tag:theconversation.com,2011:/uk/topics/english-devolution-14268/articlesEnglish devolution – The Conversation2024-01-11T12:50:05Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2206162024-01-11T12:50:05Z2024-01-11T12:50:05ZInequality is dividing England. Is more devolution the answer?<p>Twenty-five years ago, when new institutions of national government were created in <a href="https://www.parliament.scot/about/history-of-the-scottish-parliament/the-scottish-parliament-reestablished#topOfNav">Scotland</a> and <a href="https://senedd.wales/how-we-work/history-of-devolution/">Wales</a>, they reflected the widely held view that the Welsh and Scots should have more control over their economies, aspects of welfare provision and key public services. Yet at that time, hardly anyone thought devolution might be applied to England – despite it being the largest, wealthiest and most populated part of the UK.</p>
<p>Today, things look rather different. The notion of English devolution has morphed from being of interest only to constitutional experts to being a preoccupation of Britain’s politicians as we approach the next general election – many of whom have lost confidence in the capacity of central government to tackle the country’s most deeply-rooted problems.</p>
<p>A historic <a href="https://www.sunderland.gov.uk/article/29488/4-2bn-North-East-devolution-deal-gets-local-approval">£4.2bn devolution deal</a>, which will bring together seven councils under an elected <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2024_North_East_mayoral_election">mayor of the North East</a> in May 2024, is the latest attempt to address some of the deep geographical inequalities that disfigure and disenfranchise large areas of England.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, much of English local government is experiencing immense financial pressures, with large councils such as <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-birmingham-67053587">Birmingham</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/nov/29/nottingham-city-council-wasnt-reckless-it-was-hollowed-out-by-austerity">Nottingham</a> declaring themselves at risk of bankruptcy while others <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/spotlight/economic-growth/regional-development/2023/07/council-rescue-package-finance-bankruptcy">teeter on the edge of a financial cliff</a>. In many parts of England, it is <a href="https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/publications/devolving-english-government/">increasingly unclear</a> who local residents should hold accountable for public service provision – in part due to the amount of outsourcing to the private sector that has become routine.</p>
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<p><strong><em>This article is part of Conversation Insights</em></strong>
<br><em>The Insights team generates <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/insights-series-71218">long-form journalism</a> derived from interdisciplinary research. The team is working with academics from different backgrounds who have been engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.</em></p>
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<p>“Take Back Control” was the slogan of the Vote Leave campaign leading up to the Brexit referendum of September 2016. It may not be a coincidence that the country which played the key arithmetical role in determining its outcome – England – was the only one where devolution had not been introduced, and where many non-metropolitan residents felt their views and interests counted for little in the citadels of democratic government. </p>
<p>Since then, more years of political turbulence, economic shocks intensified by the COVID pandemic, and the government’s <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/committee/17/levelling-up-housing-and-communities-committee/news/195434/levelling-up-policy-will-fail-without-longterm-substantive-funding-for-councils-say-mps/">failure to “level up”</a> as pledged, have combined to erode the allegiance and goodwill of many of its citizens. What this means for the future of a UK union-state model that has rested, to a considerable degree, upon English assent is likely to become one of the key political – and constitutional – issues of our time.</p>
<h2>What is English devolution for?</h2>
<p>In fact, the idea of establishing a new layer of government between Whitehall and England’s complicated network of local councils has engaged the attention of successive governments since the 1960s. But questions about the form, scope and functions of this “middle” layer gradually turned into a party-political football, with governments of different colours inclined to reverse the arrangements put in place by their predecessor. And the wider democratic ambition hinted at by the term “devolution” was largely absent from these reforms.</p>
<p>Whereas in Scotland and Wales, devolution was long ago couched in terms of democratic advance and national self-determination, in England it was largely regarded as a mere extension of central government’s approach to regional policy-making – and even the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/5fe17864-ae02-11e4-919e-00144feab7de">advent of elected “metro mayors”</a> did little to change this view. But now, politicians from both main political parties have come to believe in a new, sub-national model that can be badged as England’s own version of devolution.</p>
