tag:theconversation.com,2011:/institutions/bi-norwegian-business-school-695/articlesBI Norwegian Business School2023-08-18T12:39:44Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2106712023-08-18T12:39:44Z2023-08-18T12:39:44ZTipping etiquette and norms are in flux − here’s how you can avoid feeling flustered or ripped off<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542867/original/file-20230815-23-mw6txd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=298%2C54%2C5743%2C3841&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Digital payment methods may automatically prompt you to leave a gratuity.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/TippingFatigue/11bc6c8b9388484fa0dbf543db35dc47/photo?Query=tip%20fatigue&mediaType=photo,video,graphic,audio&sortBy=arrivaldatetime:desc&dateRange=Anytime&totalCount=5&currentItemNo=0">AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Tipping has gotten more complicated – and awkward – in North America.</p>
<p>The ever-growing list of situations in which you might be invited to tip includes <a href="https://haveyourselfatime.com/smoothie-king-tipping-etiquette/">buying a smoothie</a>, <a href="https://bestlifeonline.com/places-you-should-never-tip/">paying an electrician</a>, <a href="https://www.marketwatch.com/story/should-you-tip-your-flight-attendant-it-all-depends-on-the-airline-2019-01-08">getting a beer from a flight attendant</a> and <a href="https://support.actblue.com/donors/about-actblue/what-are-actblue-tips-for/">making a political donation</a>. </p>
<p>Should you always tip when someone suggests it? If yes, how do you calculate the right amount? And if you don’t, are you being stingy?</p>
<p>As <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=iU_D4EwAAAAJ&hl=en">marketing professors</a> who <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?hl=en&user=s5S9eAoAAAAJ&view_op=list_works&sortby=pubdate">specialize in customer interactions</a>, we’re researching how <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/10946705231166742">digital payment technologies have changed how and when customers tip</a>. Our research suggests that asking for <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1094670519900553">tips before service</a> and <a href="https://www.msi.org/working-papers/whos-in-control-how-default-tip-levels-influence-customer-response/">suggesting tip amounts that are too high</a> can frustrate customers and be bad for business.</p>
<h2>What’s new</h2>
<p>U.S. customers historically tipped people they assumed were earning most of their <a href="https://ssrn.com/abstract=465942">income via tips</a>, such as restaurant servers earning less than the minimum wage. In the early 2010s, a wide range of businesses started processing purchases with iPads and other digital payment systems. These systems often prompted customers to tip for <a href="https://www.fastcompany.com/3022182/how-square-registers-ui-guilts-you-into-leaving-tips">services that were not previously tipped</a>.</p>
<p>Today’s tip requests are often not connected to the salary and service norms that used to determine <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2023/01/technology-pandemic-economy-gratuity-tipping-etiquette-square/672658/">when and how people tip</a>.</p>
<p>Customers in the past nearly always paid tips after receiving a service, such as at the conclusion of a restaurant meal, after getting a haircut or once a pizza was delivered. That timing could reward high-quality service and give workers an incentive to provide it. </p>
<p>It’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/customers-hate-tipping-before-theyre-served-and-asking-makes-them-less-likely-to-return-132078">becoming more common</a> for tips to be <a href="https://theconversation.com/payment-apps-asking-for-specific-tips-before-service-annoy-the-heck-out-of-users-but-still-generate-bigger-gratuities-180083">requested beforehand</a>. And new tipping technology may even <a href="https://abc7news.com/amazon-fresh-tipping-tip-delivery-driver-automatic/13325771/">automatically add tips</a>.</p>
<h2>Tip creep and tipflation</h2>
<p>The prevalence of digital payment devices has made it easier to ask customers for a tip. That helps explain why <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/01/business/dollar3-tip-on-a-dollar4-cup-of-coffee-gratuities-grow-automatically.html">tip requests are creeping</a> into new kinds of services.</p>
<p>Customers now routinely see menus of suggested default options – often well above 20% of what they owe. The amounts have risen from <a href="https://www.npr.org/2022/03/29/1089587173/the-land-of-the-fee-2021">10% or less in the 1950s</a> to 15% around the year 2000 to <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2022/01/14/is-25percent-the-new-20percent-how-much-to-tip-in-a-post-pandemic-world.html">20% or higher today</a>. This increase is sometimes called <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/tipping-backlash-inflation-who-should-get-tipped/">tipflation</a> – the expectation of ever-higher tip amounts. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.vox.com/the-goods/22446361/pandemic-gratuity-covid-service-work">COVID-19 pandemic</a>, which hastened the adoption of digital payments and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/0886368721999135">increased sympathy for service workers</a>, amplified both tip creep and tipflation.</p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542872/original/file-20230815-17-m69ndx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Soda fountain attendant serving young woman in a black and white photo taken in the 1950s" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542872/original/file-20230815-17-m69ndx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542872/original/file-20230815-17-m69ndx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=747&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542872/original/file-20230815-17-m69ndx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=747&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542872/original/file-20230815-17-m69ndx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=747&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542872/original/file-20230815-17-m69ndx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=939&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542872/original/file-20230815-17-m69ndx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=939&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542872/original/file-20230815-17-m69ndx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=939&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Tips used to be smaller.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/soda-fountain-attendant-serving-young-woman-royalty-free-image/53271877?phrase=tip+restaurant+service+black+and+white&adppopup=true">George Marks/Retrofile RF via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Tipping has always been a <a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/07/17/1187275511/tipping-minimum-wage-tips-tip-screen">vital source of income</a> for workers in historically tipped services, like restaurants, where the tipped minimum wage can be as low as <a href="https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state/minimum-wage/tipped">US$2.13 an hour</a>. Tip creep and tipflation are now further supplementing the income of <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/13/business/economy/tipped-wage-subminimum.html">many low-wage service workers</a>.</p>
