tag:theconversation.com,2011:/id/topics/spy-standoff-8062/articlesSpy standoff – The Conversation2013-11-28T03:34:11Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/208892013-11-28T03:34:11Z2013-11-28T03:34:11ZAustralian trade with Indonesia: what’s really at stake?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36361/original/98hjnwbz-1385599938.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Prime Minister Tony Abbott talks to Indonesian Finance Minister Chatib Basri during a business breakfast in Jakarta in October.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Bagus Indahono/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Indonesia has a population ten times as big as that of Australia, but its per capita income is only one-tenth of Australia’s, so what’s really at risk if the trade relationship between the two countries breaks down?</p>
<p>The recent spat over spying allegations has generated debate, or at least curiosity on the level of importance of the relationship between the two countries. </p>
<p>It’s fair to say political issues are key to this relationship. These include issues such as asylum seekers and counterterrorism – mostly thanks to the geographical proximity of the two countries.</p>
<p>As for economic factors, the relationship so far is relatively thin. Australia’s share of Indonesia’s <a href="http://www.comtrade.un.org">total imports in 2012 was 2.8% (around US$5.3 billion)</a>. Major commodities included in this are wheat, crude oil, aluminum and copper. </p>
<p>From the opposite side, Indonesia’s share of Australia’s <a href="http://www.dfat.gov.au/geo/fs/indo.pdf">total imports in 2012 was 2.6% (around US$6.6 billion)</a>, dominated by crude and refined oil, gold, as well as articles of iron and steel. </p>
<p>In terms of investment, Australia’s share in direct investment flows in Indonesia in the second quarter of 2013 was less than 1% (around US$40 million) – almost negligible, if compared to Japan and Singapore, whose shares were around 33% and 42%, respectively. In fact, Australia’s investment in Indonesia at the end of 2012 was only about A$6.8 billion, or 0.5% of total Australian investment abroad. Indonesia’s investment in Australia was far smaller, at A$600 million.</p>
<h2>Cattle distraction</h2>
<p>On trade issues, the media has so far focused on live cattle. This is despite the fact that of all imports from Australia, live cattle and meat amounted to a mere 6% – belittled by wheat, for example, that represents more than one fourth of Indonesia’s imports from Australia. But the concern is understandable, because while live cattle and beef exports to Indonesia might seem small in relation to Australia’s entire economy, its role is important regionally, especially to the Northern Territory and Western Australia. Also, Indonesia’s reliance on cattle and beef supply from Australia is not negligible.</p>
<p>Australia exports about 40-65% of its live cattle to Indonesia. This translates into around 20-30% of Indonesians’ beef consumption. Though live cattle exports amount to only to 0.2% of total Australian exports of goods and services, regionally this might have a strong impact. </p>
<p>According to Meat and Livestock Australia, from July 2012 to June 2013 Australia’s total live cattle exports to Indonesia were valued at A$174 million. The Northern Territory and Western Australia held about 40% and 35%, respectively, of the market share.</p>
<p>But cattle has been an important political economy issue shaping the relationship between Indonesia and Australia – at least in the media. </p>
<p>The case of the recent “trade war” was illustrative, with the Indonesian government cutting import quotas for live cattle and beef in 2012 and further in 2013 in response to the Australian government temporarily suspending live cattle exports to Indonesia. The government implemented the the ban following the release of video footage showing the inhumane treatment of cattle in Indonesia. </p>
<p>As a result, the cattle export trade from Australia halved and the beef price in Indonesia soared. By the end of July 2013, close to the Eid festival days, the beef price in Indonesia had soared so high it prompted the government to abandon its quota from Australia, leaving Australian farmers struggling to supply the quantity of extra cattle the Indonesians were “urgently wanting to buy”.</p>
<h2>Opening up trade</h2>
<p>Following the spying furore, the cattle trade issue has risen again. Indonesia’s minister of trade, for example, has said that Indonesia should open up the door for live cattle from countries other than Australia. His logic makes economic sense regardless of the spat (namely competition can be good: it would force the price down to the benefit of Indonesian consumers, and it would force Australian cattle growers to be more efficient). But he ignores the proximity. It would be much more expensive to import live cattle and beef from say, Brazil, due to logistics and transportation costs (not to mention other issues such as foot and mouth disease). </p>
<p>The trade and investment relationship between Australia and Indonesia today may be small, but it does have potential to grow. A study by the Centre for International Economics in 2009 showed the two countries have complementary production and consumption patterns. Therefore, an increase in bilateral trade and investment would lead to greater welfare. To achieve this, a reduction in trade barriers is important, and it is also consistent with Australia and Indonesia’s commitment to multilateral agreements. </p>
<p>Australia and Indonesia were among the early adopters of the WTO in 1995 and both showed impressive progress in cutting tariff barriers: in Indonesia down from 13% in 1996 to 7% in 2012 and Australia from 7% to 3% in the same period. </p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20889/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Arianto Patunru does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Indonesia has a population ten times as big as that of Australia, but its per capita income is only one-tenth of Australia’s, so what’s really at risk if the trade relationship between the two countries…Arianto Patunru, Fellow, The Arndt-Corden Department of Economics, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/206482013-11-26T03:31:23Z2013-11-26T03:31:23ZAustralian espionage and the history of foreign intervention in Indonesia<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36106/original/hnnpkdph-1385429446.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Australian troops participated in the post-war occupation of Indonesian territories and is yet to formally apologise.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Abror Riziki</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Indonesia’s response to the <a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/spy-standoff">spying imbroglio</a> last week – when president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/indonesia-angered-by-revelations-australia-spied-on-sby/5100264">recalled his ambassador</a> and <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/indonesian-president-sby-orders-end-to-cooperation-over-people-smuggling-20131120-2xvit.html">suspended security co-operation</a> with Australia – reflects a political history of constant foreign intervention in Indonesian affairs that few Australians are aware of. </p>
<h2>Battle for independence</h2>
<p>Indonesia emerged as a modern nation in the wake of World War Two, when Japanese troops ousted the Dutch, who had subjugated and exploited the country for centuries. After the Japanese surrender in August 1945, Indonesia’s founding president Soekarno (also known as Sukarno) declared independence. </p>
<p>The new republic lay within the American-dominated [South West Pacific Area](http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_West_Pacific_Area_(command) and was soon handed to the British-dominated <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_East_Asia_Command">South East Asian Command</a>. Allied soldiers arrived in Jakarta in September 1945 and began to occupy major Indonesian cities with <a href="http://www.soekarno.net/#sthash.qftWu19C.dpuf">the aim</a> of returning Indonesia to its pre-war status as a Dutch colony. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36108/original/xv76yhwv-1385429564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36108/original/xv76yhwv-1385429564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36108/original/xv76yhwv-1385429564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=857&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36108/original/xv76yhwv-1385429564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=857&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36108/original/xv76yhwv-1385429564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=857&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36108/original/xv76yhwv-1385429564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1077&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36108/original/xv76yhwv-1385429564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1077&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36108/original/xv76yhwv-1385429564.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1077&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Soekarno led Indonesia’s struggle for independence.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Government of Indonesia</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Thousands died in the bombing of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Surabaya">Surabaya</a>. Dutch soldiers and administrators returned, led by Hubertus Johannes van Mook, who had run the Dutch East Indies government-in-exile from Brisbane during the war. Dutch POWs, released by Indonesia, were armed and sent back on rampages against Indonesian civilians and police. Australian troops participated in the occupation of the outer islands.*</p>
<p>The British have since apologised for this cruel attempt to stifle the young nation’s struggle for freedom and sovereignty. Australia has not.</p>
<p>The Soekarno government also clashed with the British when the latter shaped its own former colonies in the region into another modern state. The north of the vast island of Borneo was annexed into the new state of Malaysia despite its cultural and historical ties to Indonesia and contested political status, and amidst protests by the local population. </p>
<p>An undeclared war (the <a href="http://se-asia.commemoration.gov.au/background-to-indonesian-confrontation/causes-and-description.php">“Confrontation”</a>) began, and Australian troops participated. Covert operations into Indonesian Kalimantan began in 1964 under the code name <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Claret">Operation Claret</a>. Attempts to assassinate Soekarno failed.</p>
<h2>The Suharto regime</h2>
<p>In 1965, Indonesia witnessed one of the greatest genocides of the 20th century, as army general Suharto led a military coup against the left-leaning but essentially nationalist and non-aligned Soekarno government. </p>
<p>Up to one million innocent Indonesian civilians were butchered over the following year at a rate of 1,500 people per day, to the <a href="http://users.qld.chariot.net.au/%7Edialabull/coup1965.html">applause of western powers</a> including Australia. </p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36109/original/ksmg33h8-1385429684.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36109/original/ksmg33h8-1385429684.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36109/original/ksmg33h8-1385429684.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=769&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36109/original/ksmg33h8-1385429684.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=769&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36109/original/ksmg33h8-1385429684.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=769&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36109/original/ksmg33h8-1385429684.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=966&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36109/original/ksmg33h8-1385429684.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=966&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36109/original/ksmg33h8-1385429684.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=966&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Suharto became Indonesia’s second president in 1967.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Republic of Indonesia</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The pretext was a fake coup attempt, falsely attributed to the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The deep involvement of British and American intelligence in staging this bloody military coup, similar to the Pinochet takeover of Chile, is <a href="http://namebase.org/scott.html">beyond reasonable doubt</a>. </p>
<p>The victors were soon able to convene in Switzerland to divide the spoils – Indonesia’s enormous wealth in natural resources – thanks to foreign investment legislation introduced by the military dictatorship. Countless <a href="http://zadandunia.blogspot.com.au/2011/10/kennedy-dan-sukarno-dihabisi-oleh.html">blogs in Indonesia</a> ensure this history is more widely known there than it is in Australia.</p>
<h2>The relevance to today</h2>
<p>The lack of an apology for such consistent unneighbourly behaviour may seem astonishing in the context of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-australia-ready-for-the-asian-century-3648">“Asian Century”</a> and needs to be understood as a direct consequence of the ongoing nature of these operations. </p>
<p>In <a href="https://theconversation.com/all-the-ingredients-for-genocide-is-west-papua-the-next-east-timor-9340">West Papua</a>, for example, the Indonesian military continues to provide the means of violent coercion required to facilitate vast foreign-owned mining and other ventures not set up primarily to benefit Indonesia, but for which Indonesia’s military will one day be asked to take the political blame.</p>
<p>Continuity, as well as profound ambivalence, is evident in the personal histories of members of today’s Indonesian elite. Looking back to the military coup, for example, we discover that on 19 November 1965: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>…the Australian Embassy in Jakarta proudly reported on an “action”; a massacre, led by an Australian-trained officer. Colonel <a href="users.qld.chariot.net.au">Sarwo Edhie</a> was a 1964 graduate from an 18-month course at the Australian Army Staff College at Queenscliff, near Melbourne.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is married to his daughter.</p>
<p>What then is the meaning of the current spying scandal? Why would Australian agencies spy on Sarwo Edhi’s daughter? </p>
<p>Why, for that matter, should Australia spy on Yudhoyono, who has <a href="https://theconversation.com/on-the-ground-the-indonesian-response-to-the-spying-saga-20577">earned himself a bad name</a> in Indonesia precisely for selling out to the interests of western investors and governments? Yudhoyono’s Democratic Party and coalition partner the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera or PKS) have been devastated recently by the discovery of corruption involving Australian cattle imports.</p>
<p>Yudhoyono may be hoping that the political theatrics might help to restore his nationalist credentials sufficiently to enable him to serve as kingmaker in the next year’s presidential election. But given that <a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/nsa-leaks">Edward Snowden</a> was the source of the leak, it seems more likely to have been an afterthought.</p>
