>An intriguing finding is that the same brain region that plays a role in learning and reward processing <a href="https://doi.org/10.1523/JNEUROSCI.4074-12.2013">is also active</a> when teens think about themselves. Such an overlap hints that for teens, evaluating themselves is intertwined with learning about themselves, too - and they may be intrinsically motivated to do both. </p>
<h2>Consider what teens are trying to do</h2>
<p>Much of the public discussion about teens surrounds why they take seemingly needless risks. A better way of thinking about adolescence might be as a sensitive period for learning about oneself and exploring the social world.</p>
<p>Sometimes exploration can lead to more risk taking. But those risks are taken in service of preparing for adulthood, by acquiring skills and knowledge; and not all learning involves risk.</p>
<p>What does this mean for parents and teachers? Some teen behavior appears irrational or distasteful to adults. Adult and teen brains face different challenges and so they value different things. Teens are still exploring the world that adults have already come to know. When judging teens, adults should consider the elevated value to adolescents of learning about themselves and their social world. Their behavior might start to seem less irrational.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/89439/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jessica Flannery receives funding from the National Science Foundation. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Elliot Berkman manages Berkman Consultants, LLC. He receives funding from the National Institutes of Health. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jennifer Pfeifer receives funding from the National Institute of Mental Health and the National Institute on Drug Abuse. She is part of the leadership for the Center on the Developing Adolescent. </span></em></p>Adolescents have important developmental work to do. Despite what worried grownups think, taking needless risks isn’t the goal for teens. Being risky is part of exploring and learning about the world.Jessica Flannery, Doctoral Candidate in Clinical Psychology, University of OregonElliot Berkman, Associate Professor of Psychology, University of OregonJennifer Pfeifer, Associate Professor of Psychology, University of OregonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/870862018-01-29T18:14:07Z2018-01-29T18:14:07ZMore children are starting school depressed and anxious – without help, it will only get worse<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/203716/original/file-20180129-100902-18xzg2s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Transition to school is a difficult time for children.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/cRRDzGxqVe8">Photo by Piron Guillaume on Unsplash</a></span></figcaption></figure><hr>
<p><em>This article is <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/back-to-school-2018-48951">part of a series</a> that draws on the latest research on back to school transitions. In it, experts explain how best to prepare children for school, and counter difficulties such as stress or bad behaviour.</em></p>
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<p>Starting school for the first time can be stressful. Children are suddenly thrown into a foreign environment, juggling the pressure of learning new academic skills and establishing relationships with peers. Some thrive, but others may need support through this transition.</p>
<p>Our <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/28795830">study found</a> that at the ages of six to seven, which is just after the time children start school, 14% of Australian children had noticeably high levels of emotional problems. Emotional problems generally refer to depressive and anxiety symptoms, somatic (physical) complaints such as headaches, and withdrawn behaviours. </p>
<p>There are roughly <a href="http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2016/quickstat/036">1.5 million children aged six to seven going to school</a> in Australia. This means around 200,000 of them are dealing with some kind of emotional problem. These problems become worse as the children progress through school. We found that three years later, when the same cohort of children were ten to 11, an additional 60,000 had developed symptoms of depression or anxiety.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-gently-prepare-your-child-for-prep-90122">How to gently prepare your child for prep</a>
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<h2>Emotional problems</h2>
<p>A <a href="http://www.aedc.gov.au/resources/detail/2015-aedc-national-report">2015 report</a> from the Australian Early Development Census (<a href="https://www.aedc.gov.au/">AEDC</a>) has warned that one in five (22%) children who enter school in Australia is developmentally vulnerable in one or more areas, including emotional maturity, communication and cognitive skills (such as memory). </p>
<p>It was also noted that children’s mental health was becoming worse since the 2012 report. The emotional maturity domain, for instance, saw a decrease in the number of children developmentally on track (from 78.1% to 76.4%) and an increase in the number of those who were developmentally vulnerable (from 7.6% to 8.4%) and at risk (from 14.2% to 15.3%).</p>
<p>While we know emotional problems <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/getmedia/7752644b-e6f0-4793-b4e0-74ef3093c589/19748-ah16-ib.pdf.aspx?inline=true">are prevalent among young Australians</a>, we have little knowledge of how these issues develop throughout childhood. Such knowledge is crucial to inform early prevention and intervention, and to alter the development of emotional problems into adolescence and adulthood.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/australian-teens-doing-well-but-some-still-at-high-risk-of-suicide-and-self-harm-83303">Australian teens doing well, but some still at high risk of suicide and self-harm</a>
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<p>Our <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/28795830">study</a> used data from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (<a href="http://www.growingupinaustralia.gov.au">LSAC</a>). The LSAC has been following the development of 10,000 children and families since 2004 in two cohorts – the birth cohort and the kindergarten cohort. Each cohort has about 5,000 children and families. </p>
<p>The LSAC <a href="http://www.growingupinaustralia.gov.au/about/faq.html#q2">explores areas</a> such as children’s social and emotional development, the health status of children and their families, learning and cognition outcomes, parenting, and relationships. This <a href="http://www.growingupinaustralia.gov.au/about/faq.html#q6">information is collected</a> through face-to-face and telephone interviews, as well as computer-assisted self interviews and/or questionnaires.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202548/original/file-20180119-80161-55a1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202548/original/file-20180119-80161-55a1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202548/original/file-20180119-80161-55a1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202548/original/file-20180119-80161-55a1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202548/original/file-20180119-80161-55a1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202548/original/file-20180119-80161-55a1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=532&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202548/original/file-20180119-80161-55a1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=532&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/202548/original/file-20180119-80161-55a1a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=532&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Girls are more at risk of their emotional problems escalating than boys.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/cEf2lvyhNAI">Photo by pan xiaozhen on Unsplash</a></span>
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<p>We analysed the data on the emotional problems of 3,200 children from the kindergarten cohort who had completed questions relevant to our study; first at the ages of six to seven, then again at eight to nine, and ten to 11. We found that children’s emotional problems, on average, were increasing over time. </p>
<p>However, the rate of increase did not differ based on children’s initial emotional vulnerability. </p>
<h2>What are the reasons?</h2>
<p>In addition to analysing data on the rates of children’s emotional problems, we also identified a range of risk and protective factors that fall into four categories: individual aspects, social and cultural environment, parenting, and peer group experience. </p>
<p>We found a number of factors to be associated with the increase in emotional problems of the children in our sample over time. For example, compared to boys, girls started with higher levels of emotional problems at six to seven years, and these escalated at a faster rate. There is <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10802-005-6734-7">well-established evidence</a> that adolescent girls often have more emotional problems than boys, but the evidence in childhood is not robust. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-we-should-put-yoga-in-the-australian-school-curriculum-89962">Why we should put yoga in the Australian school curriculum</a>
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<p>Our findings suggest that girls with early signs of emotional problems, and their parents, should be considered for parent and child development support programs in the early years of school. Signals can include showing anxiety, chewing nails, not being able to make friends, having sleep problems and signs of depression. </p>
<p>How children regulate their emotions is another factor that influences their emotional wellbeing, particularly during the <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/development-and-psychopathology/article/developmental-cascades-externalizing-internalizing-and-academic-competence-from-middle-childhood-to-early-adolescence/596E8F631C1F34A67DEA435C69345E85">transition to school</a>. This is the period when children face increasing demands to regulate their emotions in formal school settings.</p>
<p>We found peer problems to be an important risk factor linked to children’s escalation of emotional problems, especially during the transition to school. Peer problems include issues such as not being able to make friends, having difficulty getting along with peers or being picked on by other children. Children need to learn skills related to making friends and maintaining friendships, such as cooperation, sympathy and helping others.</p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/back-to-school-blues-how-to-help-your-child-with-shyness-90228">Back to school blues: how to help your child with shyness</a>
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<p>One thing to note is that the absence of peer problems <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0022440516300565">does not necessarily suggest</a> the presence of positive relationships. Teachers tend to view children without problematic behaviours more favourably than children with problematic behaviours, and so are less likely to support them. However, lack of peer problems might also mean that the child is isolated and does not have many friends. </p>
<p>It’s important that teachers and parents proactively assist children to develop their social skills. Among the most important ones are to encourage children to help others, cooperate, express their emotions and understand others’ emotions. </p>
<p>Our study also found that the mother’s mental health was important for children’s emotional wellbeing. We included mothers’ mental health scores when children were four to five, and six to seven years. A poor score for a mother’s mental health when her children were four to five years was linked to children’s escalation of emotional problems from six to seven and then ten to 11 years. </p>
<p>This suggests that the early years may represent a sensitive period during which maternal mental health problems have lasting and harmful implications on children’s emotional wellbeing across middle childhood. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-gently-prepare-your-child-for-prep-90122">How to gently prepare your child for prep</a>
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<h2>How parents can help</h2>
<p>Two important ways in which parents can prepare their children for school is by teaching them self-regulation and friendship skills. </p>
<p>To have better self-regulation skills, children need to learn to have some discipline early on. Trying to stick to a schedule, for example, is important. </p>
<p>Also important is helping children understand their emotions and express them in a constructive way – for example, to be able to say when they feel frustrated instead of having a tantrum. </p>
<p>To help children have <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0885200617301266">better friendship skills</a>, parents can encourage them to help other children, be involved in group activities with them and to act sympathetically towards others.</p>
<p><em>More resources for parents can be found <a href="http://www.triplep-parenting.net.au/au-uken/triple-p/">here</a>, and <a href="http://www.janetlansbury.com/">here.</a></em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/87086/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>At the ages of 6-7, when children are transitioning to starting school, 14% have high levels of emotional problems, including depression and anxiety. This percentage is higher in the later years.Dr Amelia Shay, Research Fellow in Developmental and Educational Psychology, Australian Catholic UniversityCen Wang, Research Fellow in Educational and Developmental Psychology, Charles Sturt UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/888552017-12-12T00:00:21Z2017-12-12T00:00:21ZLies about Santa? They could be good for your child<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/251320/original/file-20181218-27773-120so7k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Developmental psychology suggests that fantastical beliefs in children are associated with positive developmental outcomes. And parents need not worry, children will bust the Santa myth themselves, when the time is right. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Christmas is a magical time of year, especially for children. Unfortunately, between elaborate <a href="http://people.com/human-interest/christy-heins-retires-elf-on-the-shelf/">Elf on the Shelf staging</a> and fending off questions about Santa, parents are often left wondering how much of the magic depends on them. </p>
<p>Specifically, many parents worry about whether they should encourage their children’s belief in the physical reality of Santa, about <a href="https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2016/11/161125104818.htm">the potential impact of lying to them</a> and what to do when their children realize they’ve been duped. </p>
<p>Rest assured, parents, it’s not all up to you. In fact, the best approach involves supporting your kids while they figure it out on their own. They will, and it won’t be as bad as you expect.</p>
<p>As a developmental scientist, I spend most of my time <a href="http://www.cscdlab.com/">researching children’s trust</a>. I’m interested in how trust develops and what happens when it’s broken. During the holiday season, I spend a lot of time thinking about Santa. </p>