<p>A spate of deals involving the voluntary combining of different councils were announced in 2022, including for <a href="https://www.northyorks.gov.uk/your-council/devolution">North Yorkshire</a>, the East Midlands and the North East, and again in Chancellor Jeremy Hunt’s 2023 <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/autumn-statement-2023-speech">autumn statement</a> for Lancashire, Greater Lincolnshire and <a href="https://www.prolificnorth.co.uk/news/autumn-statement-devolution-for-hull-tax-cuts-for-unemployed-500m-for-innovation-centres-and-ai-but-weaker-growth-predicted/#:%7E:text=and%20Jeremy%20Hunt-,Autumn%20statement%3A%20Devolution%20for%20Hull%2C%20NI%20cuts%20for%20all%2C,AI%2C%20but%20weaker%20growth%20predicted&text=Hull%20City%20Council%20and%20East,Chancellor%20Jeremy%20Hunt's%20autumn%20statement.">East Yorkshire</a>. And a report by Labour’s <a href="https://labour.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Commission-on-the-UKs-Future.pdf">Commission on the UK’s Future</a>, chaired by former prime minister Gordon Brown, signalled that the party should <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/comment/brown-commission-constitutional-reform">extend the current government’s programme</a> of English devolution.</p>
<p>This idea lay at the heart of Boris Johnson’s ambitious programme while he was prime minister for addressing the deep disparities in productivity and social outcomes that exist in England, to which he gave the grand but elusive title “levelling up”. This plan – set out in a <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/62e7a429d3bf7f75af0923f3/Executive_Summary.pdf">lengthy white paper</a> in February 2022 – seems, for the most part, to have fallen by the wayside now that Johnson has left the political stage. But it still marked an important staging post in the journey of the once-niche idea of English devolution. Both main political parties have signed up to this principle and have indicated they will create more devolved authorities should they win the next general election.</p>
<p>Advocates sometimes point to an extensive – though hotly contested – body of research on the positive consequences for local economies of taking policy decisions at levels closer to the people they affect. One influential theoretical support for this idea highlights what economists call the “<a href="https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Opportunities-for-tacit-knowledge-transfer-within-a-Moloney/f1a8daa5aea06468c03a1a7142c2122661a1a281">tacit knowledge</a>” about a place, which is often vital to understanding the particular policies and initiatives that are likely to yield most benefit there.</p>
<p>What can be said with more confidence is that a lot hinges on the quality of the institutions that are created, and <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/00323217221136666">how well funded they are</a>.</p>
<p>Others argue that a more decentralised system of political authority is more likely to win the allegiance of, and secure more engagement from, people throughout England – in a context where <a href="https://www.ippr.org/blog/freefall-how-a-year-of-chaos-has-undermined-trust-in-politics">trust in the UK’s political class has plummeted</a>, where <a href="https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/publications/devolving-english-government/">MPs are less popular</a> than local councillors, and where there is widespread disenchantment with the perceived bias of central government towards London and the south-east. </p>
<p>However, to what extent does the record of England’s existing “<a href="https://www.centreforcities.org/publication/everything-need-know-metro-mayors/#whois">metro mayors</a>” support this case?</p>
<h2>‘King of the north’</h2>
<p>When the mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham, <a href="https://twitter.com/Femi_Sorry/status/1318576386949468164?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1318582661317824515%7Ctwgr%5Ed6e9e68efd3b3c853ef8fce56165ad44c52f62c3%7Ctwcon%5Es3_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.mirror.co.uk%2Fnews%2Fpolitics%2Fking-north-andy-burnham-labelled-22878379">staged an impromptu press conference</a> in the street outside Manchester town hall to protest against the local lockdown that the UK government wanted to introduce in the north-west of England in October 2020, his stance received considerable local support – to the extent that he briefly <a href="https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/politics/king-north-andy-burnham-labelled-22878379">acquired the nickname</a> “king of the north”. Since his election as mayor in May 2017, Burnham has led a number of high-profile initiatives on issues such as <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/mayor-hails-pioneering-housing-scheme-that-transformed-homelessness-response-in-greater-manchester-as-number-of-people-on-streets-falls-further/">homelessness</a>, and overseen the integration of health and local social care services.</p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Andy Burnham’s impromptu press conference outside Manchester town hall.</span></figcaption>
