tag:theconversation.com,2011:/uk/topics/bell-pottinger-40580/articlesBell Pottinger – The Conversation2023-03-19T12:18:56Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2014022023-03-19T12:18:56Z2023-03-19T12:18:56ZAlgorithms are moulding and shaping our politics. Here’s how to avoid being gamed<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/515106/original/file-20230314-26-owl3zr.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Bakhtiar Zein/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>In 2016, evidence <a href="https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/download-the-full-state-of-capture-pdf-20161102">began to mount</a> that then-South African president Jacob Zuma and a family of Indian-born businessmen, the Guptas, were responsible for widespread “state capture”. It was alleged that the Gupta family influenced Zuma’s political appointments and benefited unfairly from lucrative tenders. </p>
<p>The Guptas began to look for a way to divert attention away from them. They enlisted the help of British public relations firm Bell Pottinger, which drew on the country’s <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/04/business/bell-pottinger-guptas-zuma-south-africa.html">existing racial and economic tensions</a> to develop a social media campaign centred on the role of “white monopoly capital” in continuing “economic apartheid”.</p>
<p>The campaign was driven by the power of algorithms. The company created over 100 fake Twitter bots or automated Twitter accounts that run on bot software – computer programs designed to perform tasks and actions, ranging from rather simple ones to quite complex ones; in this case, to simulate human responses for liking and retweeting tweets. </p>
<p>This weaponisation of communications is not limited to South Africa. Examples from elsewhere in Africa abound, including Russia <a href="https://medium.com/dfrlab/local-support-for-russia-increased-on-facebook-before-burkina-faso-military-coup-a51df6722e59">currying favour</a> in Burkina Faso via Facebook and <a href="https://investigate.africa/wp-content/themes/ancir/dist/assets/reports/Kenya_Keyboard_Warriors_24_04_2021.pdf">coordinated Twitter campaigns</a> by factions representing opposing Kenyan politicians. It’s seen beyond the continent, too – in March 2023, researchers identified <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/on-twitter-thousands-of-pro-trump-bots-are-attacking-desantis-haley">a network of thousands of fake Twitter accounts</a> created to support former US president Donald Trump.</p>
<p>Legal scholar Antoinette Rouvroy calls this <a href="https://www.greeneuropeanjournal.eu/algorithmic-governmentality-and-the-death-of-politics/">“algorithmic governmentality”</a>. It’s the reduction of government to algorithmic processes as if society is a problem of big data sets rather than one of how collective life is (or should be) arranged and managed by the individuals in that society. </p>
<p>In <a href="https://journals.ufs.ac.za/index.php/aa/article/view/6111">a recent paper</a>, I coined the term “algopopulism”: algorithmically aided politics. The political content in our personal feeds not only represents the world and politics to us. It creates new, sometimes “alternative”, realities. It changes how we encounter and understand politics and even how we understand reality itself.</p>
<p>One reason algopopulism spreads so effectively is that it’s very difficult to know exactly how our perceptions are being shaped. This is deliberate. Algorithms are designed in a sophisticated way to <a href="https://mediarep.org/bitstream/handle/doc/14481/Democratization-of-Artificial-Intelligence_163-173_McQuillan_Political-Affinities_.pdf">override human reasoning</a>. </p>
<p>So, what can you do to protect yourself from being “gamed” by algorithmic processes? The answers, I suggest, lie in understanding a bit more about the digital shift that’s brought us to this point and the ideas of a British statistician, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Thomas-Bayes">Thomas Bayes</a>, who lived more than 300 years ago. </p>
<h2>How the shift happened</h2>
<p>Five recent developments in the technology space have led to algorithmic governmentality: considerable improvements in hardware; generous, flexible storage via the cloud; the explosion of data and data accumulation; the development of deep convoluted networks and sophisticated algorithms to sort through the extracted data; and the development of fast, cheap networks to transfer data. </p>
<p>Together, these developments have transformed data science into something more than a mere technological tool. It has become a method for using data not only to predict how you engage with digital media, but to <a href="http://www.ladeleuziana.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Gray.pdf">preempt your actions and thoughts</a>.</p>
<p>This is not to say that all digital technology is harmful. Rather, I want to point out one of its greatest risks: we are all susceptible to having our thoughts shaped by algorithms, sometimes in ways that can have real-world effects, such as when they <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2020-01-14-how-the-nigerian-and-kenyan-media-handled-cambridge-analytica/">affect democratic elections</a>.</p>
<h2>Bayesian statistics</h2>
<p>That’s where Thomas Bayes comes in. Bayes was an English statistician; <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s43586-020-00001-2">Bayesian statistics</a>, the dominant paradigm in machine learning, is named after him.</p>
<p>Before Bayes, computational processes relied on frequentist statistics. Most people have encountered this method in one way or another, as in the case of how probable it is that a coin will land heads-up and tails-down. This approach starts from the assumption that the coin is fair and hasn’t been tampered with. This is called a null hypothesis. </p>
<p>Bayesian statistics does not require a null hypothesis; it changes the kinds of questions asked about probability entirely. Instead of assuming a coin is fair and measuring the probability of heads or tails, it asks us instead to consider whether the system for measuring probability is fair. Instead of assuming the truth of a null hypothesis, Bayesian inference starts with a measure of subjective belief which it updates as more <a href="https://reallifemag.com/chances-are/">evidence – or data – is gathered in real time</a>.</p>
<p>How does this play out via algorithms? Let’s say you heard a rumour that the world is flat and you do a Google search for articles that affirm this view. Based on this search, the measure of subjective belief the algorithms have to work with is “the world is flat”. Gradually, the algorithms will curate your feed to show you articles that confirm this belief unless you have purposefully searched for opposing views too. </p>
<p>That’s because Bayesian approaches use prior distributions, knowledge or beliefs as a starting point of probability. Unless you change your prior distributions, the algorithm will continue providing evidence to confirm your initial measure of subjective belief. </p>
<p>But how can you know to change your priors if your priors are being confirmed by your search results all the time? This is the dilemma of algopopulism: Bayesian probability allows algorithms to create sophisticated filter bubbles that are difficult to discount because all your search results are based on your previous searches.</p>
<p>So, there is no longer a uniform version of reality presented to a specific population, like there was when TV news was broadcast to everyone in a nation at the same time. Instead, we each have a version of reality. Some of this overlaps with what others see and hear and some doesn’t. </p>
<h2>Engaging differently online</h2>
<p>Understanding this can change how you search online and engage with knowledge. </p>
<p>To avoid filter bubbles, always search for opposing views. If you haven’t done this from the start, do a search on a private browser and compare the results you get. More importantly, check your personal investment. What do you get out of taking a specific stance on a subject? For example, does it make you feel part of something meaningful because you lack real-life social bonds? Finally, endeavour to choose reliable sources. Be aware of a source’s bias from the start and avoid anonymously published content. </p>
<p>In these ways we can all be custodians of our individual and collective behaviour.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/201402/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Chantelle Gray does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The political content in our personal feeds not only represents the world and politics to us. It creates new, sometimes “alternative”, realities.Chantelle Gray, Professor in the School of Philosophy, North-West UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1629612021-06-24T14:46:37Z2021-06-24T14:46:37ZPunitive laws are failing to curb misinformation in Africa. Time for a rethink<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/407682/original/file-20210622-20-seczce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Many laws passed in recent times are not aimed at correcting false information, but punishing its publication.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EFE-EPA/Harish Tyagi</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Misinformation, best understood as false or misleading information whether or not it was intended to mislead, <a href="https://www.icfj.org/news/short-guide-history-fake-news-and-disinformation-new-icfj-learning-module">has long been recognised as a problem worldwide</a>. Together with disinformation, which is spread deliberately to misinform or mislead, it constitutes a key part of the <a href="https://rm.coe.int/information-disorder-toward-an-interdisciplinary-framework-for-researc/168076277c">information disorder</a> distorting public debate around the world.</p>
<p>Concern about the effects of misinformation on individuals and society has grown globally since 2016, when it was seen by many commentators as driving the political upheavals of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2017/may/07/the-great-british-brexit-robbery-hijacked-democracy">Brexit in the UK</a> and <a href="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2016/11/donald-trump-won-because-of-facebook.html">the election of Donald Trump</a> in the US.</p>
<p>In Africa, interest in the subject grew in particular after news emerged of disinformation campaigns run by <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-pr-giant-bell-pottinger-made-itself-look-bad-83529">Bell Pottinger</a>, the British PR firm, on behalf of the Gupta family that stirred up racial tensions in South Africa in 2016 as a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/04/business/bell-pottinger-guptas-zuma-south-africa.html">counter-narrative</a> to the growing public anger at the family’s central role in grand corruption and state capture.</p>
<p>In Nigeria, concern about disinformation rose after news emerged of the role that disinformation orchestrated by the UK political consultancy Cambridge Analytica played <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/mar/21/cambridge-analyticas-ruthless-bid-to-sway-the-vote-in-nigeria">in its 2015 election</a>. Similarly in <a href="https://qz.com/africa/1233084/channel-4-news-films-cambridge-analytica-execs-saying-they-staged-kenya-uhuru-kenyatta-elections/">Kenya</a>, when the firm supported the campaign of President Uhuru Kenyatta in elections two years later. </p>
<p>With concern <a href="https://www.afrobarometer.org/blogs/african-governments-are-cracking-down-news-media-their-citizens-might-be-okay">rising among politicians and the public</a>, governments around the world have since 2016 passed a flurry of <a href="https://theconversation.com/governments-are-making-fake-news-a-crime-but-it-could-stifle-free-speech-117654">laws and regulations</a>
penalising the publication or broadcast of what is deemed to be “false information.” </p>
<p>In our <a href="https://www.uwestminsterpress.co.uk/site/books/m/10.16997/book53/">study</a> we examined the changes made to laws and regulations relating to the publication of “false information” in 11 sub-Saharan countries between 2016 and 2020. We also looked at how they correlate with misinformation, to understand the role they may play in reducing harm caused by misinformation. </p>
<p>We found that while these laws have a chilling effect on political and media debate, they do not reduce misinformation harm. This matters as the laws curtail public debate, yet fail to curb the harmful effects of misinformation. </p>
<h2>‘False information’ laws</h2>
<p>We first identified laws and regulations relating to “false information” in a sample of 11 countries laws – large and small, Anglophone and Francophone – from across sub-Saharan Africa. The countries studied between 2016 and 2020 were Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa and Uganda. </p>
<p>We then compared the terms of the laws passed with what is known about the types, drivers and effects of misinformation. This was based on studying 1,200 claims identified as false by one or more of 14 fact-checking organisations in Africa. Finally, we assessed the effects of the laws’ enforcement.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.uwestminsterpress.co.uk/site/chapters/m/10.16997/book53.b/">In our research report</a>, we found that in the 11 countries studied, the number of laws against “false information” almost doubled from 17 to 31 from 2016 to 2020.</p>
<p>The problem we identified is that these laws <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2017/05/east-africa-now-is-the-time-to-stand-up-for-media-freedom-1/">restrict freedom of speech</a>. And they don’t reduce the actual – or potential harm – that misinformation causes. </p>
<p>This tells us that the punitive approach does not appear to work. </p>
<p>By contrast, an approach favouring better access to accurate information and correction of false information may do so.</p>
<p>Describing the “chilling effect” that <a href="https://rsf.org/en/news/uganda-suspends-39-journalists-covering-politicians-arrest">the laws have had on public debate in Uganda</a>, an analyst in Uganda told us </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Self-censorship has increased in the recent past due to the state’s continued arbitrary application of the law.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Punitive approach</h2>
<p>First, we found, the majority of laws related to “false information” took a punitive approach. They were not seeking to correct the false information or facilitate improved access to accurate information. Their aim was to punish publication with fines and <a href="https://rsf.org/fr/actualites/burkina-faso-lamendement-du-code-penal-doit-etre-declare-inconstitutionnel-2">terms in prison of up to 10 years</a>. </p>
<p>Second, one third of the laws studied – from the <a href="https://rsf.org/fr/benin">Code du Numérique (2018) in Benin</a> to the <a href="https://www.nta.ng/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/1494416213-NBC-Code-6TH-EDITION.pdf">Broadcasting Code of Conduct in Nigeria (2016)</a> – require no evidence that the allegedly false information caused or risked any form of harm, for its publication to be declared an offence. Six other laws punished “crimes” not recognised under the <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx">Universal Declaration of Human Rights’ Article 19 on Freedom of Expression</a>. An example is the “annoyance” of ministers. </p>
<p>Together, more than half the laws are thus not related to reducing harm as recognised by international law.</p>
<p>Third, we found that how law courts should determine what information is “false”, or what constitutes “harm”, is in general not defined. Decisions are, therefore, arbitrary and open to political abuse. </p>
<p>Our study found the majority of those punished under these laws are opposition politicians or journalists. Not one was a government official or a politician from the ruling party. This does not correlate with what we know of misinformation and the role of some politicians in contributing to the problem.</p>
<p>Fourth, we found the laws take effect on a tiny scale compared to the cases of misinformation in circulation. The <a href="https://www.disinformationtracker.org/">Disinformation Tracker</a> project, set up in 2020 to study the implementation of laws on misinformation and disinformation, found that just 12 “law enforcement actions” were taken in three months in the 11 countries. Only one quarter of these actions had an “objectively legitimate aim”. </p>
<p>This pales in comparison to the hundreds of cases of misinformation tackled by the growing number of <a href="https://africacheck.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2021-05/041521_Africa%20Facts%20network_case%20study_v9%20%281%29.pdf">fact-checking organisations in Africa</a>, and the millions of <a href="https://unherd.com/2021/02/how-facebook-won-the-internet/">content moderation decisions made worldwide</a> by tech platforms daily, many of which made to counter misinformation.</p>