<p>Notably, tipping primarily benefits some of these workers, such as waiters, but not others, such as cooks and dishwashers. To ensure that all employees were paid fair wages, some restaurants banned tipping and increased prices, but this movement toward no-tipping services has <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/culture/annals-of-gastronomy/the-limitations-of-american-restaurants-no-tipping-experiment">largely fizzled out</a>.</p>
<p>So, to increase employee wages without raising prices, more employers are succumbing to the temptations of tip creep and tipflation. However, <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/10/american-tipping-system-makes-no-sense/600865/">many customers are frustrated</a> because they feel they are being asked for too high of a tip, too often. And, as our research emphasizes, tipping now seems to be more coercive, less generous and often completely dissociated from service quality. </p>
<p>While digital tipping can be an easy way for customers to <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/04/19/dining/tipping-gratuity-restaurants.html">help workers or express their gratitude</a> for good service, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/09/briefing/tipping-confusion-food-delivery-apps.html?searchResultPosition=2">many Americans feel uncertain</a> about what to do when asked for a tip.</p>
<h2>3 questions to always ask</h2>
<p>Here are some questions you can ask yourself when faced with almost any tipping decision. </p>
<p><strong>1. Should I tip?</strong></p>
<p>It’s generally up to you to decide whether you will tip and how much.</p>
<p>To avoid being <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1094670519900553">pressured into tipping when you don’t want to</a>, establish your own norms for different services. That will make you less likely to be surprised by an unexpected or high-pressure tip request. Many customers do pay tips in those situations but get upset.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542871/original/file-20230815-26-1zfy69.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Tip jar full of dollar bills with a 'thank you' written on a strip of tape adhered to it" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542871/original/file-20230815-26-1zfy69.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542871/original/file-20230815-26-1zfy69.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542871/original/file-20230815-26-1zfy69.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542871/original/file-20230815-26-1zfy69.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542871/original/file-20230815-26-1zfy69.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542871/original/file-20230815-26-1zfy69.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542871/original/file-20230815-26-1zfy69.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Sometimes it’s best to chip in with a little cash.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/glass-tip-jar-at-checkout-counter-royalty-free-image/1324730309?adppopup=true">Catherine McQueen/Moment via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We advise you to always tip when there’s a clear tradition of doing so: dining at full-service restaurants or ordering a drink at a bar, traveling by taxi, having meals delivered to your door and getting a haircut.</p>
<p>We also recommend tipping employees you believe are being paid less than a fair wage. Though it can be difficult to determine whether employees are underpaid, learning whether your state or city <a href="https://www.epi.org/minimum-wage-tracker/?gclid=CjwKCAjw5_GmBhBIEiwA5QSMxAJ3gRSsi_Jz-Ny8ZacR8aM7pW0FmaCazBhvhq0vzZtzSpDM63s-wBoCOX4QAvD_BwE#/min_wage/New%20Jersey">guarantees a minimum wage</a> that’s well above the federal requirement can help.</p>
<p>For many tipped services, quality varies widely. In these situations, you can use tips to reward better service, if you pay after receiving it; or you can give workers a tip beforehand as an incentive to treat you well.</p>
<p>Likewise, pay a tip if you’re likely to use the service again. You will earn a reputation as a good or bad tipper, and employees will treat you accordingly.</p>
<p>There’s a wide range of services that may or may not require a tip. These include quick-service cafes and takeout, where customers order at a counter rather than being waited on at a table. You will need to decide what to do in those situations on a case-by-case basis. <a href="https://www.foodnetwork.com/fn-dish/news/2014/05/should-you-tip-your-barista">Tipping a barista</a> who has skillfully prepared your fancy latte makes more sense to us than tipping a worker who rings up a can of soda.</p>
<p>In many instances, paying and tipping in cash makes the most sense because you can avoid coercive technology and ensure that the employee who helped you directly receives the tip. That way, the employee will know you appreciate their service, and you can be fairly certain that their employer is not somehow <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/employers-would-pocket-workers-tips-under-trump-administrations-proposed-tip-stealing-rule/">swiping their tip money</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542868/original/file-20230815-25-uwuvhj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A card reader tablet with tip options that are for $1, $2 and $3, custom or no tip" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542868/original/file-20230815-25-uwuvhj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/542868/original/file-20230815-25-uwuvhj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542868/original/file-20230815-25-uwuvhj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542868/original/file-20230815-25-uwuvhj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542868/original/file-20230815-25-uwuvhj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542868/original/file-20230815-25-uwuvhj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/542868/original/file-20230815-25-uwuvhj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">When is it OK to just say no?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/TippingFatigue/e26fc772b27c4a76a60d20c4f041c58d/photo?Query=tip%20fatigue&mediaType=photo,video,graphic,audio&sortBy=arrivaldatetime:desc&dateRange=Anytime&totalCount=5&currentItemNo=3">AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><strong>2. How much?</strong></p>
<p>This question is especially important when preservice tips are requested. If service quality may vary based on your response, for example with food delivery, food trucks, bars and restaurants, we suggest tipping the middle or high default tip amount, which will often be around 20%, or a flat dollar amount that is the rough equivalent. That approach will avoid the possibility of getting poor service. Of course, this can result in frustration if service doesn’t meet your expectations.</p>
<p>An alternative strategy is to tip the lowest recommended option, which is often close to 10%, then add an additional cash tip if the service is good. While using this strategy risks bad service, it’s a wise way to go if you plan to be a repeat customer.</p>
<p><strong>3. Can I skip it this time?</strong></p>
<p>If a tip request comes as a surprise, that usually means there is no norm you’re familiar with for that service. We recommend that you don’t tip in that situation, despite the social pressure. If you wind up tipping anyway, we recommend either not returning to the business or writing a polite but critical review online describing your uncomfortable experience.</p>