<p>Rather, the ambiguities in the relationships are such that Australian distrust is easy enough to understand. It is not that Indonesia is actually a threat to us. In more than 20 years of research, I have never seen the slightest indication of hostile Indonesian ambitions toward Australia. Instead, the potential threat is that this local elite might turn around, become genuinely nationalistic, and bring the feeding frenzy to an end.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36111/original/y72sfbzp-1385429918.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/36111/original/y72sfbzp-1385429918.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36111/original/y72sfbzp-1385429918.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36111/original/y72sfbzp-1385429918.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=402&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36111/original/y72sfbzp-1385429918.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=505&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36111/original/y72sfbzp-1385429918.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=505&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/36111/original/y72sfbzp-1385429918.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=505&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Indonesians increasingly see Australia as a small and recalcitrant neighbour.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Eka Nickmatulhuda</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Feelings among the Indonesian elite – even those who have collaborated with Australia in the past – are deeply ambivalent. On his deathbed, Yudhoyono’s father-in-law is said to have repented of his role as a key engineer of the killings. Some of Yudhoyono’s own relatives in the East Javanese city of Blitar suffered in the violence Sarwo Edhi had helped to orchestrate. </p>
<p>Similar patterns emerge when we look at other dynasties, such as the very prominent family of current presidential candidate <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prabowo_Subianto">Prabowo Subianto</a>. Again, we see repeated reversals in Indonesian powerbrokers’ relationships with the Dutch and subsequent foreign powers, oscillating between collaboration and strong opposition.</p>
<p>These ambiguities are now becoming explosive for two reasons. First, Indonesia is a rising power and this is slowly dawning on the national psyche. A new assertiveness can be seen occasionally in political posturing, and there is a new sense in Indonesia of Australia as a small and recalcitrant neighbour that does not want to see the writing on the wall. </p>
<p>Some members of the Indonesian elite also realise Australia is itself a victim of colonial history, and is disadvantaged in the Asian Century by a set of traditional alliances that are difficult to re-negotiate. </p>
<p>Second, after the fall of the Suharto dictatorship in 1998, Indonesians are increasing becoming aware of their nation’s sad post-colonial history. Even the truth about 1965 – long buried by the Suharto regime – is now being openly discussed and acknowledged.</p>
<p>Considering Australia’s position as a white settler nation in southeast Asia and being newcomers to the neighbourhood, we need to consider urgently whether we should loudly and formally distance ourselves from this imperial legacy.</p>
<p>How long until it is too late to apologise to a country whose economy is now larger than Australia’s? Indonesia’s leaders, whether Australia deserves it or not, are still receptive to a genuine offer of friendship. I cannot think of any action that would give a greater boost to Australian sovereignty, regional security and prosperity. </p>
<p>It is Australia’s great fortune to be part of Asia, and there is nothing to fear in this neighbourhood but our fear itself. It’s time to say “sorry”, and “never again”.</p>
<p><em><strong>Correction:</strong> An earlier version of this story stated that “Australian troops participated in the occupation of the outer islands, including Bali, and were involved in massacres”. Elements of these claims cannot be verified and have been removed.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20648/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Prof Thomas Reuter's research on Indonesia's political elite is funded by the ARC. He has no affiliation with government or other organisations with a vested interest in the outcome of the research.</span></em></p>Indonesia’s response to the spying imbroglio last week – when president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono recalled his ambassador and suspended security co-operation with Australia – reflects a political history…Thomas Reuter, ARC Future Fellow, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205862013-11-24T19:00:28Z2013-11-24T19:00:28ZOur politicians have failed yet again – it’s time we fixed the mess with Indonesia<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35964/original/jn53g7f4-1385252637.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Australia must develop a stable, close and mutually respectful relationship with Indonesia, its government, its leaders, and its people.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Adi Weda</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Every so often over the last 50 years, Australia’s relations with Indonesia have hit stormy waters. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/spy-standoff">present tensions</a> over the spying scandal may not be the most serious, but they are serious enough.</p>
<p>Much Australian commentary on this latest unfortunate episode has been typically shallow – itself a symptom of the underlying problem. Much has been said about the personalities involved, the implications for the government’s “stop the boats” policy, and the psychological impact of the release of the Snowden documents. But with a few notable exceptions, the most critical questions have been largely overlooked.</p>
<p>No doubt eavesdropping on foreign leaders - a questionable practice at the best of times - has been found wanting both in this specific case and in the many other cases involving the <a href="https://theconversation.com/spying-scandal-obama-abbott-and-why-sorry-is-the-hardest-word-to-say-20555">United States’ wiretapping</a> operations. A thorough review of such operations is well overdue.</p>
<p>However, the most pressing question raised by the spying fiasco is whether or not Australia is ready and able to develop a stable, close and <a href="https://theconversation.com/saving-face-lessons-for-abbott-on-working-with-indonesia-20545">mutually respectful relationship</a> with Indonesia, its government, its leaders, and its people. How we answer this question will help determine how we negotiate the so-called <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-this-the-end-of-the-asian-century-19616">Asian century</a>. The key here, as we shall see, is cultural and political literacy.</p>
<p>In 1994, prime minister Paul Keating <a href="http://books.google.com.au/books?id=kKDqYGSJO_wC&pg=PA89&lpg=PA89&dq=keating+No+country+is+more+important+to+Australia+than+Indonesia.&source=bl&ots=uodT0SxXeM&sig=oXVQFj_cIoaGoSF_UGGoIRGxAUQ&hl=en&sa=X&ei=RIaRUtOoE-S1iQeZzIDADA&ved=0CC8Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=keating%20No%20country%20is%20more%20important%20to%20Australia%20than%20Indonesia.&f=false">declared</a>: </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35968/original/t3h3h84h-1385270891.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35968/original/t3h3h84h-1385270891.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35968/original/t3h3h84h-1385270891.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35968/original/t3h3h84h-1385270891.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=733&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35968/original/t3h3h84h-1385270891.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=921&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35968/original/t3h3h84h-1385270891.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=921&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35968/original/t3h3h84h-1385270891.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=921&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Prime minister Paul Keating recognised the importance of working closely with Indonesia.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Idpercy</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<blockquote>
<p>No country is more important to Australia than Indonesia. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Twenty years later this remains a distant aspiration. Prime minister Tony Abbott, who <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2013/09/10/in-australia-its-now-less-about-geneva-more-about-jakarta/">glibly promised</a> “more Jakarta, less Geneva”, now finds his government’s policies on Indonesia floundering barely two months into his prime ministership.</p>
<p>The tensions created by the spying episode are not simply of Abbott’s making. The previous Rudd and Gillard governments share a good deal of the responsibility – either they themselves authorised Australian spies to <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-indonesia-spy-standoff-more-than-just-gestural-politics-20427">eavesdrop on Indonesia’s most senior leaders</a>, or they failed to apply adequate monitoring and accountability procedures. Labor’s <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/policy/bipartisan-or-playing-politics-labors-mixed-messages-on-crisis/story-fn59nm2j-1226765661199#">lame response</a> to the events of the last week suggests they may be culpable on both counts.</p>
<p>This said, the Abbott government’s handling of the Indonesian relationship has been unusually clumsy and short-sighted.</p>
<p>Even before coming to office, the Coalition made it clear that <a href="http://www.perthnow.com.au/news/tony-abbott-my-plan-to-stop-the-boats/story-e6frg12c-1225896488374">stopping the boats</a> was critical to protecting Australian sovereignty. Abbott and immigration minister Scott Morrison were adamant that the boats would be turned back to Indonesia, even though Indonesian leaders repeatedly said that such a step would violate their country’s sovereignty.</p>
<p>The clear inference of the Abbott strategy was that Australian sovereignty was somehow superior to Indonesian sovereignty, and that, if necessary, Australia would act alone.</p>
<p>This barely disguised cultural and moral arrogance was then reinforced by the way Abbott handled the spying row – not just <a href="https://theconversation.com/spying-scandal-obama-abbott-and-why-sorry-is-the-hardest-word-to-say-20555">refusing to apologise</a>, but claiming that all countries were engaged in such conduct – a patently false claim. Most governments don’t eavesdrop on the conversations of foreign leaders.</p>
<p>To add insult to injury Abbott went on to insinuate that Indonesian leaders should be grateful to find themselves spied upon, because all of this was being done with their interests at heart. Australia, it seems, knew what was in Indonesia’s interests better than Indonesians did.</p>
<p>This profound cultural insensitivity was compounded by media comment (shared by a number of politicians) that Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s verbal response and his <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/indonesian-president-sby-orders-end-to-cooperation-over-people-smuggling-20131120-2xvit.html">decision to downgrade military co-operation</a> could somehow be discounted, because he was merely playing to his domestic gallery.</p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35969/original/pkzxvsvm-1385271365.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35969/original/pkzxvsvm-1385271365.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35969/original/pkzxvsvm-1385271365.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35969/original/pkzxvsvm-1385271365.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35969/original/pkzxvsvm-1385271365.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35969/original/pkzxvsvm-1385271365.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35969/original/pkzxvsvm-1385271365.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Rudd and Gillard governments share a good deal of responsibility for Australian spies eavesdropping on Indonesian leaders.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Eka Nickmatulhuda</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Such an interpretation can mean only one of two things: either the Indonesian president lacked sincerity in expressing his displeasure; or that popular anger within Indonesia was not in reality shared by the president, and could therefore be discounted. It is as if we were telling Indonesians it didn’t matter what they thought so long as we had the president on side. Not exactly how to win friends and influence people.</p>
<p>Where to from here? The relatively simple first step must be to offer Indonesia an unreserved apology and clear assurance that such spying will stop. But other more demanding steps will need to follow.</p>
<p>For too long, Liberal and Labor governments have approached our ties with Indonesia in a purely instrumental fashion. The relationship is viewed as valuable insofar as it can serve <a href="https://theconversation.com/saving-face-lessons-for-abbott-on-working-with-indonesia-20545">Australia’s immediate interests</a>: access to Indonesia’s expanding market, support for counter-terrorism strategies and co-operation on people smuggling.</p>
<p>Australian economic aid thus becomes the price we have to pay for Indonesian compliance with Australian priorities. Likewise with military aid and support for Indonesia’s territorial integrity (including turning a blind eye to human rights violations in West Papua). We do these things largely because they make it more likely that Indonesia will accede to our requests and reduce the risk of any future Indonesian threat to Australia’s security.</p>
<p>It is time for Australia to adopt a different approach – one in which self-interest plays, and is seen to play, a less prominent role. We need to cultivate a deeper understanding of our neighbour’s interests, attitudes and perceptions, and a willingness to give them due attention.</p>
<p>What might this mean in practice? First and foremost, a drastic improvement in the presently abysmal level of <a href="https://theconversation.com/indonesian-knowledge-is-dying-just-when-we-need-it-most-5630">Indonesia literacy</a> in this country. Complementing the study of Indonesian - which has been languishing for years in our schools and universities - must be greater knowledge of Indonesian society, its history, its culture, its values, and above all its ancient and still living wisdom.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35970/original/dxqfh5k5-1385271802.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35970/original/dxqfh5k5-1385271802.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35970/original/dxqfh5k5-1385271802.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35970/original/dxqfh5k5-1385271802.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35970/original/dxqfh5k5-1385271802.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35970/original/dxqfh5k5-1385271802.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35970/original/dxqfh5k5-1385271802.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Australia and Indonesia are strategically placed to act collaboratively on a range of important regional issues.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Made Nagi</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>To this end, a ten-year nationwide strategy is needed, integrating all key stakeholders: educational institutions, federal and state governments, parliaments, the media, business and the professions.</p>
<p>Australia must also seek - as a matter of high priority - Indonesia’s advice and support in responding to the emerging regional and global challenges facing our region. To this end, we must embark on a far-reaching dialogue that engages the two societies, not just the two governments.</p>
<p>A time must come, sooner rather than later, when Australian political leaders are in the habit of consulting with Jakarta as intensively as with Washington before determining Australian policy on such difficult international issues as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Iran, Afghanistan, as well as global financial regulation, nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament.</p>
<p>In the meantime, Australia and Indonesia are strategically placed to act collaboratively on a range of important regional issues, notably <a href="https://theconversation.com/toeing-the-u-shaped-line-in-the-south-china-sea-6270">maritime tensions</a> in the South China Sea and the rapid and potentially destabilising <a href="https://theconversation.com/defence-agreements-with-us-harm-australias-reputation-in-asia-6298">arms build-up</a> in southeast Asia.</p>