<p>Where laws or regulations are used to prevent the continuing spread of genuinely harmful misinformation, as in cases we examined in <a href="https://www.pmldaily.com/news/2018/03/ucc-switches-off-23-radio-stations-over-airing-witchcraft-content.html">Uganda</a> and <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2020-04-07-steven-birch-appears-in-court-over-fake-news-video-on-covid-19-tests/">South Africa</a>, it’s plausible they may directly reduce harm.</p>
<p>But, our study suggests these cases are the exception, not the rule.</p>
<h2>What works against misinformation</h2>
<p>Our study shows that the punitive legislative approach is not working, and suggests alternative approaches can be more effective. </p>
<p>This includes efforts seen across the continent to improve <a href="https://www.africafex.org/access-to-information/22-african-countries-that-have-passed-access-to-information-laws">access to accurate information</a>. Examples include setting up an independent watchdog of the quality of official statistics, <a href="https://www.statisticsauthority.gov.uk/">as exists in the UK</a>, and an independent body to ensure public access to that data, <a href="https://www.informationcommissioners.org/south-africa">as in South Africa</a>. </p>
<p>This is essential to counter misinformation. </p>
<p>It can be seen in the <a href="https://www.macra.org.mw/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/COMMUNICATIONS-ACT-2016.pdf">“right of reply”</a> written into legislation in Malawi, that obliges broadcasters to air “counter-versions” from “entities affected by an assertion of fact” if the “fact” can be shown to be false.</p>
<p>It can also be seen in a <a href="https://lequotidien.sn/conseil-pour-lobservation-des-regles-dethique-et-de-deontologie-mamadou-thior-porte-a-la-tete-du-cored/">new and improved press code in Senegal</a>. Introduced in 2017, it requires all news operations to observe a code of professional ethics. This includes a focus on verification, with work overseen by an independent regulatory body. </p>
<p>Another approach is enabling the growth of independent fact-checking organisations seen across the continent in recent years. These alternative approaches can reduce the harm that misinformation causes, without reducing free speech. </p>
<p><em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/assane-diagne-445576111/?originalSubdomain=sn">Assane Diagne</a>, director of Reporters Without Borders for West Africa and lecturer at the L’Ecole Supérieure de Journalisme, des Métiers de l’Internet et de la Communication in Dakar, Senegal, was part of the research team.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/162961/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Funding used to support the research was provided by the Facebook Journalism Project, the Google News Initiative and Luminate. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alan Finlay and Anya Schiffrin do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The majority of those punished under the laws to combat false information are opposition politicians or journalists.Peter Cunliffe-Jones, Visiting Researcher & Co-Director Chevening African Media Freedom Fellowship, University of WestminsterAlan Finlay, Lecturer: Journalism and Media Studies, University of the WitwatersrandAnya Schiffrin, Director, Technology, Media, and Communications specialization, School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1126222019-02-28T14:32:44Z2019-02-28T14:32:44ZSouth Africa gets help tracking down social media predators ahead of poll<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/261200/original/file-20190227-150702-15xlxhl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A man makes his mark in South Africa's general elections on May 7, 2014. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Ihsaan Haffejee</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Can South Africa really hold a general election on the 8th of May in a way that it really represents the views of its people? One might have thought this was an academic question. The Electoral Commission of South Africa is well respected and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africas-electoral-body-has-its-work-cut-out-to-ensure-legitimate-2019-poll-103643">legal system is robust</a>. There are certainly enough political parties – <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2019-01-10-84-new-political-parties-hoping-for-your-vote-in-may-elections/">around 285 are registered</a> even if most are unlikely to participate in the May elections – for the national and nine provincial legislatures. </p>
<p>But there have been worrying signs about the use of disinformation during previous elections and these need <a href="https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2014/06/south-africa/">to be heeded.</a></p>
<p>Google is deploying some of its vast resources to train political parties, journalists and editors how to spot and fight fake news. This is part of a <a href="https://www.theverge.com/2018/3/20/17142788/google-news-initiative-fake-news-journalist-subscriptions">$300 million international initiative</a> it announced in March last year that has three objectives. To “highlight accurate journalism while fighting misinformation, particularly during breaking news events, to "help news sites continue to grow from a business perspective”, and finally to “create new tools to help journalists do their jobs.” </p>
<p>Mich Atagana, communications manager of Google South Africa, says their work will involve protection against attacks on websites of political parties, but will also find ways of preventing the spread of disinformation. The company works through a system of “flaggers”, she <a href="https://youtube.googleblog.com/2016/09/growing-our-trusted-flagger-program.html">explained</a>, who are trained to spot misinformation. If they do, they can contact Google which then takes action. </p>
<blockquote>
<p>We can easily de-monetise the website and take away the ranking. We can make sure it does not show up on Google search</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Google will have up to nine staff working on their programme in the run-up to the election. They will be working with sites like <a href="https://africacheck.org/">Africa Check</a> to allow the public to assess which news is true and which is not. </p>
<p>These initiatives are far from a perfect solution. But they are a start, and they are badly needed.</p>
<h2>Disinformation</h2>
<p>During the 2016 local elections the country’s governing party, the African National Congress (ANC), ran a <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/exclusive-the-ancs-r50m-election-black-ops-20170124">“black ops room”</a> to push out disinformation. The party spent R50 million (£2.75 million) on the operation. Its work included putting out fake posters, purportedly from opposition parties, news sheets delivered door-to-door and planted callers on radio phone-ins.</p>
<p>The party also <a href="https://www.biznews.com/thought-leaders/2017/11/21/flooding-viewers-anc-propaganda-sabc">controlled the state broadcaster</a> – the SABC – through its political appointees. This is critical during elections. No other media organisation comes close to reaching the millions of voters in rural areas – particularly in vernacular languages.</p>
<p>More covert tactics have been used in the past. A carefully orchestrated disinformation campaign was ruthlessly deployed by the British PR company, Bell Pottinger against anyone who stood in the way of former President Jacob Zuma. Working for his Indian backers, the Gupta brothers, they popularised the term <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/04/business/bell-pottinger-guptas-zuma-south-africa.html">“white monopoly capital”</a>, to attack his opponents.</p>
<p>The agency was largely the brainchild of Tim Bell, who earned his <a href="https://www.thegentlemansjournal.com/article/lord-bell-pottinger-spin/">reputation helping Margaret Thatcher win three elections</a>. It was only after the internal workings of the agency were exposed in the South African media that the firm was finally <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/2017/sep/05/bell-pottingersouth-africa-pr-firm">driven out of business and forced into administration</a>.</p>
<h2>The tip of an iceberg</h2>
<p>Google will train about 100 journalists by the time of the election. </p>
<p>South African freelance journalist Carien du Plessis said when I interviewed her recently that even if websites are brought under control it will not be halt the problem.</p>
<p>Three South African editors <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2018-05-21-sa-editors-launch-defamation-claim-against-bell-pottinger-over-wmc-campaign">launched a defamation claim</a> against AIG Europe, the insurer for now defunct Bell Pottinger. Richard Meeran, the lawyer representing the editors, made this comment:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>This case highlights the increasingly worrying menace of social media backed by sophisticated technology being used to manipulate public opinion with fake information.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>South Africa is by no means the only African country suffering from cyber-attacks. Russian and Ukrainian firms are said to have targeted several governments and private companies, in search of <a href="https://www.intelligenceonline.com/international-dealmaking/2018/05/02/moscow-kiev-security-firms-make-beeline-for-africa%2C108309064-art?utm_source=INT&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=PROS_EDIT_ART&did=108257887&eid=381093">lucrative contracts</a>.</p>
<p>The Zimbabwean government is reported to have used <a href="https://qz.com/1325485/zimbabwe-elections-whatsapp-sms-spam-data-privacy-concerns-for-mnangagwa-chimasa/">private data</a> to target citizens with Tweets and text messages. And <a href="https://citizenlab.ca/2018/09/hide-and-seek-tracking-nso-groups-pegasus-spyware-to-operations-in-45-countries/">five operators</a> have been identified using Spyware to try to influence the public from Morocco to Mozambique.</p>
<p>If Africa’s fragile democracies are to survive they will need all the help they can get to resist aggressive predators on the internet and social media.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/112622/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Martin Plaut is affiliated with the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London</span></em></p>Concern at the role of fake sites in influencing South African public opinion has been growing over time.Martin Plaut, Senior Research Fellow, Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1111012019-02-06T14:26:28Z2019-02-06T14:26:28ZA democracy or a kleptocracy? How South Africa stacks up<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/257252/original/file-20190205-86213-uvn9y7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The commission chaired by Justice Raymond Zondo has heard shocking testimony on the extent of corruption in government.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EFE-EPA/Kim Ludbrook</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>South Africans have been held spellbound by the torrent of evidence of corruption emerging from two parallel commissions of inquiry – into <a href="https://www.sastatecapture.org.za/">state capture</a>, and the <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2019-01-23-mokgoro-inquiry-on-hold-after-over-jibas-fair-trial-rights">fitness to hold office</a> of two senior officials of the National Prosecuting Authority.</p>
<p>These strengthen perceptions that South Africa under former <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/jacob-zuma-presidency-2009-2017-march">President Jacob Zuma</a> – from May 2009 to March 2018 – <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/zuma-turned-sa-into-mafia-style-lawless-kleptocracy-saftu-20170805">transformed</a> from a democracy into a <a href="http://www.oxfordreference.com/search?q=kleptocracy&searchBtn=Search&isQuickSearch=true">“kleptocracy”</a>: a country ruled by thieves.</p>
<p>The country scored only 43 out of 100 on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index for 2018 <a href="https://www.transparency.org/country/ZAF">Corruption Perceptions Index for 2018</a>, down from 47 in 2009. </p>
<p>So the question is: is it indeed the case that South Africa has become a kleptocracy? Has it travelled far along the road to joining states such as Russia and Equatorial Guinea, notorious for being ruled by authoritarian leaders in league with corrupt oligarchs at the expense of ordinary people? If this is so, is that condition reversible?</p>
<h2>Understanding kleptocracy</h2>
<p>Derived from the Greek words for thieving and ruling, the word “kleptocracy” entered the modern social science lexicon through the work of the Polish-British sociologist <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2007/nov/20/guardianobituaries.obituaries">Stanislav Andreski</a> in the 1960s. His book <a href="https://www.questia.com/library/3139053/the-african-predicament-a-study-in-the-pathology">The African Predicament</a> identified post-independence African regimes as kleptocratic. </p>
<p>Basically, he presented kleptocracy as government by corrupt leaders who use their power to exploit the people and national resources of their countries to extend their personal wealth and political powers. But, the notion of kleptocracy didn’t gain much leverage until the present decade. This reflects a widespread belief that corruption is <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/rise-kleptocracy-dark-side-globalization">gaining ground</a> at an unprecedented rate in the world.</p>
<p>Key to contemporary understandings is that kleptocracy now extends beyond the boundaries of the countries that kleptocrats plunder, and is becoming a <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/rise-kleptocracy-challenge-democracy">danger to democracy globally</a>. </p>
<p>Whereas there was previously a strong tendency to see kleptocracy as primarily a pathology of countries in what used to be referred to as the <a href="https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/de46/c4490c84d705062c389dd8a60633e3c43786.pdf">“third world”</a>, today it is recognised that the scourge has <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/rise-kleptocracy-challenge-democracy">gone global</a>.</p>
<p>President Vladimar Putin’s Russia is widely cited as leading the pack of <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/rise-kleptocracy-power-and-plunder-putin%E2%80%99s-russia">kleptocrats</a>. It is strongly followed by other “emerging market economies” (such as Turkey and Malaysia), with African countries (such as Equatorial Guinea and Nigeria) continuing to feature strongly. Sub-Saharan Africa is the lowest scoring region – that is, the most corrupt – in <a href="https://www.transparency.org/cpi2018">Transparency International’s index</a>.</p>
<p>The most distinctive development of the contemporary era is that advanced capitalist democracies are viewed as under <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/rise-kleptocracy-challenge-democracy">threat from kleptocracy</a>. For instance, there are accusations aplenty that the presidency of the US is being systematically used to <a href="https://www.vox.com/world/2017/7/31/15959970/donald-trump-authoritarian-children-corruption">enrich the family and companies</a> of President Donald Trump. </p>
<p>Also, it is widely recognised that despite the virtuous platitudes of the British government, London has become a major centre for <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/london-is-now-the-global-money-laundering-centre-for-the-drug-trade-says-crime-expert-10366262.html">money-laundering</a>. So what has changed? </p>
<p>Simply put: globalisation and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2017/aug/18/neoliberalism-the-idea-that-changed-the-world">neo-liberalism</a> have hugely increased the capacity of rulers, corporations, oligarchs and criminal networks to obscure their movements of money through the international financial system,</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/257237/original/file-20190205-86228-k0rxy3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/257237/original/file-20190205-86228-k0rxy3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/257237/original/file-20190205-86228-k0rxy3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/257237/original/file-20190205-86228-k0rxy3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/257237/original/file-20190205-86228-k0rxy3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/257237/original/file-20190205-86228-k0rxy3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/257237/original/file-20190205-86228-k0rxy3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Retired Judge Yvonne Mokgoro is probing the fitness of two powerful national prosecutors to hold office.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Thulani Mbele/Sowetan</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>A combination of neoliberalism and globalisation has led to the development of a massive industry servicing kleptocrats. This spreads outwards from London and New York to offshore jurisdictions and real estate hotspots, often arranged by Western financial services providers. Offshore finance has become critical. Untraceable shell companies are being used to shift money <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/rise-kleptocracy-laundering-cash-whitewashing-reputations">from one country to another</a>.</p>