<p>As a proud auntie of three children under the age of four, my Santa musings have taken on a new significance. But, unlike many parents, I see the development of a belief in the physical reality of Santa, and the eventual myth-busting, as impressive achievements to be celebrated, not feared!</p>
<p>Research in the field of developmental psychology suggests that such fantastical beliefs are not actually harmful, but are <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2014/12/24/believing-in-santa-claus-could-help-your-kids-develop-a-cure-for-cancer/?utm_term=.9aad8dcefe1e">associated with a number of positive developmental outcomes</a> — from exercising the “counterfactual reasoning skills” needed for human innovation to boosting emotional development.</p>
<h2>When kids question the magic</h2>
<p>The <a href="http://surveys.ap.org/data/GfK/AP-GfK%20Poll%20December%202011%20Topline_Santa.pdf">vast majority of children will at some point believe in Santa</a>. While many children learn these beliefs at home, the cultural support for Santa is so strong that <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00221325.1987.9914544">children in households that don’t actively endorse the myth still sometimes believe</a>. </p>
<p>Yet, despite Santa’s impressive marketing strategy, most children will abandon their belief <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/record/2013-42173-004">by the age of eight</a>. Though many parents fear this transition, it’s an inevitable part of growing up.</p>
<p>Santa is a mix of mundane and magical qualities. He is a jolly man dressed in red with a snowy beard. He also flies with the help of reindeer, visits all the world’s children in a single night and knows if you’ve been naughty or nice. </p>
<p>With age, a child’s thinking develops to the point where they start to notice Santa does magical things that physical objects can’t. This newfound knowledge is evident in <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0885201414000720">the types of questions children are asking</a>. </p>
<p>Younger children are often interested in general details about Santa, like: “Where does Santa live?” Older children are more likely to hone in on Santa’s extraordinary abilities: “How does Santa get around the whole world in a single night?”</p>
<h2>Should you bust the myth?</h2>
<p>Recognizing these challenging questions for what they are — cognitive development in action — may free some parents from the burden of belief. </p>
<p>If your goal is to extend your child’s belief in the physical reality of Santa, you can respond to the questions with plausible explanations or evidence. This is where <a href="https://www.noradsanta.org/">NORAD, the online tracker that shows Santa’s progress around the globe on Christmas Eve</a>, can come in handy. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/lwo5pKT3PSk?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>If instead you want to let your child take the lead, you can simply direct the question back to them, allowing your child to come up with explanations for themselves: “I don’t know, how do you think the sleigh flies?” </p>
<p>Finally, if you think it’s time to usher your child into the common adult understanding of Santa as a beloved fantasy figure, you can provide different, disconfirming evidence and explanations. </p>
<p>My Santa myth was busted shortly after the discovery of Santa’s gift tags in my mother’s robe pocket. Regardless of which strategy you choose, it is inevitable that eventually the evidence against Santa will become overwhelming and the belief will become unsustainable.</p>
<h2>Lies with good intentions</h2>
<p>If you choose to extend your child’s belief in Santa, and your child realizes you have deceived them, how will they respond? </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198626/original/file-20171211-9392-1y0typ1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198626/original/file-20171211-9392-1y0typ1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198626/original/file-20171211-9392-1y0typ1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198626/original/file-20171211-9392-1y0typ1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198626/original/file-20171211-9392-1y0typ1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198626/original/file-20171211-9392-1y0typ1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198626/original/file-20171211-9392-1y0typ1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">If Santa’s elves make handmade toys, how does he deliver electronics? And what does this do to the magic of Christmas for children from poorer families?</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>As it turns out, probably pretty well. In a study examining children’s reaction to discovering the truth about Santa, parents generally took the transition much harder than their children, who actually <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2FBF02253287?LI=true">felt quite positive about the discovery</a>. </p>
<p>And why wouldn’t they? Santa is one of countless things <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16686784">children learn through the testimony of others</a>. Because we rely on others for so much of what we know, humans are <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/record/2013-31537-001">surprisingly well-equipped for the task</a>. They evaluate both the source and content of the information they have received in light of their existing knowledge and their memory of past interactions with the source. </p>
<p>This means that, when compared to all of the reliable information that parents share with their children over their lives, <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2009.01295.x/full">it is highly unlikely a single lie will cause irreparable damage</a>. </p>
<p>Children are also discovering the truth about Santa at around the same time they are starting to understand that some lies, like Santa lies, <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2009.01295.x/full">are told with good intentions</a>.</p>
<h2>Why Santa is for small gifts</h2>
<p>Believing in impossible beings such as Santa is a <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2750897/#R19">special kind of magic available only to children</a>. </p>
<p>Research suggests that fantastical beliefs are associated with a number of positive developmental outcomes. So, if your child is still a believer, feel free to protect that belief. </p>
<p>As your child ages, especially if there are younger siblings in the house, there are creative ways to keep the Santa experience positive, even after their <a href="http://www.goodhousekeeping.com/life/parenting/news/a41821/how-to-tell-kids-about-santa/">belief in the physical reality of Santa has been abandoned</a>. </p>
<p>Finally, always remember, as children are figuring out how the world really works, that they are going to look to the people and things around them for evidence. </p>
<p>It might be a good idea to <a href="https://www.babble.com/parenting/why-we-should-leave-the-smaller-gifts-to-santa">give modest gifts from Santa and save the big ones for parents</a>, because no matter what your family income, every child deserves to feel loved by Santa on Christmas morning.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/88855/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kristen Dunfield receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, Canada and the Fonds de Recherche Société et Culture, Québec. </span></em></p>There’s no need for parents to bust the Santa myth. Children figure out the truth themselves, at a developmentally appropriate time. In the process, they build their reasoning skills.Kristen Dunfield, Assistant Professor of Psychology, Concordia UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/830762017-12-09T21:44:10Z2017-12-09T21:44:10ZFor baby’s brain to benefit, read the right books at the right time<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198399/original/file-20171209-27683-qnf9a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=935%2C40%2C5774%2C4215&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">How can you maximize reading's rewards for baby?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/baby-book-read-aloud-579664624">aijiro/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Parents often <a href="https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2014-1384">receive books at pediatric checkups</a> via <a href="https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2009-1207">programs like Reach Out and Read</a> and hear from a variety of health professionals and educators that reading to their kids is critical for supporting development. </p>
<p>The pro-reading message is getting through to parents, who recognize that it’s an important habit. A summary report by Child Trends, for instance, suggests <a href="https://www.childtrends.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/05_Reading_to_Young_Children.pdf">55 percent of three- to five-year-old children</a> were read to every day in 2007. According to the U.S. Department of Education, <a href="https://www.childstats.gov/americaschildren/edu1.asp">83 percent of three- to five-year-old children</a> were read to three or more times per week by a family member in 2012.</p>
<p>What this ever-present advice to read with infants doesn’t necessarily make clear, though, is that what’s on the pages may be just as important as the book-reading experience itself. Are all books created equal when it comes to early shared-book reading? Does it matter what you pick to read? And are the best books for babies different than the best books for toddlers? </p>
<p>In order to guide parents on how to create a high-quality book-reading experience for their infants, <a href="http://www.psych.ufl.edu/bcdlab/">my psychology research lab</a> has conducted a series of baby learning studies. One of our goals is to better understand the extent to which shared book reading is important for brain and behavioral development.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Even the littlest listeners can enjoy having a book read to them.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Maggie Villiger</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>What’s on baby’s bookshelf</h2>
<p>Researchers see clear <a href="http://www.reachoutandread.org/FileRepository/ReadingAloudtoChildren_ADC_July2008.pdf">benefits of shared book reading</a> for child development. Shared book reading with young children is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2006.00911.x">good for language and cognitive development</a>, increasing vocabulary and pre-reading skills and honing conceptual development. </p>
<p>Shared book reading also likely enhances the <a href="http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/42878/1/924159134X.pdf">quality of the parent-infant relationship</a> by encouraging reciprocal interactions – the back-and-forth dance between parents and infants. Certainly not least of all, it gives infants and parents a consistent daily time to cuddle.</p>
<p>Recent research has found that <a href="http://www.aappublications.org/news/2017/05/04/PASLiteracy050417">both the quality and quantity</a> of shared book reading in infancy predicted later childhood vocabulary, reading skills and name writing ability. In other words, the more books parents read, and the more time they’d spent reading, the greater the developmental benefits in their 4-year-old children.</p>
<p>This important finding is one of the first to measure the benefit of shared book reading starting early in infancy. But there’s still more to figure out about whether some books might naturally lead to higher-quality interactions and increased learning.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=608&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=608&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=608&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">EEG caps let researchers record infant volunteers’ brain activity.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Matthew Lester</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Babies and books in the lab</h2>
<p>In our investigations, my colleagues and I followed infants across the second six months of life. We’ve found that when parents showed babies <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2009.02348.x">books with faces</a> or <a href="https://doi.org/10.1162/jocn_a_00019">objects</a> that were individually named, they learn more, generalize what they learn to new situations and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2010.02.008">show more specialized brain responses</a>. This is in contrast to books with no labels or books with the same generic label under each image in the book. Early learning in infancy was also associated with benefits <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/desc.12259/full">four years later in childhood</a>.</p>
<p>Our most recent addition to this series of studies was <a href="https://nsf.gov/awardsearch/showAward?AWD_ID=1560810&HistoricalAwards=false">funded by the National Science Foundation</a> and just <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13004">published in the journal Child Development</a>. Here’s what we did.</p>
<p>First, we brought six-month-old infants into our lab, where we could see how much attention they paid to story characters they’d never seen before. We used electroencephalography (EEG) to measure their brain responses. Infants wear a cap-like net of 128 sensors that let us record the electricity naturally emitted from the scalp as the brain works. We measured these neural responses while infants looked at and paid attention to pictures on a computer screen. These brain measurements can tell us about what infants know and whether they can tell the difference between the characters we show them.</p>
<p>We also tracked the infants’ gaze using eye-tracking technology to see what parts of the characters they focused on and how long they paid attention.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=349&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=349&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=349&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Eye-tracking setups let researchers monitor what infants are paying attention to.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Matthew Lester</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The data we collected at this first visit to our lab served as a baseline. We wanted to compare their initial measurements with future measurements we’d take, after we sent them home with storybooks featuring these same characters.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=761&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=761&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=761&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=956&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=956&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=956&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Example of pages from a named character book researchers showed to baby volunteers.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lisa Scott</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We divided up our volunteers into three groups. One group of parents read their infants storybooks that contained six individually named characters that they’d never seen before. Another group were given the same storybooks but instead of individually naming the characters, a generic and made-up label was used to refer to all the characters (such as “Hitchel”). Finally, we had a third comparison group of infants whose parents didn’t read them anything special for the study.</p>