<p>We don’t believe there’s a reason to feel guilty leaving no tip or a low tip when you are using a service that is not traditionally tipped or where service quality is not affected by the tip amount, such as when making a donation or <a href="https://nypost.com/2022/09/27/woman-asked-to-tip-while-online-shopping/">ordering an office chair from an internet retailer</a>. </p>
<p>Ultimately, tipping is voluntary, which makes it a personal choice.</p>
<p>But whether you tip or not, you should always treat service workers well, especially tipped service workers. They are often exposed to the worst customer behaviors, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/03/11/business/tipping-sexual-harassment.html">including harassment</a>, which is never appropriate – no matter how much a customer tips.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/210671/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Tipping seems to be more coercive and less tied to service quality these days.Nathan B. Warren, Assistant Professor of Marketing, BI Norwegian Business SchoolSara Hanson, Associate Professor of Marketing, University of RichmondLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2103052023-07-25T17:53:29Z2023-07-25T17:53:29ZStéréotypes de genre : les hommes qui publient beaucoup sur les réseaux sociaux sont-ils vraiment « moins virils » ?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539278/original/file-20230725-17-hnflje.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=58%2C2%2C1718%2C1188&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Les hommes limitent-ils la fréquence de leurs publications en raison des préjugés sexistes? </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source"> A-Digit/DigitalVision Vectors via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Malgré l’évolution des mentalités, une grande partie de nos activités sont encore classées selon des critères de genre : les magasins de vêtements ont des sections pour les hommes et les femmes, certains aliments sont considérés comme <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-steak-became-manly-and-salads-became-feminine-124147">plus masculins ou plus féminins</a>, et même les instruments de musique ont un genre.</p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1108/EJM-12-2022-0883">Nos recherches récemment publiées</a> montrent que même les médias sociaux sont un terrain propice à la propagation de stéréotypes sexistes rigides.</p>
<p>Plus précisément, nous montrons que les hommes qui publient souvent sur les médias sociaux sont considérés comme féminins, un phénomène que nous appelons le « stéréotype de la féminité associé à la publication fréquente ». Nous avons observé ce biais dans le cadre de quatre expériences auxquelles ont participé plus de 1 300 personnes aux États-Unis et au Royaume-Uni.</p>
<h2>Publier, c’est être perçu comme non masculin</h2>
<p>En tant que chercheurs en comportement des consommateurs, nous nous intéressons depuis longtemps aux contradictions, aux particularités <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0029826">et aux restrictions</a> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/14/upshot/gender-stereotypes-survey-girls-boys.html">associées à la masculinité</a>.</p>
<p>Ces dynamiques ont des implications considérables dans le monde du marketing. Il est bien connu, par exemple, que le Coca Zéro a été créé pour remplacer le Coca Light, un produit dont les hommes se détournaient notoirement en <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/hbsworkingknowledge/2013/11/13/gender-contamination-why-men-prefer-products-untouched-by-women/?sh=4df9d0898f0b">raison de ses liens perçus avec les femmes désireuses de perdre du poids</a>. Il existe même une <a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/711758">tendance à penser qu’il n’est pas viril de dormir beaucoup</a>, car le besoin de repos est associé à la faiblesse et à la vulnérabilité.</p>
<p>Nous avons réfléchi à la manière dont certaines de ces notions peuvent entrer en jeu sur les médias sociaux. Les sondages suggèrent que les hommes et les femmes utilisent les plates-formes de médias sociaux de manière très différente : par exemple, les hommes ont tendance à être présents sur <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/fact-sheet/social-media/?tabId=tab-45b45364-d5e4-4f53-bf01-b77106560d4c">moins de plates-formes dans l’ensemble</a> et ne publient pas aussi souvent que les femmes sur des <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2016/06/why-are-more-women-than-men-on-instagram/485993/">applications comme Instagram</a>.</p>
<p>Nous nous sommes demandé si les préjugés sexistes avaient quelque chose à voir avec ces comportements. Les hommes sont-ils jugés différemment lorsqu’ils partagent des informations sur les médias sociaux ?</p>
<p>Pour répondre à cette question, nous avons mené une série d’expériences dans laquelle les personnes interrogées devaient évaluer un homme qui publie fréquemment ou rarement sur les médias sociaux. Pour donner une image plus concrète, nous avons décrit cet homme comme quelqu’un qui publie en ligne pour le plaisir et qui a un nombre modéré de followers.</p>
<p>Les personnes interrogées ont systématiquement jugé l’homme plus féminin lorsqu’il était décrit comme un utilisateur fréquent des médias sociaux. Cela était vrai indépendamment des hypothèses faites sur l’âge, l’éducation, la richesse et la plate-forme de médias sociaux préférée de l’homme en question. Nous avons également contrôlé le sexe, l’âge, les convictions politiques et l’utilisation des médias sociaux des personnes qui ont participé à l’étude.</p>
<p>Nous avons utilisé un scénario identique pour décrire le comportement de publication d’une femme – et sa fréquence de publication n’a pas eu d’effet sur le degré de féminité que les gens lui attribuaient.</p>
<h2>Une aversion à montrer que l’on a besoin des autres</h2>
<p>Comment expliquer alors cet effet quelque peu inhabituel ?</p>
<p>Nous avons découvert que toute personne qui publie fréquemment, quel que soit son sexe, passe pour une personne qui recherche l’attention et la validation. Mais ce sentiment de besoin projeté ne se traduit par une perception connotée négativement uniquement lorsqu’il s’agit d’hommes.</p>
<p>Cela répond à une certaine logique. Après tout, la recherche a montré que le rejet de la féminité est crucial pour <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/a0029826">celles et ceux qui s’attachent à une forme conventionnelle de virilité</a>, alors que l’évitement des marqueurs associés habituellement à la la masculinité n’est pas nécessairement crucial pour celles et ceux qui sont attachés à une forme conventionnelle de féminité.</p>
<p>En réalité, le « stéréotype de la féminité associée à la publication fréquente » s’est avéré encore plus tenace que nous l’avions prévu.</p>
<p>Deux de nos expériences ont tenté, sans succès, de réduire ce biais.</p>
<p>Tout d’abord, nous avons cherché à savoir si les hommes étaient jugés différemment lorsqu’ils partageaient du contenu sur d’autres personnes plutôt que sur eux-mêmes, l’idée étant que cette forme de publication serait considérée comme prévenante et non comme une recherche de validation. Ensuite, nous avons cherché à savoir si les influenceurs masculins, qui publient essentiellement pour des raisons professionnelles, étaient confrontés au même stéréotype.</p>
<p>Dans les deux cas, et à notre grande surprise, le fait de poster fréquemment a incité les participants à considérer ces utilisateurs de médias sociaux comme plus féminins.</p>