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<p>Similarly, it is unlikely that a backbench MP would have been able to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/oct/04/tory-mayor-andy-street-considering-quitting-over-rishi-sunak-hs2-u-turn">wrest concessions</a> from a prime minister as did the Conservative mayor of the West Midlands, Andy Street, after he made public his <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/business/2023/09/27/hs2-route-scaled-back-jeopardise-investment-andy-street/">opposition to Rishi Sunak’s decision to cancel the HS2 rail project</a> in September 2023.</p>
<p>While the responsibilities held by England’s metro mayors are, by international standards, pretty limited, they are at times able to deploy what political scientists term the “soft power” that comes from being the acknowledged leader of, and voice for, a locality. They also tend to be more independent of their own party machines than MPs are, going out of their way, when it suits them, to dissent from their parties’ London-based leaderships.</p>
<p>But it would be unwise to get too starry-eyed about a system that relies so heavily on soft power rather than the allocation of formal responsibilities. The absence of an elected legislature tasked with scrutinising and legitimating the work of these leaders – who are typically, and often not very effectively, held to account by local council leaders – is a significant further constraint on their ability to act as democratically legitimate changemakers.</p>
<p>This is very different to the model established in London, which had its <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/article/explainer/mayor-london-and-london-assembly">own government restored</a> by the first government of Tony Blair in 1999 following a city-wide referendum. The Greater London Authority is made up of elected representatives whose job it is to scrutinise the elected mayor, currently Sadiq Khan, and his administration. </p>
<p>In contrast, metro mayors elsewhere in England – tasked with delivering policies and overseeing funding allocations in areas of priority set by central government – are typically frustrated by the limits imposed on their own agency. Nor do they have the fiscal tools, both in terms of raising revenue and borrowing against financial assets, that are typical of many city and regional governments outside the UK.</p>
<p>The idea of having mini-parliaments across England’s regions, on a par with the legislatures established in Scotland and Wales, was dealt a fatal blow in 2004. During the course of the Blair governments, his long-time deputy prime minister, John Prescott, had pressed for the gradual conversion of the English regional development agencies Labour had created into a form of elected regional administration. But this died a very public death when <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2004/nov/05/regionalgovernment.politics">voters in the north-east overwhelmingly rejected the idea</a> – despite having been selected as the region most likely to support it.</p>
<p>Twenty years on, the suite of new city-regional authorities being created risks deepening the existing cleavage between England’s major cities and those parts of the country without a large urban metropole. Indeed, some of the devolution agreements recently announced had been stalled for years by the unwillingness of particular authorities to participate in these initiatives. The deal encompassing the cities of the north-east, for example, was held up for years by the refusal of Durham County Council to join its larger urban neighbours.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/inspiring-the-devolution-generation-in-greater-manchester-75790">Inspiring the ‘devolution generation’ in Greater Manchester</a>
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<p>The idea that establishing leadership at the level of a large city and its surrounding hinterland can improve the quality of democratic life, and create a more responsive layer of government, remains appealing for many, despite the unsteady emergence of this model in England.</p>
<p>However, amid attempts by UK politicians and administrators to present this as equivalent to the clearer and more robust forms of governance introduced in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, another important question has emerged. Namely, whether the English have come to feel some jealousy and suspicion about these new forms of government established outside England – and less enthusiasm for the union as a whole.</p>
<h2>A national grievance?</h2>
<p>The idea that England and the English need to be recognised as a distinct national entities within a multi-national union has more popular resonance in an era when debates over sovereignty, national identity and self-determination have become integral to political life</p>