<p>After three months passed, the families returned to our lab so we could again measure the infants’ attention to our storybook characters. It turned out that only those who received books with individually labeled characters showed enhanced attention compared to their earlier visit. And the brain activity of babies who learned individual labels also showed that they could distinguish between different individual characters. We didn’t see these effects for infants in the comparison group or for infants who received books with generic labels. </p>
<p>These findings suggest that very young infants are able to use labels to learn about the world around them and that shared book reading is an effective tool for supporting development in the first year of life.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Best book choices vary as kids grow.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/pennstatelive/33070370920">Penn State</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Tailoring book picks for maximum effect</h2>
<p>So what do our results from the lab mean for parents who want to maximize the benefits of storytime?</p>
<p>Not all books are created equal. The books that parents should read to six- and nine-month-olds will likely be different than those they read to two-year-olds, which will likely be different than those appropriate for four-year-olds who are getting ready to read on their own. In other words, to reap the benefits of shared book reading during infancy, we need to be reading our little ones the right books at the right time.</p>
<p>For infants, finding books that name different characters may lead to higher-quality shared book reading experiences and result in the learning and brain development benefits we find in our studies. All infants are unique, so parents should try to find books that interest their baby.</p>
<p>My own daughter loved the “<a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/241481/pat-the-bunny-first-books-for-baby-pat-the-bunny-by-dorothy-kunhardt-and-edith-kunhardt/">Pat the Bunny</a>” books, as well as stories about animals, like “<a href="https://www.panmacmillan.com/authors/rod-campbell/dear-zoo">Dear Zoo</a>.” If names weren’t in the book, we simply made them up.</p>
<p>It’s possible that books that include named characters simply increase the amount of parent talking. We know that <a href="https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/babies-learn-what-words-mean-before-they-can-use-them/">talking to babies</a> is important for their development. So parents of infants: Add shared book reading to your daily routines and name the characters in the books you read. Talk to your babies early and often to guide them through their amazing new world – and let storytime help.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/83076/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lisa Scott has received funding from the National Science Foundation and the US Army Research Institute. </span></em></p>Psychology researchers bring infants into the lab to learn more about how shared book reading influences brain and behavioral development.Lisa S. Scott, Associate Professor in Psychology, University of FloridaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/853522017-10-12T13:00:11Z2017-10-12T13:00:11ZHow to combat racial bias: Start in childhood<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189869/original/file-20171011-9815-7g60uo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Computer training can decrease children's biases.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Jeff Inglis</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Racial bias can seem like an intractable problem. Psychologists and other social scientists have had difficulty finding effective ways to counter it – even among people who say they support a fairer, more egalitarian society. One likely reason for the difficulty is that most efforts have been directed toward adults, whose biases and prejudices are often firmly entrenched.</p>
<p>My colleagues and I are starting to take a new look at the problem of racial bias by investigating its origins in early childhood. As we learn more about how biases take hold, will we eventually be able to intervene before any biases become permanent?</p>
<h2>Measuring racial bias</h2>
<p>When psychology researchers first began studying racial biases, they simply asked individuals to describe their thoughts and feelings about particular groups of people. A well-known problem with these measures of explicit bias is that people often try to respond to researchers in ways they think are socially appropriate.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189796/original/file-20171011-9766-12vv2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189796/original/file-20171011-9766-12vv2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189796/original/file-20171011-9766-12vv2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=481&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189796/original/file-20171011-9766-12vv2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=481&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189796/original/file-20171011-9766-12vv2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=481&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189796/original/file-20171011-9766-12vv2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=605&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189796/original/file-20171011-9766-12vv2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=605&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189796/original/file-20171011-9766-12vv2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=605&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The kind of sorting task the Implicit Association Test presents to get at biases participants may not even be aware of.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.vox.com/2015/6/3/8709207/media-racial-bias-study">Project Implicit</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Starting in the 1990s, researchers began to develop methods to assess implicit bias, which is less conscious and less controllable than explicit bias. The most widely used test is the <a href="https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/takeatest.html">Implicit Association Test</a>, which lets researchers measure whether individuals have more <a href="https://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.74.6.1464">positive associations</a> with some racial groups than others. However, an important limitation of this test is that it only works well with individuals who are at least six years old – the instructions are too complex for younger children to remember. </p>
<p>Recently, my colleagues and I developed a new way to measure bias, which we call the Implicit Racial Bias Test. This test can be used with children as young as age three, as well as with older children and adults. This test assesses bias in a manner similar to the IAT but with different instructions.</p>
<p>Here’s how a version of the test to detect an implicit bias that favors white people over black people would work: We show participants a series of black and white faces on a touchscreen device. Each photo is accompanied by a cartoon smile on one side of the screen and a cartoon frown on the other.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189873/original/file-20171012-9821-v6c4da.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189873/original/file-20171012-9821-v6c4da.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189873/original/file-20171012-9821-v6c4da.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=375&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189873/original/file-20171012-9821-v6c4da.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=375&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189873/original/file-20171012-9821-v6c4da.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=375&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189873/original/file-20171012-9821-v6c4da.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=471&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189873/original/file-20171012-9821-v6c4da.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=471&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189873/original/file-20171012-9821-v6c4da.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=471&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Example of a screen a child would see.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Gail Heyman</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In one part of the test, we ask participants to touch the cartoon smile as quickly as possible whenever a black face appears, and the cartoon frown as quickly as possible whenever a white face appears. In another part of the test, the instructions are reversed.</p>
<p>The difference in the amount of time it takes to follow one set of instructions versus the other is used to compute the individual’s level of implicit bias. The reasoning is that it takes more time and effort to respond in ways that go against our intuitions.</p>
<h2>Do young children even have racial biases?</h2>
<p>Explicit racial biases have been <a href="https://dx.doi.org/10.1037/h0081615">documented in young children</a> for many years. Researchers know that young children can also show implicit bias at the earliest ages that it has been measured, and often at rates that are <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797612463081">comparable to those seen among adults</a>.</p>
<p>Some studies suggest that precursors of racial bias can be detected in infancy. In <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12537">one such study</a>, researchers measured how long infants looked at faces of their own race or another race that were paired with happy or sad music. They found that 9-month-olds looked longer when the faces of their own race were paired with the happy music, which was different from the pattern of looking times for the other-race faces. This result suggests that the tendency to prefer faces that match one’s own race begins in infancy.</p>
<p>These early patterns of response arise from a basic psychological tendency to like and approach things that seem familiar, and dislike and avoid things that seem unfamiliar. Some researchers think that these tendencies have <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/srep00460">roots in our evolutionary history</a> because they help people to build alliances within their social groups.</p>
<p>However, these biases can change over time. For example, young black children in Cameroon show an implicit bias in favor of black people versus white people as part of a general tendency to prefer in-group members, who are people who share characteristics with you. But this pattern <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12442">reverses in adulthood</a>, as individuals are repeatedly exposed to cultural messages indicating that white people have higher social status than black people.</p>
<h2>A new approach to tackling bias</h2>
<p>Researchers have long recognized that racial bias is associated with dehumanization. When people are biased against individuals of other races, they tend to view them as <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1368430203006001009">part of an undifferentiated group</a> rather than as specific individuals. Giving adults practice at distinguishing among individuals of other races leads to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0004215">a reduction in implicit bias</a>, but these effects tend to be quite short-lived.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189870/original/file-20171011-9784-bzbiyj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189870/original/file-20171011-9784-bzbiyj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189870/original/file-20171011-9784-bzbiyj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189870/original/file-20171011-9784-bzbiyj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189870/original/file-20171011-9784-bzbiyj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189870/original/file-20171011-9784-bzbiyj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189870/original/file-20171011-9784-bzbiyj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189870/original/file-20171011-9784-bzbiyj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Children used an app that assessed their implicit racial bias.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Li Zhao</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12971">In our new research</a>, we adapted this individuation approach for use with young children. Using a custom-built training app, young children learn to identify five individuals of another race during a 20-minute session. We found that 5-year-olds who participated showed no implicit racial bias immediately after the training. </p>
<p>Although the effects of a single session were short-lived, an additional 20-minute booster session one week later allowed children to maintain about half of their initial bias reduction for two months. We are currently working on a game-like version of the app for further testing.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189839/original/file-20171011-28088-ykfc9q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189839/original/file-20171011-28088-ykfc9q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189839/original/file-20171011-28088-ykfc9q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=316&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189839/original/file-20171011-28088-ykfc9q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=316&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189839/original/file-20171011-28088-ykfc9q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=316&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189839/original/file-20171011-28088-ykfc9q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189839/original/file-20171011-28088-ykfc9q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189839/original/file-20171011-28088-ykfc9q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Just one step along the way to a more egalitarian society.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.apimages.com/metadata/Index/Black-Lives-Matter-Protest/88a41ccbb9ee4e12b17b77ff6a2ded2b/57/0">AP Photo/Ted S. Warren</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Only a starting point</h2>
<p>Although our approach suggests a promising new direction for reducing racial bias, it is important to note that this is not a magic bullet. Other aspects of the tendency to dehumanize individuals of different races also need to be investigated, such as people’s <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797617710724">diminished level of interest in the mental life</a> of individuals who are outside of their social group. Because well-intended efforts to reduce racial bias can sometimes be <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0165025412466522">ineffective or produce unintended consequences</a>, any new approaches that are developed will need to be rigorously evaluated.</p>
<p>And of course the problem of racial bias is not one that can be solved by addressing the beliefs of individuals alone. Tackling the problem also requires addressing the broader social and economic factors that promote and maintain biased beliefs and behaviors.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85352/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>This research is supported by grants from the National Natural Science Foundation of China (31771227, 31371041, and 31470993), the National Institutes of Health (R01 HD046526), and the Natural Science and Engineering Research Council of Canada.