<h2>Élargir la définition de la virilité</h2>
<p>Il y a beaucoup de choses qui restent mystérieuses quant à la prééminence de ce préjugé.</p>
<p>Par exemple, on ne sait pas exactement dans quelle mesure le stéréotype de la féminité associée aux publications fréquentes affecte la manière dont les hommes sont jugés dans différentes cultures. Bien que les hommes du monde entier soient souvent considérés comme <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/s0277-9536(99)00390-1">moins masculins lorsqu’ils réclament l’attention ou l’aide des autres</a>, notre recherche n’a porté que sur des participants du Royaume-Uni et des États-Unis.</p>
<p>Tout aussi important : comment en finir avec cette association entre l’affichage fréquent de publications et une forme de dévalorisation ? Nos recherches suggèrent que ce lien est durable et qu’il reflète une dynamique de genre persistante.</p>
<p>Néanmoins, il est intéressant d’étudier comment les plates-formes peuvent limiter ces préjugés par le biais de leur conception. Par exemple, <a href="https://www.insider.com/what-is-bereal-app-how-does-it-work-2022-4">BeReal</a> est une application qui invite les utilisateurs à partager rapidement une photo non éditée de ce qu’ils font à un moment aléatoire de la journée. De telles fonctions semblent mettre l’accent sur l’authenticité, la routine et la communauté. S’agit-il de la recette nécessaire pour modifier l’association entre l’affichage et la recherche de validation ?</p>
<p>Aujourd’hui, les hommes connaissent des <a href="https://www.americansurveycenter.org/research/the-state-of-american-friendship-change-challenges-and-loss/">taux historiques d’isolement social</a>, ce qui a des <a href="https://ofboysandmen.substack.com/p/some-news-i-cant-wait-to-share">conséquences désastreuses sur la santé mentale</a>. Cette crise est probablement exacerbée par des préjugés omniprésents qui donnent aux hommes l’impression qu’ils <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-022-01297-y">ne peuvent pas parler de leurs problèmes ou demander de l’aide</a>. Le stéréotype de manque de virilité associé à la publication fréquente sur les réseaux sociaux révèle que les hommes sont jugés négativement lorsqu’ils tentent de s’exprimer et d’établir des liens sociaux – ce qui évidemment ne les incite pas à le faire.</p>
<p>Comme l’écrivait la correspondante du <em>New York Times</em> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/14/upshot/gender-stereotypes-survey-girls-boys.html">Claire Cain Miller</a> en 2018, en s’appuyant sur une étude qui s’intéressait aux adolescentes et adolescents, il y a « plusieurs façons d’être une fille, mais une seule façon d’être un garçon ».</p>
<p>Il est plus que temps d’élargir notre définition de la virilité.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/210305/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>Une nouvelle étude montre que les hommes qui publient beaucoup sur les réseaux sociaux sont jugés négativement, révélant des stéréotypes de genre encore solidement ancrés dans notre société.Andrew Edelblum, Assistant Professor of Marketing, University of DaytonNathan B. Warren, Assistant Professor of Marketing, BI Norwegian Business SchoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2087322023-07-10T12:28:24Z2023-07-10T12:28:24ZWhy guys who post a lot on social media are seen as less manly<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/535898/original/file-20230705-21-31qp4g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=18%2C54%2C6028%2C4143&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Do men post less often on social media because they fear being judged as effeminate?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/illustration/guycellphonebench-royalty-free-illustration/1384045726?adppopup=true">A-Digit/DigitalVision Vectors via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>For better or worse, much of life is categorized along gendered lines: Clothing stores have sections for men and women, certain foods are considered <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-steak-became-manly-and-salads-became-feminine-124147">more manly or more feminine</a>, and even drinks can take on a gendered sheen (“<a href="https://thesuburbansoapbox.com/the-manmosa-recipe/">manmosa</a>,” anyone?). </p>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1108/EJM-12-2022-0883">Our newly published research</a> finds that even social media is a canvas for rigid gender stereotyping.</p>
<p>Specifically, we show that men who post often on social media are seen as feminine, a phenomenon we refer to as the “frequent-posting femininity stereotype.” We observed this bias in four experiments featuring over 1,300 respondents from the U.S. and U.K.</p>
<h2>To post is to be seen as unmanly</h2>
<p>As consumer behavior researchers, we have long been interested in the contradictions, peculiarities <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0029826">and restrictions</a> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/14/upshot/gender-stereotypes-survey-girls-boys.html">associated with masculinity</a>.</p>
<p>These dynamics have far-reaching implications in the world of marketing. It is widely known, for example, that Coke Zero was created as an alternative to Diet Coke, a product that men notoriously shied away from <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/hbsworkingknowledge/2013/11/13/gender-contamination-why-men-prefer-products-untouched-by-women/?sh=4df9d0898f0b">for its perceived ties to women who wanted to lose weight</a>. There’s even a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1086/711758">tendency for people to think it is unmanly to sleep more</a>, because needing rest is connected to being weak and vulnerable. </p>
<p>We thought about how some of these notions might come into play on social media. Polling data suggests that men and women use social media platforms in very different ways: For example, <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/fact-sheet/social-media/?tabId=tab-45b45364-d5e4-4f53-bf01-b77106560d4c">men tend to be on fewer platforms overall</a> and <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2016/06/why-are-more-women-than-men-on-instagram/485993/">don’t post as often as women on apps like Instagram</a>.</p>
<p>We wondered if gender biases had anything to do with why. Are men judged harshly when they share on social media?</p>
<p>To test this question, we ran a series of experiments in which respondents were asked to evaluate a “normal, average, ordinary” man who either frequently or rarely posts on social media. To provide a more concrete picture, we described the man as someone who posts online for fun and has a moderate number of followers. </p>
<p>Respondents consistently rated the man as more feminine when he was described as a frequent social media poster. This was true regardless of assumptions made about the man’s age, education, wealth and preferred social media platform. We also controlled for the gender, age, political beliefs and social media use of the people who participated in the study.</p>
<p>Notably, we used an identical scenario to describe a woman’s posting behavior – and post frequency had no effect on how feminine people thought she was.</p>
<h2>An aversion to appearing needy</h2>
<p>What, then, explains this somewhat unusual effect? </p>
<p>We discovered that anyone who frequently posts, regardless of their gender, comes across as a person who seeks attention and validation. But this projected sense of neediness only translates to perceived femininity in men. </p>