<p>Once money has been “cleansed”, it is increasingly invested in luxury housing and valuable real estate. Amid this, the laundering of reputations becomes critical. This often requires the hiring of politicians and lobbyists to re-brand kleptocrats as philanthropists and engaged global citizens. </p>
<h2>The case of South Africa</h2>
<p>South African President Cyril Ramaphosa recently referred to the years of his predecessor Zuma as <a href="https://city-press.news24.com/News/ramaphosa-backtracks-on-nine-wasted-years-under-zuma-20190202">“wasted”</a>. But, typical of his style, this was an understatement. South Africa under Zuma advanced far down the road to becoming a kleptocracy.</p>
<p>Corruption became increasingly organised, politicians and parastatal managers being bought by <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2018/10/28/gordhan-says-anti-graft-efforts-face-dangerous-fightback">external private interests</a>. The Jacob Zuma Foundation appears to have served as a front for <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2019-01-29-zuma-got-r300k-per-month-from-bosasa-says-agrizzi/">outright theft</a> and appropriation of public monies. Intermediaries like <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/banking/262921/new-report-highlights-the-scale-of-kpmgs-losses-in-south-africa/">KPMG</a> and other auditing companies were used to hide the private appropriation of state resources from public gaze.</p>
<p>The London-based <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-pr-giant-bell-pottinger-made-itself-look-bad-83529">Bell Pottinger</a> public relations company was used to explain away the scandals of the Zuma regime. While by its nature money laundering is obscure, there can be little doubt that money has been squirrelled away in offshore accounts.</p>
<p>Revelations emanating from the two commissions of inquiry indicate that South Africa stands in great peril of falling prey to kleptocracy. Under Ramaphosa, the government of the African National Congress (ANC) has taken important steps to reverse the trend. These include the <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2018/12/04/president-appoints-shamila-batohi-as-new-ndpp-head">appointment</a> of a highly respected advocate to be the country’s chief prosecutor. But much will depend on the political will of the ANC to rid its ranks of its in-house kleptocrats for this promise to bear fruit.</p>
<h2>Battle to defeat kleptocracy</h2>
<p>Tackling kleptocracy is enormously complex. Eliciting information from myriad international (often reluctant) sources takes time, money and patience. Legal action is time consuming and costly. Kleptocrats and their allies fight back strongly.</p>
<p>The good news is that South Africa has made a good start with the establishment of the commissions of inquiry. </p>
<p>The bad news is that the ANC government’s pursuit of the country’s kleptocrats may drop off once it has won the national elections in May. It will be up to opposition parties, the media and civil society to ensure that that doesn’t happen.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/111101/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Roger Southall has previously received funding from the National Research Foundation</span></em></p>Corruption in South Africa became increasingly organised under former President Jacob Zuma.Roger Southall, Professor of Sociology, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1069462018-11-21T13:40:16Z2018-11-21T13:40:16ZStudy sheds light on scourge of “fake” news in Africa<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/246627/original/file-20181121-161615-2me48u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Nigerians have the lowest trust in the country's media, thanks to widespread misinformation. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Ahmed Jallanzo</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Concerns about “fake news” have dominated discussions about the relationship between the media and politics in the developed world in recent years. The <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1461670X.2018.1492881">extraordinary amount</a> of attention paid in scholarship and in public debates to questions around truth, veracity and deception can be connected to the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-real-consequences-of-fake-news-81179">role of “fake news”</a> in the 2016 US presidential election, and US President Donald Trump’s use of the term to dismiss his critics.</p>
<p>The term “fake news” itself is <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmcumeds/1630/163002.htm">controversial</a> because <a href="https://en.unesco.org/news/new-handbook-journalism-education-and-training-published-fight-fake-news-and-disinformation">it’s poorly defined</a>. </p>
<p>The panic created by the spread of misinformation in general has led to introspection by journalists and a reassertion of professional values and standards.</p>
<p>The rise of <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/unisa-staffer-who-manufactures-fake-news-could-face-criminal-hate-speech-charges-20181116">false information</a> has complex cultural and social reasons. Until now, though, the phenomenon has been studied mostly as it happens in the US and Europe, with relatively <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-46138284">little attention</a> to the situation in African countries. </p>
<p>This is despite the fact that disinformation on the continent has often taken the form of <a href="https://www.news24.com/Analysis/siqalo-showed-how-social-media-is-reshaping-protest-narratives-20180511">extreme speech </a> inciting violence or has spread racist, misogynous, xenophobic messages, often on mobile phone platforms such as <a href="https://www.enca.com/analysis/sad-truth-about-catzavelos-video">WhatsApp</a>.</p>
<p>To fill the gap in information about “fake news” in sub-Saharan Africa, we conducted an online survey in Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa earlier this year. <a href="http://danimadrid.net/research/2018_icafrica_fakenews.pdf">Our study</a> had three goals: to measure the prevalence of disinformation, to learn who people believe is responsible for stopping fake news, and to understand the relationship between disinformation and media trust.</p>
<p>Our survey, in which 755 people took part, reused questions from <a href="http://www.journalism.org/2016/12/15/many-americans-believe-fake-news-is-sowing-confusion/">another study</a> on the topic conducted in 2016 by the US-based Pew Research Centre. In this way we are able to compare our results with those in the US.</p>
<p>Our findings suggest that African audiences have low levels of trust in the media, experience a high degree of exposure to misinformation, and contribute – often knowingly – to its spread.</p>
<h2>Findings</h2>
<p>There are five takeaways from our study.</p>
<p>First, media consumers in Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa perceive that they are exposed to “fake news” about politics on a fairly regular basis. Almost half of Kenyan respondents said they often encounter news stories about politics that they think are completely made up. More alarmingly, only a small fraction (ranging from 1 to 3%) say they have never come across fabricated news. In the US, that figure is much higher (12%).</p>
<p><iframe id="7CSHz" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/7CSHz/5/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<p>Second, surveyed Africans said they shared “fake news” with a much higher frequency than Americans do: 38% Kenyans, 28% Nigerians and 35% South Africans acknowledged having shared stories which turned out to be made up. In the US only 16% did so. When asked whether they had shared stories that they knew were made up, one-in-five South Africans and one-in-four Kenyans and Nigerians said “yes”.</p>
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<p>Third, the public is seen as bearing the largest responsibility in stopping the spread of misinformation. More than two-thirds of respondents in all three countries said members of the public have a lot or a great deal of responsibility. Next came social media companies and, in last place, the government.</p>
<p>Fourth, we found that Nigeria has the lowest level of overall trust in the media of the three countries. On a scale from 0 to 100, average values were consistently below 50. </p>
<p>Declining levels of media trust are not exclusive to sub-Saharan Africa, but are <a href="https://cms.edelman.com/sites/default/files/2018-01/2018%20Edelman%20Trust%20Barometer%20Global%20Report.pdf">a trend across the globe</a>. </p>
<p>By type of news organisation, Nigerian and Kenyan audiences said they trust international media more than any other. In South Africa, local media are the most trusted. A consistent pattern across countries is the lowest degree of trust in social media.</p>
<p><iframe id="QgJl7" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/QgJl7/2/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<p>Fifth, we found that those respondents who believe they are exposed to “fake news” more regularly, have lower levels of trust in the media. Because misinformation and disinformation appear to be contributing to the erosion of media trust, it is important that strategies to address the fake news phenomenon look beyond media literacy. </p>
<h2>Rebuilding trust in media</h2>
<p>Educating audiences about the dangers of fake news is not enough. Media literacy should form part of a larger, multi-pronged approach to restore trust in the media. The findings suggest that media organisations would have to work hard at rebuilding relationships with audiences.</p>
<p>Our data comes with some limitations. While we tried to sample different segments of society, because data was collected online, it is more likely to represent the point of view of urban middle classes, than those living in rural areas or with lower income levels – or both. </p>
<p>The results of this study, which is the first to explore misinformation and disinformation in multiple African countries, provide some initial evidence that can be used in designing strategies to limit the spread of fake news, and to mitigate the declining trust in the media.</p>
<p>In sub-Saharan Africa, mainstream media have long struggled to gain their independence and freedom. State control, either through ownership or suppression, over media remains strong. The high levels of perceived exposure to misinformation and disinformation, if left unaddressed, could further undermine the precarious foothold of independent media on the continent.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/106946/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Funding for this survey came from the National Research Foundation (Grant number 93493) and the University of Cape Town Research Committee.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dani Madrid-Morales does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Disinformation in Africa often takes the form of extreme speech inciting violence and spreading racist, misogynous, xenophobic messages.Herman Wasserman, Professor of Media Studies and Director of the Centre for Film and Media Studies, University of Cape TownDani Madrid-Morales, Assistant Professor in Journalism at the Jack J. Valenti School of Communication, University of HoustonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1047022018-10-10T10:18:19Z2018-10-10T10:18:19ZMoral courage and decency irrelevant as South Africa’s finance minister resigns<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/240031/original/file-20181010-72103-g6a9i1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Nhlanhla Nene's departure means that South Africa has had six finance ministers in four years. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">GCIS</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>South Africa’s once-lauded, lately beleaguered Finance Minister, Nhlanhla Nene, has had his <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2018-10-09-full-speech-cyril-ramaphosa-appoints-tito-mboweni-as-finance-minister/">resignation accepted</a> by President Cyril Ramaphosa. His successor, Tito Mboweni, becomes the country’s sixth finance minister in four years.</p>
<p>The President is desperately trying to dig South Africa out of an unholy mess created by his predecessor Jacob Zuma and his multiple cronies in and out of the governing African National Congress (ANC). The particularly odious <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/who-are-the-guptas-2080935">Gupta family</a> have loomed large in what a succession of <a href="https://pari.org.za/betrayal-promise-report/">research projects</a>, commissions of <a href="https://www.sastatecapture.org.za/">inquiry</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/two-books-that-tell-the-unsettling-tale-of-south-africas-descent-87044">books</a> and <a href="http://www.gupta-leaks.com/">investigative journalism</a> projects, have labelled <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.co.za/book/republic-gupta-story-state-capture/9781776090891">state capture</a>.</p>
<p>Nene was formerly regarded as “clean”, having <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-zumas-actions-point-to-shambolic-management-of-south-africas-economy-52174">been fired</a> by former President Zuma for refusing to fund his more ludicrous rent-seeking projects. He was replaced by <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/Politics/weekend-special-van-rooyen-should-only-speak-on-saturdays-and-sundays-ndlozi-20160517">Des van Rooyen</a> for a weekend, and then left in the cold while Pravin Gordhan became Finance Minister (before in turn being fired by Zuma). Nene was <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2018/02/27/ramaphosa-cabinet-reshuffle-sees-investor-favorites-return-to-run-south-africa-economy.html">rehabilitated</a> by Ramaphosa – who defeated the entire Zuma strategy by winning the ANC (and then national) <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-anc-has-a-new-leader-but-south-africa-remains-on-a-political-precipice-89248">presidency</a>. Nene’s reinstatement as Minister of Finance was widely regarded as both politically astute and market-friendly.</p>
<p>But then Nene dropped <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/statecaptureinquiry-5-revelations-from-nenes-testimony-20181003">two bombshells</a>: one, that he had met the Gupta brothers at their homes and offices between 2010 and 2014, but had not shared this with Ramaphosa; two, that he had refused to sign off a nuclear deal with Russia that would have simply broken the country financially for decades to come. </p>
<p>And now he is gone.</p>
<p>Did anyone pause to reflect on the fact that after a decade of impunity, this was an act of decency and moral courage? Ignore the party colours, and look at the human being. That is clearly a test all South African politicians <a href="https://theconversation.com/top-political-executives-in-south-africa-dont-resign-they-only-quit-under-duress-72546">failed abysmally</a>. If they have a conscience they clearly forgot to dust it off and use it.</p>
<h2>Widespread guilt</h2>
<p>Almost by definition, anyone who is found to have past dealings with the Guptas – themselves now safely ensconced in mansions <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/gupta-fight-goes-to-dubai-20180331">abroad</a> – is unclean. And by definition that includes huge swathes of the political and business classes, whom the Guptas seem to have variously seduced, corrupted, cajoled, threatened or by-passed, depending on the strength of character at stake. </p>
<p>The brilliance of their <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/download-the-full-state-of-capture-pdf-20161102">state capture</a> project – laid out recently by the <a href="https://mg.co.za/author/amabhungane">investigative journalists</a> as well as <a href="http://witspress.co.za/catalogue/shadow-state/">various academics</a> – is a roll-call of virtually every senior political figure in South Africa, alongside many business elites. </p>
<p>Some stood up – but a great many folded, seduced by cash or a crass Sun City <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-the-net-about-to-close-on-zuma-and-his-gupta-patronage-network-90395">family wedding invitation</a> or rotten contracts.</p>