</span></em></p>Racial bias is associated with dehumanizing social groups different from your own. Psychologists trained kids to differentiate individuals of another race – with lasting effects on their biases.Gail Heyman, Professor of Psychology, University of California, San DiegoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/843272017-09-21T18:03:33Z2017-09-21T18:03:33ZBabies can learn the value of persistence by watching grownups stick with a challenge<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186905/original/file-20170920-13826-eojy0z.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=819%2C198%2C4716%2C3388&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">When you quit in frustration, little eyes are watching and learning.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/baby-watching-cartoons-on-tv-6-577541797">Victor Maschek/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>You’re at home trying to make fresh tomato sauce, but can’t seem to get the tomatoes out of their plastic container from the grocery store. The bottom latch is not opening, so you pull harder. Although you’ve never seen this type of tomato container before, you have opened many similar ones in the past. After a minute of trying, you stop to consider the situation – should you keep pushing and pulling? Should you ask a friend for help? Should you give up on fresh tomatoes and just open a can?</p>
<p>We make decisions like this all the time. How much effort should we expend on something? We have only so much time and energy in the day. Five minutes fumbling with the container is five minutes taken away from reading a book, talking to your family or sleeping. In any given situation, you must decide how hard to try.</p>
<p>Developmental cognitive scientists like me are interested in how we make decisions about effort. In particular, how do young children, who are constantly encountering new situations, decide how hard to try?</p>
<h2>If at first you don’t succeed, then what?</h2>
<p>The importance of effort extends beyond our daily decisions about time allocation. Recent studies show that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2005.01641.x">self-control</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00036">persistence</a> increase academic outcomes independent of IQ. Even our <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2007.00995.x">personal beliefs about effort</a> can affect academic outcomes. Children who think effort leads to achievement outperform those who believe ability is a fixed trait. </p>
<p>Given the link between persistence and academic success, decisions about effort are particularly important in childhood. Yet relatively little research has explored how young children learn what’s worth the effort. </p>
<p>We all know that infants are keen observers of the social world. But they’re not just idly watching; infants are tiny learning machines. They can generalize such abstract concepts as <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1204493">causal relationships</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1199198">social roles</a> from just a few examples. Even a 15-month-old infant can outperform a high-level computer in such tasks. </p>
<p>Could infants also make broad, generalizable inferences from a few examples when it comes to effort? If so, then maybe “grit” isn’t simply a character trait. Maybe it’s flexible and adaptable based on social context.</p>
<h2>Just give up… or push through failure?</h2>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aan2317">To explore this question</a>, <a href="http://eccl.mit.edu">my colleagues</a> <a href="http://jlnrd.com/">and I</a> showed 15-month-old babies one of two things: an experimenter working hard to achieve two different goals (getting a toy out of a container and getting a keychain off a carabiner), or an experimenter who effortlessly reached each goal.</p>
<p>Then we introduced the baby to a novel “music” toy that looked like it could be activated by pushing a big button on top. (The button could be pressed down but didn’t actually activate anything.) Out of sight of the babies, we turned on the music toy with a hidden button so that they heard that the toy could make music. We gave the babies the music toy and left the room. Then coders, who didn’t know which condition each baby was in, watched videotapes of the experiment and counted how many times babies tried to activate the toy by pressing the button.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=166&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=166&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=166&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=209&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=209&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=209&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Infants in the study try to activate a musical toy.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Julia Anne Leonard</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Across one study and a <a href="https://osf.io/j4935/">preregistered replication</a> (182 babies in total), babies who had seen an adult persist and succeed <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aan2317">pushed the button about twice as many times</a> as those who saw an adult effortlessly succeed. In other words, babies learned that effort was valuable after watching just two examples of an adult working hard and succeeding.</p>
<p>Part of what’s exciting about this finding is that the babies didn’t just imitate the adult’s actions; instead, they generalized the value of effort to a novel task. The experimenter never demonstrated pushing a button or trying to make music. Instead the babies learned from different examples of effortful actions (opening a container or unlatching a carabineer) that the new toy probably also required persistence.</p>
<p>However, most of the time when a parent is frustrated, he’s focused on the task at hand and not on trying to teach his child the value of effort. Can babies also learn the value of effort from adults who are not deliberately demonstrating to them? </p>
<p>To address this question, we ran the experiment again, eliminating any pedagogical cues such as eye contact or child-friendly speech. Again, the infants tried harder on their own task after seeing an adult persist and succeed. However, the effects were much weaker when the adult didn’t use any pedagogical cues.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Persistence is a trait that helps kids in school and beyond.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/attentive-schoolkids-doing-their-homework-classroom-646984468">wavebreakmedia/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Learning tenacity by watching tenacity</h2>
<p>Educators and parents want to know how to foster persistence when children encounter challenges. Our study suggests that persistence can be learned from adult models. Babies attentively watch those around them, and use that information to guide their own effortful behavior. </p>
<p>Yet babies don’t simply learn they should try harder at everything. Just like grownups, babies make rational decisions about effort. If they observe someone trying hard and succeeding, they try harder. When they see someone effortlessly succeed, they infer that effort may not be worthwhile. </p>
<p>So what does this mean for parents? We can’t presume that our results would work for parents in the home just as they work in the laboratory. However, if you know your toddler can achieve a task if she tries hard, it might be worth modeling effort and success for her first. Let us know if it works! We’d also like to know how lasting these effects can be, whether infants might generalize the value of effort to a broader range of contexts and how adult models of effort compare with explicit messages about the importance of effort. We hope to explore these questions in future studies.</p>
<p>Finally, this study suggests that parents don’t have to make things look easy all the time. The next time you struggle to open that tomato container, it’s OK, maybe even beneficial, to let your child see you sweat.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84327/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julia Leonard receives funding from the National Science Foundation.</span></em></p>Persistence and self-control are valuable traits that can help kids succeed in school and beyond. A new study suggests infants can learn stick-to-itiveness by watching adults persist in a difficult task.Julia Leonard, Ph.D. Student in Brain and Cognitive Sciences, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/802992017-08-03T21:10:27Z2017-08-03T21:10:27ZWatching children learn how to lie<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/180884/original/file-20170803-5621-aciu3d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">It's actually a big developmental milestone.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/april-fools-dayclose-female-kid-hand-500339272">BlurryMe/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>For the liar, telling a lie has obvious costs. Keeping track of the lies one tells and trying to maintain the plausibility of a fictional narrative as real-world events intrude is mentally taxing. The fear of getting caught is a constant source of anxiety, and when it happens, the damage to one’s reputation can be lasting. For the people who are lied to the costs of lying are also clear: Lies undermine relationships, organizations and institutions.</p>
<p>However, the ability to lie and engage in other forms of deception is also a source of great social power, as it allows people to shape interactions in ways that serve their interests: They can evade responsibility for their misdeeds, take credit for accomplishments that are not really theirs, and rally friends and allies to the cause. As such, it’s an important step in a child’s development and there are cognitive building blocks that must be in place in order to successfully lie. </p>
<p>One way research psychologists have sought to understand the
reasoning behind the choice to lie versus tell the truth is to go back to when we first learn this skill in childhood. In some studies, researchers ask children to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jecp.2015.04.013">play a game</a> in which they can obtain a material reward by lying. In other studies children are faced with social situations in which the more <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0165025406073530">polite course of action involves lying</a> instead of telling the truth. For example, an experimenter will offer an undesirable gift such as a bar of soap and ask the child whether he or she likes it. Yet another method is to ask parents to keep a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/chso.12139">written record of the lies</a> that their children tell.</p>
<p>In a 2017 study, my colleagues and I <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12566">sought to understand</a> children’s thinking processes when they were first figuring out how to deceive other people, which for most children is around <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12023">age three and a half</a>. We were interested in the possibility that certain types of social experiences might speed up this developmental timeline.</p>
<h2>Watching children discover how to deceive</h2>
<p>We invited young children to play a simple game they could win only by deceiving their opponent: Children who told the truth won treats for the experimenter and those who lied won treats for themselves.</p>
<p>In this game, the child hides a treat in one of two cups while an experimenter covers her eyes. The experimenter then opens her eyes and asks the child where the treat is hidden, and the child responds by indicating one of the two cups. If the child indicates the correct cup, the experimenter wins the treat, and if the child indicates the incorrect one, the child wins the treat.</p>
<p>Children played 10 rounds of this game each day for 10 consecutive days. This method of <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.60.8.769">closely observing children over a short period of time</a> allows for fine-grained tracking of behavioral changes, so researchers can observe the process of development as it unfolds. </p>
<p>We tested children around the time of their third birthday, which is before children typically know how to deceive. We found that, as