<p>This makes sense. After all, research has shown that <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/a0029826">rejecting femininity is crucial to conventional notions of manhood</a>, while avoiding masculinity is not necessarily crucial to conventional womanhood. Indeed, ads, TV shows, movies and music continue to reinforce ideas that men be resolutely <a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/a0029826">stoic and self-sufficient</a>. Our results indicate that by posting frequently online, men come across as the opposite.</p>
<p>Not only that, but the “frequent-posting femininity stereotype” effect turned out to be even more stubborn than we expected. </p>
<p>Two of our experiments attempted, but ultimately failed, to curb this bias. </p>
<p>First, we examined whether men were judged differently when sharing content about others as opposed to themselves – the idea being that this form of posting behavior would come across as considerate and not as validation-seeking. Second, we examined whether male influencers – who post largely for professional reasons – faced the same stereotype. </p>
<p>In both cases – and to our surprise – frequent posting caused participants to see these social media users as more feminine.</p>
<h2>Broadening the definition of manhood</h2>
<p>There’s a lot we don’t know about this unique prejudice.</p>
<p>For example, it’s unclear to what degree the frequent-posting femininity stereotype affects how men are judged in different cultures. While men around the world <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/s0277-9536(99)00390-1">are often considered less masculine when they appear needy</a>, our research only included participants from the U.K. and U.S. </p>
<p>Just as critical: How can the connection between frequent posting and femininity be broken altogether? Our research suggests that this link is durable and reflects persistent gender dynamics. </p>
<p>Still, it’s worth exploring how platforms can curb this prejudice through their design. For example, <a href="https://www.insider.com/what-is-bereal-app-how-does-it-work-2022-4">BeReal</a> is an app that prompts users to quickly share an unedited photo snapshot of what they’re doing at a random time throughout the day. Functions like these seem to emphasize authenticity, routine and community. Is this the recipe that’s needed to change the association between posting and validation-seeking?</p>
<p>Notably, men are experiencing <a href="https://www.americansurveycenter.org/research/the-state-of-american-friendship-change-challenges-and-loss/">historic rates of social isolation</a> and facing <a href="https://ofboysandmen.substack.com/p/some-news-i-cant-wait-to-share">dire mental health consequences</a>. This health crisis is likely exacerbated by pervasive biases that make men <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-022-01297-y">feel like they can’t talk about their problems or ask for help</a>. The frequent-posting femininity stereotype reveals another instance in which men are judged for attempting to express themselves and build social connections.</p>
<p>As New York Times correspondent <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/14/upshot/gender-stereotypes-survey-girls-boys.html">Claire Cain Miller wrote</a> in 2018, there are “many ways to be a girl but one way to be a boy,” both in Western cultures and around the world. </p>
<p>What will it take for that rigid definition of manhood to be broadened?</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/208732/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>New research shows that frequent posters appear needy, which pushes up against the expectation that ‘real men’ be stoic and self-sufficient.Andrew Edelblum, Assistant Professor of Marketing, University of DaytonNathan B. Warren, Assistant Professor of Marketing, BI Norwegian Business SchoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1874542022-08-30T18:51:24Z2022-08-30T18:51:24ZEst-on vraiment plus en sécurité dans une grosse voiture ?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/475391/original/file-20220721-24-1lnoe3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=41%2C7%2C1128%2C774&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">D’après l’Agence internationale de l’énergie, il y a eu au moins 35&nbsp;millions de SUV en plus sur les routes du monde entier en 2021.
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Rows_of_car_headlights_(Unsplash).jpg">Wikimedia commons</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>D’après une étude publiée dans <em>The Lancet</em> Public Health, les blessures causées par les accidents de la route devraient coûter à l’économie mondiale 1 800 milliards de dollars entre 2015 et 2030, soit <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanplh/article/PIIS2542-5196(19)30170-6/fulltext">0,12 % du PIB mondial chaque année</a>. L’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) évaluait en 2018 à 1 350 000 le nombre de décès dans le monde des suites d’un accident de la route (contre moins de 1 200 000 en 2000). Dans plus de la moitié des cas, les victimes sont les usagers les plus vulnérables : les cyclistes et les piétons.</p>
<p>Un élément clé de ce problème reste la conduite des automobilistes. Les mesures de <a href="https://theconversation.com/fr/topics/securite-routiere-48255">sécurité routière</a>, concernant les équipements de sécurité des véhicules ou le code de la route, se sont multipliées ces dernières décennies. Avec un certain succès en Europe et dans l’est de l’Asie, où la mortalité a reculé. Mais la tendance reste à la hausse ailleurs.</p>
<iframe src="https://extranet.who.int/roadsafety/death-on-the-roads?embed=true#trends" style="border: 0; width: 100%; height: 700px" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Dans les politiques de sécurité routière, le lien entre comportement à <a href="https://theconversation.com/fr/topics/risque-42755">risque</a> des conducteurs et taille des voitures n’a guère été pris en compte dans l’équation. Or, c’est en comprenant ce qui pousse les conducteurs à prendre des risques que l’on pourrait aussi réduire les accidents de la route et limiter leurs impacts sur la société.</p>
<p>Ce lien entre taille des voitures et prise de risque n’a rien d’évident. D’un côté, les consommateurs se sentent rassurés lorsqu’ils choisissent de grosses voitures. De l’autre, les statistiques indiquent que les grosses voitures sont beaucoup <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trb.2013.01.007">plus souvent impliquées dans les accidents</a>, ce qui pourrait laisser penser que les conducteurs de grosses voitures prennent plus de risques.</p>
<h2>« Coussin de sécurité »</h2>
<p>Les grosses voitures sont de plus en plus nombreuses sur les routes. D’après l’Agence internationale de l’énergie, il y a eu au moins <a href="https://www.iea.org/commentaries/global-suv-sales-set-another-record-in-2021-setting-back-efforts-to-reduce-emissions">35 millions de SUV en plus sur les routes</a> du monde entier en 2021, avec des niveaux record en France, au Royaume-Uni, en Allemagne et en Chine.</p>
<p>Dans le même temps, les modèles les plus vendus ont pris du volume depuis quelques décennies. Une <a href="https://www.zuto.com/car-size-evolution/">étude menée par le courtier en crédit spécialisé britannique Zuto</a> fournit quelques exemples intéressants : la taille de la Ford Mustang a augmenté de 63 % depuis 1964, et la Mini de 61 %.</p>