<p>Many are in parliament, some are in civil society, others in the private sector – including the consultancy firm <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/business-report/companies/kpmg-to-lay-off-400-people-after-numerous-scandals-15301363">KPMG</a>, and UK-based now defunct PR company <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-pr-giant-bell-pottinger-made-itself-look-bad-83529">Bell Pottinger</a> – and elsewhere. Not all are sitting on ANC benches. Perhaps that is why the President had no option but to remove Nene. Politically, the liability was too great as an election approaches – national elections are due next year – and none are so shrill as those with something to hide.</p>
<p>Nene went to the <a href="https://www.sastatecapture.org.za/">Zondo Commission into state capture</a> and ‘fessed up. Yes, he had met the Guptas. No, he had not taken bribes (well, he would say that, right?). Yes, he had been put under immense pressure to sign off on the nuclear deal which would have opened South Africa’ coffers to looters. Yes, he refused to sign, and was fired.</p>
<p>Remarkably, he had not told Ramaphosa about the earlier meetings with the Guptas. But, he took responsibility – unlike the lies and bluster of others caught in the act. Nene <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/read-nhlanhla-nenes-full-statement-on-his-meetings-with-the-guptas-17366241">said to South Africa</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>In return for the trust and faith that you have placed on me, I owe you conduct as a public office bearer that is beyond reproach. But I am human too, I do make mistakes, including those of poor judgement.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This was followed by his offer to resign. This is accountability and decency. </p>
<h2>Lacking empathy</h2>
<p>In any version of the world, this was a man seeking an honourable redemption. He acknowledged his own mistakes, sought forgiveness, and asked to be relieved of the trappings of office for which so many continue to drool and slobber. </p>
<p>Were there questions to be asked? Absolutely. </p>
<p>But what did he get in return? The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), whose leadership has repeatedly been <a href="https://ewn.co.za/Topic/Tax-evasion-and-fraud-charges-against-Julius-Malema">accused of corruption</a>, leapt to the offence, claiming Nene was <a href="https://www.dispatchlive.co.za/news/2018-10-04-nene-is-lying-says-the-eff/">“corrupt as hell”</a> and promising to release more compromising details – which are yet to appear. The opposition Democratic Alliance (DA), desperately seeking the front foot it has lost since Ramaphosa’s ascendancy, <a href="https://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/south-africa/2018-10-08-ramaphosa-must-accept-nenes-offer-to-resign-das-maynier/">demanded Nene’s axing</a> and wanted other possible conflicts of interest investigated.</p>
<p>Empathy is the ability to understand or feel what another person is experiencing from within their frame of reference. In simple terms, to put yourself in their shoes. It is singularly lacking in politics – from Trump <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2018/10/02/politics/trump-mocks-christine-blasey-ford-kavanaugh-supreme-court/index.html">mocking abuse survivors</a> to South Africa today. Shout down the other side, win by volume and crassness, see honesty as weakness, but above all win – nothing else seems to matter.</p>
<p>Not one politician had the decency to say ‘that was a decent thing to do.’ The lack of empathy was deafening. A lack of empathy is part of <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/conditions/narcissistic-personality-disorder">narcissistic personality disorder</a> – an inability or refusal to identify with the feelings of others. This is a rather neat description of politicians, confirmed repeatedly.</p>
<p>If politicians see only personal advantage, especially from the ‘weakness’ of others – weakness defined here as honesty, seeking forgiveness, repentance – then the future is bleak. </p>
<p>But to all those self-serving, smug TV chasing politicians and others, whose own meetings with the Guptas, or other corrupt activities, have yet to come to light, remember one aphorism: people who live in glass houses shouldn’t throw stones.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/104702/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Everatt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Nhlanhla Nene was highly regarded for refusing to fund former President Zuma’s ludicrous rent-seeking projects.David Everatt, Head of Wits School of Governance, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/903952018-01-21T06:39:26Z2018-01-21T06:39:26ZIs the net about to close on Zuma and his Gupta patronage network?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202574/original/file-20180119-80171-70vnck.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Cyril Ramaphosa, the deputy president of South Africa and new president of the governing ANC, faces a dilemma in rooting out corruption. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Siphiwe Sibeko</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>It all started with a wedding. A 200 plus entourage of friends and family landed their private aircraft at the <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/southafrica/10030626/200-Indian-wedding-guests-allowed-to-land-at-South-Africas-main-military-air-base.html">Waterkloof Air Force Base</a> in April 2013. </p>
<p>What South Africans didn’t know was that the country had already entered a new era of corruption that was to have a myriad negative consequences. Now, after years of legal obfuscation, political manipulation of ‘captured’ state institutions and prosecutorial agencies, Cyril Ramaphosa’s victory to succeed Jacob Zuma as president of the ruling African National Congress has opened up the possibility that an age of impunity <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2018-01-18-ramaphosa-piles-pressure-on-zuma-with-anti-corruption-call/">will be replaced</a> with a new era of public accountability.</p>
<p>Since the <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-22513410">Gupta’s</a> extravagant family wedding at Sun City a slew of revelations have come out. These range from the <a href="https://citizen.co.za/news/south-africa/1333758/10-key-findings-explosive-state-capture-report/">“State of Capture report”</a> of the former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela, to the damning <a href="http://www.gupta-leaks.com/">Gupta-leaks</a> uncovered by investigative journalists AmaBhungane. All helped South Africans come to understand the shocking extent of the systemic corruption inextricably linked to the Gupta name.</p>
<p>Despite all these revelations, the country’s prosecutorial bodies have remained silent. So when the Asset Forfeiture Unit of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) confirmed its <a href="https://protect-za.mimecast.com/s/itfIC1jp84SE0XYOiO4_KT">intention to serve summons</a> on members of the Gupta family and their cronies on January 15 this year ordering them to preserve assets to the tune of R1.6 billion, the first question that sprung to mind was “why now”?</p>
<p>The answer lies with Ramaphosa’s election on a <a href="https://www.biznews.com/thought-leaders/2017/11/14/ramaphosa-new-deal-for-sa/">“change” and “reform” ticket</a>. His victory in December has shifted the balance of power against the Zuma faction. </p>
<p>A second factor is that the ANC is concerned about its electoral future, with the 2019 national election on the horizon. Zuma has cost the ANC <a href="https://www.news24.com/elections/news/election-wrap-a-bruised-anc-a-galvanised-da-20160807">almost 16% of its electoral</a> majority – some 3 million votes. With opposition parties scrambling to <a href="https://www.sapeople.com/2017/12/06/sas-future-coalition-anc-2019-say-opposition-leaders/">form coalitions</a>, and voting trends suggesting a further decline in the ANC’s share of the vote, there is now a very real prospect of the ANC being voted out of power in 2019. An ANC majority is no longer a foregone conclusion – unthinkable until recently.</p>
<p>It seems denial in the ANC has been replaced by a sense of fear. The party is trying to show the voting public that it can clear up the mess that it has made.</p>
<h2>Chickens come home to roost</h2>
<p>The NPA’s announcement suggests that the chickens seem finally to be on their way home to roost on the <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/business-report/swift-sale-of-gupta-family-empire-in-south-africa-raises-eyebrows-10955847">Gupta empire</a>. The NPA’s Asset Forfeiture Unit has applied to the High Court for an order that the Gupta’s must “preserve” R1.6 billion worth of assets. This power is granted under Section 38 of the <a href="https://www.gov.za/sites/www.gov.za/files/a121-98.pdf">Prevention of Organised Crime Act</a>. The provision empowers the NPA to make an ex parte application to the High Court to</p>
<blockquote>
<p>prohibit any person… from dealing in any manner with any property.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The court must grant the order if there are reasonable grounds to believe that property is the “instrumentality of an offence” or “is the proceeds of unlawful activities”. This must be read in light of the rest of the Act which allows the state to confiscate property that is the proceeds of unlawful activities. </p>
<p>The rationale of the preservation order is, therefore, to prevent such a person or suspect from disposing of assets that are proceeds from unlawful activities which would render a confiscation order fruitless. </p>
<p>An analysis of the act makes it clear that, if a preservation order is requested, the intention of the NPA must be to arrest and charge the Guptas and their associates. A preservation order could only be made if a confiscation order is ultimately envisaged. In turn, a confiscation order can only be made after a criminal conviction. </p>
<p>The logical conclusion is that the NPA, assuming that they are acting in good faith, are intent on arresting and prosecuting the Guptas.</p>
<h2>Dilemma facing Ramaphosa and the ANC</h2>
<p>The problem for the ANC is this: if its intention is to make the Guptas the sole-scapegoats in the state-capture saga, they will be in a good deal of trouble. Of the published Gupta scandals, the evidence strongly suggests that they were not acting alone. The Guptas themselves may represent only the tip of the iceberg.</p>
<p>Top government officials are reported to have been involved in almost all instances. </p>
<p>For example, Mining Minister Mosebenzi Zwane, is heavily implicated in the <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2017-07-18-estina-dairy-farm-a-corruption-crime-scene-in-vrede/#.WmCWaaiWbIU">Sun City wedding affair</a>, while whistle-blowers <a href="https://businesstech.co.za/news/government/117104/guptas-did-offer-me-the-job-of-finance-minister-jonas/">Mcebisi Jonas</a> and <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/guptas-offered-me-ministerial-role-vytjie-mentor">Vytjie Mentor</a> implicate Zuma as a participant in the Guptas offering them (for undue reward) the positions of ministerial positions.</p>
<p>Zuma’s son, Duduzane, is also heavily implicated in <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2017-08-29-since-you-asked-heres-the-case-against-duduzane-zuma/">corrupt activities</a> related to the state power utility Eskom, as well as the finance minister debacle.</p>
<p>The NPA will struggle to prove its case against the Guptas, at least the full extent of it, without implicating those that drove or condoned their misdemeanours. It seems clear therefore that the ANC cannot restore its reputation while letting its leaders who looted the country’s resources drift off into the wilderness. </p>
<p>This presents Ramaphosa with an acute political dilemma given that he’s pledged to <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2018-01-09-ancs-106th-ramaphosas-push-for-unity-continues/#.WmG_Dq6WbIU">rebuild unity</a> in the ANC.</p>
<p>Hence, we are likely to see a very high level and multifaceted blame game. But any attempt to restore its credibility will probably prove counter productive unless the party accepts that some of its biggest fish must be prosecuted too.</p>
<p>And it goes without saying that private sector players such as <a href="https://www.moneyweb.co.za/news/south-africa/mckinsey-warned-eskom-of-risks-at-gupta-linked-trillian-capital/">Trillian</a> and <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/71c6f115-0c5c-33ed-bc00-812263f39d2f">KPMG</a> who were willing enablers of the abuse of state procurement processes must also be held to account. If necessary they must pay the ultimate price of corporate collapse as <a href="https://www.fin24.com/Companies/Advertising/breaking-bell-pottinger-expelled-from-pr-body-for-gupta-work-20170904">Bell Pottinger</a> did.</p>
<h2>Just the beginning</h2>
<p>The NPA’s announcement represents no more than a good start after years of prosecutorial negligence and incompetence – or dishonesty – and costly inaction. </p>
<p>In terms of accountability it’s indeed time to catch up and restore the legitimacy of important institutions. But the stakes are very high – for the implicated politicians and their business cronies, for Ramaphosa and the ANC’s electoral future, and for the credibility of South Africa as a trustworthy destination for much needed investment.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/90395/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Richard Calland is a Founding Partner of the Paternoster Group: African Political Insight, a Member of the Advisory Council of the Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution (CASAC) and a member of the Board of the Open Democracy Advice Centre. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mike Law receives funding from UCT is affiliated with UCT and CASAC </span></em></p>After doing nothing for a long time to bring the Gupta family to book in South Africa, the country’s prosecuting authority has finally started to act.Richard Calland, Associate Professor in Public Law, University of Cape TownMike Law, Senior legal researcher in Public Law, University of Cape TownLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/889042017-12-11T08:51:42Z2017-12-11T08:51:42ZA year of illusions: five things we learnt about democracy in Africa in 2017<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198323/original/file-20171208-27689-s95w1k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A strong judiciary isn't enough to keep democracy in place. Kenya's Supreme Court decision nullifying the re-election of Uhuru Kenyatta is a case in point.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Baz Ratner</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The last twelve months have been a confusing time for African democracy. We have seen coups that didn’t look like coups and elections that didn’t look like elections. In this sense, it was a year of illusions.</p>
<p>As <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2016">in 2016</a>, the broad trend is clear: with a number of <a href="http://democracyinafrica.org/the-state-of-democracy-in-africa/">notable exceptions</a>, the gains made in the early 1990s are under threat from governments with little commitment to plural politics. It’s true that 2017 provided further evidence of the danger of <a href="https://theconversation.com/after-mugabe-all-eyes-are-on-museveni-how-long-can-he-cling-to-power-87964">democratic backsliding</a>. But it also saw powerful presidents suffer embarrassing setbacks in a number of countries.</p>
<p>So what lessons does 2017 have to teach us, and what is going to grab the headlines in 2018?</p>
<h2>1. Don’t mess with the military</h2>
<p>In November 2017 the Zimbabwean Defence Forces placed President Robert Mugabe under <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/15/world/africa/zimbabwe-coup-mugabe.html">house arrest</a> and subsequently orchestrated his removal. The intervention was cleverly framed as a corrective action to remove “criminal” elements around the president. In reality, it represented an effort by the military to protect its own <a href="http://solidaritypeacetrust.org/1776/zimbabwe-caught-between-the-croc-and-gucci-city/">political and economic interests</a>.</p>
<p>Once General Chiwenga had spoken out <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-41970317">against the sacking of Emmerson Mnangagwa</a> – the political leader closest to the security forces – he faced being replaced, arrested and <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/africa/2017-11-15-zimbabwe-ministers-arrested/">charged with treason</a>. In other words, Chiwenga had little to lose and everything to gain from military intervention. The ousting of Mugabe therefore serves as an important reminder that despite thirty years of multiparty elections in Africa, messing with the military can still be fatal.</p>
<h2>2. If you’re polite, you can get away with murder</h2>
<p>The military intervention in Zimbabwe was also remarkable for being the politest coup in history. To avoid domestic and international criticism, the coup plotters went to <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/11/15/zimbabwe-when-a-coup-is-not-a-coup/?utm_term=.65adbc981319">remarkable lengths</a> to make their usurpation of power look constitutional. Instead of being executed or sent into exile, Mugabe was allowed to remain in his house and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/nov/16/mugabe-detention-photos-emerge-as-pressure-grows-on-zimbabwes-military">posed for pictures</a> with his captors.</p>
