tag:theconversation.com,2011:/uk/topics/east-asia-summit-4328/articlesEast Asia Summit – The Conversation2018-11-13T19:02:55Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1066062018-11-13T19:02:55Z2018-11-13T19:02:55ZIn his first major foreign policy test, Morrison needs to stick to the script<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/245209/original/file-20181113-194500-179zyor.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">After a positive start, Morrison's relations with his Indonesian counterpart, Joko Widodo, cooled off after he suggested moving the Australian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lukas Coch/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Attending a global leaders summit might look easy – all interesting shirts, family-style photos and unusual handshakes – but these occasions can prove extremely difficult for leaders who focus solely on domestic politics or brand new leaders with uncertain electoral prospects. </p>
<p>Prime Minister Scott Morrison is both. </p>
<p>Morrison faces a busy week of foreign policy tests in his first big moment on the global stage. He first travels to <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/scott-morrison-is-about-to-meet-the-neighbours">Singapore</a> for the ASEAN and <a href="https://dfat.gov.au/international-relations/regional-architecture/eas/Documents/eas-factsheet.pdf">East Asia Summit</a>, then hosts Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-09-22/japanese-pm-shinzo-abe-to-make-historic-visit-to-darwin/10291338">historic visit</a> to Darwin before jetting off for the <a href="https://www.apec2018png.org/">APEC Summit</a> in Papua New Guinea on the weekend. This power week will be followed by the <a href="https://www.g20.org/en">G20 Leaders Summit</a> in Buenos Aires at the end of month. </p>
<p>This week, Morrison will have his first meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping, US Vice President Mike Pence and Russian President Vladimir Putin, in addition to new (but not so new) Malaysian PM Mahathir Mohamad and Chinese Premier Li Keqiang.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/with-bishop-gone-morrison-and-payne-face-significant-challenges-on-foreign-policy-102110">With Bishop gone, Morrison and Payne face significant challenges on foreign policy</a>
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<p>So what can we expect from Morrison’s debut summit season and in particular his meetings with Xi? </p>
<p>Pundits have been <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-and-china-push-the-reset-button-on-an-important-relationship-106428">speculating</a> whether Morrison might try to use the August leadership spill and appointment of new Foreign Minister Marise Payne as a way of pressing the reset button on relations with China. </p>
<p>Payne’s recent visit to Beijing was viewed by both parties as a <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/australia-a-partner-not-a-rival-says-china-as-relations-warm-up-20181108-p50evi.html?ref=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_source=rss_feed">success</a>, so Morrison should have a more pleasant meeting with Xi than former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull might have. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/245212/original/file-20181113-194485-m89x5q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/245212/original/file-20181113-194485-m89x5q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245212/original/file-20181113-194485-m89x5q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245212/original/file-20181113-194485-m89x5q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245212/original/file-20181113-194485-m89x5q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245212/original/file-20181113-194485-m89x5q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245212/original/file-20181113-194485-m89x5q.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Payne’s visit to China was the first by an Australian foreign minister since Julie Bishop’s trip in 2016.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Thomas Peter/EPA</span></span>
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<p>But Morrison’s first months in office show a leader who speaks without due care to the reactions of foreign governments – <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/oct/16/australian-embassy-in-israel-may-be-moved-to-jerusalem">floating the idea</a> of shifting the Australian embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem is the most glaring example – and a leader with little political capital to spare. </p>
<p>He needs to stick to the script this week. </p>
<h2>Danger signs</h2>
<p>Morrison has already courted controversy on foreign policy in a short period of time. He skipped the UN General Assembly in September. He also missed the Pacific Islands Forum in Nauru, forcing Payne to <a href="https://thenewdaily.com.au/news/national/2018/09/03/pacific-islands-forum-nauru/">reassure Pacific neighbours</a> that he wasn’t “snubbing” them. </p>
<p>Morrison did go straight to Jakarta in his first overseas trip as leader to <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-08-31/australia-and-indonesia-pledge-closer-ties/10189458">meet</a> with President Joko Widodo and sign the <a href="https://dfat.gov.au/trade/agreements/not-yet-in-force/iacepa/Pages/indonesia-australia-comprehensive-economic-partnership-agreement.aspx">Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement </a> with Indonesia.</p>