expected, when children first started playing the game most of them made no effort to deceive, and lost to the experimenter every time. However, within the next few sessions most children discovered how to deceive in order to win the game – and after their initial discovery they used deception consistently.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/180771/original/file-20170802-24116-1wpsxyp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/180771/original/file-20170802-24116-1wpsxyp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/180771/original/file-20170802-24116-1wpsxyp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=487&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/180771/original/file-20170802-24116-1wpsxyp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=487&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/180771/original/file-20170802-24116-1wpsxyp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=487&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/180771/original/file-20170802-24116-1wpsxyp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=612&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/180771/original/file-20170802-24116-1wpsxyp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=612&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/180771/original/file-20170802-24116-1wpsxyp.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=612&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Who me? No, I didn’t eat the head off this chocolate.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/carbonnyc/3190909851">David Goehring</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Just one developmental milestone</h2>
<p>Not all children figured out how to deceive at the same rate. At one extreme, some figured it out on the first day; at the other
extreme, some were consistently losing the game even at the end
of the 10 days.</p>
<p>We discovered that the rate at which individual children learned to deceive was related to certain cognitive skills. One of these skills – what psychologists call <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/wcs.1232">theory of mind</a> – is the ability to understand that others don’t necessarily know what you know. This skill is needed because when children lie they intentionally communicate information that differs from what they themselves believe. Another one of these skills, <a href="https://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0031409">cognitive control</a>, allows people to stop themselves from blurting out the truth when they try to lie. The children who figured out how to deceive the most quickly had the highest levels of both of these skills.</p>
<p>Our findings suggest that competitive games can help children gain the insight that deception can be used as a strategy for personal gain – once they have the underlying cognitive skills to figure this out.</p>
<p>It’s important to keep in mind that the initial discovery of deception is not an endpoint. Rather, it’s the first step in a long developmental trajectory. After this discovery, children typically learn when to deceive, but in doing so they must sort through a confusing array of messages about the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2012.746463">morality of deception</a>. They usually also learn more about how to deceive. Young children often inadvertently <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01650250143000373">give away the truth</a> when they try to dupe others, and they must learn to control their words, facial expressions and body language to be convincing.</p>
<p>As they develop, children often learn how to employ more nuanced forms of manipulation, such as using flattery as a means to curry favor, steering conversations away from uncomfortable topics and presenting information selectively to create a desired impression. By mastering these skills, they gain the power to help shape social narratives in ways that can have far-reaching consequences for themselves and for others.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/80299/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gail Heyman has received funding from the Chinese Foreign Expert Program. </span></em></p>Psychologists observed young children in real time figuring out how not to tell the truth.Gail Heyman, Professor of Psychology, University of California, San DiegoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/793332017-06-27T20:05:42Z2017-06-27T20:05:42ZHow parenting advice assumes you’re white and middle class<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/174658/original/file-20170620-24907-72qjnf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Culturally biased psychology research and the advice based on it ends up in textbooks. But it's not appropriate for everyone.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/confirm/344854625?src=YuCLMqUBpTpnKjydZzpbzA-1-26&size=medium_jpg">from www.shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Whose advice do you trust when it comes to raising children? For many, the answer is to ask health professionals who can draw on years of experience, and who have access to, and can make sense of, research. </p>
<p>But <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0022096517300346">our new study</a> found the research basis of much of our parenting advice from health professionals is biased.</p>
<p>The advice is based mostly on studies conducted on children growing up in the US, with a large chunk of the rest carried out in other English-speaking countries. All up, these studies mainly represent research conducted in Western, educated, industrialised, rich and democratic countries.</p>
<p>This could mean the research, and the parenting advice based on it, might not apply to everyone who receives it.</p>
<h2>What we did and what we found</h2>
<p>We surveyed every study (in over 1,500 papers) appearing in three top-ranking developmental psychology journals from 2006 to 2010.</p>
<p>These journals publish studies about how children make sense of and interact with their world – how children feel, behave and develop psychologically as they grow.</p>
<p>It’s the type of research that becomes entrenched in textbooks and is translated into the knowledge used to advise parents on a wide range of topics. These range from how children acquire language, how they recognise the perspectives of others and develop friendships, through to understanding moral concepts.</p>
<p>More than half of the papers (57.65%) relied on research conducted with children growing up in the US, and another 18% only included children from other English-speaking backgrounds.</p>
<p>Fewer than 3% of study participants contributing to our contemporary knowledge of children’s psychological development came from all of Central and South America, Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Israel combined. These areas contain <a href="http://esa.un.org/unpd/wpp/Download/Standard/Population/">roughly 85%</a> of the world’s population. </p>
<p>Though we didn’t report it in the paper, we also collated the participants’ reported socio-economic status. Most (80%) of papers reporting socio-economic detail said their participants came from middle- to high-socio-economic backgrounds. </p>
<h2>Why might this be a problem?</h2>
<p>This might not be a problem if you and your children are from the same background as the research participants. But what if you aren’t? Does it really matter? </p>
<p>Let’s take the example of understanding children of divorced parents. There is <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1403494815614463">research</a> suggesting adolescents have fewer psychological problems if their parents have joint custody rather than if they are solely in the care of one parent.</p>
<p>So joint custody might seem the way to go. However, all children in this study were from Sweden. Are children in Sweden similar enough to children in Australia to make this relevant? What if your children are growing up in Australia but you’re originally from Nigeria? Are the study findings still relevant?</p>
<p>The reality is we don’t actually know, as research involving different cultural groups is rare. This issue is particularly relevant in a multicultural Australia where Australians identify with <a href="https://www.humanrights.gov.au/face-facts-cultural-diversity">more than 270 ancestries and one in four</a> Australians was born overseas.</p>
<p>Critically, most Australians were not born in the US where most published child development research is conducted.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>Further reading: <a href="https://theconversation.com/snowplow-helicopter-medieval-parenting-advice-for-the-ages-29850?sr=1">Snowplow, helicopter – medieval? Parenting advice for the ages</a></em></p>
<hr>
<p>Lack of cultural diversity in psychological research is not new. It’s an issue that’s been discussed <a href="https://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v466/n7302/full/466029a.html">among psychologists</a> and the <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/26/world/americas/26iht-currents.html">public</a>. </p>
<p>What we revealed is there’s been little change in the cultural bias of study participants over time. For instance, we found little difference in the backgrounds of participants when we compared studies published in 2008 to those published in 2015.</p>
<h2>This is not just a parenting issue</h2>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175294/original/file-20170622-27880-zc7c44.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175294/original/file-20170622-27880-zc7c44.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175294/original/file-20170622-27880-zc7c44.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175294/original/file-20170622-27880-zc7c44.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175294/original/file-20170622-27880-zc7c44.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175294/original/file-20170622-27880-zc7c44.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175294/original/file-20170622-27880-zc7c44.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/175294/original/file-20170622-27880-zc7c44.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Expectations about when toddlers can recognise themselves in the mirror are based on Western children and that’s not always relevant.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/confirm/356386859?src=Q-pDrcqwWq_hNfPEwAQ9mQ-1-2&size=medium_jpg">from www.shutterstock.com</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This is not just a problem for parents trying to work out how to best raise their children, but a broader issue for science as we try to chart how the human mind works.</p>
<p>Typically, researchers will draw conclusions framed in general terms, using phrases like “children at X age will do Y in situation Z”, without mentioning the environment those children grow up in.</p>
<p>Researchers fail to acknowledge the findings might be different if the study were conducted with children in different circumstances.</p>
<p>For example, based on a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mirror_test">standard test</a> children from non-Western backgrounds do not recognise their mirror image as themselves <a href="http://au.wiley.com/WileyCDA/WileyTitle/productCd-1118596854.html">before the end of their second year</a>. But children in Western populations typically make this connection from around 18 months of age.</p>
<p>Yet when writing about Western children researchers typically state something like “at least by 24 months of age, toddlers … know what they look like”. But “toddlers” don’t, just <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2006.00863.x/abstract">mainly white, middle-class toddlers, from English-speaking families</a>.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>Further reading: <a href="https://theconversation.com/whats-in-a-milestone-understanding-your-childs-development-50894?sr=1">What’s in a milestone? Understanding your child’s development</a></em></p>
<hr>
<p>So, what we think we are discovering about the way all children develop may only apply to a small portion of the world’s population. We may know a whole lot less about the way children develop than we think we do.</p>
<h2>How do you judge parenting advice?</h2>
<p>Next time you find yourself in a position of seeking advice, giving advice or developing policy relating to children’s development based on sound research, be vigilant about where the research was conducted and the cultural origin of the study participants.</p>
<p>It might be wholly relevant. But it might not be. </p>
<p>We need to do a better job of encouraging researchers to broaden their sampling to better reflect the communities that might benefit from their research. And funding bodies must now prioritise research that draws upon broader samples of people. </p>
<p>Scientific journals need to advocate for studies that do not just include participants from Western, English-speaking backgrounds. And the public needs to be aware of where research is coming from and what it really tells them. </p>