<p>Amazingly, the theatre worked. Delighted to see the back of Mugabe, even some committed democrats were prepared to hold their nose and <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/Zimbabwe/zimbabwe-has-chance-of-a-future-free-of-oppression-uk-20171121">welcome the “transition”</a>. </p>
<p>The willingness of many people to play along with the idea of a bloodless coup is deeply problematic, first because it may encourage security forces in other countries to try and repeat the trick, and second because it is false. </p>
<p>There are growing reports that a number of <a href="https://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21731339-after-37-years-power-game-up-zimbabwes-army-mounts-coup-against">deaths</a> and <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/11/22/zimbabwe-protect-detainees-rights">human rights abuses</a> occurred as the military moved to exert political control. When the testimonies of the victims are finally heard, it will cast a very different light on the coup and its aftermath.</p>
<h2>3. Judges can’t promote democracy on their own</h2>
<p>The Kenyan Supreme Court made history when it became the first judicial body on the continent to <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/01/world/africa/kenya-election-kenyatta-odinga.html">nullify the election of a sitting president</a> – Uhuru Kenyatta – on 1 September. This remarkable assertion of judicial independence was celebrated <a href="http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/Supreme-Court-democracy-Kenya-election-petition--/2558-4080166-dqrv82/index.html">throughout Africa</a> and <a href="https://www.lawgazette.co.uk/news/election-annulment-momentous-development-for-rule-of-law/5062633.article">beyond</a>, as democrats dared to dream of a new phase of judicial activism. </p>
<p>But any hope that the need to repeat the election would lead to widespread reforms and a better quality process turned out to be overly optimistic. Instead, the second poll was just as controversial as the first as evidence emerged of continued political interference in the electoral commission and the main opposition candidate, Raila Odinga, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-kenya-election/kenya-opposition-leader-urges-vote-boycott-civil-disobedience-idUSKBN1CU0KR">boycotted the contest</a>.</p>
<p>The Kenyan experience is significant because it demonstrates that while independent judiciaries can have a major impact on democracy, their effectiveness is constrained by weaknesses elsewhere in the political system. Because Supreme Courts <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2017-11-15/why-kenyas-supreme-court-cant-solve-countrys-electoral-crisis">lack both legislative and enforcement powers</a>, they are dependent on others for their decisions to be implemented, and so have a limited capacity to enforce the rule of law.</p>
<h2>4. Political exclusion breeds secessionism</h2>
<p>One of the main stories of the last 12 months is an upsurge of secessionist sentiment in <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/opinion/On-the-causes-and-consequences-of-secessionism/440808-4184144-4sgnte/index.html">Cameroon, Kenya and Nigeria</a>. Significantly, while the demand for the creation of a separate state has complex roots, in each case it was triggered by perceptions of political and legal exclusion – and the fact that certain ethnic and linguistic communities have not held the presidency for decades, if at all. </p>
<p>Although these movements have very different dynamics, they have all led to protests and met with a <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/11/peaceful-pro-biafra-activists-killed-in-chilling-crackdown/">hostile state response</a>.</p>
<p>Perhaps somewhat paradoxically, they are also movements full of people who don’t <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/opinion/On-the-causes-and-consequences-of-secessionism/440808-4184144-4sgnte/index.html">really want to secede</a>: in each case, opposition leaders are using the threat of separation as a way to highlight – and contest – their political exclusion. Nonetheless, unless some of their demands are met, <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/60b86886-bef5-11e7-b8a3-38a6e068f464">secessionist sentiment</a> is likely to harden, undermining national identities and paving the way for future political crises.</p>
<h2>5. Western companies are part of the problem</h2>
<p>The last year has revealed the extent to which Western companies have become involved in helping political leaders in Africa run divisive public relations campaigns to boost their electoral prospects. </p>
<p>The most high profile example of this was Bell Pottinger, a British “<a href="https://bellpottinger.com/">reputational management agency</a>” that was accused of designing a campaign to stir up racial tensions in South Africa as a way of deflecting attention away from the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2017/sep/04/bell-pottinger-expelled-from-pr-trade-body-after-south-africa-racism-row">poor performance of the African National Congress government</a>. </p>
<p>The company was paid £100,000 a month, although this proved to be little compensation when the scandal broke and it was forced <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/12/business/bell-pottinger-administration.html">into administration</a>.</p>
<p>While Bell Pottinger has gone, many of the multinational companies who do this kind of work <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-trending-40792078">continue to operate</a> – although exactly what they do remains unclear. Given the lucrative nature of these contacts, we can assume that Western companies will continue to play a questionable role in African elections in the future, unless their activities are exposed.</p>
<h2>2018 and beyond</h2>
<p>The next 12 months are not likely to be kind to African democracy. Very rarely has the continent seen so many <a href="https://www.eisa.org.za/calendar2018.php">elections scheduled</a> in such unpromising contexts. Early elections in Sierra Leone have the best prospects of going well, but after that a series of general elections will be held in particularly challenging contests: Cameroon, Mali, South Sudan and Zimbabwe.</p>
<p>The great challenge facing Mali and South Sudan is to organise a credible contest against a backdrop of <a href="http://democracyinafrica.org/south-sudan-doomed-fail/">political instability and weak institutions</a>. </p>
<p>The situation is markedly different in Cameroon and Zimbabwe, where entrenched regimes that tightly control the political landscape will hold elections that they have no intention of losing.</p>
<p>But it’s important not to be defeatist. In the last few years the most significant democratic breakthroughs – in <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-38183906">Gambia</a>, <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-32139858">Nigeria</a>, Kenya and beyond – have been unanticipated. The next great democratic moment could be just around the corner.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/88904/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nic Cheeseman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The past 12 months provided further evidence of the danger of democratic backsliding in Africa. But it also saw powerful presidents suffer embarrassing setbacks in a number of countries.Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy, University of BirminghamLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/836572017-10-27T13:04:10Z2017-10-27T13:04:10ZWhy PR agencies and their spin should be the subject of greater scrutiny<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/191670/original/file-20171024-30571-5itezi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/selective-focus-metal-working-table-black-740571178?src=Sk6_iF875UZrTHJcIfTEbg-1-28">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>It was one of the biggest and best-known British PR agencies around. So when Bell Pottinger <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-pr-giant-bell-pottinger-made-itself-look-bad-83529">came crashing down</a> earlier this year, you could be forgiven for wondering why it hadn’t prepared a better crisis strategy to deal with the fall-out. </p>
<p>You could also be forgiven for wondering why it was involved in work which ended up with it being widely accused of stirring up racial tension in South Africa. </p>
<p>But Bell Pottinger was never shy of signing up controversial clients. It infamously <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/2013/dec/09/bell-pottinger-tim-bell-pr-interview">lobbied for former Chilean dictator</a> Augusto Pinochet when he was <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/pinochet-arrested-in-london-for-murder-739561.html">arrested in London</a> in 1998, held multiple contracts with <a href="https://www.prweek.com/article/1057005/bell-pottingers-work-bahrain-government-spotlight">arms of the Bahraini government</a> and represented Asma al-Assad, the wife of the Syrian dictator. </p>
<p>The company <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/2017/sep/12/bell-pottinger-goes-into-administration">going into administration</a> might appear to have drawn a line under this sordid track record. But sadly, the grim truth is that there are many companies and consultants willing to spin and shill for despots, tyrants and oligarchs. </p>
<p>One does not have to delve far into the client roster of leading global PR firms to find some rather unsavoury individuals and interests. Rival communications agencies are now no doubt busy courting Bell Pottinger’s former customers. </p>
<p>The UK part of American firm Hill & Knowlton worked for the Ugandan government to burnish its image with international donors and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/may/21/jeevanvasagar">rebut criticism from human rights groups</a>. It was also <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/1992/01/15/opinion/deception-on-capitol-hill.html">associated with the fake news story</a> about Kuwaiti babies being thrown out of incubators by invading Iraqi soldiers to build support for US intervention in the first Gulf War. Other notorious accounts include <a href="https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/civil/legacy/2014/09/11/US%20Executive%20Summary%20Redacted%2020050815_0.pdf">advising the tobacco industry</a> and big oil. </p>
<p>Another PR company, Burson-Marsteller, serviced a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/2011/may/12/burson-masteller-pr-firm-facebook-row">series of repressive regimes</a> including Saudi Arabia (after 9/11) and Indonesia. </p>
<p>It specialises in handling crises for corporations and politicians. B-M advised Apple supplier <a href="http://adage.com/article/global-news/public-relations-foxconn-crisis-proves-global-pr/146932/">Foxconn when dealing with the fallout from multiple worker suicides amid sweatshop conditions</a>. Indeed, its notoriety is such that one US commentator <a href="http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Burson-Marsteller">is said to have observed</a>: “When evil needs public relations, evil has Burson-Marsteller on speed dial.”</p>
<p>It would be naïve to think that the reputational downsides to representing torturers and theocrats would make conscientious consultants and socially responsible companies steer clear. This is risky business to be sure, but it is also very lucrative. </p>
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<p>And while the multinational clients of some PR firms work may raise eyebrows, it is worth noting the characteristics of some key people who do sensitive political work inside PR agencies. Very often they are former senior government ministers, political advisers or officials. </p>
<p>Take for example Tim Collins, the erstwhile <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2070492/Bell-Pottinger-Cameron-denies-PR-firm-influence-Government-policy.html">managing director of Bell Pottinger</a>. His political CV includes stints working as a press advisor for the former UK prime minister John Major, speech-writing for a host of Tory ministers and moving into the Number 10 Policy Unit, before being elected as a Conservative MP. After losing his seat in 2005, a career in public affairs opened up. </p>
<p>Another former Bell Pottinger executive who has passed through the revolving door between politics and lobbying is Darren Murphy, who spent eight years as a special adviser in the Blair government. He then went into the private sector as a political consultant “<a href="http://www.sansfrontieresassociates.com/who-we-are/">specialising in services to governments</a>”. </p>
<p>This is fairly typical of the close connections between lobbyists and government, which has given rise to concerns about <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/lobbying-loopholes-honours-and-revolving-doors-without-reform-the-government-perpetuates-corruption/">conflicts of interest risks and potential corruption</a>. The long-awaited reform of ACOBA (the Advisory Committee on Business Appointments) has still to materialise, meaning the revolving door between government and business <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/appointments-taken-up-by-former-crown-servants">continues to spin</a>. Moves to put this body on a statutory footing are an important first step to protect the probity of public service. </p>
<h2>Spin doctor, heal thyself</h2>
<p>The probity of the public affairs business is another matter. But there may yet be some lessons that can be learned from the Bell Pottinger scandal. </p>
<p>The various trade associations that represent lobbying and PR firms are busy reassuring all and sundry that the profession is best safeguarded by its codes of conduct and guidance on professional practice. Yet the Bell Pottinger affair exposes some of the key weaknesses of industry self-regulation. </p>
<p>While the PRCA crows about how it outperformed other bodies <a href="http://www.prweek.com/article/1443592/bell-pottinger-thrown-prca-bringing-industry-disrepute">involved in industry self-regulation</a>, in fact it did nothing to uncover or police the activities of Bell Pottinger. The PRCA reacted to a complaint from a South African political party and <a href="http://news.prca.org.uk/prca-announces-expulsion-of-bell-pottinger/">expelled the company</a> long after the events in question. </p>
<p>Nor did professional charters, training or codes of conduct do anything to counter the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/sep/07/bell-pottinger-south-africa-scandal-toxic-pr-race-relations">toxic culture within the agency</a> – or <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/bell-pottinger-pr-scandal-lobbying-government-journalists-fake-news-good-people-immoral-a7952706.html">protect those working there</a>. </p>
<p>In fact, bodies such as the PRCA exist to protect their industry – not the public. Real solutions to dubious lobbying and deceptive spin are likely to lie elsewhere. </p>
<p>We need to support and take seriously investigative research – whether undertaken by media, citizen journalists or civil society group – which scrutinises the powerful and seeks to hold them to account. </p>
<p>Wider reform of the relations between government and private sector is also needed. But the pace of reform is painfully slow. In the meantime some renewed vigilance and scepticism among journalists – a profession very <a href="http://www.editorialintelligence.com/about-us.php">friendly with its sources</a> in PR – would not go amiss.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/83657/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Will Dinan is a director of Public Interest Investigations & on the editorial board of Spinwatch </span></em></p>PR for dummies and despots.Will Dinan, Lecturer, Communications, Media and Culture, University of StirlingLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/859112017-10-19T08:19:00Z2017-10-19T08:19:00ZSouth Africa’s media should beware of being the voice of only some<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/190871/original/file-20171018-32367-4rspeo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Siphiwe Sibeko</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><a href="http://www.sanews.gov.za/south-africa/address-president-jacob-zuma-freedom-day-celebrations">Media Freedom Day</a> in South Africa marks the day in 1977 when the apartheid government <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/sundayindependent/remembering-qobozas-sense-of-duty-1594527#.ViI2CX4rLnA">banned</a> two newspapers - World and Weekend World - and a church journal, Pro Veritate, along with <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/black-consciousness-movement-bcm">18 black consciousness organisations</a>. A number of <a href="http://www.thejournalist.org.za/the-craft/learning-past-october-19th-message">journalists were also detained</a>.</p>