<p>But he was then <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/morrison-switches-back-to-normal-foreign-policy-20181101-p50de2.html">accused</a> of playing “straight from Trump’s songbook” when he mused about moving Australia’s embassy in Israel to Jerusalem without consulting diplomats or generals beforehand. It was <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/oct/16/morrisons-desperate-embassy-stunt-is-a-silly-idea-designed-for-him-to-cling-to-power">widely seen</a> as a crude attempt to win the Jewish vote in the Wentworth by-election. </p>
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<p>One downfall of Australian leaders is they can sometimes look parochial and small-town while on the big stage. For example, then-Prime Minister Tony Abbott made a <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/business/the-economy/australia-suffers-another-cringeworthy-moment-during-g20-summit-20141117-11nxg9.html">cringeworthy speech</a> to G20 leaders in Brisbane in 2014 about GP co-payments and stopping the boats. Opposition leader Bill Shorten described it as “weird and graceless”. </p>
<p>In his case, Morrison failed to realise the negative reception his embassy musings would receive in Indonesia. Now, his meetings with Widodo are likely to be <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/nov/12/morrison-plays-down-israel-embassy-spat-ahead-of-indonesia-trade-talks">frosty</a>, with no plans to sign the free-trade agreement by the end of the year. </p>
<h2>Morrison’s meetings with Xi, Putin and Modi</h2>
<p>In his recent <a href="https://www.pm.gov.au/media/keynote-address-asia-briefing-live-beliefs-guide-us">headland speech</a>, Morrison seemed to adopt a Malcolm Turnbull-style line on taking a middle path with the US and China, noting that a confrontation between the two powers: </p>
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<p>risks unimagined damage to economic growth and the global order. Damage where no-one benefits. Lose-lose.</p>
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<p>Nevertheless, the speech was strong on <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/national/scott-morrison-has-staked-foreign-policy-on-values-beijing-abhors-20181105-p50e2a.html">values</a>, many of which China does not share.</p>
<p>It is also not clear how Xi will view the <a href="https://theconversation.com/morrison-to-unveil-broad-suite-of-measures-to-boost-australias-influence-in-the-pacific-106557">recent Pacific push</a> from Morrison, though he seemed to offer the possibility for partnership in the region. </p>
<p>Morrison’s meeting with Putin at the East Asia Summit will likewise be interesting to watch. This is Putin’s first time at the summit, but by no means his first rodeo. His presence is perhaps indicative of <a href="https://theconversation.com/russia-is-a-rising-military-power-in-the-asia-pacific-and-australia-needs-to-take-it-seriously-105390">Russia’s intention to pivot</a> more attention towards the Indo-Pacific region, taking advantage of Trump’s absence. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/russia-is-a-rising-military-power-in-the-asia-pacific-and-australia-needs-to-take-it-seriously-105390">Russia is a rising military power in the Asia-Pacific, and Australia needs to take it seriously</a>
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<p>In yet another foreign policy stumble, Abbott once famously vowed to “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/tony-abbott-vows-to-shirtfront-vladimir-putin-over-mh17-tragedy-20141013-115cm3.html">shirtfront</a>” Putin over the downing of Malaysian Airlines flight MH17. Putin enjoys such displays of toxic masculinity; hopefully, Morrison can restrain himself. </p>
<p>Australia wants to enhance its partnership with India, so we should see Morrison make a beeline for Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the ASEAN meeting, hoping for one of Modi’s signature <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/topic/Modi-hugs">hugs</a>.</p>
<p>Before meeting Modi, Morrison will hopefully have carefully read the <a href="https://dfat.gov.au/geo/india/ies/index.html">India Economic Strategy to 2035</a>, authored by the former high commissioner to India and head of DFAT, Peter Varghese. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/245214/original/file-20181113-194494-vchzed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/245214/original/file-20181113-194494-vchzed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245214/original/file-20181113-194494-vchzed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245214/original/file-20181113-194494-vchzed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245214/original/file-20181113-194494-vchzed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245214/original/file-20181113-194494-vchzed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/245214/original/file-20181113-194494-vchzed.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Modi got a hug of his own from Abbott during his high-profile visit to Australia in 2014.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Tracey Nearmy/AAP</span></span>
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<h2>Our Pacific family</h2>
<p>Last week, Morrison made perhaps his most important foreign policy speech – a <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-11-08/scott-morrison-announces-pacific-infrastructure-bank/10475452">major strategic announcement</a> on the Pacific. He said Australia would open five new embassies and launch an infrastructure bank in the region to the tune of A$2 billion, and declared the Pacific “our patch”: </p>
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<p>This is our part of the world. This is where we have special responsibilities. We always have, we always will. We have their back, and they have ours. We are more than partners by choice. We are connected as members of a Pacific family.</p>