<p>Only then will we move more assuredly towards a reliable science of the human mind that yields research we can apply to parents across the global community.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79333/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mark Nielsen receives funding from the Australian Research Council. </span></em></p>Most psychology research that forms the basis of parenting advice might not apply to you. So, how do you know whether to trust it?Mark Nielsen, Associate Professor, School of Psychology, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/727112017-03-22T01:12:08Z2017-03-22T01:12:08ZChildren understand far more about other minds than long believed<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161910/original/image-20170321-5384-1wiuxk3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Don't underestimate what I get about the world around me.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/vintage-photo-baby-girl-pram-fifties-136810409">Baby image via www.shutterstock.com.</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Until a few decades ago, scholars believed that young children know very little, if anything, about what others are thinking. Swiss <a href="http://www.piaget.org/aboutPiaget.html">psychologist Jean Piaget</a>, who is credited with founding the scientific study of children’s thinking, was convinced that preschool children cannot consider what goes on in the minds of others.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161887/original/image-20170321-5386-fvscs2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161887/original/image-20170321-5386-fvscs2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161887/original/image-20170321-5386-fvscs2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=1004&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161887/original/image-20170321-5386-fvscs2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=1004&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161887/original/image-20170321-5386-fvscs2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=1004&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161887/original/image-20170321-5386-fvscs2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1262&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161887/original/image-20170321-5386-fvscs2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1262&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161887/original/image-20170321-5386-fvscs2.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1262&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Jean Piaget had many insights, but sold kids short in some ways.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jean_Piaget_in_Ann_Arbor.png">Michiganensian</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The <a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Psychology_Of_The_Child.html?id=-Dpz05-rJ4gC">interviews and experiments he conducted with kids</a> in the middle of the 20th century suggested that they were trapped in their subjective viewpoints, incapable of imagining what others think, feel or believe. To him, young children seemed oblivious to the fact that different people might hold distinct viewpoints or perspectives on the world, or even that their own perspectives shift over time.</p>
<p>Much of the subsequent research on early childhood thinking was highly influenced by Piaget’s ideas. Scholars sought to refine his theory and empirically confirm his views. But it became increasingly clear that Piaget was missing something. He seemed to have gravely underestimated the intellectual powers of very young kids – before they can make themselves understood by speech or even intentional action. Researchers began to devise ever more ingenious ways of figuring out what goes on in the minds of babies, and the resulting picture of their abilities is becoming more and more nuanced.</p>
<p>Consequently, the old view of children’s egocentric nature and intellectual weaknesses has increasingly fallen out of favor and become replaced by a more generous position that sees a budding sense not only of the physical world but also of other minds, even in the “youngest young.”</p>
<h2>Dark Ages of intellectual development?</h2>
<p>Historically, children didn’t receive much respect for their mental powers. Piaget not only believed that <a href="https://www.simplypsychology.org/preoperational.html">children were “egocentric”</a> in the sense that they were unable to differentiate between their own viewpoint and that of others; he was also convinced that their thinking was characterized by systematic errors and confusions.</p>
<p>For example, the children he interviewed seemed unable to disentangle causes from their effects (“Does the wind move the branches or do the moving branches cause the wind?”) and could not tell reality apart from superficial appearances (a stick submerged halfway into water looks, but is not, bent). They also fall prey to magical and mythical thinking: A child might believe that the sun was once a ball that someone tossed up into the sky, where it grew bigger and bigger. In fact, Piaget believed that children’s mental development progresses in the same way historians believe human thought progressed over historical time: from mythical to logical thinking.</p>
<p>Piaget firmly believed kids were focused entirely on their own actions and perceptions. <a href="http://psychology.jrank.org/pages/496/Play.html">When playing with others</a>, they don’t cooperate because they do not realize there are different roles and perspectives. He was convinced that children literally cannot “get their act together”: instead of playing cooperatively and truly together, they play side by side, with little regard for the other. And when speaking with others, a young child supposedly cannot consider the listener’s viewpoint but “<a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=-Dpz05-rJ4gC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA120#v=onepage&q=talks%20to%20himself%20without%20listening%20to%20the%20others&f=false">talks to himself without listening to the others</a>.”</p>
<p>Piaget and his followers maintained that children go through something like a dark ages of intellectual development before slowly and gradually becoming enlightened by reason and rationality as they reach school age. Alongside this enlightenment develops an ever-growing understanding of other persons, including their attitudes and views of the world.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161913/original/image-20170322-5391-qzgcd1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161913/original/image-20170322-5391-qzgcd1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161913/original/image-20170322-5391-qzgcd1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=340&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161913/original/image-20170322-5391-qzgcd1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=340&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161913/original/image-20170322-5391-qzgcd1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=340&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161913/original/image-20170322-5391-qzgcd1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161913/original/image-20170322-5391-qzgcd1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161913/original/image-20170322-5391-qzgcd1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">We may know more than we can say.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/four-babies-group-sitting-on-floor-76539934">Babies image via www.shutterstock.com.</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Changing mindset about minds</h2>
<p>Today, a very different picture of children’s mental development emerges. Psychologists continually reveal new insights into the depth of young children’s knowledge of the world, including their understanding of other minds. Recent studies suggest that <a href="http://doi.org/10.1038/news.2010.697">even infants are sensitive to others’ perspectives and beliefs</a>.</p>
<p>Part of the motivation to revise some of Piaget’s conclusions stemmed from an ideological shift about the origin of human knowledge that occurred in the second half of the 20th century. It became increasingly unpopular to assume that a basic understanding of the world can be built entirely from experience.</p>
<p>This was in part instigated by theorist Noam Chomsky, who argued that something as complex as the rules of grammar cannot be picked up from exposure to speech, but is supplied by <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/innateness-language/">an innate “language faculty.”</a> Others followed suit and defined further “core areas” in which knowledge allegedly cannot be pieced together from experience but must be innate. One such area is our knowledge of others’ minds. Some even argue that a basic knowledge of others’ minds is not only possessed by human infants, but must be evolutionarily old and hence shared by <a href="https://theconversation.com/can-great-apes-read-your-mind-66224">our nearest living relatives, the great apes</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161886/original/image-20170321-5395-1848gv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161886/original/image-20170321-5395-1848gv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/161886/original/image-20170321-5395-1848gv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161886/original/image-20170321-5395-1848gv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161886/original/image-20170321-5395-1848gv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161886/original/image-20170321-5395-1848gv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161886/original/image-20170321-5395-1848gv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/161886/original/image-20170321-5395-1848gv6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Eye tracking technology can follow where infants look and for how long, providing clues to what surprises them.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/smieyetracking/5890659238">SMI Eye Tracking</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Ingenious new investigation tools</h2>
<p>To prove that infants know more in this realm than had been acknowledged, researchers needed to come up with innovative ways of showing it. A big part of why we now recognize so much more of kids’ intellectual capacities is the development of much more sensitive research tools than Piaget had at his disposal.</p>
<p>Instead of engaging toddlers in dialog or having them execute complex motor tasks, the <a href="http://doi.org/10.1080/15248371003699977">newer methods capitalize on behaviors</a> that have a firm place in infants’ natural behavior repertoire: looking, listening, sucking, making facial expressions, gestures and simple manual actions. The idea of focusing on these “small behaviors” is that they give kids the chance to demonstrate their knowledge implicitly and spontaneously – without having to respond to questions or instructions. For example, children might look longer at an event that they did not expect to happen, or they might show facial expressions indicating that they have empathy with another.</p>
<p>When researchers measure these less demanding, and often involuntary, behaviors, they can detect a sensitivity to others’ mental states at a much younger age than with the more taxing methods that Piaget and his disciples deployed.</p>
<h2>What modern studies reveal</h2>
<p>In the 1980s, these kinds of implicit measures became customary in developmental psychology. But it took a while longer before these tools were employed to measure children’s grasp of the mental lives of others. Recent studies have revealed that even infants and toddlers are sensitive to what goes in others’ minds.</p>
<p>In one series of experiments, a group of Hungarian scientists had six-month-old babies watch an animation of the following sequence of events: A Smurf observed how a ball rolled behind a screen. The Smurf then left. In its absence, the infants witnessed how the ball emerged from behind the screen and rolled away. The Smurf returned and the screen was lowered, showing that the ball was no longer there. The authors of the study recorded the infants’ looks and found that they fixated longer than usual on the final scene in which the Smurf gazed at the empty space behind the barrier – as if they <a href="http://doi.org/10.1126/science.1190792">understood that the Smurf’s expectation was violated</a>.</p>
<p>In another set of experiments, my colleagues at the University of Southern California and I found evidence that toddlers can even <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12581">anticipate how others will feel when their expectations are disappointed</a>. We acted out several puppet shows in front of two-year-old children. In these puppet shows, a protagonist (Cookie Monster) left his precious belongings (cookies) on stage and later returned to fetch them. What the protagonist did not know was that an antagonist had come and messed with his possessions. The children had witnessed these acts and attentively watch the protagonist return. </p>
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<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/N2yPkF689Eg?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">In the ‘False Belief’ section, Cookie Monster returns after his cookies were removed; the child’s reaction is a furrowed brow and biting her lip. In the ‘True Belief’ section, the child calmly follows the story with curiosity and interest, but no tension, when a protagonist returns, already in the know about what happened in her absence.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We recorded children’s facial and bodily expressions. Children bit their lips, wrinkled their nose or wiggled in their chair when the protagonist came back, as if they anticipated the bewilderment and disappointment he was about to experience. Importantly, children showed no such reactions and remained calm when the protagonist had seen the events himself and thus knew what to expect. Our study reveals that by the tender age of two, kids not only track what others believe or expect; they can even foresee how others will feel when they discover reality.</p>