<p>The two countries are, of course, well-placed to exercise joint leadership in pressing for a <a href="https://theconversation.com/stopping-people-smuggling-requires-more-than-just-indonesias-help-20585">regional solution</a> to the protracted asylum seeker and refugee crisis based on firm and interlocking commitments for asylum, resettlement and repatriation.</p>
<p>Indonesia and Australia could greatly benefit from sharing their experiences as highly diverse, multicultural societies, and from developing the Asia-South Pacific profile of the <a href="http://www.unaoc.org/">United Nations Alliance of Civilizations</a> (UNAOC). Under UNAOC auspices, a range of joint projects could be devised involving extensive state and civil society cooperation. The forthcoming sixth UNAOC global forum to be held in Bali in August 2014 offers an important signpost for future bilateral and regional collaboration.</p>
<p>Australians have to negotiate an uncertain future in which US power and influence will steadily decline. In the emerging multi-centric world, different centres of power and influence reflecting different histories and worldviews will have to learn to co-exist and co-operate. A creative, culturally sensitive, long-term approach to our relations with Indonesia may be an indispensable asset as we navigate though turbulent waters of change.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20586/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Joseph Camilleri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Every so often over the last 50 years, Australia’s relations with Indonesia have hit stormy waters. The present tensions over the spying scandal may not be the most serious, but they are serious enough…Joseph Camilleri, Professor of International Relations, La Trobe UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205852013-11-22T03:58:06Z2013-11-22T03:58:06ZStopping people smuggling requires more than just Indonesia’s help<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35821/original/sskdm9hk-1385074055.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">It's uncertain what effect Indonesia's downgrading of diplomatic and military relations will have on Australia's asylum seeker policies.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Tubagus</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Australian-Indonesian military relations have been downgraded in recent days following Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-20/abbott-regrets-indonesias-spy-scandal-embarrassment/5105326">decision</a> to reduce military co-operation until he receives an explanation about Australia’s alleged <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/australia-spied-on-indonesian-president-leaked-documents-reveal/5098860">phone tapping activities</a>. </p>
<p>For the time being, the Indonesian government will not be going out of its way to assist Australia in preventing people smugglers and their human cargo from reaching Australian shores. This follows news that Australia has <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/no-boats-bought-under-indonesian-buyback-policy-says-angus-campbell-20131119-2xt2r.html">not been able to progress</a> with “boat buy back” scheme in Indonesia due to the Yudhoyono government’s opposition to the policy.</p>
<p>So, what does all of this mean for Operation Sovereign Borders? And how can Australia improve its regional collaboration on reducing people smuggling? </p>
<h2>Operation Sovereign Borders</h2>
<p>Setting aside the lack of information on the number of boats, it’s difficult to know whether current trends are a result of <a href="http://www.liberal.org.au/latest-news/2013/07/26/operation-sovereign-borders">Operation Sovereign Borders</a>, former prime minister Kevin Rudd’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/no-more-asylum-in-australia-for-those-arriving-by-boat-rudd-16238">“PNG solution”</a>, or even the prior work of the Gillard government. </p>
<p>As immigration minister Scott Morrison conceded in September, it appeared that the <a href="https://theconversation.com/out-of-sight-out-of-mind-excising-australia-from-the-migration-zone-14387">excision of Australian territory</a> from refugee status determination obligations – and immediate referral of all asylum seekers (who arrive by boat) to Nauru and Manus Island for processing – was having an effect on the number of arrivals. </p>
<p>In July and August, the Indonesian government also accelerated its co-operation in three key areas:</p>
<ul>
<li>changes to visa restrictions on the arrival of passengers from Middle East, particularly Iran</li>
<li><a href="http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/UNHCRs%20Policy%20on%20Refugee%20Protection%20and%20Solutions%20in%20Urban%20Areas.pdf">expanded</a> UNHCR mobile registration units to prevent asylum seekers using people smugglers</li>
<li>agreement to engage in accelerated regional <a href="http://www.unhcr.org.uk/news-and-views/news-list/news-detail/article/unhcr-welcomes-jakarta-declaration-to-address-irregular-movements-in-asia-pacific.html">protection</a> framework and data collection to encourage cooperation with countries of origin, transit and destination. </li>
</ul>
<p>Since the introduction of Operation Sovereign Borders in September, the Australian Navy has intercepted boats and sought to prevent their passage into Australian waters. Meanwhile, the Indonesian government has refused to assist with <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/scott-morrison-twice-rebuffed-by-jakarta-over-asylum-seeker-boats-20131110-2xa6t.html">at least two requests</a> to accept vessels that the Australian Navy appeared to have intercepted and attempted to send back.</p>
<p>At this point, it’s difficult to ascertain the success or failure of the new government’s asylum policy. Likewise, it’s uncertain what effect the current downgrading of diplomatic and military relations will have.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35861/original/zqwy4sm6-1385085214.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35861/original/zqwy4sm6-1385085214.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=410&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35861/original/zqwy4sm6-1385085214.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=410&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35861/original/zqwy4sm6-1385085214.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=410&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35861/original/zqwy4sm6-1385085214.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=515&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35861/original/zqwy4sm6-1385085214.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=515&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35861/original/zqwy4sm6-1385085214.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=515&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">As Scott Morrison says, previous government policies have impacted on the number of boat arrivals.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP Image/Dan Himbrechts</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>F for fail</h2>
<p>In the recent United Nations Association of Australia’s 2013 <a href="http://www.unaa.org.au/Australia%20and%20UN%20Report%20Card%202013.pdf">report card</a> on Australia’s performance, refugee advocate Julian Burnside gave the Australian government a grade of “F” for its position and policy on refugees and asylum seekers. </p>
<p>The low score was attributed to:</p>
<ul>
<li>the return to the Pacific Solution in 2012</li>
<li>the legislative excision of the country from its own migration zone</li>
<li>the forced detention in Nauru or Manus Island </li>
<li>the decision to halt to processing the refugee claims of up to 20,000 asylum seekers who arrived in Australia over the past year.</li>
</ul>
<p>Under the new government, all of the above is to be maintained, except for the possible reduction of Australia’s annual humanitarian intake. And new deterrence measures will also be introduced, including:</p>
<ul>
<li>the interception and removal of boats from Australian waters when safe and feasible</li>
<li>reduced reporting of boat arrivals and asylum seekers under “security privilege”</li>
<li>reduced access to asylum seekers in detection facilities </li>
<li>a review of refugee status determination procedures (which began under the Gillard government)</li>
<li>a review of the right to appeal decisions concerning refugee status and the reintroduction of temporary protection visas.</li>
</ul>
<h2>Improving regional engagement</h2>
<p>In an important step towards progress, a group of 13 affected states (countries of origin, transit and destination for asylum seekers) signed the <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-08-20/jakarta-declaration-agrees-to-27-measures-aimed-at/4900960">Jakarta Declaration</a> on August 20 this year – an agreement to address the increased, deadly, movement of asylum seeker flows in the region. </p>
<p>The Jakarta Declaration promoted a four pillar approach: prevention, early detection, protection and prosecution. Importantly, it complemented the work of the <a href="http://aichr.org/">ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights</a> and the <a href="http://www.asean.org/news/asean-statement-communiques/item/asean-human-rights-declaration">ASEAN Declaration on Human Rights</a> and their references to asylum seekers and the need to protect persons from irregular movement activities. </p>
<p>As UNHCR Director of International Protection <a href="http://www.unhcr.org.uk/news-and-views/news-list/news-detail/article/unhcr-welcomes-jakarta-declaration-to-address-irregular-movements-in-asia-pacific.html">Volker Turk</a> noted, this declaration was in marked contrast to “the usual focus on border management and law enforcement”.</p>
<p>For the first time – and in a significant departure from the <a href="http://www.baliprocess.net/">Bali Process</a>, which is primarily an anti-people smuggling initiative – the Jakarta Declaration focused on the human rights and protection needs of those being trafficked, as well as the political and socioeconomic conditions that give rise to asylum and smuggling. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35836/original/xg8sprz2-1385077693.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35836/original/xg8sprz2-1385077693.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35836/original/xg8sprz2-1385077693.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35836/original/xg8sprz2-1385077693.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35836/original/xg8sprz2-1385077693.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35836/original/xg8sprz2-1385077693.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35836/original/xg8sprz2-1385077693.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Deterrence may produce apparent short-term results, but it does nothing to address the deeper underlying problems.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Scott Fisher</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Long-term vision</h2>
<p>Over the last year, Australia has taken steps to improve regional engagement. First, it has increased investment in the UNHCR’s activities to assist states such as Indonesia and Malaysia in the region. </p>
<p>Second, the Bali Process, of which Australia co-chairs with Indonesia, agreed to create a regional support office (in Bangkok) to work on data collection, intercept smuggling activities and enhanced immigration cooperation procedures. </p>
<p>Third, and most vitally, it has increased its annual humanitarian intake from UNHCR and reserve intake for asylum seekers from Indonesia and Malaysia. </p>
<p>However, the first and third of these steps appear at risk of being reversed.</p>
<p>The long-term damage to Australian-Indonesian relations concerning asylum seekers and boat arrivals is not the result of this week’s revelations. Rather, it is Australia’s persistence with the dogged pursuit of short-term deterrence strategies that do not solve the long-term problem by addressing the very real protection needs of asylum seekers and developing cooperative solutions within the region. </p>
<p>If the increased humanitarian intake is again reduced, if the principles of the Jakarta Declaration are not carried forward, and if we see regional engagement only turn towards deterrence, then small, vital gains in regional cooperation may vanish quickly.</p>
<p>Australia and Indonesia have common interests in areas of democratic governance, adherence to human rights norms and respect for rule of law. These are the foundations to best assist in building a relationship around the protection and early warning pillars of the Jakarta Declaration. </p>
<p>What the last decade has shown is that deterrence may produce apparent short-term results, it does nothing to address the deeper underlying problems. These policies are vulnerable to budgetary and diplomatic pressures, apathy and dramatic changes in refugee flows due to regional and global crises. </p>
<p>Ultimately, we diminish our credibility in asking others to respect international law when we are not doing so ourselves.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20585/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sara Davies receives funding from Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>Australian-Indonesian military relations have been downgraded in recent days following Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s decision to reduce military co-operation until he receives an explanation…Sara Davies, ARC Future Fellow, Griffith UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205772013-11-21T23:56:59Z2013-11-21T23:56:59ZOn the ground: the Indonesian response to the spying saga<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35818/original/c5qwjcn9-1385073443.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">What's behind the public, media and political response in Indonesia to the revelations of the extent of Australia's spying activities?</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Eka Nickmatulhuda</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Expressions of public outrage in Indonesia at <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/australia-spied-on-indonesian-president-leaked-documents-reveal/5098860">allegations</a> Australia had engaged in the phone tapping of Indonesian politicians – including president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his wife and Cabinet members – have so far been limited. However, there is still obvious potential for escalation.</p>
<p>The biggest demonstration so far has been <a href="http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/a/-/newshome/19936537/violence-erupts-at-australian-embassy/">outside the Australian Embassy</a> on Thursday, at which some groups called for action to be taken against Australian residents in Indonesia. There was also a fairly small <a href="http://www.metrotvnews.com/metronews/read/2013/11/20/6/195806/Bendera-Australia-Dibakar-">demonstration</a> in Yogyakarta the previous day, with the ritual burning of an Australian flag.</p>
<p>In a <a href="https://theconversation.com/spying-scandal-another-challenge-to-the-australia-indonesia-relationship-19909">piece</a> I wrote in The Conversation two weeks ago, I downplayed the likely impact of the spying issue on Australia-Indonesia relations. I still do not see it as likely to inflict fundamental damage to the relationship: both countries have too much to lose for that to be a real likelihood. </p>
<p>But clearly things have become much worse in the past week. And one reason for this has been the revelations of <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/who-is-on-australian-spies-list-of-indonesian-phones/5099952">precisely whose phones</a> have been tapped. Of these, it was probably the tapping of the First Lady, Ani Yudhoyono’s, phone which aroused most interest – and in many quarters, the most resentment. One parliamentarian from Yudhoyono’s Democrat Party <a href="http://www.republika.co.id/berita/nasional/umum/13/11/20/mwjs31-australia-sadap-ibu-ani-yudhoyono-legislator-itu-lebay">said</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Australia has gone over the top in tapping Ms Ani’s phone. Do they really think Ms Ani is a threat to Australia?</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Other Indonesians, though, have suggested that the incident showed who really runs the country.</p>
<p>More broadly, what have been the factors shaping Indonesian reactions to the issue?</p>