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<p>The announcement came after he <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/nov/01/scott-morrison-and-papua-new-guineas-pm-agree-to-joint-naval-base-on-manus-island">signed a deal</a> for a joint naval base in Papua New Guinea. Both this and the infrastructure bank were <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/drive/federal-politics:-the-pms-pacific-strategy-and-payne-in-china/10479292">seen</a> as ways of countering Chinese influence in the Pacific, but Morrison did refrain from using any anti-China rhetoric. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/for-pacific-island-nations-rising-sea-levels-are-a-bigger-security-concern-than-rising-chinese-influence-102403">For Pacific Island nations, rising sea levels are a bigger security concern than rising Chinese influence</a>
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<p>This is noteworthy. Tess Newton Cain has <a href="https://researchonline.jcu.edu.au/55672/1/Walking_the_Talk.pdf">pointed out</a> that Australia often misses the right tone of respect and partnership in its announcements to the region.</p>
<p>But despite this new push for Pacific engagement, Australia is still seen as weak on <a href="https://theconversation.com/lack-of-climate-policy-threatens-to-trip-up-australian-diplomacy-this-summit-season-102845">climate policy</a> – a hugely important issue to Pacific leaders. This could result in difficult conversations for Morrison at APEC, as PNG has invited many Pacific nations to attend for the first time. </p>
<h2>Sit down, be humble</h2>
<p>Even if Morrison puts his best foot forward to overcome his poor start on foreign policy, he will still have difficulty standing out in the crowd. </p>
<p>Even leaders require some political capital to stand out in those big rooms. </p>
<p>The churn in Australian prime ministers means that some foreign leaders may not consider it worth the time or energy to build a relationship of personal trust with Morrison if they view him more like a caretaker. Former Foreign Minister Julie Bishop had spent 10 years building up this <a href="https://www.afr.com/news/policy/foreign-affairs/julie-bishop-the-only-steady-hand-as-leadership-ills-risk-credibility-overseas-20180821-h14adn">diplomatic trust and stability</a> in her various roles, but that was severed abruptly. </p>
<p>My advice to Morrison? Stay humble and listen. Read the briefs, listen to the diplomats and do everything Payne and DFAT Secretary Frances Adamson say to do, to the letter.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/106606/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Susan Harris Rimmer receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is affiliated with IWDA as a national board member. </span></em></p>Prime Minister Scott Morrison has a busy summit season ahead of him. After early foreign policy stumbles, it’s important he reads his briefs, listens to the diplomats and stays humble.Susan Harris Rimmer, Australian Research Council Future Fellow, Griffith Law School, Griffith UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1028452018-09-09T20:03:43Z2018-09-09T20:03:43ZLack of climate policy threatens to trip up Australian diplomacy this summit season<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/235348/original/file-20180907-190656-1qu49hy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=2310%2C0%2C3153%2C3645&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Australia's climate stance risks its standing on the world stage.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Australia has navigated a somewhat stormy passage through the <a href="http://www.naurugov.nr/government-information-office/pif-(pacific-islands-forum).aspx">Pacific Islands Forum</a> in Nauru. Scott Morrison’s new-look government faced renewed accusations at the summit about the strength of Australia’s resolve on climate policy.</p>
<p>Australia is neither a small nation nor one of the most powerful, but for many years it has been a trusted nation. Historically, Australia has been seen as a good international citizen, a country that stands by its international commitments and works with others to improve the international system, not undermine it.</p>
<p>But in recent years climate change has threatened this reputation. This is
especially so among our allies and neighbours in the Pacific region, who attended this week’s Nauru summit.</p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/for-pacific-island-nations-rising-sea-levels-are-a-bigger-security-concern-than-rising-chinese-influence-102403">For Pacific Island nations, rising sea levels are a bigger security concern than rising Chinese influence</a>
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<p>With Australia’s new foreign minister, Marise Payne, attending instead of
the prime minister – not a good look, albeit understandable in the circumstances –
the government came under yet more international pressure to state plainly its commitment to the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-paris-climate-agreement-at-a-glance-50465">Paris climate agreement</a>.</p>
<p>Pacific nations may be divided on many issues, but climate change is rarely one of them.</p>
<p>Before the meeting, Pacific leaders <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-08-31/samoan-prime-minister-hits-out-at-climate-change-sceptics/10185142">urged Australia</a> to sign a pledge of support for the agreement and to declare climate change “the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing” of the region.</p>
<p>Australia ultimately <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-09-05/australia-and-pacific-nations-sign-climate-security-declaration/10204422">signed the pledge</a>, but also reportedly resisted a push for the summit’s communique to include stronger calls for the world to pursue the Paris Agreement’s more ambitious goal of limiting global warming to 1.5°C.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/pacific-pariah-how-australias-love-of-coal-has-left-it-out-in-the-diplomatic-cold-64963">Pacific pariah: how Australia’s love of coal has left it out in the diplomatic cold</a>