<p>Studies like these reveal that there is much more going on in toddlers’ and even infants’ minds than was previously believed. With the explicit measures used by Piaget and successors, these deeper layers of kids’ understanding cannot be accessed. The new investigative tools demonstrate that kids know more than they can say: when we scratch beneath the surface, we find a fledgling understanding of relations and perspectives that Piaget probably did not dream of.</p>
<h2>Old ways have value, too</h2>
<p>Despite these obvious advances in the study of young children’s thinking, it would be a grave mistake to dismiss the careful and systematic analyses compiled by Piaget and others before the new tests dominated the scene. Doing so would be like throwing out the baby with the bathwater, because the original methods revealed essential facts about how children think – facts that the new, “minimalist” methods cannot uncover.</p>
<p>There’s no consensus in today’s community about <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/J.1467-7687.2007.00563.X">how much we can infer</a> from a look, a grimace or a hand gesture. These behaviors clearly indicate a curiosity about what goes on in the mind of others, and probably a set of early intuitions coupled with a willingness to learn more. They pave the way to richer and more explicit forms of understanding of the minds of other. But they can in no way replace the child’s growing ability to articulate and refine her understanding of how people behave and why.</p>
<p>Piaget may have underestimated infants’ cognitive powers, perhaps for lack of modern tools. But his insights into how a child gradually comes to grasp the world around her and understand that she is a person among a community of other persons remain as inspiring as they were 50 years ago. Today’s challenge for us developmental scholars is to integrate the new with the old, and understand how infants’ sensitivity to other minds gradually develops into a full-blown understanding of other persons as distinct from, and yet similar to, oneself.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/72711/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Henrike Moll receives funding from the Office of Naval Research. </span></em></p>A revolution in the tools and techniques developmental psychologists use to investigate kids’ knowledge and capabilities is rewriting what we know about how and when children understand their world.Henrike Moll, Assistant Professor in Developmental Psychology, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and SciencesLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/720352017-02-02T02:58:11Z2017-02-02T02:58:11ZStereotypes can hold boys back in school, too<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/155271/original/image-20170201-22566-1z11q1v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=396%2C336%2C4363%2C3190&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Students of both genders carry around stereotypes about school achievement.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/kids-go-school-little-boy-girl-478964521">Children image via www.shutterstock.com.</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>By age six, girls are less likely than boys to view their own gender as brilliant and express interest in activities described as for “really, really smart” children, according to <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aah6524">2017 research</a> published in Science. </p>
<p>Many <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/health-38717926">major</a> <a href="http://www.newsweek.com/girls-young-six-think-brilliance-boys-study-549034">media</a> <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/grade-point/wp/2017/01/26/research-shows-young-girls-are-less-likely-to-think-of-women-as-really-really-smart/">outlets</a> reported these findings. Most of the coverage, however, overlooked another key finding from the same study: Boys were less likely to say their own gender gets top grades in school. </p>
<p>The beliefs of children matter because they could shape students’ interests and achievement over time, other research suggests. For instance, one 2013 experiment found that telling elementary school children “<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12079">girls do better than boys</a>” in school made boys – but not girls – perform worse on a series of academic tests. These expectations can work both ways: When researchers told children that boys and girls would perform the same, boys’ academic performance improved.</p>
<p>There are real and persistent <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tics.2013.10.011">gender achievement gaps</a> in the U.S. For instance, boys tend to get <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036620">worse grades</a> than girls, but girls are few among top scorers on <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2010.04.006">standardized math tests</a>. While much research <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jsp.2014.10.002">has studied</a> how stereotypes about achievement can make girls underperform, the gaps where boys do worse have often been <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2000/05/the-war-against-boys/304659/">historically overlooked</a>. But stereotypes can harm boys too – just in different ways.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/155248/original/image-20170201-29893-10ailxb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/155248/original/image-20170201-29893-10ailxb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/155248/original/image-20170201-29893-10ailxb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155248/original/image-20170201-29893-10ailxb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155248/original/image-20170201-29893-10ailxb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155248/original/image-20170201-29893-10ailxb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155248/original/image-20170201-29893-10ailxb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155248/original/image-20170201-29893-10ailxb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Even young students hold beliefs about which gender is better at what.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/usagrc/8402390855">U.S. Army Garrison Red Cloud</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h1>Who gets the grades, who’s super smart?</h1>
<p>In the Science study on children’s views about brilliance, developmental psychologists asked 144 children aged five to seven years a <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aah6524">series of questions</a> about school achievement. For instance, children had to guess which of two unfamiliar boys and two unfamiliar girls “gets the best grades in school.” </p>
<p>Children tended to favor their own gender, but boys did so to a lesser extent. Among seven-year-olds, 79 percent of girls selected girls as the better student, but 55 percent of boys selected boys.</p>
<p>These results sharply contrasted with those about brilliance. When asked to guess who was “really, really smart,” girls instead expressed less confidence in their gender. Among seven-year-olds, 55 percent of girls selected girls as being super smart, but 66 percent of boys selected boys.</p>
<p>In other words, these young children overall held positive beliefs about their gender. But boys were less certain about their gender getting good grades and girls were less certain about their gender being super smart.</p>
<p>Other research has found that, by fifth grade, <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12079">both boys and girls say</a> that girls work harder at school, want to learn more, listen better, follow instructions better, are more polite and – perhaps as a result – perform better in school.</p>
<h1>Reality of gender achievement gaps</h1>
<p>Children’s stereotypes reflect reality to an extent. For instance, girls have gotten <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036620">better school grades in all subject areas</a> for nearly a century, according to a recent synthesis of 308 studies that included over one million students. This female advantage started in elementary school and continued until college.</p>
<p>Girls get better grades, even in <a href="https://nationsreportcard.gov/hsts_2009/gender_gpa.aspx?tab_id=tab3&subtab_id=Tab_1">math and science</a> – two subject areas often assumed to favor boys. Women also <a href="http://ncsesdata.nsf.gov/webcaspar/EmailedTable?table=0131170122245506081">now earn</a> more bachelor’s degrees, master’s degree and – since 2007 – doctoral degrees than men in the U.S.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/155074/original/image-20170131-3259-q0hqse.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/155074/original/image-20170131-3259-q0hqse.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=252&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155074/original/image-20170131-3259-q0hqse.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=252&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155074/original/image-20170131-3259-q0hqse.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=252&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155074/original/image-20170131-3259-q0hqse.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=317&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155074/original/image-20170131-3259-q0hqse.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=317&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/155074/original/image-20170131-3259-q0hqse.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=317&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Girls get better grades even in math and science.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://nationsreportcard.gov/hsts_2009/gender_gpa.aspx?tab_id=tab3&subtab_id=Tab_1">U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics, High School Transcript Study (HSTS), various years, 1990-2009</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Despite their advantage in grades and degree attainment, girls are underrepresented among the highest scorers on <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.7604277">standardized mathematics and science tests</a>. For instance, boys <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tics.2013.10.011">typically outnumber</a> girls by between two and four to one among the top 1 percent or higher of math scorers. However, girls tend to slightly outnumber boys among top scorers on <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2010.04.006">standardized reading and writing tests</a>.</p>
<p>Children’s views about who is “really, really smart” therefore partly match the reality of who gets top scores on mathematics (but not reading or writing) standardized tests.</p>
<h1>Self-fulfilling stereotypes</h1>
<p>But children’s stereotypes may do more than merely reflect reality: They may help create that reality through self-fulfilling prophecies. For instance, if girls doubt their gender can be brilliant, girls might then avoid “super smart” activities like advanced math summer camps and then not <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332858416673617">develop precocious mathematics talent</a>. In other words, stereotypes and reality could mutually strengthen each other.</p>
<p>Consistent with these hypotheses, the new Science study also found that, by age six, girls expressed less interest than boys in games described as for “children who are really, really smart” (though <a href="https://twitter.com/davidimiller/status/825083343838511105">more research is needed</a> to see if stereotypes directly caused this gap in interests). </p>
<p>Stereotypes could negatively affect boys too. As experiments on elementary school children suggest, beliefs about boys’ <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12079">academic inferiority</a> or <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2016.02.008">poor reading ability</a> could make boys underperform on evaluative academic tests. </p>
<p>Teachers’ stereotypes also matter. For instance, teachers’ beliefs that girls are better readers <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0037107">predict declines</a> from grade five to grade six in boys’ – but not girls’ – confidence in their reading skills. Researchers also find that teachers often view boys as “<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/bs.acdb.2015.11.001">lazy, disruptive, unfocused, and lacking motivation.</a>” This stereotype about troublesome boys could negatively bias teachers’ perceptions of boys’ learning, <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11218-015-9303-0">one experiment</a> found.</p>