<p>Certainly, the problem cannot be taken out of the context of the 2014 general and presidential elections. With those elections coming up, no political leader is going to risk looking weak facing this challenge to state sovereignty. Although parties will not be nominating their presidential candidates until after the general elections in April next year, the unofficial campaigning is well underway.</p>
<p>The presidential candidate most likely to be unsympathetic towards Australia, retired general <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prabowo_Subianto">Prabowo</a>, has been quiet on the issue. Last week, he <a href="http://nasional.kompas.com/read/2013/11/16/2135332/Prabowo.Anggap.Wajar.Penyadapan.oleh.Negara.Lain">simply said</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Phone tapping is common. If you have something secret to say, don’t discuss it on the phone.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Prabowo does not appear to have elaborated on these views since then.</p>
<p>The election front-runner, Jakarta governor <a href="http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/joko-widodo-will-be-tough-to-beat-in-2014-analysts/">Joko Widodo</a>, has said even less. Noting that his name was not on the list of those tapped, he simply said this was understandable – his job was managing day to day municipal affairs in Jakarta, not national politics. But in 2009, he was not even Governor of Jakarta: he was the mayor of the central Javanese city of Solo, and well out of the national spotlight.</p>
<p>Yudhoyono himself may be taking a strong position in order to try to shore up support for his Democrat Party in the general and presidential elections. The party has suffered a major drop in support over the past few years, and currently looks dead in the water. However, to imagine that beating up on Australia could rescue it in the eyes of the electorate would require a major leap of faith.</p>
<p>But Yudhoyono is also clearly <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/indonesian-president-sby-orders-end-to-cooperation-over-people-smuggling-20131120-2xvit.html">highly offended personally</a> by the phone tap revelations, given how much he had staked politically on maintaining good relations with Australia. He trusted Australia – why did Australia not trust him?</p>
<p>So while concern for Indonesia’s political future is undoubtedly one factor shaping reactions to the spying scandal, it may not be the dominant one. Rather, these reactions are as much about Indonesia’s past as its future. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35819/original/mgp5c735-1385073508.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35819/original/mgp5c735-1385073508.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=375&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35819/original/mgp5c735-1385073508.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=375&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35819/original/mgp5c735-1385073508.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=375&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35819/original/mgp5c735-1385073508.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=471&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35819/original/mgp5c735-1385073508.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=471&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35819/original/mgp5c735-1385073508.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=471&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s reactions to the spying relevations are in part about his own past and his political legacy.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Abbor Rizki</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>On the one hand, there is the continuing undercurrent of nationalist sentiment fuelled by past violations of Indonesian sovereignty. Most notably, of course, Indonesia was subject to Dutch colonialism. But even since independence, Indonesia has suffered a range of foreign interferences in its affairs: over the regional rebellions in the late 1950s, the East Timor occupation and separatism in the Papuan provinces. Phone tapping is seen by many as simply an extension of that colonial influence.</p>
<p>There is also the continuing sense of technological colonialism – the recognition that Australia (and the US) could only undertake this electronic spying because they had superior technical capacity. </p>
<p>The leader of the Hanura party, Wiranto, <a href="http://www.republika.co.id/berita/video/berita/13/11/20/mwkdla-wiranto-indonesia-harus-melek-teknologi-sadapmenyadap">said</a> that the events showed Indonesians needed to become more “technologically literate”. Other observers asked what Indonesia’s own intelligence agencies, including the National Cypher Agency (Lembaga Sandi Negara, or LSN), were doing about the problem. The LSN’s job is to protect state secrets: it clearly failed to do so. A senior official of the National Democrats party <a href="http://www.republika.co.id/berita/nasional/politik/13/11/19/mwihpm-nasdem-lembaga-sandi-negara-bertanggung-jawab-soal-penyadapan">noted bluntly</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>National sovereignty and self-respect are at stake. The LSN must accept responsibility.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>He went on to suggest that the LSN had failed because it had been devoting too many of its resources to non-core tasks, especially monitoring the preparations for the 2014 elections.</p>
<p>But in the case of Yudhoyono specifically, his reactions are in part about his own past: his political legacy as Indonesia’s first directly elected president. His second term of office has been, to say the least, a disappointment to many Indonesians. He has let government drift, seemingly unable or unwilling to assert control on just about any issue for fear of being criticised.</p>
<p>But the spying issue is one where Yudhoyono is safe from attack. No Indonesian is going to criticise him for attacking Australia on the issue. To the contrary: he would be criticised if he did not object strongly. The concerns with Yudhoyono legacy, then, may well have helped fire him into action – in addition, of course, to the affront to his dignity and that of his wife.</p>
<p>But perhaps the real question is not why Yudhoyono and others in Indonesia have reacted so strongly to these allegations. Rather, it is why should Australia not have expected such reactions? Put the shoe on the other foot: if Indonesia had been revealed to have been tapping the phones of our national leaders, would Tony Abbott and the Australian government have done any less?</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20577/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Colin Brown does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Expressions of public outrage in Indonesia at allegations Australia had engaged in the phone tapping of Indonesian politicians – including president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his wife and Cabinet members…Colin Brown, Adjunct Professor, Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/206242013-11-21T19:17:27Z2013-11-21T19:17:27ZGrattan on Friday: Abbott will need to make those words good<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35803/original/2mxmjjks-1385051262.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Tony Abbott has tried to ride out the pressure from Indonesia with repeated references to his commitment to the relationship. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Daniel Munoz</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The most extraordinary intervention in a disastrous week for Australian-Indonesian relations came out of the blue. Who could have anticipated the provocative tweeting by Liberal party pollster Mark Textor?</p>
<p>In what was taken as an obvious reference to Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, Textor fired this off: “Apology demanded from Australia by a bloke who looks like a 1970’s Pilipino [sic] porn star and has ethics to match”.</p>
<p>He also had a go at President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who had tweeted his displeasure with Tony Abbott’s response to the phone tap revelations, “What sort of head of state communicates with a head of a neighbouring government by twitter FFS? SBY”.</p>
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<p>Subsequently Textor said he was not referring to anybody in particular with his porn star comment; still later he apologised to his “Indonesian friends”.</p>
<p>With feelings running high in Indonesia, the Textor behaviour added (literally) insult to injury and reinforced Indonesian impressions of the ugly Australian.</p>
<p>Caught in a major diplomatic crisis in his early days of office, Tony Abbott might recall the rough time John Howard went through when, during the Tampa affair, then Indonesian president Megawati wouldn’t take his call.</p>
<p>The current situation, however, is much more serious. The disclosure that Australia tapped the phones of Yudhoyono, his wife and other senior figures has outraged Indonesia, not least because the eavesdropping is seen as a humiliation of the country.</p>
<p>When they are politically out of sorts, the Indonesians play rough. Foreign Minister Julie Bishop learned this early on. After Natalegawa believed a meeting between him and Bishop had been misrepresented by the Australian side, a transcript of it suddenly and mysteriously materialised. (Natalegawa has a PhD from ANU, and knows the ways of Australian politics – any comments on Textor could be interesting).</p>
<p>Yudhoyono has not spared Abbott this week. At his Wednesday news conference announcing the suspension of military and intelligence co-operation (including on combatting people smuggling), the President said he was sending Abbott a letter demanding an explanation.</p>
<p>How much easier if the matter could have been dealt with immediately by a phone call. In retrospect it is clear that Abbott did not adequately respond initially. His line that everyone spied, attempting to play down the affair’s significance while not formally confirming anything, did not impress the Indonesians.</p>
<p>He needed to be on the phone to the President. A letter requires a formal reply, which is awkward. The government was sweating over that late yesterday.</p>
<p>Abbott, who has tried to ride out the pressure with repeated references to his commitment to the relationship, called a meeting of cabinet’s national security committee.</p>
<p>The PM went into parliament to repeat that he would respond “swiftly, fully, courteously”, to the President’s letter, as if that needed to be said. The challenge at the moment is not the proprieties, but to get enough content into the words to satisfy, without making an actual apology.</p>
<p>One big problem for the government is that the spying revelations came on top of the difficulties over Abbott’s boats policy – problems that have been running since before the election.</p>
<p>Disclosure of the spying would always have caused trouble – especially because the targets were at the very top - but the Indonesians were not in a mood to cut Abbott any slack. Jakarta was already deeply irritated about the Coalition commitments to turn boats back and to buy Indonesian fishing boats.</p>
<p>The Coalition seemed to think that once it was in government, the Indonesians would just capitulate on the aspects of the policy to which they had previously objected. It took no account of repeatedly-stated Indonesian opposition. Its priority and wishes were to be supreme and a veil would be drawn over any awkward issues under the umbrella of “operational matters”.</p>
<p>Abbott had a successful trip to Jakarta but the Indonesians were not impressed by Immigration Minister Scott Morrison, who followed later. Anyway, they weren’t going to budge on their known positions.</p>
<p>Indonesia jacked up on accepting back boat people rescued by Australia. It talked publicly about what was happening, when Canberra was trying to hush things up. It has been calling the shots. The military chief of Operation Sovereign Borders, Angus Campbell, told a Senate estimates committee this week that the boat buying policy was in abeyance because of Jakarta’s attitude.</p>
<p>Indonesia had had to put up with being collateral damage in Australia’s election campaign. Now, as the presidential election looms next year, Australia is having to endure the same fate – but with more pain.</p>
<p>The Indonesian politicians won’t ignore the nationalistic, anti Australian feelings among their public. Yesterday there were demonstrations and flag burning. (On the other hand, Textor’s tweets are probably picking up on Australian anti-Indonesian feeling.)</p>
<p>Perhaps the strength of the Indonesian reaction to the spying is partly an attempt to tell Australia to learn once and for all that in this relationship, it should not be trying to punch so far above its weight – that Indonesia is more important to Australia than Australia is to Indonesia.</p>
<p>In the election campaign Kevin Rudd predicted that if Abbott became PM he would have trouble with Indonesia. And he has. The worst of the trouble, however, relates to spying material dated 2009 – when Rudd was PM.</p>
<p>Opposition leader Bill Shorten, apart from an early suggestion that Australia could usefully follow the US route after a similar crisis (Obama gave Germany’s Angela Merkel an assurance her phone wouldn’t be tapped in future), has stuck like glue to Abbott, hoisting the banner “Team Australia”.</p>
<p>For Abbott yesterday was supposed to be a moment of symbolism. Legislation for the repeal of the carbon tax passed the House of Representatives. But it didn’t have a hope of being the story.</p>
<p><strong>Listen to Andrew Wilkie on the Politics with Michelle Grattan podcast, available below, by rss and on iTunes.</strong></p>
<iframe src="https://www.podbean.com/media/player/audio/postId/4965709/url/http%253A%252F%252Fmichellegrattan.podbean.com%252F2013%252F11%252F19%252Fandrew-wilkie%252F" width="100%" height="100" frameborder="0" scrolling="no"></iframe><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20624/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The most extraordinary intervention in a disastrous week for Australian-Indonesian relations came out of the blue. Who could have anticipated the provocative tweeting by Liberal party pollster Mark Textor…Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205452013-11-21T04:10:07Z2013-11-21T04:10:07ZSaving face: lessons for Abbott on working with Indonesia<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35758/original/szc99fhh-1385000547.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Tony Abbott needs to learn a thing or two about Indonesian culture if he's to have a successful working relationship with his Indonesian counterpart.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Made Nagi</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>There’s a <a href="https://theconversation.com/protecting-secrets-inside-australias-mysterious-spy-agency-20541">widespread perception</a> in Australia that Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-indonesia-spy-standoff-more-than-just-gestural-politics-20427">reaction to Australia’s phone tapping</a> is all about playing domestic politics in Yudhoyono’s home country. It only superficially relates to the election or to shoring up support for Yudhoyono’s party – it really boils down to personal pride.</p>
<p>One rule of espionage holds that <a href="https://theconversation.com/i-spy-you-spy-we-all-spy-but-is-it-legal-20540">even friends should spy on each other</a>. But the rules of diplomacy hold that if you are caught, you had better be apologetic. </p>
<p>How might it look to the Indonesians?</p>
<p>There is no way around the fact that Indonesia is annoyed. It’s a cliché to say that saving face is important in Asian culture, but there is an underlying truth to this in Indonesian culture. </p>
<p><em>Malu</em> means to be shy, embarrassed or ashamed. It’s a very ambivalent feeling which one both rejects and aspires to. In one sense, you don’t want to be too <em>malu</em>. Indonesians often feel <em>malu</em>, for example, that their nation doesn’t get into the World Cup, that their technology is relatively undeveloped, and so on.</p>
<p>And yet, a <em>malu</em> person is humble and modest. In this sense, it is a very esteemed quality in an individual, and crucial in restraining passions such as sexual drive and anger. It enables one to negotiate – and perhaps even gracefully manipulate – social situations and interactions. But it also means to know one’s place. </p>