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<p>The government now has a chance to catch its breath before international summit season begins in earnest in November with the <a href="https://www.asean2018.sg/">East Asia Summit</a> in Singapore, followed quickly by <a href="https://www.apec2018png.org/">APEC</a> in Papua New Guinea and then the <a href="https://www.g20.org/en">G20 summit</a> in Buenos Aires on November 30 and December 1, not to mention the <a href="http://cop24.katowice.eu/">next round of UN climate negotiations</a> in Poland in December.</p>
<p>The G20 is arguably the most important summit, bringing together the leaders of the 20 most powerful nations in the world. It is a forum at which Australia’s
position on the climate issue has already suffered significant diplomatic damage under the Coalition government.</p>
<p>When Australia hosted the <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/g20-brisbane-9429">G20 Brisbane talks in 2014</a>, the then prime minister, Tony Abbott, <a href="https://theconversation.com/abbotts-g20-agenda-climate-still-the-elephant-in-the-room-32810">worked to keep climate change off the formal agenda</a>. Stiff opposition from several of Australia’s allies forced him to back down.</p>
<p>Other nations will be wary of Australia’s stance at the G20 this time around,
especially following the leadership turmoil in Canberra.</p>
<p>Indeed, with climate policy continuing to divide the Coalition, there is a
significant risk that further missteps on climate change will undermine Australia’s international standing.</p>
<h2>A better option</h2>
<p>It doesn’t have to be this way. Australia could easily meet its Paris target of cutting emissions to <a href="http://www.environment.gov.au/climate-change/publications/factsheet-australias-2030-climate-change-target">26-28% below 2005 levels by 2030</a> with a national climate and energy strategy. But right now Australia is without one, and with Malcolm Turnbull’s passing as prime minister and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/malcolm-turnbull-shelves-emissions-reduction-target-as-leadership-speculation-mounts-101811">demise of the National Energy Guarantee</a>, it looks unlikely to have a strategy in place by the time the G20 rolls around in November.</p>
<p>Australia’s overall greenhouse emissions have been rising for several years now, and many <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-is-not-on-track-to-reach-2030-paris-target-but-the-potential-is-there-102725">independent projections</a> have Australia overshooting what is in reality a <a href="https://theconversation.com/australias-2030-climate-target-puts-us-in-the-race-but-at-the-back-45931">modest target</a>.</p>
<p>But, rather than rectifying the situation, Morrison and his new cabinet have yet to make it completely clear whether Australia will stand by the Paris Agreement at all.</p>
<p>Even if the scenario of a <a href="https://theconversation.com/time-for-china-and-europe-to-lead-as-trump-dumps-the-paris-climate-deal-78709">US-style pullout</a> is avoided, Morrison will face mounting pressure from the vocal band of conservatives in his party room not to commit to anything on climate change, be it symbolic or tangible.</p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-too-hard-basket-a-short-history-of-australias-aborted-climate-policies-101812">The too hard basket: a short history of Australia's aborted climate policies</a>
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<p>What the government chooses to do next could have reputational repercussions for years to come.</p>
<p>Australia may not have the might of other nations, but what it has had at times is a reputation as a constructive international partner. This needs to be restored if Australian diplomats are to successfully navigate a disruptive international landscape.</p>
<p>Climate policy is clearly a threat to our domestic politics and to the job security of Australian prime ministers. With further missteps it could upend our diplomacy as well. Summit season will go a long way towards determining how much of a threat it really is.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/102845/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christian Downie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Climate policy is clearly a threat to the job security of Australian prime ministers, but it could upend our international diplomacy as well, with a string of key summits looming in coming months.Christian Downie, Australian Research Council DECRA Fellow, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/109332012-11-23T03:14:36Z2012-11-23T03:14:36ZPredictable lack of progress on the South China Sea<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/17901/original/wpwkwg4r-1353559828.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The language of cooperation might just be a cordial façade.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Office of the Prime Minister</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>As expected, the <a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/SPECIALCOVERAGE/SouthChinaSeaConflict.aspx">dispute over the South China Sea</a> was the most contentious issue at this week’s ASEAN meeting and East Asia Summit. Multilateral dialogue was tense, and ASEAN member states disagreed on the content of their post-meeting declarations.</p>