<p>These results suggest stereotypes contribute to gender achievement gaps, but they certainly aren’t the only factor at work. For instance, girls’ advantage in grades might also be tied to actual differences in <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2011.09.001">classroom behavior</a> or <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.132.1.33">activity level</a>.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/OFpYj0E-yb4?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Boys’ rowdiness in school — and teachers’ intolerance of it — might also contribute to girls’ advantage in grades, argues philosopher Christina Hoff Sommers.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h1>Maximizing all children’s potential</h1>
<p>Stereotypes could therefore hold back both girls and boys, but in distinct domains. Beliefs about brilliance might deter girls from top intellectual pursuits, but beliefs about grades and classroom behavior might harm boys in school more broadly across the achievement spectrum. </p>
<p>Both sets of findings are important. However, people often appear much less concerned with stereotypes negatively affecting boys than those affecting girls. For instance, <a href="https://www.altmetric.com/details/15836717/twitter">several tweets</a> about this new study described its results about brilliance as “sad” and “depressing,” but its results about grades went largely unnoticed.</p>
<p>Data on boys’ underachievement also have often been <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2000/05/the-war-against-boys/304659/">historically overlooked</a> in media attention and <a href="http://educationnext.org/progress-report/">educational policies</a>. Some writers even <a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/real-world-so-called-boy-crisis-disappears/">argue that</a> boys’ educational struggles aren’t “worrisome” because “the workplace is still stacked against [women].”</p>
<p>But it’s not constructive to pit one gender against the other. Recognizing contexts that favor females <a href="https://theconversation.com/some-good-news-about-hiring-women-in-stem-doesnt-erase-sex-bias-issue-40212">doesn’t erase biases</a> against them elsewhere. More importantly, the goal of education should be to maximize all students’ potential and remove obstacles in their way. Regardless of the individual strengths students bring to school, stereotypes shouldn’t determine how far they go. Realizing that goal requires identifying and mitigating how stereotypes can also hold boys back in school.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/72035/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Miller receives funding from National Science Foundation. </span></em></p>Recent research raised concerns about girls’ stereotypes on their gender’s lack of ‘brilliance.’ But an overlooked finding suggests boys also hold hindering stereotypes about themselves in school.David Miller, Ph.D. Candidate in Psychology, Northwestern UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/662242016-10-06T18:00:29Z2016-10-06T18:00:29ZCan great apes read your mind?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140212/original/image-20161004-27269-16hqfws.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C144%2C3767%2C2446&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Bonobo Jasongo at Leipzig Zoo has a hunch about what you're thinking.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">MPI-EVA</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>One of the things that defines humans most is our ability to read others’ minds – that is, to make inferences about what others are thinking. To build or maintain relationships, we offer gifts and services – not arbitrarily, but with the recipient’s desires in mind. When we communicate, we do our best to take into account what our partners already know and to provide information we know will be new and comprehensible. And sometimes we deceive others by making them believe something that is not true, or we help them by correcting such false beliefs.</p>
<p>All these very human behaviors rely on an ability psychologists call <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X00076512">theory of mind</a>: We are able to think about others’ thoughts and emotions. We form ideas about what beliefs and feelings are held in the minds of others – and recognize that they can be different from our own. Theory of mind is at the heart of everything social that makes us human. Without it, we’d have a much harder time interpreting – and probably predicting – others’ behavior.</p>
<p>For a long time, many researchers have believed that a major reason human beings alone exhibit unique forms of communication, cooperation and culture is <a href="http://doi.org/10.1126/science.1146282">that we’re the only animals to have a complete theory of mind</a>. But is this ability really unique to humans?</p>
<p>In a <a href="http://doi.org/10.1126/science.aaf8110">new study published in Science</a>, my colleagues and I tried to answer this question using a novel approach. Previous work has generally suggested that people think about others’ perspectives in very different ways than other animals do. Our new findings suggest, however, that great apes may actually be a bit more similar to us than we previously thought.</p>
<h2>Apes get some parts of what others are thinking</h2>
<p>Decades of research with our closest relatives – chimpanzees, bonobos, gorillas and orangutans – have revealed that great apes do possess many aspects of theory of mind. For one, they can <a href="http://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614536402">identify the goals and intentions behind others’ actions</a>. They’re also able to recognize which <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/anbe.2000.1518">features of the environment others can see or know about</a>. </p>
<p>Where apes have consistently failed, though, is on tasks designed to assess their understanding of others’ false beliefs. They don’t seem to know when someone has an idea about the world that conflicts with reality.</p>
<p>Picture me rummaging through the couch because I falsely believe the TV remote is in there. “Duuuude,” my (human) roommate says, noticing my false belief, “the remote is on the table!” He’s able to imagine the way I’m misconstruing reality, and then set me straight with the correct information. </p>
<p>To investigate false belief understanding in great apes, comparative psychologist <a href="http://www.fumihirokano.com/p/main-page.html">Fumihiro Kano</a> and I turned to a technique that hadn’t been used before with apes in this context: eye-tracking. Our international team of researchers enrolled over 40 bonobos, chimpanzees and orangutans at Zoo Leipzig in Germany and Kumamoto Sanctuary in Japan in our novel, noninvasive experiment.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140213/original/image-20161004-20235-1ja5x7r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140213/original/image-20161004-20235-1ja5x7r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140213/original/image-20161004-20235-1ja5x7r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140213/original/image-20161004-20235-1ja5x7r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140213/original/image-20161004-20235-1ja5x7r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140213/original/image-20161004-20235-1ja5x7r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140213/original/image-20161004-20235-1ja5x7r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140213/original/image-20161004-20235-1ja5x7r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Researchers use juice to attract the apes to the spot where they can watch the videos.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">MPI-EVA</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Watching what they watched</h2>
<p>We showed the apes videos of a human actor engaging in social conflicts with a costumed ape-like character (King Kong). Embedded within these interactions was important information about the human actor’s belief. For example, in one scene the human actor was trying to search for a stone that he saw King Kong hide within one of two boxes. However, while the actor was away, King Kong moved the stone to another location and then removed it completely; when the actor returned, he falsely believed the stone was still in its original location.</p>
<p>The big question was: Where would the apes expect the actor to search? Would they anticipate that the actor would search for the stone in the last place where he saw it, even though the apes themselves knew it was no longer there?</p>
<p>While the apes were watching the videos, a special camera faced them, recording their gaze patterns and mapping them onto the video. This eye-tracker let us see exactly where on the videos the apes were looking as they watched the scenarios play out.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/kgYNSin3Sfc?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Watch a video of what the apes were shown. The red dots show where one ape was looking as she watched the movie. Credit: MPI-EVA and Kumamoto Sanctuary, Kyoto University.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Apes, like people, do what’s called anticipatory looking: They look to locations where they anticipate something is about to happen. This tendency allowed us to assess what the apes expected the actor to do when he returned to search for the stone. </p>
<p>Strikingly, across several different conditions and contexts, when the actor was reaching toward the two boxes, apes consistently looked to the location where the actor falsely believed the stone to be. Importantly, their gaze predicted the actor’s search even before the actor provided any directional cues about where he was going to search for the stone.</p>
<p>The apes were able to anticipate that the actor would behave in accordance with what we humans recognize as a false belief.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140215/original/image-20161004-20205-oirolj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140215/original/image-20161004-20205-oirolj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/140215/original/image-20161004-20205-oirolj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140215/original/image-20161004-20205-oirolj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140215/original/image-20161004-20205-oirolj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140215/original/image-20161004-20205-oirolj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140215/original/image-20161004-20205-oirolj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/140215/original/image-20161004-20205-oirolj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The red dots show the ape looking at the place where he anticipates the person will search – even though he himself knows the stone has been moved.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">MPI-EVA and Kumamoto Sanctuary, Kyoto University</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Even more alike than we thought</h2>
<p>Our findings challenge previous research, and assumptions, about apes’ theory of mind abilities. Although we have more studies planned to determine whether great apes can really understand others’ false beliefs by imagining their perspectives, like humans do, the current results suggest they may have a richer appreciation of others’ minds than we previously thought.</p>
<p>Great apes didn’t just develop these skills this year, of course, but the use of novel eye-tracking techniques allowed us to probe the question in a new way. By using methods that for the first time assessed apes’ spontaneous predictions in a classic false belief scenario – with minimal demands on their other cognitive abilities – we were able to show that apes knew what was going to happen.</p>
<p>At the very least, in several different scenarios, these apes were able to correctly predict that an individual would search for an object where he falsely believed it to be. These findings raise the possibility that the capacity to understand others’ false beliefs may not be unique to humans after all. If apes do in fact possess this aspect of theory of mind, the implication is that most likely it was present in the last evolutionary ancestor that human beings shared with the other apes. By that metric, this core human skill – recognizing others’ false beliefs – would have evolved at least 13 to 18 million years before our own species <em>Homo sapiens</em> hit the scene.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/66224/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christopher Krupenye receives funding from the National Science Foundation. </span></em></p>Realizing that others’ minds hold different thoughts, feelings and knowledge than your own was thought to be something only people could do. But evidence is accumulating that apes, too, have ‘theory of mind.’Christopher Krupenye, Assistant Research Professor, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary AnthropologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.