<p>If you don’t act <em>malu</em> when you should, you risk offending somebody. And one very formal – if rarely used – insult is <em>tidak tahu malu</em>, or: “you don’t have a sense of shame”. This was a prominent theme when Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono <a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/11/19/abbott-belittles-spying-row-sby.html">complained on Twitter</a> about “the statement by Australia’s PM that belittles that spying on Indonesia”, which was without <em>rasa bersalah</em>, which means “without feeling guilty/wrong” or “without remorse”.</p>
<p>The flipside of this is <em>bangga</em>, which is self-esteem. In a perverse way, being spied on by United States and (to a much lesser extent) Australia demonstrates to Indonesia its importance in global politics. Also, through being <em>malu</em>, Indonesia may be able to manipulate this situation, creating a sense of pride.</p>
<p>So, in a contradictory way the problem is that Indonesia feels too <em>malu</em> and Australia is not <em>malu</em> enough. In other words, Australia and prime minister Tony Abbott have not acted appropriately towards Indonesia and Yudhoyono. It’s not so much about saying sorry (as many Australians have urged of Abbott), but more about adopting the correct demeanour for the situation.</p>
<p>For both sides there will be posturing. Abbott has to appeal to his domestic constituency and Indonesian politicians are gearing up for national elections in 2014. But underneath this, a serious issue of <em>malu</em> resides for Indonesia.</p>
<p>Yudhoyono yesterday <a href="https://theconversation.com/sby-hits-fight-against-people-smuggling-in-retaliation-over-eavesdropping-20576">escalated the diplomatic crisis</a> by suspending joint Australia-Indonesia patrols to combat people smuggling and other military co-operation and intelligence sharing activities. Abbott responded by taking to parliament to express:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>…deep and sincere regret about the embarrassment to the president and to Indonesia that’s been caused by recent media reporting.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Foreign minister Marty Natalegawa’s <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/indonesian-police-and-immigration-departments-prepare-to-stop-cooperation-with-australia-20131120-2xttu.html">reaction</a> to this was:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I don’t get it. Why would the President of Indonesia be embarrassed? I believe the embarrassment should belong to the government of Australia. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>So Abbott is now <a href="https://theconversation.com/diplomatic-crisis-can-the-pm-mend-our-relationship-with-indonesia-20551">at a crossroads</a>. He can back down and try to restore co-operation, or risk the relationship crumbling, which could have major implications for both nations.</p>
<p>For Indonesia, among what is at stake is Australian aid. Australia, the largest bilateral grant-based donor to Indonesia, has invested A$1,378 million in the previous three years. But it is worth noting that Indonesia no longer wants to be considered the poor neighbour. It wants to be proud (<em>bangga</em>) of the fact that it is the <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/business/australias-spying-program-could-damage-trade-ties-with-indonesia-20131119-2xtaz.html#ixzz2l9mfVZNP">largest economy</a> in southeast Asia, and it is projected to be the world’s seventh largest economy by 2030. </p>
<p>For Australia, trade is one key issue at stake. Indonesia is Australia’s third largest agriculture market, with <a href="http://www.dfat.gov.au/geo/indonesia/indonesia_brief.html">exports</a> worth A$2.3 billion in 2012. Australia’s main agricultural exports to Indonesia are wheat, cotton, live animals, meat, horticultural products and sugar. Indonesia buys, Australia provides.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35759/original/hqdnb2pz-1385001063.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35759/original/hqdnb2pz-1385001063.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35759/original/hqdnb2pz-1385001063.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35759/original/hqdnb2pz-1385001063.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35759/original/hqdnb2pz-1385001063.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35759/original/hqdnb2pz-1385001063.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35759/original/hqdnb2pz-1385001063.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=500&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The live cattle export trade may again be under threat amidst the Australia-Indonesia spying standoff.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Dan Peled</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>But Indonesia is trying to attain self-sufficiency by <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/lateline/content/2013/s3847781.htm">purchasing land</a> in Australia to provide for its own needs in cattle export. For Indonesia, this is another show of pride (<em>bangga</em>) that Indonesia has the economic capabilities to do so; as well as being Australia’s important “market”.</p>
<p>The education sector, however, seems relatively insulated. For Indonesians, there is pride (<em>bangga</em>) in being educated in an Australian institutions <a href="https://theconversation.com/beef-boats-and-elections-whats-in-store-for-the-australia-indonesia-relationship-18249">just like</a> the vice president Boediono (Monash) and foreign minister Marty Natalegawa (ANU). This area of Indonesian investment in Australia therefore appears safe.</p>
<p>So, what’s the upshot of the diplomatic row? It’s clear that Abbott leads a rookie government that has backed itself into a corner. It’s time for the prime minister to learn a thing or two about Indonesian culture and how to work with world leaders in the region. In the meantime, he may end up feeling <em>malu</em> if the boats start arriving after Indonesia stops co-operating.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20545/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nothing to disclose.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Monika Winarnita does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>There’s a widespread perception in Australia that Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s reaction to Australia’s phone tapping is all about playing domestic politics in Yudhoyono’s home country…Monika Winarnita, PhD candidate, Australian National University and Honorary Associate in Anthropology, La Trobe UniversityNicholas Herriman, Senior Lecturer in Anthropology, La Trobe UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205552013-11-21T02:26:23Z2013-11-21T02:26:23ZSpying scandal: Obama, Abbott and why sorry is the hardest word to say<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35733/original/7qyx8pf2-1384991253.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Should Tony Abbott follow Barack Obama's example and apologise personally to Indonesia leaders over the spying scandal, as Obama did to Angela Merkel?</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Andrew Harrer</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The contrast between Australian prime minister Tony Abbott’s self-defeating <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-21/abbott-not-apologising-as-indonesia-freezes-cooperation-with-au/5106896">response</a> to spying allegations with Indonesia and US president Barack Obama’s <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/10/26/us-germany-usa-spying-idUSBRE99P08G20131026">reaction</a> to smooth its similar <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/germany/10407282/Barack-Obama-approved-tapping-Angela-Merkels-phone-3-years-ago.html">row with Germany</a> is eye-catching.</p>
<p>Obama wasted little time in getting on the front foot and attempted to mitigate the mix of offence and indignation from European leaders and the public. While much of this outrage should be seen as both hypocritical and part of standard political theatre – and despite the fact that signals intelligence might be a useful part of regular US operations – the White House was sensitive to containing wider anti-US sentiment and backlash.</p>
<p>In contrast, Abbott needs to better filter his natural bulldog political instincts, and should apologise to Indonesia. The clear-eyed combative stance that served him well as opposition leader can do more harm than good when dealing with the intricacies and complexities of foreign affairs. </p>
<p>This is not to suggest being assertive and even being prepared to occasionally get noses out of joint is an unimportant tool in the rough-and-tumble world of diplomacy.</p>
<h2>The Obama example</h2>
<p>Obama acted to take the protests against US spying activities seriously. He did not throw up “national security” smokescreens. He issued a personal apology to German chancellor Angela Merkel and ordered an immediate and total <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/world/spain-joins-outrage-over-us-phone-spying/story-e6frg6so-1226748687864">“review”</a> of the activities of the intelligence community. He suggested a preparedness to find ways to do things differently with like-minded partners than from the past.</p>
<p>It is also likely that Obama was being half honest when he stated an unawareness of the specifics of the particular operations that had intercepted Merkel’s phone calls. The US president’s job is not to micromanage the intelligence community (including the selection of targets), although he certainly would have been fundamentally aware that the US is spying on foreign leaders abroad. </p>
<p>Yet despite the expressions of US willingness for self-imposed limits to its foreign policy activities, it is unlikely that we will witness a radical overall change in the ways and means of US espionage based on the latest diplomatic row. But hopefully the breach of trust might allow for some wider self-reflection about the costs, not just the benefits, of the rise of the surveillance state.</p>
<p>Another useful spillover of the spying “scandal” is that it has initiated a much-needed wider discussion about balancing concerns over individual privacy with counter-terrorism. It has also sparked a debate on whether agencies are collecting data because it is critical to inform relevant decisions or simply because they can do. </p>
<p>But the immediate point in this particular instance of Obama’s diplomatic outreach was to distinguish quickly between friend from foe, and promise to set or review some national rules to calm people’s suspicion and fear about US power. </p>
<p>It is worth acknowledging that Obama’s pitch to placate overseas audiences rather than justify the case for unlimited surveillance was not without some domestic heartburn. There has been <a href="http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/10/10/nsa_veterans_the_white_house_is_hanging_us_out_to_dry">various murmurings</a> from intelligence agencies that Obama failed to adequately defend spies for doing their job and responding to executive priorities. </p>
<blockquote>
<p>There has been no support for the agency (NSA) from the President or his staff or senior administration officials, and this has not gone unnoticed by both senior officials and the rank and file at the Fort.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>What Abbott can learn</h2>
<p>Based on glimpses of Abbott’s approach to diplomacy, he appears a closer disciple of the George W. Bush school of modern diplomacy: a “my-way-or-the-highway” point of view. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35730/original/7csyssk2-1384990849.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35730/original/7csyssk2-1384990849.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=744&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35730/original/7csyssk2-1384990849.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=744&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35730/original/7csyssk2-1384990849.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=744&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35730/original/7csyssk2-1384990849.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=935&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35730/original/7csyssk2-1384990849.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=935&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35730/original/7csyssk2-1384990849.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=935&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Tony Abbott should curb his ‘bulldog’ diplomacy instincts in this instance.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Daniel Munoz</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>While it is true that all countries spy on each other, it is Australia that has been caught out in this instance. At the very least, swift signals that displayed a willingness to listen to the concerns of others are all part of the ebb and flow of a larger political game – especially when the “victim” (in this case, Indonesia) is a crucial ally. </p>
<p>More broadly, contrite public explanations can help to avoid inflaming an Asian audience. Australia has traditionally had a long-standing image problem in some parts of Asia, such as the US <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/10/indonesia.australia">“deputy sheriff”</a> tag that appears very hard to remove. </p>
<p>Smart diplomacy also requires nuanced cues and forward-thinking, especially when dealing with fragile but vitally important relationships like Australia and Indonesia. Compromise or a preparedness to make assurances about future policy directions – or even eating some humble pie – should not be automatically equated with weakness and the undermining of national interests. </p>
<p>A “call-to-arms” nationalistic rhetoric – that has worked generally well for politicians in domestic settings in the post 9/11 world – lacks diplomatic finesse and, in this instance, reeks of hubris.</p>
<p>An apology to Indonesia should be the first step as part of the Australian government’s priority to reduce the impact of the spying revelations on Indonesian national pride and not back their policymakers into a corner where they feel compelled – in part due to democratic considerations – to respond in an equally pointed and sharp public manner. It’s a lose-lose situation.</p>
<p>The well-established script that the Australian government does not comment on (or show contrition for) intelligence matters is getting tiresome. In this instance, it is hardly a justification for diplomatic negligence and failing to exercise political self-restraint.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20555/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Daniel Baldino does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The contrast between Australian prime minister Tony Abbott’s self-defeating response to spying allegations with Indonesia and US president Barack Obama’s reaction to smooth its similar row with Germany…Daniel Baldino, Senior Lecturer in Politics & International Relations, University of Notre Dame AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205402013-11-21T00:53:23Z2013-11-21T00:53:23ZI spy, you spy, we all spy – but is it legal?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35734/original/vg557cpf-1384991418.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">It is sensible to keep an eye on our friends in order to manage risk.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Image from shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The specifics of whose phone was tapped and when may be new to Indonesia but the fact that Australia monitored its close friend’s activities will not be a surprise. Governments have been watching each other since before the telegraph. And they will continue to do so, because intelligence-gathering is fundamental to the maintenance of the modern state. </p>
<p>But is it legal for nations to spy on each other? And what protections are in place to ensure citizens, non-government organisations and corporations aren’t caught up in this web?</p>
<h2>Spying on a friend</h2>