<p>One purpose of commemorating the day is to keep the memory alive so that people are more sensitive to contemporary trends that may again lead the country down the path of repression.</p>
<p>What does the picture look like today? </p>
<p>First some optimism: South African citizens would not have known the extent of the mess the country is in had it not been for the tireless efforts of investigative journalists that uncovered widespread corruption, brought the <a href="http://www.gupta-leaks.com/">Guptaleaks</a> and exposed Bell Pottinger’s complicity in <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2017-09-04-bell-pottinger-guilty-of-exploiting-racial-tensions-on-behalf-of-guptas/">stirring up racial tensions</a>.</p>
<p>But that’s where the good news ends.</p>
<h2>Cause for concern</h2>
<p>Media freedom continues to face external threats in the form of <a href="http://aidc.org.za/media-freedom-south-africa-two-part-formula-securing-freedom-expression/">legislation, intimidation, harassment and surveillance</a>. </p>
<p>Another major area of concern is that the South African media is not diverse enough: not in terms of ownership nor <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2016-08-29-media-content-diversity-in-sa-why-is-government-still-asking-all-the-wrong-questions/#.WedRZluCz3g">diversity of perspectives</a>. This lack of diversity makes it harder for the media to claim to represent the public. </p>
<p>Even worse, the only significant “change” to media ownership this year turned out to be a cynical ploy to buy influence. This was the “purchase” of the Gupta-owned television station <a href="http://www.ann7.com/">ANN7</a> and <a href="http://www.thenewage.co.za/">The New Age </a> newspaper by their staunch defender and erstwhile government spokesperson <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2017-09-10-analysis-whats-behind-the-sale-of-the-new-age-and-ann7-to-jimmy-manyi/#.WeYbJFuCz3g">Mzwanele Jimmy Manyi</a>. All it achieved was to give media transformation a bad name.</p>
<p>The country is also on the back foot when it comes the public broadcaster. South Africans are supposed to have one that works in the public interest and acts as a countervailing force to big commercial interests in the media. But, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) has been a mess for several years, hobbled by <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2017/04/25/sabc-board-chairperson-reveals-broadcaster-short-of-funds">financial woes</a> and <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2017/09/22/khoza-i-m-glad-hlaudi-motsoeneng-is-out-of-the-sabc">mismanagement</a>.</p>
<p>Political interference in the running of public broadcaster runs all the way to President Jacob Zuma. After sitting on the recommendations for the new SABC board for weeks, the board he finally appointed included a <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2017/10/17/mantashe-new-sabc-chairperson-raises-eyebrows">controversial chairperson and deputy</a>. He also appointed yet another Minister of Communications, the seventh in so many years, suggesting that communications just <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2017/10/17/media-watchdog-bemoans-yet-another-communications-minister">isn’t a priority for government</a>. </p>
<p>But threats to media freedom don’t always come from the outside, from security agencies or politicians. Media freedom also gets hollowed out in more subtle ways. Even if all the usual threats were to be solved, the questions remain: what does the South African media do with its freedom? How well does the media serve the interests of all the country’s citizens?</p>
<h2>Media as monitor</h2>
<p>One of the consequences of having had to fight so hard to protect the space for a free media in post-apartheid South Africa has been that the media has defined its primary role in relation to government, often in a highly antagonistic way. But being a watchdog is only one possible role for the media. It <a href="https://books.google.co.za/books/about/Normative_Theories_of_the_Media.html?id=jZAWo25gwY0C&redir_esc=y">could also play</a> others: a facilitative role that fosters dialogue with civil society, a radical role that opposes authority or a collaborative role that creates partnerships between media and the state around shared interests.</p>
<p>The problem with the media’s watchdog work is that it’s tended to foreground issues that are mainly of interest to an elite. This is partly because of increased commercial pressures on legacy media (newspapers, radio and television). As elsewhere in the world, South African audiences <a href="http://www.journalism.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/STATE-OF-THE-NEWSROOM-2015_2016_FINAL.pdf">increasingly move to free, digital platforms</a>, disrupting legacy media’s business model as they go. The combination of a media oriented towards lucrative markets and focused almost exclusively on monitoring government, can present a one-dimensional view - or a <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02560054.2011.578887">“view from the suburbs”</a>.</p>
<h2>Disconnect</h2>
<p>Research shows that the South African media often doesn’t succeed in gaining the trust of audiences outside of the mainstream elite, such as the <a href="http://theconversation.com/voices-of-the-poor-are-missing-from-south-africas-media-53068">poor</a> or the <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02533952.2014.929304">youth</a>. </p>
<p>The disconnect between mainstream media and audiences on the margins of society is perhaps best illustrated by the way media report on community protests: routinely covered only insofar as they present an inconvenience for the middle classes. Attempts to engage with protesters, find out why they were protesting, why they don’t opt for other forms of engagement and what has led to the breakdown in trust, are rare - partly as a result of <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/23743670.2017.1292703">constraints on journalists</a>. </p>
<p>By adding to the marginalisation of these citizens, the media is in danger of being associated with narrow or sectarian interests.</p>
<p>Importantly, it needs to be borne in mind that media freedom exists not only for the media but to serve all citizens. The South African media have done exemplary work on many fronts in recent years. Yet, for media freedom to become deeply entrenched in the country’s democracy, it should strive to listen even more widely and more intently to the voices of those that are still not within earshot of the mainstream news. </p>
<p>In doing so – especially in a communications landscape awash with propaganda, fake news and spin – the media would gain the trust of citizens and find more allies in their much-needed resistance to the creeping authoritarianism in South African society.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85911/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Herman Wasserman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Forty years after the apartheid regime clamped down on the free press, South Africa’s media continues to face threats, albeit in more subtle forms than in the past.Herman Wasserman, Professor of Media Studies and Director of the Centre for Film and Media Studies, University of Cape TownLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/844782017-09-21T15:48:16Z2017-09-21T15:48:16ZLessons from KPMG: be on guard, South Africans are on your case<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/187066/original/file-20170921-21005-r60q7w.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">South African protesters hold placards as they march against corruption.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Siphiwe Sibeko</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Moses came down from the mount with tablets inscribed with 10 commandments. Most of us know (most of) them, and most of us fail to live by (most of) them. But if Moses had turned them over and looked in the fine print on the back, he’d have found the 11th Commandment: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Don’t get caught.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>That in essence summarises the rise and fall of the South African arm of the international accounting firm <a href="https://home.kpmg.com/za/en/home.html">KPMG</a> which has been <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2017-09-20-darkness-descends-on-kpmg/">caught</a> with its hands in the slush fund jar. It stands accused of <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2017-09-20-analysis-unchartered-territory-kpmg-zuptas-and-the-tainting-of-chartered-accountancy-in-sa/">taking money from companies</a> owned by the politically connected Gupta family.</p>
<p>Even more damaging is the charge that it submitted formal reports “confirming” that a “rogue” unit was operating inside the South African Revenue Service (SARS) – <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2017-09-15-kpmg-cans-sars-rogue-unit-report-apologises-to-gordhan/">accusations</a> that were used as the smoking gun to remove ministers and senior public officials who were seeking to hold the line against state capture.</p>
<p>KPMG has miraculously grown a conscience. Suddenly – having broken the 11th commandment – it was reborn as a hand-wringing, apologetic company living up to high ethical standards. It was now willing to <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/sunday-times/business/2017-09-15-nine-kpmg-senior-executives-quit-over-gupta-scandal/">fire</a> its CEO and some senior managers, to reject its own findings and to <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2017-09-15-kpmg-to-donate-r40m-it-earned-in-fees-from-gupta-related-entities-to-ngos">“donate”</a> Gupta-company earnings to education and anti-corruption NGOs. The latter gesture was a revolting display of supine reprehensibility – we got caught in corrupt deals so we’ll hand the profits over to anti-corruption NGOs. Really? Go to jail would be a better outcome.</p>
<p>KPMG isn’t alone. Throughout South Africa’s <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org.za/corruption-in-south-africa-from-apartheid-to-zuma/">history</a>, and across the globe, the litany of private sector corruption is breathtaking. </p>
<h2>Private sector corruption</h2>
<p>South Africans can recall an unending litany of private sector corruption. In the recent past, there was the case of Tiger Brands making <a href="https://www.moneyweb.co.za/archive/tiger-brands-admits-to-bread-pricefixing-pays-fine/">bread more expensive</a> so the poor would pay more to eat. Tiger Brands paid a fine and carried on trading. And a clutch of major construction firms were found <a href="http://column.global-labour-university.org/2013/10/a-lesson-from-south-africa-are.html">looting monies</a> for the construction of stadiums for the 2010 Fifa World Cup in South Africa. They also paid fines and carried on building. The list continues. </p>
<p>The private sector, contrary to those who believe that ‘market forces’ will regulate the ethics of capital, is not taking a strong line against corruption. Those on the front line include, more recently, the portfolio committees in parliament, and previously, the Public Protector and a dwindling cluth of Ministers, MECs and the like. </p>
<p>NGOs such as <a href="http://www.corruptionwatch.org.za/">Corruption Watch</a>, the <a href="http://www.seri-sa.org/">Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa</a> and the <a href="http://www.casac.org.za/">Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution</a>, have by a long distance, been the most vocal campaigners in the area, and academics have worked with them to <a href="http://pari.org.za/betrayal-promise-report/">uncover</a> the scale and identify the perpetrators of corruption. The media has also played a <a href="http://amabhungane.co.za/#">massive part</a> in exposing corruption.</p>
<p>So let’s not fool ourselves that the private sector has set a benchmark for anything more than export-class venality.</p>
<p>South Africa’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/africa/search?utf8=%E2%9C%93&q=state+capture">state is corrupt</a> – “captured” makes it sound as if this occurred against its will. But - it has found a multitude of willing partners in the private sector. The match between corrupt state and corrupt private sector is perhaps South Africa’s most functional display of <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2017/06/13/mps-debate-willing-buyer-willing-seller-policy-in-land-reform">“willing buyer, willing seller”</a>.</p>
<p>KPMG executives have not set any benchmark for probity, as claimed by some – they simply acted when they got caught. Their focus was on maximising profits, even if it meant signing off on the use of public funds for a <a href="http://www.biznews.com/guptaleaks/2017/06/30/gupta-wedding-taxpayers-kpmg/">private Gupta wedding</a> (among other sins of commission), and now buying their way out of the mess with a few heads rolling and dirty money being donated to NGOs. If this is the standard for the private sector, South Africans are in more serious trouble than initially thought. </p>
<p>The KPMG <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2017-09-15-kpmg-weak-apology-suggests-company-saw-no-evil-heard-no-evil-therefore-did-no-evil/">“apology”</a> can’t come close to compensating for the damage done. Its report “confirming” that a rogue unit had operated in the South African Revenue Services fuelled developments towards state capture and triggered events that have had a disastrous impact on the country. These included the axing of ministers, deputy Ministers, and the subsequent haemorrhage of senior public servants from the state. </p>
<p>Everyone in South Africa is paying for the sins of KPMG.</p>
<h2>Holding power to account</h2>
<p>Governance is about the distribution of power in society, and the ability of citizens to hold power to account. This requires an engaged citizenry – whether in NGOs, ratepayer associations, street or block committees or faith-based organisations – who are sufficiently organised to call officials to account. </p>
<p>What is fascinating about South Africa is how engaged its citizen are. They kicked out the ruling party from running cities after just two decades of democracy and they’ve given the middle finger to <a href="http://www.enca.com/south-africa/e-toll-drive-slow-%E2%80%98-resistance-growing%E2%80%99">e-tolls</a>. They don’t behave the way they are told to. And they’ve reached a tipping point. When South Africans of all shapes, colours, sizes, creeds share simply being <em>gatvol</em> (fed-up), there’s trouble.</p>
<p>Ask the British public relations firm <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/companies/2017-09-12-bell-pottingers-british-business-collapses-after-south-african-scandal/">Bell Pottinger</a> what it feels like. The company faces foreclosure following a concerted campaign - domestically and abroad - to shame it for stirring racial hatred. </p>
<p>Ask the Guptas <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2017-09-21-bank-of-baroda-what-next-for-the-soon-to-be-unbanked-guptas?utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Afternoon%20Thing%2021%20September%202017%20Chamber%20of%20Commerce&utm_content=Afternoon%20Thing%2021%20September%202017%20Chamber%20of%20Commerce+CID_e5f871ce65510d308e294e0c3db99f65&utm_source=TouchBasePro&utm_term=Bank%20of%20Baroda%20bails%20on%20Guptas">how it feels</a> now that all of South Africa’s banks have said they aren’t willing to touch their money. </p>
<p>South African residents and citizens have become acutely aware that they’ve been screwed. By many in the state, to be sure. But by as many or more in the private sector, for decades. And they’re sick of it. </p>
<p>The world is watching – South Africans brought down Bell Pottinger. They’re now going after the likes of McKinsey, KPMG and SAP, all of these companies tangled up by <a href="http://www.biznews.com/thought-leaders/2017/09/18/john-mulcahy-sa-kpmg-mckinsey-sap/">allegations</a> of corruption. </p>
<p>The only way South Africans will ever get governance and accountability is by being organised, vocal, obstreperous, and demanding. So keep it this way – private and public sector are both on terms. And South Africans will hold them accountable, or if necessary, break them.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84478/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Everatt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The South African arm of the international accounting firm KPMG has learnt the hard lesson: Don’t break the 11th commandment - don’t get caught. That’s because South Africa’s citizens are fed up with corruption.David Everatt, Head of Wits School of Governance, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/835292017-09-06T14:09:28Z2017-09-06T14:09:28ZHow PR giant Bell Pottinger made itself look bad<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/184743/original/file-20170905-13703-15lgrxq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">So ... the thing is.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/media-interview-businessman-471987565?src=jekzpVo8gHYAMcb0vkjosw-1-1">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The reputation of global PR company <a href="https://bellpottinger.com/">Bell Pottinger</a> has suffered a massive blow. The boss has resigned, clients have walked, the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-41151361">firm has been expelled</a> from the <a href="https://www.prca.org.uk/">Public Relations and Communications Association</a> (PRCA) – and it has now <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-41171577">put itself up for sale</a>. All because of its work on a controversial contract in South Africa. </p>