<p>For some, this imperative arises from the belief that changes associated with devolution elsewhere have served to put the English majority at a disadvantage. Some express this in financial terms, arguing that England’s taxpayers have been funding the <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/article/explainer/barnett-formula">more generous per-capita settlements</a> awarded to Northern Ireland and Scotland. Others see it as a reflection of the <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-english-nationhood-9780198778721?cc=gb&lang=en&">revealed preference of the British political establishment</a> to appease those living in these areas, by awarding their inhabitants additional political rights while neglecting the inhabitants of England’s non-metropolitan areas.</p>
<p>Following the establishment of new parliaments in Belfast, Edinburgh and Cardiff, and the absence of any such model for England, the idea that these reforms have created an imbalance which <a href="https://www.democraticaudit.com/2013/08/15/unfinished-devolution-has-created-constitutional-imbalances-in-the-uk/">puts the largest part of the UK at a disadvantage</a> has become a familiar political sentiment. This was particularly salient when the ability of MPs sitting in Scottish and Welsh seats to vote on contentious legislative proposals that applied only to England became a <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/research/research-archive/nations-regions-archive/english-question">controversial political issue</a> – as in 2004, when the Blair government introduced <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/research/key-issues-for-the-new-parliament/value-for-money-in-public-services/funding-higher-education/#:%7E:text=As%20a%20result%20of%20the,2004%20Act%20was%20highly%20controversial.">controversial legislation</a> requiring students at English universities to pay some of their tuition costs.</p>
<p>The constitutional problem created by this imbalance had been aired in parliament by a number of MPs and members of the House of Lords when devolution was first introduced in the late 1990s. Some argued that one of the unintended effects of these changes might be to engender a feeling of national grievance – perhaps even a reactive nationalism – among the English. But for the most part, this prospect was ignored or scoffed at by politicians from both main political parties.</p>
<p>Soon after the new parliaments were established, however, the question of how reforms elsewhere would affect England – and whether it too needed a mechanism to signal the consent of its MPs to legislation that only affected England – moved into the political mainstream. Some campaigners and MPs suggested that only the <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/sites/constitution-unit/files/179-options-for-an-english-parliament.pdf">establishment of an equivalent English parliament</a> could address the profound imbalance created by the devolution granted to the other UK countries.</p>
<p>In 2015, the David Cameron-led Conservative government introduced a new set of rules for dealing with those parts of legislation that related to England only. Known by the acronym <a href="http://evel.uk/how-does-evel-work/">EVEL</a> (short for “English vote for English laws”), these reforms proved <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/sites/constitution-unit/files/EVEL_Report_A4_FINAL.pdf">immensely complicated to operate</a> and elicited little enthusiasm among MPs, while being almost unknown to the wider public. They were quietly abolished by Johnson’s Tory government in 2020.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/tory-votes-for-tory-laws-camerons-evel-plan-to-cut-out-the-opposition-44246">Tory votes for Tory Laws? Cameron's EVEL plan to cut out the opposition</a>
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<p>While the idea of remaking the UK along federal lines, with each part of the state having its own parliament for domestic legislation, enjoys some support and may grow in appeal, Britain’s politicians and the vast majority of its constitutional experts remain decidedly cool towards this idea. They believe that pushing in this direction could lead to the dissolution of the UK given the preponderant size and wealth of England – meaning it would have a disproportionate amount of influence within a federated UK.</p>
<p>Such a reform is unwarranted on this view, because England is already the most powerful and important part of the UK governing system, with an overwhelming majority of MPs sitting in English seats. But once the question of how and where England sits within the UK’s increasingly discordant union was raised, it would never be easy to put it back into obscurity.</p>
<h2>‘When will we get a vote?’</h2>
<p>According to some <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/englishness-9780198870784?cc=gb&lang=en&">survey evidence</a>, the people in England most likely to believe their country is losing out in the UK’s current devolution settlement are those most inclined to feel that central government is too distant from – and neglectful of – their lives. They were also the most likely to vote to get the UK out of the EU in 2016.</p>