<p>We should be wary of outrage over the reported activity of the <a href="http://www.asd.gov.au">Australian Signals Directorate</a> and other agencies. Their collection of information about Indonesia’s leaders is <a href="http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/cth/consol_act/isa2001216/s7.html">legal</a>. It may be diplomatically counter-productive or ethically problematical but it is lawful. </p>
<p>Just as importantly, it shouldn’t be any surprise to another government. Withdrawing an ambassador is traditional diplomatic street theatre, akin to the <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SjbPi00k_ME">scene</a> in Casablanca where Captain Renault exclaims that he’s “shocked! shocked!” to discover gambling on the premises … and then collects his winnings. The unforgivable rift may disappear after the coming Indonesian election and after all sides have milked the outrage for everything that it’s worth. </p>
<p>Mid-19th century British prime minister Lord Palmerston, writing in a volatile world that resembles our own, once <a href="https://politicalscience.byu.edu/Syllabi/F08/Champion_170_F08.pdf">indicated</a> that Britain had no permanent friends or enemies, only permanent interests. Many people in the Australian government take the same view. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35738/original/9whvshfv-1384991835.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35738/original/9whvshfv-1384991835.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=604&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35738/original/9whvshfv-1384991835.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=604&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35738/original/9whvshfv-1384991835.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=604&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35738/original/9whvshfv-1384991835.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=759&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35738/original/9whvshfv-1384991835.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=759&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35738/original/9whvshfv-1384991835.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=759&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Intelligence-gathering may be diplomatically counter-productive but it is lawful.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Romeo Gacad </span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>They recognise, for example, that Indonesia’s leaders have acknowledged concerns about the role of the <a href="http://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/handle/10125/3497">military</a> and independence of the judiciary, systemic <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01436599913703#preview">corruption</a> resembling that in China, questions about <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com.au/more-than-300-terrorists-to-be-released-from-indonesian-jails-in-the-next-year-report-2013-11">terrorism</a>, disagreements about resources in the <a href="http://www.aspistrategist.org.au/the-growing-timor-gap/">Timor Gap</a> and <a href="https://www.mja.com.au/journal/2013/199/4/human-rights-trauma-and-mental-health-west-papuan-refugees-resettled-australia">human rights abuses</a> regarding Irian Jayan <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2012/s3577104.htm">separatism</a>, and <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/713677655?journalCode=cjgr20#preview">ethnic violence</a> in the 1960s that saw the killing of several hundred thousand people. </p>
<p>It is sensible to keep an eye on our friends in order to manage risk (friendships, like marriages, sometimes go sour) and to minimise frictions. We assume that our friends are watching us to the best of their capability. On occasion we catch them breaking formal or informal rules, with <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/national/friends-spies-and-espionage-20130501-2iszb.html">South Korea</a>, for example, reportedly sprung hunting for trade negotiation information earlier this year. </p>
<h2>Protecting corporations, NGOs and individuals</h2>
<p>International law is essentially <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=969551">silent</a> about each nation’s surveillance of other governments, including covertly listening to official calls and chat by leaders with their loved ones about the kids or the offshore bank account. Intelligence collection is like sausage making: enjoy the meal but don’t talk with your fellow diners about what happened to the pig or the sawdust.</p>
<p>There are global concerns about official surveillance of individuals and organisations in other countries. Much of that surveillance isn’t high-tech. One example is the periodic outrage when it is revealed that friendly totalitarian states are using student informants to keep track of their citizens who are <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/asiapcf/06/05/australia.china.diplomat/index.html">studying</a> in other countries or to report on human rights advocacy groups in those countries. </p>
<p>In practice, many businesses, NGOs and individuals hope that they won’t be noticed or rely on self-help. Some individuals, particularly human rights activists, are resorting to privacy tools such as <a href="https://www.torproject.org/about/torusers.html.en">TOR</a>, a software program that <a href="https://theconversation.com/sorry-nsa-but-the-tor-network-is-secure-and-its-here-to-stay-18945">prevents others from watching</a> your internet connection. </p>
<p>But the same tools can, of course, be used by terrorists and commercial criminals, which is why national security <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/oct/04/nsa-gchq-attack-tor-network-encryption">agencies</a> seek <a href="http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/ghcq-targets-engineers-with-fake-linkedin-pages-a-932821.html">back doors</a> – methods that bypass normal authentication procedures to access encrypted communications. </p>
<p>To protect their online privacy, others rely on pseudonymity or have a small electronic footprint. Some businesses and even NGOs apparently trade favours: you look after me (by providing information about an overseas competitor or an official tender) and I’ll help you (provide a report or provide cover for your operative). </p>
<p>Bodies such as the <a href="http://www.privacy.org.au">Australian Privacy Foundation</a> have identified two challenges to maintaining privacy. </p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35742/original/gqmxnsfh-1384992048.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35742/original/gqmxnsfh-1384992048.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=898&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35742/original/gqmxnsfh-1384992048.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=898&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35742/original/gqmxnsfh-1384992048.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=898&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35742/original/gqmxnsfh-1384992048.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1129&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35742/original/gqmxnsfh-1384992048.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1129&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35742/original/gqmxnsfh-1384992048.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1129&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Some individuals are resorting to online privacy tools that prevent others from watching their internet connection.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Image from shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The first is that governments – and elites such as the families of Indonesia’s leaders – have access to protection that isn’t available to less privileged people. They expect to be targets. They can do something about it. Does that mean their privacy, central to human dignity, is less important? Is their privacy an acceptable casualty? </p>
<p>From a legal perspective, can we provide privacy protection to non-citizens outside Australia? Not easily under the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westphalian_sovereignty">Westphalian system</a> that respects national sovereignty or meaningfully under the UN. Certainly not with support from Putin, Assad and Xi Jinping. And this wouldn’t be possible without the support of social media giants or from Murdoch’s News. </p>
<p>That media group has disregarded <a href="https://theconversation.com/hackgate-the-impact-of-rebekah-brooks-arrest-5833">outrage</a> over privacy breaches in the UK and this week has stripped privacy from ABC journalists by <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-20/mark-scott-hits-back-at-leaked-abc-pay-details/5104472">revealing</a> their salaries.</p>
<p>The second is the <a href="http://www.davidbrin.com/transparentsociety.html">Brin Dictum</a>: “they” (governments and large corporations) can readily look at us, often without our knowing, but “we” cannot readily look at them. That differential reduces accountability and, as <a href="https://theconversation.com/when-trade-agreements-threaten-sovereignty-australia-beware-18419">critics</a> of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/topics/trans-pacific-partnership">Trans Pacific Partnership negotiations</a> have pointed out, inhibits informed policymaking.</p>
<h2>A secret or just embarrassing?</h2>
<p>Noise about spying on Indonesia has drowned out the Abbott government’s resistance to <a href="https://theconversation.com/liberal-secrecy-a-flawed-strategy-19406">providing access</a> to information about its activity, including information about the people who are presumably drowning off Australia’s north coast. </p>
<p>As a nation, our trust in government not to misuse its spying powers will be enhanced if there’s more transparency about activity that’s embarrassing rather than truly secret. We should be able to expect a resonant statement by the national <a href="http://www.oaic.gov.au">Information Commissioner</a>, champion of both privacy and freedom of information. Alas, that watchdog remains silent. </p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20540/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bruce Baer Arnold is affiliated with the Australian Privacy Foundation.</span></em></p>The specifics of whose phone was tapped and when may be new to Indonesia but the fact that Australia monitored its close friend’s activities will not be a surprise. Governments have been watching each…Bruce Baer Arnold, Assistant Professor, School of Law, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205512013-11-20T19:21:37Z2013-11-20T19:21:37ZDiplomatic crisis: can the PM mend our relationship with Indonesia?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35695/original/snh2twx4-1384939180.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Indonesian president, and his government, have experienced a serious loss of face at a time when they least wanted it.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Abror Rizki</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>When The Guardian Australia and the ABC <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/australia-spied-on-indonesian-president-leaked-documents-reveal/5098860">broke the news</a> that Australian intelligence agencies had been monitoring the phones of Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his wife and leading Cabinet ministers in August 2009, it was clear that relations between the new Abbott government and the veteran Yudhoyono government were about to face some very stormy weather. </p>
<p>Australian prime minister Tony Abbott, who clearly felt constrained about what aspects of Australia’s intelligence he could comment on, <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/australasia/indonesian-uproar-after-australian-prime-minister-tony-abbott-admits-to-gathering-information-8947763.html">initially seemed to hope</a> that with grace and polite firmness he could weather the storm. It is now clear that more is required. The question, however, is what more Abbott can do.</p>
<p>With intelligence and security co-operation between the two nations <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/indonesian-president-sby-orders-end-to-cooperation-over-people-smuggling-20131120-2xvit.html">now put on ice</a> and the prospect of a serious deterioration in bilateral operations to stop people smuggling <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/indonesian-president-sby-orders-end-to-cooperation-over-people-smuggling-20131120-2xvit.html">an unpleasant certainty</a>, Abbott has to redouble his efforts in publicly meeting Yudhoyono’s demands for a more meaningful response.</p>
<p>Should Abbott apologise? Can he apologise? Perhaps that all depends on what exactly is meant by apologising. </p>
<p>It has been suggested that Abbott should follow US president Barack Obama’s lead in <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/oct/23/us-monitored-angela-merkel-german">apologising to German chancellor Angela Merkel</a> over revelations that the NSA, under a program called Stateroom, had monitored her phone. Certainly, Obama’s response to Merkel represents something of a template, and a delineation of the constraints, for Abbott’s response to Yudhoyono.</p>
<p>This is all very reasonable but there are two things to bear in mind. First, Obama did not make a public apology to Merkel. The details are not clear but it appears Merkel initiated a call to Obama and there was an exchange which at least partly satisfied her concerns. Second, while Abbott might share in common with Obama a certain cool, precise, rational style of communication, Yudhoyono is an Indonesian president, not a German chancellor.</p>
<p>For Yudhoyono, as his stream-of-consciousness Twitter feed has <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/spying-scandal-sby-takes-to-twitter-to-hit-out-at-tony-abbott-20131119-2xs1o.html">made clear</a>, the problem with Abbott’s eloquent response is that it <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-indonesia-spy-standoff-more-than-just-gestural-politics-20427">lacks emotional substance</a>. In the early hours of Tuesday morning, Yudhoyono tweeted that he was disturbed the Australian prime minister was “making light” of an important issue and “dismissing a serious matter as being merely normal business”. </p>
<p>Yudhoyono and Indonesian foreign minister Marty Natalegawa have continually returned to this issue, making it clear they expected much more from Abbott and his government. Abbott tried, and tried again. As recently as last night he addressed parliament, speaking of his deep concern at the offence caused to Yudhoyono and the damage done to one of Australia’s most important relationships.</p>
<p>From Jakarta’s point of view, however, this is clearly not enough. At the very least, Abbott should not follow Obama’s example and wait for his counterpart to call him. Rather, he needs to be seen to be earnestly initiating engagement.</p>
<p>At this point, the original facts of the matter are less important then perceptions of how much we care. Technically, the information revealed in the Snowden documents might not be particularly surprising for those who follow intelligence matters, including government ministers. But when an issue like this gets out in public, particularly at the end of an embattled president’s final term and the start of a long cycle of election campaigning, perception is everything.</p>
<p>Regardless of what precipitated them, the emotions that we are seeing expressed in Jakarta are genuine and their consequences deeply significant. Yudhoyono and his government have experienced a serious loss of face at a time when they least wanted it. Face-saving measures are needed urgently and they need to be substantial. Natalegawa has talked about <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national/indonesia-foreign-minister-marty-natalegawa-says-repair-damage-over-spying/story-e6frfkp9-1226764448014">“irreparable damage”</a>. That may be hyperbole but it could quickly become reality.</p>
<p>Abbott is seriously constrained about what intelligence matters he can comment on and a technical apology of the sort that would satisfy lawyers might not be absolutely possible. But he can - and must - be seen to respond with deepest concern to the hurt and embarrassment suffered by his friends in Jakarta.</p>