<p>Bell Pottinger, which has staff, partners and offices in many parts of the world, is headquartered in London. So when the South African political party the <a href="https://www.da.org.za/">Democratic Alliance</a> wanted to complain about the firm’s activities, the London-based PRCA was its chosen route.</p>
<p>The whole issue of ethics and regulation in public relations is a thorny one. In virtually every country, anyone can call themselves a PR practitioner. I am an accredited practitioner with all sorts of qualifications, but there is nothing in law to stop my neighbour, a plumber, from hanging out a sign saying he is a PR officer, too.</p>
<p>But thanks to a drive from industry professionals there have been efforts to promote ethics and ensure some sort of regulation, which practitioners and companies can choose to sign up to. </p>
<p>In the UK, there is the <a href="https://www.prca.org.uk/about-us">PRCA</a> (mostly for organisations) and the <a href="https://www.cipr.co.uk">CIPR</a> (mostly for individual practitioners). Each has codes of conduct and disciplinary processes. Each can censure and expel. Ethical practitioners hope that clients will equate membership with high standards.</p>
<p>The PRCA’s expulsion of Bell Pottinger is the <a href="http://news.prca.org.uk/prca-announces-expulsion-of-bell-pottinger/">most serious sanction</a> it can take, and follows an investigation, a provisional ruling and <a href="http://news.prca.org.uk/bell-pottinger-and-democratic-alliance-complaint-update-3/">an appeal</a>. But now Bell Pottinger is out, and it cannot apply to rejoin for at least five years. </p>
<p>According to PRCA Director General <a href="http://www.prweek.com/article/1443592/bell-pottinger-thrown-prca-bringing-industry-disrepute">Francis Ingham</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Bell Pottinger has brought the PR and communications agency into disrepute … The PRCA has never before passed down such a damning indictment of an agency’s behaviour. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Bell Pottinger was founded in part by Sir Tim (now Lord) Bell in 1987. Advising former British prime minister Margaret Thatcher on her presentational style, he became one of the <a href="http://www.thedrum.com/opinion/2016/09/02/sans-fronti-res-why-maverick-pr-man-lord-bell-may-enjoy-being-his-own-man-again">biggest names in PR</a>. The firm did not shy away from <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2017/sep/04/bell-pottinger-thatcher-pr-clients">controversial clients</a>, who included former South African president FW de Klerk, Asma al-Assad, the wife of Syrian president Bashir al-Assad, and the South African athlete Oscar Pistorius, after he was accused of murder.</p>
<p>Lord Bell himself resigned from the company last year. And in an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/video/2017/sep/05/lord-bells-newsnight-interview-the-most-excruciating-moments-video">interview with the BBC’s Newsnight</a> (which was twice interrupted by his mobile phone ringing) he said this latest episode was “almost certainly” the end.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/RhUzbcn_fsE?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>Experts in keeping up appearances, the firm no doubt regrets the work it carried out for the wealthy <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-40848363">Gupta family</a>, which has close links to South Africa’s president Jacob Zuma. </p>
<p>The British PR firm got into trouble with a social media “economic emancipation campaign” in which the phrase “white monopoly capital” was said to have been deliberately, or irresponsibly, used, stirring up racial tension. </p>
<p>South Africa’s opposition <a href="https://www.da.org.za/2017/09/bell-pottinger-expelled-immediate-effect-following-da-complaint/">Democratic Alliance accused</a> Bell Pottinger of a “hateful and divisive campaign to divide South Africa along the lines of race”.</p>
<p>The scandal led to resignations – and the loss of clients. Britain’s biggest bank, HSBC, has said it would <a href="https://uk.reuters.com/article/safrica-politics-bellpottinger-hsbc/hsbc-to-stop-using-pr-firm-bell-pottinger-following-s-africa-controversy-idUKL9N1HY00N">no longer use Bell Pottinger</a>. A Swiss luxury company headed by a South African businessman, a South African investment group, and Acacia, which owns gold mines in Tanzania, are also <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/2017/sep/05/bell-pottinger-investor-south-africa-chime-pr">reportedly off the books</a>. </p>
<p>The damage to the company’s reputation is immense. While Bell Pottinger did take on work for clients which some of us find offensive or “to be avoided”, there is a difference between a client with a bad reputation deserving some help, and creating a bad reputation through the very act of communication.</p>
<h2>Is all publicity still good publicity?</h2>
<p>Will nations and companies still want to hire the company in the future? Some will probably take the attitude that recent events do not affect the organisation’s ability to carry out its work. </p>
<p>But will journalists and other PR audiences be ready to accept the firm’s messages? Probably not. The first response of any journalist contacted by a Bell Pottinger spokesperson will surely be to think of this damning incident. It will be tough for any lobbying campaign to carry conviction with the Bell Pottinger name attached.</p>
<p>Of course, being expelled from a professional association does not take away the ability to practice. The Democratic Alliance itself has pointed out that Bell Pottinger can still work in South Africa. </p>
<p>But PR depends on the ability to win client accounts – by convincing them that you will protect and enhance their reputation. It is difficult to see how an organisation which has effectively trashed its own reputation can protect someone else’s.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/83529/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paula Keaveney is a member of the Chartered Institute of Public Relations and a CIPR accredited practitioner.</span></em></p>The company is now in need of some serious crisis management.Paula Keaveney, Senior Lecturer in Public Relations and Politics, Edge Hill UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/817072017-08-20T09:26:42Z2017-08-20T09:26:42ZSouth African social media is giving consumers power to discipline corporations<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/181168/original/file-20170807-16724-1ujy659.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>More than 20 years after democracy it seems incredible that a leading South African insurance company, Outsurance would put out a <a href="http://www.iol.co.za/news/outsurance-roasted-over-offensive-fathers-day-video-9844428">Father’s Day advertisement</a> which featured mostly white dads. If their marketing team didn’t see the problem, citizens on social media certainly did and helped the company to see the <a href="http://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/outsurance-blames-junior-employee-for-racist-fathersday-ad-9858825">error</a> of its ways – and fast.</p>
<p>Within hours of screening the advertisement, a twitter storm had broken out and the commercial was retracted. Outsurance issued an <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2017/06/18/outsurance-apologises-for-father-s-day-video">apology</a> for any offence caused. It was a quick and decisive response – which is generally the right way to respond in a crisis – spoiled only by the fact that the company subsequently laid the blame at the door of a “<a href="http://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/outsurance-blames-junior-employee-for-racist-fathersday-ad-9858825">junior lady</a>” on the social media team. </p>
<p>The Outsurance experience underlines the growing importance of social media in <a href="http://www.blurbpoint.com/blog/the-growing-importance-of-social-media-for-business/">branding</a>. Branding scholars Chiranjeev Kohli and Anuj Kapoor <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/266377736_Will_social_media_kill_branding">point out</a> that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>This rapidly evolving landscape has left managers at a loss, and what they are experiencing is likely the beginning of a tectonic shift in the way brands are managed.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Outsurance isn’t the only firm to have been caught in a social media storm. Uber’s CEO Travis Kalanick was forced to <a href="https://theconversation.com/fixing-a-toxic-culture-like-ubers-requires-more-than-just-a-new-ceo-79102">step down</a> after a prolonged online assault leading to a “shareholder revolt”. London based public relations firm, Bell Pottinger, had to lock its twitter handle recently because it had been <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2017/07/07/in-memes-twitter-burns-bell-pottinger-over-apology">twitter bombed</a> by South Africans outraged at the firm’s service to the controversial Gupta family.</p>
<p>Another South African business, the family restaurant franchise Spur, suffered considerable <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2017-03-22-woman-in-spur-incident-explains-what-really-happened">brand damage</a> after a video showing an altercation between a (white) man and a (black) woman at a Johannesburg outlet went viral, causing a racially charged firestorm. Spur was castigated from different directions for mishandling the matter.</p>
<p>These cases show how social media gives consumers the ability to <a href="https://www.ama.org/publications/JournalOfMarketing/Pages/when-hostile-consumers-wreak-havoc-brand.aspx">influence business behaviour</a>. But, we argue, this power should be channelled in a constructive way to affect lasting change.</p>
<h2>A new kind of activism</h2>
<p>There are many <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/222820715_Anti-branding_on_the_internet">examples</a> of deliberate online anti-brand behaviours targeting well-known brands such as American Express, Coca Cola, and Wal-Mart. Widely respected New York Times technology columnist Farhad Manjoo recently <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/21/technology/how-battling-brands-online-has-gained-urgency-and-impact.html">noted</a>, that online campaigns against brands have become a powerful force in business by handing power to consumers. It has also given birth to a new kind of political activism:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Posting a hashtag and threatening to back it up by withholding dollars can bring about a much quicker, more visible change in the world than, say, calling your representative.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This is of course not good news to most corporations, businesses and politicians. Those operating in the public domain know the importance of protecting their reputation and fear the power of social media. Many organisations pay research companies for daily feedback on how their brand is perceived. In addition to newspaper clippings and magazine articles, they also have to sift through thousands of tweets and emails.</p>
<p>Not all negative comments deserve to be dealt with publicly. Some outrage may be the result of a vindictive individual or interest groups with less honourable intentions. Responding to comments such as these may only fan the fire, doing more harm than good.</p>
<p>But the power of social media is such that even a falsehood can cause immense damage, ruining businesses and individuals. Social media can awaken the <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1470593114540677">mob mentality</a> in people. All that’s required is for people to become angry – and have access to a medium where they can be relatively anonymous and vent their fury.</p>
<p>Social media brings out the best and the worst in people. On the one hand, it gives the power to do untold damage. On the other it can be used to do tremendous good.</p>
<h2>Disciplining business</h2>
<p>Take the case of American airline United Airlines. The video of how security dragged <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2017/apr/27/united-doctor-dragged-flight-settlement-david-dao">Dr David Dao</a> off a flight in April 2017 after he refused to leave his seat when he was selected to be bumped off due to overbooking went viral on the Internet.</p>
<p>Millions of people saw Dr Dao being dragged, bleeding and injured, off the plane. There was an enormous backlash from consumers slamming the airline – and other airlines – for the practice of overbooking.</p>
<p>The consequences of all the anger led to the airline revising its policy and operations and spilled over into wider investigations into general procedures at airlines. This resulted in new legislation being drafted in the US, which could prevent airlines from forcibly removing passengers seated on an overbooked flight and providing compensation for those not allowed to board. </p>
<h2>A double-edged sword</h2>
<p>Social media is here to stay – if anything its use is set to become more sophisticated. According to <a href="https://www.forbes.com/forbes/welcome/?toURL=https://www.forbes.com/sites/forbesnonprofitcouncil/2017/06/19/tapping-into-the-power-of-social-media/&refURL=https://www.google.com/&referrer=https://www.google.com/'">Pew Internet Research</a>, YouTube reaches more 18- to 34-year-olds than any cable network in the US, 76% of Facebook users visited the site daily last year with over 1.6 billion daily visitors, and 51% of Instagram users engage with the platform daily. These trends are spreading across the globe.</p>
<p>Users may also become more discerning about which sites they visit and how often. For companies, this means a need to remain vigilant and being aware of how to react appropriately. They undoubtedly stand to profit as well – through clever marketing campaigns that make use of social media platforms.</p>
<p>But the biggest winners could be consumers – should they learn to properly use the power of social media to organise into interest groups, define objectives and agree on courses of action – thereby exerting pressure on companies to see the kind of change in corporations that they would like to see in society as well.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/81707/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Social media is here to stay and gives a platform to companies as well as consumers who hold the power to bring about change.Mlenga Jere, Associate Professor of Marketing, University of Cape TownRaymond van Niekerk, Adjunct Professor, with expertise in Branding, Marketing, Business Strategy, Corporate Citizenship and Social Responsibility. Graduate School of Business, University of Cape TownLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/819052017-08-02T15:45:52Z2017-08-02T15:45:52ZSouth African business must own up to its part in the corruption scandals<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/180705/original/file-20170802-6912-ryzxrt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>South Africa is reeling from a string of scandals involving state owned enterprises and the Guptas, a family with close ties to President Jacob Zuma. A trove of recently <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.za/2017/06/01/the-new-gupta-emails-are-a-lot-heres-what-they-say-in-5-quick_a_22120706/">leaked Gupta emails</a> exposed the involvement of prominent businesses in the extensive corruption networks. Sibonelo Radebe asked Mills Soko to explain the implications of the scandals.</em></p>
<p><strong>What do you make of the situation?</strong></p>
<p>If nothing else, the Gupta leaks have shown us how perilously close South Africa is to losing everything so many people fought so hard for. Not only does corruption divert capital allocated for public services away from the poor, it hollows out important state institutions and, ultimately, frays the social and economic fabric of the country. It threatens the hard won democracy and political stability.</p>
<p>The ongoing revelations around state capture and patronage are giving South Africans an unprecedented and frightening glimpse into the machinery of corruption. The most unnerving element of the emails is how many of the transactions appear blatant and almost casual. The absolute cynicism and lack of ethics revealed in this correspondence is breath taking.</p>