<p>Long-term observers of the South China Sea issue did not expect much progress – in particular because Cambodia, a close China ally, is currently ASEAN Chair. Cambodia enjoys <a href="http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324595904578120582308358540.html">investment, export markets, and economic aid</a> from China. So it was very unlikely that Prime Minister Hun Sen was going to put real pressure on China to ease its sovereignty claims to the islands and shoals of the resource-rich sea.</p>
<p>On paper, it appeared that the issue had been addressed. The <a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/745396.shtml">Joint Statement</a> of the 15th ASEAN-China Summit focused on the 10th Anniversary of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC). It “reaffirmed” the DOC as a “milestone document which embodies the collective commitment of ASEAN Member States and China to promote peace, stability and mutual trust in the South China Sea”. These sentiments were echoed in the <a href="http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/southeastasia/view/1238421/1/.html">Chairman’s Statement</a> of the 21st ASEAN Summit, which asserted that ASEAN members were committed to dispute resolution and exercising self-restraint. </p>
<p>While this seems like the language of cooperation, the DOC amounts to a cordial façade behind which competing territorial claims by China, Taiwan, and four ASEAN states (Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam) continue to stymie productive bilateral and multilateral relationships. ASEAN Summits are notoriously opaque, with only carefully scripted statements released to the public and the “<a href="http://www.stanford.edu/group/sjeaa/journal3/geasia1.pdf">ASEAN Way</a>” of consultation and consensus underpinning dialogue. The story behind these statements is more conflicted.</p>
<p>In particular, Cambodia tried to push for a declaration by ASEAN leaders stating that they had agreed “<a href="http://www.irrawaddy.org/?slide=another-asean-rift-over-south-china-sea">not to internationalise the issue</a>” of the South China Sea. This presumably reflects China’s desire to constrain the issue to bilateral talks, rather than multilateral fora such as the ASEAN meetings. But at least five other ASEAN states objected to this declaration, and President Benigno Aquino of the Philippines publicly rebuked Hun Sen.</p>
<p>Hun Sen <a href="http://www.interaksyon.com/article/48397/aquino-rebukes-hun-sen-as-china-drives-a-wedge-in-asean">shut down</a> discussion on the South China Sea a number of times, creating tensions with fellow ASEAN member states. The Chair is supposed to represent ASEAN states’ collective interests, rather than protect those of an external power. But the events this week remind us of a curious characteristic of ASEAN: most member states still engage in more trade with countries outside the region than with each other. And strong trade relationships lead to alliances on territorial and security matters – particularly when a trade partner is on track to become the world’s biggest economy.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.presspool.jp/2012/11/20/EAS.pdf">Chairman’s Statement</a> does not mention the South China Sea issue. Washington says it takes no sides but has urged China to work towards a new code of conduct. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia-pacific/2012/09/201293153550538791.html">expressed concerns</a> about the freedom of navigation in one of the world’s most important maritime regions. </p>
<p>Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-11-20/gillard-wants-code-of-conduct-for-south-china-sea/4382768">echoed the US</a>, saying that Australia is not taking sides but wants to see a peaceful resolution to the disputes. These leaders have been encouraging a multilateral solution to the various disputes. But we haven’t seen signs that this is imminent. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao said: “<a href="http://www.smh.com.au/world/wen-jiabao-adamant-on-south-china-sea-claim-20121121-29pd5.html">China’s act of defending its sovereignty is necessary and legitimate</a>”. </p>
<p>Given Brunei will be the next East Asia Summit Chair, perhaps the ASEAN claimants will have more of a voice in 2013. But it is probably the case, particularly given China’s reluctance to engage in the South China Sea issue in multilateral settings, that if any progress occurs, it will take place through bilateral agreements between China and individual claimants.</p>
<p>It is disappointing that the South China Sea matter is distracting from other concerns that affect people’s daily lives, such as poverty, development, and human rights. For example, this week the ASEAN leaders also signed the <a href="https://theconversation.com/asean-human-rights-declaration-a-step-forward-or-a-slide-backwards-10895">ASEAN Human Rights Declaration</a>, but officials and observers have been less focused than they could be on debating what the declaration means and how it might be made more meaningful over time. </p>
<p>It has also taken attention from developments in Myanmar, and how ASEAN member states should respond to the millions of displaced persons and refugees in the region. Such matters are generally constrained in official discourse, given the ASEAN norm of non-interference; however, they have no hope when old-school territorial disputes dominate the agenda.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/10933/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Avery Poole does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>As expected, the dispute over the South China Sea was the most contentious issue at this week’s ASEAN meeting and East Asia Summit. Multilateral dialogue was tense, and ASEAN member states disagreed on…Avery Poole, Lecturer in International Relations, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.