<p>As <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-20/afp-confirms-phone-monitoring-federal-mps/5106240">revelations emerged last night</a> about Australian Federal Police monitoring the phone calls of Australian politicians, Australia, like America, has received an unwelcome wake-up call. The damaging Snowden leaks speak to the need to periodically review intelligence practices and weigh up the cost of being caught spying on friends.</p>
<p>Everyone spies on everyone. It has always been so and always will be so, but the growth in the capacity of digital technology to vacuum up data and analyse vast quantities of information has led to a degree of capacity creep. It has also increased the likelihood and scale of damaging leaks. Our intelligence agencies need to operate with a high degree of secrecy but they also benefit from a certain degree of public accountability and transparency. Arguably, more is needed.</p>
<p>Abbott can certainly address this – in general terms – and commit to discussing it with his Indonesian counterparts so that together they can work towards building a relationship characterised by growing trust and co-operation.</p>
<p>The way forward will be difficult but the important thing now is that Indonesia sees that Australia cares, and cares deeply, about its hurt and its embarrassment and does all that it can to make amends. As is the case when any important relationship is in peril, too much is at stake to be seen to be doing anything less than giving this our all. </p>
<p>The past, and the facts about what might have happened, are not really the point – it is how much we are seen to care now that will determine where this goes next.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20551/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Greg Barton is currently working on two ARC Discovery grant projects examining political, social and religious change in Indonesia. He is affiliated with the Australia – Indonesia Centre at Monash University.</span></em></p>When The Guardian Australia and the ABC broke the news that Australian intelligence agencies had been monitoring the phones of Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his wife and leading Cabinet…Greg Barton, Herb Feith Research Professor for the Study of Indonesia, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205412013-11-20T04:23:27Z2013-11-20T04:23:27ZProtecting secrets: inside Australia’s mysterious spy agency<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35643/original/f87mgfkx-1384911243.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">For the Australian Signals Directorate – as with all organisations in the spying business – the secret of success is in keeping your success secret.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Lukas Coch</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Much like in the movie Casablanca, there is much huffing and shaking of heads about activities of the nation’s electronic spy agency, the Australian Signals Directorate (ASD), after <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/australia-spied-on-indonesian-president-leaked-documents-reveal/5098860">allegations emerged</a> that the agency tapped the mobile phones of Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his wife and his senior colleagues. “Round up the usual suspects” echoes in my mind. </p>
<p>Indonesian foreign minister Marty Natalegawa has <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national/jakarta-anger-at-embarrassing-scandal-of-australian-spying-revelations/story-e6frfkp9-1226764169851">fulminated</a> about Australia’s alleged spying activities. No doubt the political reverberations will continue for some time, but it is important to have a broader perspective on the significance of the ASD.</p>
<h2>An agency is born</h2>
<p>In World War Two, decrypted military and diplomatic cables made a significant difference to military strategy and, according to some estimates, shortened the war by up to two years. </p>
<p>The Australian signals intelligence organisation of the day, known as the Central Bureau – as well as its affiliated naval and military components – laid the groundwork for the post-war organisation the Defence Signals Bureau, which would in time come to be known as the ASD.</p>
<p>The decryption of Soviet communications at the end of World War Two pointed to a “nest of spies” operating in Australia passing sensitive information to the Soviet Union. This revelation prompted the <a href="http://www.asio.gov.au/About-ASIO/Overview.html">establishment of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation</a> (ASIO) under Ben Chifley in 1949.</p>
<p>Successive governments since the formation of ASIO have seen the value of signals intelligence and communications security. Indeed, the dual function performed by the ASD as captured in <a href="http://www.asd.gov.au/">its motto</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>To reveal their secrets and protect our own.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Basics of the spy business</h2>
<p>Some argue that in an open, liberal-democratic society such as Australia, the more that is revealed about the functions of this organisation the better. But a couple of caveats should be considered.</p>
<p>First, in the spy business, the secret of success is in keeping your success secret. The paradox is that the more openness there is, the more the other side knows about your capabilities and intentions, the more difficult and costly it is to undertake ongoing investigative work, and the less effective are your own collection efforts.</p>
<p>There is also the notion that the public interest is served by these revelations – even if the national interest may not be. This should be taken with some caution. The Snowden revelations undoubtedly have hurt the <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/technology/technology-news/mission-almost-impossible-keeping-a-step-ahead-of-prying-five-eyes-20131015-2vky7.html">Five Eyes intelligence partners</a> (Australia, the US, Britain, Canada and New Zealand) far more than their targets. </p>
<p>British intelligence adviser Sir David Omand <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-24486649">speculated</a> that Snowden’s revelations to the Russians and Chinese about the extent of US spy activities, may eclipse those made by the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cambridge_Five">Cambridge Five</a> (a group of spies recruited by the Soviet Union during World War Two) in terms of damage. </p>
<p>Some, such as ex-CIA boss Michael Hayden, are arguing that Snowden’s revelations expose not just some sensitive products, but <a href="http://www.politico.com/story/2013/08/michael-hayden-edward-snowden-bradley-manning-95113.html">“the plumbing”</a> of the system.</p>
<p>It is impossible to fathom the cost of replacing, rebuilding or developing new ways of regaining access lost by Snowden’s revelations. Similarly, it is impossible to know how many terrorist plots now may slip through the surveillance net.</p>
<p>Some may dismiss such claims as alarmist, citing past issues of waste, misuse, and lack of authority in Australian intelligence that were prevalent in the 1960s. </p>
<h2>Reform and oversight</h2>
<p>Since the 1960s, the <a href="http://www.igis.gov.au/aic/">Australian Intelligence Community</a> has evolved. Three royal commissions conducted under Justice Robert Hope in the mid-1970s, late 1970s and mid-1980s resulted in significant and substantive reform, with accountability mechanisms established as a result of these reviews unmatched in the Western world. </p>
<p>Reviews by <a href="http://www.dpmc.gov.au/publications/intelligence_inquiry/">Philip Flood in 2004</a> and <a href="http://www.dpmc.gov.au/PUBLICATIONS/iric/index.cfm">Robert Cornall and Rufus Black in 2011</a> have also made further recommendations for reform, while essentially endorsing the extant mechanisms as robust and accountable.</p>
<p>The accountability mechanism arising from these reviews are reinforced by the enduring powers of a royal commissioner. This is vested today in the <a href="http://www.igis.gov.au/">Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security</a>.</p>
<h2>Relationship with Indonesia</h2>
<p>The ASD’s interest in Indonesia has been long-understood and <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/policy/stay-calm-relations-take-a-hit-but-everyone-listens-to-everyone/story-fn59nm2j-1226763860414">known </a> by the Indonesians. They have also benefited from this through the extensive intelligence exchange in the years since the Bali bombings, which have helped bolster security and stability for Indonesians as well as Australians. </p>
<p>Certainly, the revelations of phone tapping are embarrassing – and Australia needs to work to smooth over ruffled feathers. But these revelations need to be placed in perspective. </p>
<p>Privately, Indonesia may well be quite flattered at Australia’s attention. In the past, they have discreetly been most appreciative of what has been shared with them by Australia’s security and intelligence agencies. They also understand that Australia is interested in Indonesia because it matters so much to Australia.</p>
<p>Perhaps, as my colleague Andrew Carr <a href="http://www.couriermail.com.au/news/opinion/the-spying-news-isnt-all-bad-for-tony-abbott-and-the-coalition/story-fnihsr9v-1226763749836">suggests</a>, Australian prime minister Tony Abbott should turn this crisis into an opportunity for greater openness, collaboration and mutual respect. </p>
<p>At the same time, Yudhoyono and Natalegawa need to weigh up the benefits of what having a peaceful and collaborative southern neighbour brings to Indonesian security, stability and prosperity before offering too much more feigned indignation.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20541/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Blaxland is a former Chief Staff Officer for Joint Intelligence (J2) at the Australian Defence Force’s Joint Operations Command.</span></em></p>Much like in the movie Casablanca, there is much huffing and shaking of heads about activities of the nation’s electronic spy agency, the Australian Signals Directorate (ASD), after allegations emerged…John Blaxland, Senior Fellow, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205332013-11-20T02:26:20Z2013-11-20T02:26:20ZTo publish, or not to publish? The ethics of reporting spying<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35635/original/fsqvx5ff-1384908785.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Guardian and ABC's case to publish information about Australia's phone tapping is a defensible one.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Adi Weda</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Were <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/nov/18/australia-tried-to-monitor-indonesian-presidents-phone">The Guardian Australia</a> and the <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/australia-spied-on-indonesian-president-leaked-documents-reveal/5098860">ABC</a> ethically justified in publishing leaked classified material showing Australia tapped the telephones of Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his wife, and senior Cabinet ministers?</p>
<p>It is an acutely difficult question. Usually decisions about disclosure of previously secret or confidential information requires journalists to weigh the public interest in disclosure against the foreseeable harm that is likely to follow. The greater the likely harm, the higher the public interest threshold needs to be.</p>
<p>In this case, however, there are at least four public interests, some of them in conflict with others:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Having an intelligence service that is effective in protecting Australia’s national interests</p></li>
<li><p>Maintaining sufficient secrecy to enable that function to be achieved</p></li>
<li><p>Seeing that the intelligence services are accountable for their performance, and</p></li>
<li><p>Enabling Australia to conduct effective diplomatic relationships with other countries.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>The foreseeable harm that would result from the revelations about the phone tapping is exactly what is now occurring. A serious diplomatic row has erupted between Australia and its biggest neighbour, Indonesia - a country with whom Australia’s relationship has been delicate for decades, and whose co-operation is critical in deterring people smuggling and drug trafficking, among other policy priorities.</p>
<p>This is significant harm. Is the public interest in disclosure commensurate with the harm done?</p>
<p>We have only limited information from The Guardian Australia and the ABC about their reasoning. However, it is obvious that they attached a higher priority to the public interest in the accountability of the intelligence services than to the other three competing public interests.</p>
<p>Behind this lay a value judgement. The ABC’s managing director Mark Scott <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-19/abc-chief-mark-scott-defends-reporting-on-snowden-documents/5103444">indicated</a> in answer to questions at a Senate estimates committee hearing on Tuesday what this was. He compared the telephone tapping by Australia’s Defence Signals Directorate (DSD) to the gross moral wrong involved in the Australian Wheat Board’s <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AWB_oil-for-wheat_scandal">bribing of officials</a> in return for purchasing Australian wheat.</p>
<p>Whether the moral wrong amounts to criminality in the DSD case is an open question. Experts in international law have been reported as saying that espionage activities exist at the point where international law gives out.</p>
<p>However, once a journalist or editor has made a judgement that they are in possession of evidence showing gross moral wrongdoing by public officials, they then must confront the question of what to do with it. To publish, or not to publish? This is the point at which the concept of censorship becomes relevant.</p>
<p>In journalism, the question of censorship usually centres on motive: why am I not publishing? There are sometimes good reasons not to publish: to protect the safety of soldiers in war or to respect a person’s right to a fair trial, for instance. There are also bad reasons not to publish: to avoid embarrassing the government or an advertiser or a valued source of information. It is the “bad” reasons that amount to censorship.</p>
<p>From what we know, it seems the chain of reasoning by The Guardian Australia and the ABC went like this: we have evidence of gross wrongdoing by the DSD. If we publish, we will cause great embarrassment to the government; we are likely to cause serious tensions between Australia and Indonesia; and we might damage the capacity of the DSD to gather intelligence in Indonesia - at least for the time being. However, we believe that the public interest in holding the DSD to account trumps these competing public interests because of the gravity of the wrongdoing.</p>
<p>Competent journalists of goodwill might come to a different conclusion. They might prioritise the public interests differently and strike the balance between benefit and harm in a different place. But this does not make the actions of The Guardian Australia and the ABC wrong. Their case to publish is a defensible one, based on what we know at the moment.</p>
<p>They would strengthen their position by supplying the public with a fuller account of how they came to that decision. Sunlight, as they say, is a great disinfectant. And for former foreign minister <a href="http://www.3aw.com.au/blogs/breaking-news-blog/indonesian-spying-embarrassing-for-australia/20131119-2xs1u.html">Alexander Downer</a> and others impugning their motives (including fellow journalists <a href="http://blogs.news.com.au/dailytelegraph/andrewbolt/index.php/dailytelegraph/comments/bloody_bloody_abc_hypocrites/">Andrew Bolt</a> and <a href="http://blogs.news.com.au/dailytelegraph/mirandadevine/index.php/dailytelegraph/comments/the_lefts_secrets_and_lies/">Miranda Devine</a>), disinfectant would help.</p>
<p>Downer’s rather partisan <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/worldtoday/content/2013/s3894048.htm">contribution</a> – where he made a point of characterising The Guardian as <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national/adversaries-emboldened-by-snowden/story-e6frfkp9-1226763763099#">“left-wing”</a> – was that the media outlets had released the information now in order to sabotage the Abbott government’s attempts to enlist Indonesian help in dealing with asylum seekers. This assertion seems to be based on hearsay.</p>