<p>What we do with this knowledge as a country is going to count for everything. As a business community we can look away and call these tales of corruption isolated incidents – or we can step up to ensure that our organisations hold themselves to a higher standard. Most critically the law must take its course.</p>
<p><strong>What does it tell us about the role of business?</strong></p>
<p>The emails remind us that in any corrupt interaction it takes two to tango. And while governments and public money are so often at the centre, the enablers of corruption are not in government but in the private sector. </p>
<p>With the Gupta’s at the centre of the rot, <a href="http://m.news24.com/news24/SouthAfrica/News/guptaleaks-kickbacks-for-transnet-crane-contracts-20170717">prominent international companies</a> like accounting firm KPMG, consulting giant McKinsey, ICT player SAP, engineering company Liebherr and capital equipment manufacturer Shanghai Zhenhua Heavy Industries have been implicated in the mounting scandal. It’s worrying to see that companies of such calibre can be involved in such nefarious activity.</p>
<p>Corruption is, of course, not a new phenomenon – and nor is it unique to South Africa, as the <a href="https://www.transparency.org/news/feature/corruption_perceptions_index_2016">Global Corruption Index</a> shows. But certainly, the scale of what is going on in South Africa right now is unprecedented. </p>
<p><strong>How do you rate the responses by the implicated businesses?</strong> </p>
<p>Companies have scrambled to distance themselves from the reputational firestorm that the Gupta leaks have unleashed. McKinsey acted promptly to <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/companies/2017-07-09-now-mckinsey-sa-director-vikas-sagar-has-been-suspended-over-the-gupta-scandal/">suspend</a> Vikas Sagar, a director in its South African office, to allow an internal investigation to proceed. For its part SAP, which originally denied the allegations, has similarly suspended South African staff while launching a full anti-corruption <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/safrica-eskom-idUSL5N1KA2KE">investigation</a> , which is to be carried out by a multinational law firm and overseen by its executive board member Adaire Fox-Martin.</p>
<p>It’s convenient to blame these incidents on bad apples. But this doesn’t get below the surface of what is really going on. The scale of the corruption and the apparent ease with which it has been unfolding speaks to the fact that something is very wrong with the system. And it highlights an utter lack of business ethics and governance failures. This isn’t something the country can afford. </p>
<p><strong>What should be done to root out the corruption?</strong></p>
<p>While all of this may seem overwhelming, what is unfolding also presents the business community with an opportunity for some introspection. Calls have been made for greater purpose and responsibility on the part of South African leaders.</p>
<p>But how can we make sure these fine words and intentions are internalised? How do we make sure as a country that our business as well as our state institutions are committed to not allowing this to happen ever again?</p>
<p>Educational institutions, business schools in particular, are positioned as a first-line duty in making sure that graduates are equipped to recognise and reject corruption in any form. The country needs business leaders who are committed to building sustainable and profitable businesses but who are also mindful of their social and ethical obligations.</p>
<p>Citizens as workers and consumers also have a significant role to play. As individuals working in companies and purchasing goods and services from companies, they can condemn unethical behaviour from companies. This was partly reflected in how the general public put pressure on <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/world/2017-07-20-watch-the-bell-pottinger-gupta-saga-captures-attention-of-world-media/">Bell Pottinger</a> the UK based public relations firm which did work for the Gupta’s. </p>
<p>By <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2017/jul/10/bell-pottinger-pr-firm-apologizes-south-africa-campaign">rounding on Bell Pottinger</a>, effectively causing the company to lock its Twitter account and issue a formal and unprecedented apology to the country (even though they also blamed the fiasco on bad apples rather than the system), South Africans have shown the power they can wield when united against wrongdoing.</p>
<p>But the country needs to go further. While government and business have not enjoyed the best relationship in recent times, they need to bury the hatchet and come together to fix the inequalities in this country. Deep divisions have laid South Africa open to the kind of racist exploitation that Bell Pottinger unleashed. </p>
<p>Until the country rights this situation, it will continue to remain vulnerable to these kinds of nefarious influences. South Africa needs to be united in the spirit of building a country that works for everyone – not just a select few. Things are broken, yes – but it’s not impossible to repair the damage.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/81905/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mills Soko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Gupta email leaks have exposed the involvement of some big private corporations. in the unfolding corruption scandal thus challenging the private sector to do some introspection.Mills Soko, Associate Professor, Graduate School of Business, University of Cape TownLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/807592017-07-10T15:12:02Z2017-07-10T15:12:02ZANC conference: governing party blew chance to regain South Africa’s trust<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/177546/original/file-20170710-5923-118ozlz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">South African President Jacob Zuma closing the governing ANC's policy conference.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Stringer</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The 5th <a href="http://www.anc.org.za/content/5th-national-policy-conference-2017">policy conference</a> of South Africa’s governing African National Congress
started on an ominous note. The party’s stalwarts had opted to <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/politics/2017-06-29-anc-veterans-will-boycott-part-of-policy-meeting-focused-on-partys-health/">stay away</a> because they wanted the party to call a <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2017-07-06-anc-stalwarts-and-veterans-not-backing-down-on-call-for-consultative-conference/">consultative conference</a> first to focus on the organisation’s problems. The ANC’s leadership refused.</p>
<p>In fact, their call infuriated President Jacob Zuma. He mocked them in <a href="http://www.polity.org.za/article/zuma-lays-into-anc-stalwarts-at-policy-conference-2017-06-30">his opening address</a>. The stalwarts – who include luminaries such as <a href="http://afmcloud.co.za/office-bearers/afm-international-office-bearers/pastor-frank-chikane">Frank Chikane</a>, <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2017-02-19-between-the-lines-sipho-pityana-was-a-loyal-soldier.-the-anc-wouldnt-listen.-now-hes-an-activist-again./#.WWN5N4SGM9c">Sipho Pityana</a> and <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/cheryl-carolus">Cheryl Carolous</a> – are viewed by some as the link to the progenitors of the liberation struggle. Could their stay away spell a curse? </p>
<p>By the end of the conference Zuma appeared buoyed, dubbing the conference a success in his <a href="http://m.news24.com/News24/SouthAfrica/News/live-ancpolicy-conference-closing-day-20170705">closing address</a>. But, a success in achieving what? This question is pertinent because the conference came amid growing public discontent about the way the country is run, intensified by adverse assessments of <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-a-downgrade-means-for-south-africa-and-what-it-can-do-about-it-75704">rating agencies</a> as well as the fact that the economy is in <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africas-in-a-recession-heres-what-that-means-78953">recession</a>. </p>
<p>Are the outcomes of the conference likely to assuage the consternation about the future of the country? Can they in anyway contribute towards extricating the country from the morass it’s in? Or, are South Africans simply grasping at straws by asking these questions?</p>
<h2>Losing leadership of society</h2>
<p>The ANC appears to have lost claim to being a leader of society. Just before the 2016 local government elections, its own research pointed to an increasing “trust deficit”: less than 50% of respondents saw the ANC as a <a href="https://www.google.co.za/#q=http://www.power987.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/170630-0705-FINAL-Diagnostic">leader of society</a>. This is an ignominious indictment to a once glorious movement. Isn’t that perhaps where the focus should have been at the conference - regaining people’s trust by taking them along in the policy discussions? </p>
<p>An opportunity for this was missed as the policy discussion was contrived as an ANC affair. This is odd for a governing party. Its existence ought to be anchored in society and should always pursue the public interest. As the American senator Elizabeth Dole <a href="http://www.azquotes.com/quote/827008?=public%20policy">once put it</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The best policy is made when you are listening to people who are going to be impacted. Then, once policy is determined, you call on them to help you sell it.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The policy conference didn’t reflect this character. The ANC’s policy deliberations were held in closed sessions. The media wasn’t allowed in. Only snippets were presented to the public. Media reports depended on press briefings and interviews. The ANC was largely talking to itself.</p>
<p>Being a leader of society is a function of making people part of the process of how the party intends to lead. And it should always be amenable to the views that emanate from society, not only from its members. The ANC is not just a political organisation or a liberation movement. It is a governing party. How it responds to its responsibility of governing is the business of South Africa’s 55 million citizens. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/177550/original/file-20170710-5923-e6tws3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/177550/original/file-20170710-5923-e6tws3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=777&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/177550/original/file-20170710-5923-e6tws3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=777&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/177550/original/file-20170710-5923-e6tws3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=777&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/177550/original/file-20170710-5923-e6tws3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=977&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/177550/original/file-20170710-5923-e6tws3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=977&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/177550/original/file-20170710-5923-e6tws3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=977&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A delegate at the ANC’s 5th National Policy Conference.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Siphiwe Sibeko</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>An elitist approach to policy disengages society. Society only reacts to the outcomes of policy discussions if it’s not engaged in dialogue. This spawns antagonism as democracy is fudged in the process. </p>
<p>The consequence of this is a “trust deficit”. This is where the biggest danger lies. A “trust deficit” questions the very legitimacy of the ANC. </p>
<h2>Vacuous discussions</h2>
<p>The ANC’s gatherings are no longer moments to assert the significance of pursuing societal interests. As presidential hopeful Lindiwe Sisulu <a href="http://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/sisulu-warns-on-two-horse-power-bid-10203448">put it</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>The (policy) conference was not about issues, it was about which side is pushing which issue.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Was it, therefore, choreographed machinations to gauge the preferences of the branches in the presidential race? One is inclined to think so, especially in the context of Zuma’s remarks at the end of the conference in which he proposed that whoever loses the race to be president should automatically become the <a href="http://www.iol.co.za/capetimes/news/anc-divided-on-dlamini-zuma-ramaphosa-power-sharing-10117583">deputy president of the party</a>.</p>
<p>This proposal is outrageous. It accepts <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.za/2017/04/27/ndz-vs-cr17-battle-for-the-anc-underway_a_22058354/">factionalism</a> as part of the ANC’s organisational makeup. It seeks to institutionalise and accommodate factionalism rather than expunge it. Is this perhaps what the president was referring to when he spoke of success? </p>
<p>The other disturbing part of the conference was that <a href="https://mobile.twitter.com/Derek_Hanekom/status/883064545387962369/video/1?t=1&cn=ZmxleGlibGVfcmVjc18y&refsrc=email&iid=dae17404b2784f2e922fa44a8f96ac2a&uid=2953929718&nid=244+285282314">vulgarity held sway</a> while sanity was heckled and shouted down, scorned as proxy for <a href="http://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/2017/07/05/pravin-hanekom-heckled-in-anc-policy-conference-talks">white monopoly capital</a>.</p>
<p>The truth is that <a href="http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/white-monopoly-capital-not-the-enemy-anc-20170704">white monopoly capital</a> is a dishonest narrative. Coupled with the narratives garbled in rhetoric on the <a href="http://www.fin24.com/Economy/radical-economic-transformation-zuma-vs-ramaphosa-20170502">radical transformation </a> of the economy and <a href="http://city-press.news24.com/News/zuma-calls-on-black-parties-to-unite-on-land-20170303">land reform</a>, white monopoly capital is nothing more than gesticulation of populism bereft of ideological context. In the meantime gluttonous politics is in ascendance. State power is contested for <a href="http://pari.org.za/betrayal-promise-report/">nefarious ends</a>. </p>
<p>Where does this leave the <a href="https://www.google.co.za/#q=http://www.power987.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/170630-0705-FINAL-Diagnostic">historical mission</a> of the liberation struggle which is about</p>
<blockquote>
<p>uplifting the quality of life of all South Africans, especially the poor, the majority of whom are African and female.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Joel Netshitenzhe, a member of the national executive committee of the ANC, came closest to providing an answer. He went to the subterranean dimension of the debate on the transformation of the economy in pointing out that “white dominance in the economy” is a manifestation of a problem, which is <a href="http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/white-monopoly-capital-not-the-enemy-anc-20170704">“monopoly capital”</a>. </p>
<p>To use the phrase “white monopoly capital” is to reduce the policy debate to polemics and to spawn untenable interventions. As Netshitenzhe <a href="http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/white-monopoly-capital-not-the-enemy-anc-20170704">further explained</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>[the] relationship between the ANC and monopoly capital in particular, but also capital in general, is one of unity and struggle, or if you like, cooperation and contestation.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This irked the proponents of the white monopoly capital narrative who responded by displaying vacuousness and a lack of analytical depth on policy matters.</p>
<p>It appears as if the contestations in the conference hardened attitudes instead of facilitating policy choices. They intensified policy stalemate. This is perilous to South Africa. Outcomes of the policy conference don’t offer much to write home about. What they did do was to set up the ANC’s <a href="http://www.anc.org.za/content/54th-national-conference">December 2017 elective conference</a> for an internecine and bruising jostling for power.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/80759/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mashupye Herbert Maserumule received funding from National Research Foundation for his postgraduate studies. He is affiliated with South African Association of Public Administration and Management(SAAPAM). He is the Chief Editor of its Journal of Public Administration.</span></em></p>South Africa’s governing ANC appears to have lost claim to being a leader of society. This is clear from the outcome of its policy conference.Mashupye Herbert Maserumule, Professor of Public Affairs, Tshwane University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.