Today a High Court hearing begins concerning the plight of refugees who are the subject of adverse ASIO assessments. Currently, there are 51 people in this situation, including the pregnant mother Ranjini and her two boys. They are people who have been determined to be genuine refugees under international and Australian law. Ordinarily, such people are granted a protection visa allowing them to live freely in the Australian community. However, an adverse ASIO assessment means that the affected person is refused a visa and is detained on the basis of national security considerations.
Such detention lasts until ASIO changes its assessment, or until another country takes the person in. But there is no requirement upon ASIO to periodically reassess its determination, and this author is aware of only one case where such a decision has been revisited. The latter situation is very unlikely: adverse security assessments tend to put other countries off from voluntarily taking people in (though it is not unprecedented). As these detainees have been determined to be refugees, Australia cannot return them to their state of origin.
So such people face indefinite detention. Further, they cannot respond to or appeal the ASIO assessment as there is no requirement for ASIO to give reasons, due again to national security considerations.
Before the High Court, the legality of this system is being challenged on behalf of a 36 year old Sri Lankan refugee, known as M47. It will be argued that the man has been denied procedural fairness, that it is unlawful under the Migration Act to remove him as he has been found to be a refugee, and that his indefinite detention is illegal. Of course, a victory for M47 will have positive repercussions for all who share his dire circumstances.
The High Court last considered the issue of indefinite detention in the (in)famous case of Al-Kateb v Godwin, in which a 4:3 majority found that it was lawful under the Migration Act to detain a stateless Palestinian, who had been refused a visa, and who had no state willing to take him in. Many, including myself, believe this case to have been a low point in High Court case law.
Given the thin majority and its cruel consequences, perhaps Al-Kateb will be overruled. Alternatively, Al-Kateb may be distinguished on the basis that it concerned the rights of a non-refugee, whereas M47 has been accepted as having refugee status. The obligations owed to refugees under the Migration Act may warrant a departure from the previous case.
Also today the Greens announced an intention to introduce legislation to address the issue. Given the intransigent attitude of both parties to refugees, it seems unlikely this Bill will pass, at least not before the High Court ruling.
In the meantime, we should be ashamed as a nation of keeping people in true Kafkaesque limbo – they are indefinitely detained without any right to know the reasons why, and without any obligation on anybody to reconsider the reasons for their detention. A greater departure from the proud traditions of the rule of law is difficult to contemplate.
Gavin Moodie
Principal Policy Adviser
Thanx for this. I look forward to an analysis of the High Court's judgement in this case.
John Coochey
Mr
They are of course free to seek asylum in another country.
MsKatieKatieKay
logged in via Twitter
How would they do that from detention? It's not like they can go to another country and go through the process there. They can't go back to their country of origin and the ASIO assessment will prevent them getting a visa to anywhere else.
In any event, why should they have to apply elsewhere? Australia has obligations under the Refugees Convention. We shouldn't expect others to discharge those obligations on our behalf.
Marilyn Shepherd
pensioner
John, they have applied here. They are in prison at our behest, how could they apply to another country when the only way to apply for asylum is to be in that country?
You need to go back to the Bolt pages.
Peter Ormonde
Peter Ormonde is a Friend of The Conversation.
Farmer
Shameful indeed this star chamber business ... secret findings from god knows what source - unchallenged, unscrutinised and completely unaccountable. Really quite disgusting.
One hopes that the global paranoia following September 11 has abated sufficiently for the High Court to remember the law and legal principles they are charged to uphold.
Howard and Ruddock have cast on long shadow over this country.
Marilyn Shepherd
pensioner
Yes but Bowen and Morrison are worse than even those two and the media don't help with tripe like the column by Daniel Flitton in the AGE today claiming it is all the smugglers fault so we have to torture, punish and push away the refugees.
Seamus Gardiner
Citizen
Is this not the tension between security, human rights and law? If the prisoner is a genuine security risk does his refugee status confer the right to be released?
Conversely, should we instead take the position that no risk to security is severe enough to warrant the confinement of the possibly innocent?
If the issue is about control of information by ASIO, how far should we trust our security services? Should they have the powe to be cautious about releasing information that may harm an information source (literally or figuratively)?
I get that confinement of refugees is a bad thing, but I don't get that confinement of refugees strongly suspected of criminal or human rights abuses in their home country is a bad thing.
Sarah Joseph
Director, Castan Centre for Human Rights Law at Monash University
You are correct of course, Sean. And "national security" is a permissible limitation to many human rights. But the limitation still has to be necessary and proportionate. The blanket application of secrecy by ASIO seems unnecessary, and so, certainly, does the lack of a requirement for it to periodically reassess its findings. Other like countries (eg NZ and the UK) have managed to deal with the same issue while still allowing the release of reasons. At the moment, ASIO is completely unaccountable in this situation. We don't stand for it for Australians, and I don't think we should stand for it for others.
As for detention, there are alternatives if in fact a person is "too dangerous" to be released freely into the community. For example, there are control orders, requirements to report to police stations, electronic bracelets. Depending on the circumstances, these can of course also be problematic but all are less drastic than indefinite detention.
Seamus Gardiner
Citizen
Thanks Sarah, I take your point. I'm not of the opinion that we should indefinitely confine people without trial. I was under the impression that ASIO was scrutinized by the AG dept in this area, is this right? If so, what responsibility does th AG and govt have in this? Surely the AG can reach down and qualify ASIO decisions. If so perhaps ASIOs assessments arecaccurate and these people are bad eggs. If not, does that mean we have an autonomous security service free from govt control?
Sarah Joseph
Director, Castan Centre for Human Rights Law at Monash University
Funnily enough, this issue has just come up in the case itself. See: http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/political-news/lawyers-disagree-over-bowens-role-20120621-20qyr.html
The govt effectively arguing that ASIO is the primary decision maker which means, yes, in effect it is making decisions without outward accountability (as AGs Dept basically accepting their assessments without independent verification)
Even if it was not that way, I would suggest that AG's Dept would feel it lacked the expertise to overrule ASIO assessment. Easier to go with the flow. AG's Dept is hardly independent review.
Seamus Gardiner
Citizen
mmmm... I see the problem. So we really need something like senate estimates to critically examine the decisions made by ASIO (it could still be in camera with the appropriate security measures).
It seems a copout by the AG to defer to ASIO as an entity unto itself.
ASIOs internal accounting measures are not really accounting measures unless someone does the accounting.