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À lire aussi :
<a href="https://theconversation.com/automobile-lessor-du-suv-un-choix-avant-tout-politique-149781">Automobile : l’essor du SUV, un choix avant tout politique</a>
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<p>Si la taille des véhicules influence le comportement des automobilistes, cette course au volume aura des répercussions négatives sur les accidents de la route. Ce constat nous a conduits à étudier l’idée suivante dans <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10603-022-09511-w">nos recherches</a> : les grosses voitures donneraient-elles aux conducteurs l’impression de disposer d’un « coussin de sécurité » qui les inciterait à prendre plus de risques ?</p>
<p>Nous avons utilisé un simulateur extrêmement réaliste de formation des conducteurs pour tester les différences de conduite entre les petites et les grosses voitures. Les réglages du simulateur sont restés identiques mais on a indiqué aux participants qu’ils étaient au volant soit d’une petite voiture (Toyota Yaris), soit d’une grande voiture (Toyota Avensis Wagon). On leur a demandé de conduire normalement pendant la simulation.</p>
<p>Les résultats ont montré que les participants qui pensaient être au volant d’une grosse voiture ont conduit de manière plus sportive et ont eu un comportement plus risqué qu’avec une plus petite voiture. La voiture était pourtant la même, avec une réaction identique lorsqu’on appuie sur l’accélérateur ou sur le frein. Seul le comportement changeait. Ils se pensaient donc mieux protégés dans les grosses voitures et prenaient plus de risques.</p>
<h2>Une prise de risque globale plus élevée</h2>
<p>Une seconde expérience a montré que cette prise de risque globale plus élevée a d’autres conséquences. Nous nous sommes demandé si les conducteurs prenaient aussi plus de risques une fois sortis de leur véhicule, et nous avons relevé que le sentiment de sécurité que procure la voiture constituait effectivement un bon indicateur de la prise de risque globale, c’est-à-dire également en dehors de la route.</p>
<p>[<em>Plus de 80 000 lecteurs font confiance à la newsletter de The Conversation pour mieux comprendre les grands enjeux du monde</em>. <a href="https://theconversation.com/fr/newsletters/la-newsletter-quotidienne-5?utm_source=inline-70ksignup">Abonnez-vous aujourd'hui</a>]</p>
<p>D’autres études étayent ce constat. Par exemple, de précédentes recherches ont montré que les chauffeurs de poids lourds ont souvent un accident peu de temps après avoir quitté leur véhicule. L’explication est que le sentiment de sécurité ressenti à l’intérieur du camion se prolonge en dehors du véhicule et <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0001-4575(96)00084-X">conduit à une prise de risque excessive</a>.</p>
<p>La prise de risque se décline donc à différents niveaux, au volant de la grosse voiture puis une fois hors de l’habitacle. L’effet de « coussin de sécurité » peut d’ailleurs inciter une personne à acheter ou non un billet de loterie dans une station-service, ou bien une boisson plutôt qu’une autre.</p>
<h2>Un nouveau malus en France</h2>
<p>Ces résultats incitent donc les gouvernements à privilégier la piste d’une taxation au poids ou à la taille du véhicule, qui existe déjà dans de <a href="https://www.acea.auto/uploads/news_documents/ACEA_Tax_Guide_2020.pdf">nombreux pays d’Europe</a>, dans un objectif de sécurité routière. En France, une loi qui impose un <a href="https://www.economie.gouv.fr/cedef/malus-vehicules-polluants">malus à partir de 1800 kg</a> est entrée en vigueur depuis 2022.</p>
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À lire aussi :
<a href="https://theconversation.com/le-pour-et-le-contre-faut-il-interdire-les-vehicules-thermiques-175572">« Le pour et le contre » : Faut-il interdire les véhicules thermiques ?</a>
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<p>Ces mesures se justifieraient d’autant plus que les grosses voitures peuvent aussi provoquer des dommages plus importants en cas d’accident en raison de leur taille et éprouvent davantage les infrastructures : elles abîment plus les routes et ont besoin de plus d’espace pour le stationnement.</p>
<p>Sachant cela, les infrastructures peuvent aussi être conçues de manière à sauver des vies. En effet, si les rues sont plus étroites, la prise de risque des conducteurs de gros véhicules sera moindre car ils ralentiront.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/187454/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bart Claus a reçu des financements de la gouvernement Belge pour soutenir ces recherches doctorales: Belgian Federal Science Policy Office BELSPO Grant FSB-CBSM SD/TA/11.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Luk Warlop ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>Une étude montre que les conducteurs des véhicules les plus imposants tendent à prendre plus de risques au volant – mais aussi hors de la route.Bart Claus, Assistant professor of marketing, IÉSEG School of ManagementLuk Warlop, Professor of Marketing, BI Norwegian Business SchoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/383382015-03-06T14:44:37Z2015-03-06T14:44:37ZLessons from Norway in getting women onto corporate boards<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/74058/original/image-20150306-13546-11ul1qd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Time to make this a relic.</span> </figcaption></figure><p>It recently emerged that there were <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/03/upshot/fewer-women-run-big-companies-than-men-named-john.html?partner=rss&emc=rss&abt=0002&abg=1&_r=0">more men named John running large companies in the US than women</a>. Actually the US is about average when it comes to the percentage of women it has on boards – 19%. Japan does badly with women holding just 3% of board seats, but Norway has one of the best records with women holding <a href="http://www.catalyst.org/system/files/2014_catalyst_census_women_board_directors_0.pdf">35.5% of the seats</a> on Norwegian stock index companies. </p>
<p>Norway’s success at having such a relatively high percentage of women on boards is largely a result of the country’s introduction of quotas. There has been a <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/business/blog/2011/oct/11/boardroom-quotas-women-good-bad">great deal of debate</a> over whether or not quotas are a good way of addressing gender imbalance on boards, but Norway provides a real-life example how this works.</p>
<p>In 2003 the Norwegian government passed a law that requires companies to have at least 40% of company board members to be women. In place since 2006, it stipulated dramatic regulatory measures for non-compliance. After an initial grace period of two years for existing companies, a failure to achieve the 40% quota would lead to the company being delisted.</p>
<p>The initial reactions in Norway were strong and overwhelmingly sceptical, and arguments elsewhere opposed to quotas mirror those raised in Norway in 2006. They range from the principal, such as the unfortunate <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/norway/9150165/Norways-businesswomen-and-the-boardroom-bias-debate.html">tampering with free market mechanics</a>, to the practical, such as the severe <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2008/mar/06/women.discriminationatwork">lack of qualified women</a>. </p>
<p>But now, the quota law has largely become a non-issue in Norway. We present an insider’s view on some of the major cultural and organisational trends affecting the introduction of a quota law.</p>