<p>The two media outlets have <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national/guardian-sat-on-spy-records/story-e6frfkp9-1226763815538">responded</a> by saying that while The Guardian in England had had the material since receiving it from the former US intelligence contractor Edward Snowden in May, it had taken time to sift this material out of the vast Snowden tranche. They said they had received the material in Australia only a few days before publishing, and in the meantime had taken steps to redact certain content and to conduct other checks.</p>
<p>However, in a case where accountability is a central issue, transparency of process by the media would set a useful example.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20533/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Were The Guardian Australia and the ABC ethically justified in publishing leaked classified material showing Australia tapped the telephones of Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his wife…Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow in the Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/205422013-11-20T01:45:29Z2013-11-20T01:45:29ZIndonesia: the only long-term solution is deeper engagement<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35646/original/8wddd2dw-1384911518.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Made Nagi</span></span></figcaption></figure><figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35646/original/8wddd2dw-1384911518.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35646/original/8wddd2dw-1384911518.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=391&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35646/original/8wddd2dw-1384911518.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=391&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35646/original/8wddd2dw-1384911518.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=391&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35646/original/8wddd2dw-1384911518.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=491&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35646/original/8wddd2dw-1384911518.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=491&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/35646/original/8wddd2dw-1384911518.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=491&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Made Nagi</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>When asked what he thought was most likely to blow government plans and policies off course, former British prime minister Harold Macmillan famously replied: “events, dear boy, events”. Former US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld made a similar point, albeit in more prosaic style: “shit happens”.</p>
<p>Tony Abbot could be forgiven for thinking something similar. No one could have foreseen that a full-blown crisis with “our most important” neighbour would erupt within weeks of taking office, especially after all the positive talk about more Jakarta and less Geneva. Unfortunately, the best of foreign policy intentions are always hostage to fortune.</p>
<p>In the short-term there is probably little the Abbott government can do other than to keep its collective head down and wait for it to blow over. The Obama administration’s strategy of an outright apology and a pledge to mend its ways — in Germany’s case at least — may be tricky for Australia, but surely some form of words can be found to soothe Indonesia’s dented national pride.</p>
<p>There are good reasons to think that the present spat will be manageable, despite the growing clamour in Indonesia. Sheer geography dictates that both countries have powerful incentives to make the relationship work. The immediate challenge will be to come up with a narrative that manages to mollify the Indonesians while remaining locked into an intelligence gathering architecture that neither of the major parties in Australia seems willing to relinquish — whatever its political costs.</p>
<p>In the longer-term, however, there are strategies that can be put in place to ensure current events come to be seen as more of a tiff and less of a rupture. Indeed, it is plain that the relationship already has important strengths that should help both sides find a way through what has rapidly become a major crisis and an early, entirely unexpected test of the Abbott government’s diplomatic skills.</p>
<p>The fact that so many senior figures in and around the Indonesian government have been educated and/or spent long periods of time in Australia may ultimately prove to be a decisive advantage. This is where the sorts of personal connections, knowledge and understanding emphasised by the education sector and routinely invoked by politicians actually pays off. It also points to the way forward as far as the long-term stability of the relationship is concerned; it is one in which academia can play a useful part.</p>
<p>My colleague Jeffrey Wilson has detailed some of the conclusions of the recently-released “Murdoch Commission” report elsewhere in <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-australia-must-deepen-its-asian-investment-relationships-20264">The Conversation</a>. The significance of the report at this moment is that it offers a model for the sort of innovative role universities, federal and state governments, as well as business can play in deepening the engagement process and making problems of the current sort both less likely and consequential.</p>
<p>Among the many useful recommendations made by the Commission one of the most important is about the need to <a href="http://www.murdoch.edu.au/Murdoch-Commission/Final-Report/">intensify connections to the region</a>. While this may have become something of a motherhood statement, perhaps, its potential importance in the current crisis could hardly be clearer. Interconnection and interdependence change the calculus of foreign policy and help top determine what leaders consider to be realistic and feasible options.</p>
<p>At an elite inter-government level there is little doubt that bilateral ties between Indonesia and Australia really have changed for the better and this augurs well for the resolution of the current crisis. The great challenge is to make such positive engagement more pervasive, positive, and widely appreciated, especially in Indonesia where national pride is easily bruised.</p>
<p>This is where the recommendations of bodies such as the Murdoch Commission are potentially so important. True, the Commission’s focus is primarily on Western Australia, but feeling aggrieved with Canberra is a popular pastime in the West, too, so there are potential lessons to be learnt.</p>
<p>One of the most important features of Australia’s relationship with Indonesia that the Commission highlights is the remarkably under-developed nature of economic ties. The government and the public sector may continue to bang the drum of greater engagement, but the private sector has been slow to capitalise on the opportunities that the region generally and Indonesia in particular offer. Outward investment from Australia remains limited in extent and range - despite its potential importance in transforming relationships in the long-term. Bilateral trade with Indonesia is a piffling 2.3% of Australia’s total trade.</p>
<p>Australia’s relationship with Indonesia undoubtedly needs attention. But once the current hullabaloo subsides, as it surely will, the main game still needs to be deepening and diversifying the ties that bind the countries together. People-to-people ties are important in Indonesia and elsewhere in Asia, but so, too, is a greater economic presence.</p>
<p>“Events” will always happen. The long-term goal of foreign policy has to be ensuring that there is sufficient ballast in the relationship to allow it to navigate the occasionally choppy waters of international diplomacy. The development of deeply embedded, multi-dimensional bilateral ties has to be central to the long game.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20542/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
When asked what he thought was most likely to blow government plans and policies off course, former British prime minister Harold Macmillan famously replied: “events, dear boy, events”. Former US Defense…Mark Beeson, Professor of International Politics, Murdoch UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/204272013-11-19T00:16:23Z2013-11-19T00:16:23ZAustralia-Indonesia spy standoff more than just ‘gestural’ politics<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/35486/original/r29rvz4k-1384752733.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Reports from Jakarta suggest Indonesia may be moving to review all aspects of its relationship to Australia.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Adi Weda</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/australia-spied-on-indonesian-president-leaked-documents-reveal/5098860">revelations</a> that Australia was spying on its “best friends” in Indonesia have rocked Indonesia-Australia relations. Indonesian foreign minister Marty Natalegawa has withdrawn the country’s ambassador from Canberra and suggested he may not be back anytime soon.</p>
<p>Leaked documents from the US National Security Agency <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-18/australia-spied-on-indonesian-president-leaked-documents-reveal/5098860">show</a> Australian intelligence tapped Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s (SBY) mobile phone for 15 days in August 2009. It is well-known that SBY is more favourably disposed towards Canberra than any of his predecessors, so it remains unclear what – if any – lasting effect this revelation will have on SBY’s outlook towards Australia. </p>
<p>The Indonesian president <a href="https://twitter.com/SBYudhoyono/">took to Twitter</a>, saying:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I also deeply regret that the Australian prime minister sees the phone tapping of Indonesia as paltry, without any feeling of being in the wrong.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This is not simply a bit of “gestural politics” which some commentators are writing it off as. Reports from Jakarta suggest Indonesia may be moving to review all aspects of its relationship to Australia.</p>
<p>Also spied on, Vice President Boediono has degrees and now honorary degrees from the University of <a href="http://www.oneperth.com.au/2011/03/08/boediono/">Western Australia</a>, <a href="http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/herb-feith-foundation/monash-university-confers-an-honorary-doctorate-on-the-vice-president-of-the-republic-of-indonesia/">Monash</a> and <a href="http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/blogs/indonesiaproject/2013/11/18/vice-president-boediono-received-an-honorary-degree-from-anu/">ANU</a> and has publicly said that his career and his moral compass were shaped by his time in Australia.</p>
<p><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sri_Mulyani_Indrawati">Sri Mulyani</a>, Indonesia’s former finance minister, is a particularly strange target for spying – unless we were trying to work out the secrets of Indonesia’s astounding growth-rate. With a PhD from the University of Illinois, Mulyani was largely apolitical until her appointment to the Yudhoyono cabinet in 2005. However, she <a href="http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/archive/indonesias-ruthless-politics-dog-sri-mulyani-to-end/376236/">resigned in 2010</a>, mostly because of the machinations of a group of corrupt but politically well-connected businessmen. </p>
<p>Mulyani was immediately appointed as one of three <a href="http://www.worldbank.org/en/about/people/sri-mulyani-indrawati">managing directors</a> at the World Bank. By 2009, when the spying supposedly started, anyone with knowledge of Indonesian domestic politics would have known of her impending political demise.</p>
<p>Even less defensible in the eyes of the Indonesian public is the Australian eavesdropping on the First Lady, Kristiani (better known as Ibu Ani Yudhoyono). While she is the daughter of General Sarwo Edhie, she is arguably the least political of the “first spouses” in the history of Indonesia. </p>
<p>Australian prime minister Tony Abbott’s comment that passed off the intelligence activities as <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/australasia/indonesian-uproar-after-australian-prime-minister-tony-abbott-admits-to-gathering-information-8947763.html">“information gathering”</a> rather than spying will be, at best, fodder for Indonesian cartoonists. At worst, it will be seen as adding insult to injury.</p>
<p>Equally pointless is the expert commentary that all governments spy and that the Indonesian political leaders are merely <a href="http://au.news.yahoo.com/a/19905750/australias-uncomfortable-months-will-pass-us-asia-expert-says/">staging outrage</a> for the benefit of its domestic audience.</p>
<p>This distinction between “domestic” and “foreign” is simply not that clear cut in the 21st century when the national boundaries no longer operate as barriers for news distribution. And the Indonesian leadership knows not to stoke any anti-foreign sentiments without serious consideration. </p>
<p>So far, the coverage in the Indonesian press has been balanced and sober, giving substantial space to Australian government responses. <a href="http://www.kompas.com/">Kompas</a>, Indonesia’s most respected daily, even points out that the phone taps were authorised not by the Coalition government but by its predecessor.</p>
<p>Other Indonesian newspapers have pointed out that some of the Australian spying targets might themselves be running for office in the impending elections. Only time will tell how those individuals might deal with the experience of their privacy being invaded.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/lateline/content/2006/s1600554.htm">last time</a> Jakarta withdrew its ambassador was in 2006, when the then-Howard government gave political asylum to 43 West Papuans in Australia. On that occasion, the actions of both governments divided opinion in both nations. Substantial sections of the media and politicians in both countries – including a small group of Liberal parliamentarians – argued that it was right and proper for the Papuans to seek asylum and it was right and proper for a democracy such as Australia to provide such asylum.</p>
<p>This time, the Indonesian population is broadly against Australia’s actions. The mood is somewhere between outrage, cynicism or at best disinterest, after almost constant public stoushes between the two nations in the last few months.</p>
<p>Nor is the issue of Australia-Indonesia relations high on the list of concerns for the <a href="http://www.lowyinterpreter.org/post/2013/02/21/Indonesias-next-president-A-form-guide.aspx">most popular potential presidential candidates</a>. None of the three – Jakarta governor Jokowi, retired general Prabowo and media magnate Dahlan Iskan – have expressed any views on the spying fiasco publicly.</p>
<p>The Australian media is certainly focused on Indonesia now. However, this is probably not what Tony Abbott meant when he suggested that the Coalition government’s foreign policy would pivot from <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jun/02/foreign-policy-julie-bishop-coalition">Geneva to Jakarta</a>.</p>
<p>In Perth last week, Boediono addressed a small group of young Australians who are studying Indonesian language and culture. He said:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>By learning our language and culture, you will have the key to our hearts. And therein is the best way for us to learn about each other.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>It would be so much better if Australia could understand what our neighbours are saying out loud, rather than having to eavesdrop.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/20427/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Krishna Sen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The revelations that Australia was spying on its “best friends” in Indonesia have rocked Indonesia-Australia relations. Indonesian foreign minister Marty Natalegawa has withdrawn the country’s ambassador…Krishna Sen, Winthrop Professor & Dean of Faculty of Arts, The University of Western AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.