<h2>Company performance</h2>
<p>There have been <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract-id=1364470">many</a> <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1636047">dubious</a> <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0929119913001302">statistics</a> used to show how introducing quotas will detrimentally affect company performance, but we find most of this work tenuous and a tad sensationalist. The sample size is often small and the time horizon short with many other strong factors <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/corg.12092/abstract?deniedAccessCustomisedMessage=&userIsAuthenticated=false">such as the financial crisis ignored</a>.</p>
<p>A <a href="http://www.e-elgar.com/bookentry_main.lasso?id=15459">loud argument</a> against board quotas was a lack of qualified female candidates, as well as the lack of women that wanted these types of positions. To the first argument, as long as the qualification was something as narrow as “past corporate leadership in the same or nearby sector”, the playing field was indeed very narrow, as there simply weren’t (and still aren’t) many past female corporate CEOs to go around. But we know how good necessity is at fostering innovation, and that is exactly what it did. </p>
<h2>Criteria widening – not weakening</h2>
<p>Nomination committees and owners were forced to broaden the criteria, and many new and interesting board candidates appeared, including younger female specialists, in technology, finance, law or some other field highly relevant to companies’ strategy. This has even broadened the board recruitment field for men, as more young men with international and entrepreneurial backgrounds appear on boards now. Another important effect of the gender balance law is that it has resulted in diversity beyond gender to include different backgrounds, edutcation and experience.</p>
<p>There are studies that show women directors have <a href="http://www.magma.no/rekruttering-til-asa-styrer-etter-innfoering-av-kvoteringsregelen">higher formal education than their male counterparts</a>. Sociologist Vibeke Heidenreich has shown how finding suitable women with interest in board work <a href="http://www.boardimpact.com/PDF/MariTeigenogVibekeHeidenreich.pdf">proved to be relatively easy</a>. They were recruited from similar arenas as men without previous board experience – professional networks. </p>
<p>There was an initial rush for the few highly-networked women perceived as qualified by old standards, and <a href="http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1420639">a few women got multiple directorships</a>. But, there are now <a href="http://sciencenordic.com/golden-skirts-fill-board-rooms">four key clusters</a> of well-educated and qualified women entering the boardroom. These are:</p>
<ol>
<li>Younger women, with experience from consultancy, well-educated, highly knowledgeable and with supporting mentors</li>
<li>Highly experienced business women without non-executive experience actively seeking directorships</li>
<li>Women with broad experience from national and international politics</li>
<li>Experienced women with past pre-law broad experience, both executive and non-executive.</li>
</ol>
<p>The important thing is they are all qualified, just not in the traditional way. And, the increased use of professional recruiters and experienced nomination committees to find candidates is reducing the dominance of networks. They are often charged with the task of finding candidates with alternative profiles beyond the circles of the “usual suspects”.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/74053/original/image-20150306-13576-1fbx2v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/74053/original/image-20150306-13576-1fbx2v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=214&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/74053/original/image-20150306-13576-1fbx2v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=214&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/74053/original/image-20150306-13576-1fbx2v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=214&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/74053/original/image-20150306-13576-1fbx2v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=269&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/74053/original/image-20150306-13576-1fbx2v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=269&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/74053/original/image-20150306-13576-1fbx2v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=269&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Statoil, Norway’s largest company, meets the 40% criteria.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Statoil</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Knock-on effects</h2>
<p>Another lesson learned from Norway’s quota law is that gender balanced boards also spread to companies where it was not enforced. The gender representation law affected two types of companies: all publicly-owned enterprises and all PLCs in the private sector. No rules have yet been proposed for privately owned limited liability companies. However, the focus on improved selection processes and nominating more women, has led to increased diversity across all companies. This is the case in both private and public, and both commercial and non-profit sectors. </p>
<p>Anecdotal evidence shows that the new boards are more dynamic, more open and more innovative than the old ones. This is supported by research demonstrating that increased diversity and more women on boards has the <a href="http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs10551-011-0815-z">potential to increase firm innovation</a> and <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-8683.2010.00784.x/abstract">board effectiveness</a> more broadly.</p>
<h2>More than a nudge needed</h2>
<p>Societal change is hard. If the change requires a significant change in culture over relatively short time, nudging and encouragement are not enough. The Norwegian case shows that negative incentives create a sense of urgency and provide the necessary motivation to increase the number of women on boards.</p>
<p>Fairness is relative. When the playing field is skewed with strong historical and cultural biases hindering change towards a more equitable use of the talent pool, incentives such as the quota law can establish new role models and new, more effective standards.</p>
<p>Board gender quotas should no longer be seen as a radical concept nor a shock to regulatory or economic systems. Norway shows how the policy can be a realistic and successful tool that created real improvements in the way companies are run and achieve greater gender parity.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/38338/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Cathrine Seierstad has received a British Academy, BA-SAMS Small Research Grant and an RDF Grant from the University of Susses to research the issue of women on boards.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Morten Huse receives funding from EEA Norway's EQPowerEC grant, a project aimed at improving gender equality in Slovenia's economic decision making.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Silvija is a board member of a number of companies and research organizations in Norway and Sweden. Most of these have been affected by the quota law, and as such Silvija's directorship is partly related to these quotas. The directorships include: Norwegian Lottery, Academedia, The North Allaince, Enoro, Syncron, Simula Research Lab, SINTEF, several Norwegian Research Council programs, CAMO, Kezzler, Buypass, Eidsiva Vekst. Also other companies in the past, such as Statkraft, Opera Software, ProfDoc, Data Respons, and others.</span></em></p>How Norway introduced a quota system to increase the number of women on boards – and business benefited more broadlyCathrine Seierstad, Lecturer in International Human Resource Management, University of SussexMorten Huse, Professor of Organization and Management, BI Norwegian Business SchoolSilvija Seres, Guest Lecturer, Department of Informatics, University of OsloLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/212832013-12-10T19:42:46Z2013-12-10T19:42:46ZStill time to change Earth’s long-term forecast<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/37316/original/46tjd9dt-1386644424.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Protesters decry the weak outcomes of the Rio+20 Earth Summit in Brazil last year.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Wikimedia Commons/Aliencow</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>After a lifetime promoting sustainability – sadly, with limited success – last year I sat down to consider what will happen to my beloved world over the next 40 years. The main question I asked myself was whether I should continue worrying about the future during my final 20 to 25 years here on Earth.</p>
<p>My answer is in <a href="http://www.2052.info/a-5000-word-summary/">2052 – A Global Forecast for the Next Forty Years</a>. The main message is simple: I predict that the world average temperature will surpass 2 degrees Celsius above preindustrial times – <a href="http://unfccc.int/resource/docs/2009/cop15/eng/l07.pdf">the internationally agreed danger threshold</a> – in 2052. And the temperature will continue rising, condemning our grandchildren to the likelihood of climate disaster in the second half of the 21st century.</p>
<p>This means that the global future will resemble one of the 12 scenarios from <a href="http://www.clubofrome.org/?p=326">The Limits to Growth</a>, which I co-authored in 1972. The world will resemble the “persistent pollution scenario”, with carbon dioxide as the “persistent” pollutant which, once emitted, resides in the atmosphere with a half-life of 100 years. (For more on the original Limits to Growth forecasts and how they fared compared to reality, you can read <a href="http://ecohist.history.ox.ac.uk//readings/Technological_limits/limits-to-growth-simulated.pdf">this CSIRO discussion paper</a> or this article <a href="https://theconversation.com/reaching-its-limits-can-the-global-economy-keep-growing-21191">in The Conversation</a>.)</p>
<p>I do not forecast an energy crisis, a resource crisis, a food crisis, a water crisis – but neither do I expect to see one of the more optimistic “sustainability” scenarios from Limits. I believe that man-made greenhouse gas emissions will prove to be the real problem.</p>
<p>This is because the human footprint will be smaller than most people expect. The future world population and gross domestic product (GDP) will be much lower than commonly forecast: the global population will peak at 8 billion around 2040, and the world GDP will only grow at 2% per year to 2052 – half historical rates.</p>
<p>There are two major reasons: women will choose to have fewer children and economies will find it more difficult to grow as they mature. As a consequence, humans will use fewer resources and rising greenhouse gas emissions will be the critical factor shaping our life on Earth. </p>
<p>Climate change will trump resource scarcity. One consequence will be a smaller world economy in 2052. Another will be more poverty than commonly forecast.</p>
<p>Climate emissions could easily have been reduced if humanity decided to take action, but humanity won’t because of myopia: simply look at the tepid goals and strategies adopted by the <a href="http://www.uncsd2012.org/">Rio+20 summit</a> last year and <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2012/jun/21/rio-20-protesters-text-agreement">the negative reaction from the younger generation</a> of climate activists, who ripped up the negotiating text in protest.</p>
<p>Young people can see from past experience that there will be insufficient investment in solutions. A good life for our grandchildren is being sacrificed for short-term gain for ourselves. In modern democratic market economies, investments mainly flow to what is profitable, not what is needed.</p>
<p>The short-term nature of markets could be modified by legislation – with, for example, a tax on carbon. My point is that this is unlikely to happen in democratic society, because the voter is focused on short-term income growth. Most voters won’t support higher prices for gasoline and electricity. </p>
<p>Another solution could be new multi-national institutions (like the European Union or World Trade Organization) that impose a common long-term perspective on nation states. But a full 20 years of talking after Rio 1992 has produced little progress.</p>
<p>Luckily my forecast is a cliff hanger. </p>
<p>A small change in the human response would suffice to create much better life for our grandchildren. For example, shifting 1 to 2% of the global workforce and global capital into climate-friendly sectors would do the trick. </p>
<p>Workers could make electric cars rather than fossil-fuelled ones, build solar plants rather than coal-fired plants, and construct smaller well-insulated homes rather than big un-insulated ones. The income loss would be small, but the effect on distribution – the split between now and the future – would be big and desirable.</p>
<p>We also need to introduce systems of governance that place more emphasis on long-term effects. Global society needs structural long-termism to counter current short-termism: for example, a world climate bank for greenhouse gas emissions rights.</p>
<p>Concretely, in order to create a better world for our grandchildren, we should:</p>
<ul>
<li>have fewer children, especially in the rich world</li>
<li>reduce the ecological footprint, first by slowing the use of coal, oil and gas in the rich world</li>
<li>construct a low-carbon energy system in the poor world, paid for by the rich</li>
<li>create institutions that counter national short-termism.</li>
</ul>
<p>But most importantly, the coming crisis should be used to develop new goals for modern society – to remind us all that the purpose of society is to increase a total life satisfaction, not only to have each person contribute to the gross domestic product.</p>
<p><em>Jorgen Randers is one of the key speakers at <a href="http://mpel2g.net/">a full day symposium and evening Q&A discussion</a> at UNSW on Limits to Growth on 11 and 12 December. The Q&A discussion will be streamed live through <a href="https://plus.google.com/100119457085787615043/posts">Google Hangouts</a> and <a href="http://www.youtube.com/user/UNSW">YouTube</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/21283/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jorgen Randers has received funding in the past from the Norwegian Research Council and the Toyota Motor Company.</span></em></p>After a lifetime promoting sustainability – sadly, with limited success – last year I sat down to consider what will happen to my beloved world over the next 40 years. The main question I asked myself…Jørgen Randers, Professor of Climate Strategy, BI Norwegian Business SchoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.