<p>This sentiment was already a sensitive political topic by the mid-2000s, when Conservative MPs became concerned about the implications of devolution elsewhere for the English, while their Labour counterparts typically preferred to hymn the virtues of regional devolution, particularly in northern England. But how the English and their political representatives felt about these issues took on new relevance during the Scottish independence referendum of 2014.</p>
<p>Towards the end of this contest, an announcement of further devolution to Scotland was made in the form of a <a href="https://www.itv.com/news/wales/update/2015-01-22/the-vow-to-scotlands-been-kept-claims-cameron/">much-trumpeted “vow”</a> endorsed by the leaders of the Conservative, Labour and Lib Dem parties. Whether this promise of new powers for the Scottish government made any difference to the outcome of this historic poll is highly debatable. But what was notable was the hostile reaction it elicited in different parts of England – including on the part of many Tory MPs towards their prime minister. Such was the level of annoyance it stirred, Cameron was compelled to hold a gathering at his country retreat, Chequers, to assuage the mutinous mood of these backbenchers.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk/sites/default/files/migrated/news/Both%20England%20and%20Wales%20oppose%20Scottish%20Independence.pdf">Surveys have suggested</a> that a sizeable minority of the English held strong views about the outcome of the Scottish referendum – with about 20% of respondents happy for the Scots to go, and around the same number worried about the impact of Scotland leaving the UK. But another sentiment was palpable at this time. “When will we get a vote?” was a question I recall being put to me again and again by English audience members at various panel discussions over the summer of 2014. Behind it lay a sense of frustration that, in comparison with the Scots, the English were being left disenfranchised as their allegiance to the governing order was taken for granted.</p>
<p>The contrast between the narrow terms in which the “English question” was framed at Westminster and the growing appeal of powerful ideas about sovereignty, democratic control and national self-determination in this period is striking. And it formed an important prelude to the rebellion of the English majority in the Brexit referendum of 2016 when, finally, they were given a vote on an issue of constitutional importance, with profound economic and societal results.</p>
<p>Despite all that’s since been said about that Brexit vote and its impacts, the question of what happens when a national majority becomes more restive about the multinational arrangements in which it sits demands further consideration in this context. As I argue in my new book, <a href="https://www.hurstpublishers.com/book/fractured-union/">Fractured Union</a>, the future prospects of the UK’s union may even depend on it.</p>
<h2>A lesson from history?</h2>
<p>One – perhaps slightly unexpected – international example worth considering here is Czechoslovakia, which split into the separate states of the Czech Republic and Slovakia on January 1 1993. Despite many differences in context – not least its long history of rule by the Communist party, and the centrifugal dynamics let loose by the party’s disintegration in 1989 – aspects of this story are highly relevant to the current situation facing the Anglo-Scottish Union in particular.</p>
<p>The break-up of Czechoslovakia did not emanate directly from nationalist demands among the populace, but was significantly determined by decisions made at the political level. Just six months prior to the vote, support for the option of splitting Czechoslovakia into two wholly independent states was as low as 16% in both parts of the country. And there is every chance that a referendum on this issue (which came close to happening) would have produced a majority for the continuation of the status quo.</p>
<p>Two decades earlier, in 1968, new legislation established to protect the Slovaks from being dominated by the Czech majority held that constitutional and other important laws had to be passed on the basis of “special majorities”. These provisions were the source of constant grumbling and some resentment on the Czech side, being perceived as anti-democratic checks upon the will of the majority.</p>
<p>Under the political control of the Communist party, these differences were overridden by the party’s interest in the preservation of the wider state. But once Communism ended and a democratic model was introduced, friction between ideas of Slovakian sovereignty and the imperatives of a federal state model accentuated the underlying tensions between these nations and the parliaments where they were represented. In some echo of the Anglo-Scottish situation, many Czechs resented a perceived imbalance at the scale of representation of the Slovaks within the federal government, and <a href="https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/903">questioned the disproportionate transfer of resources</a> to the poorer Slovakian territory.</p>
<p>Despite extended and fraught negotiations over the constitutional framework, the gulf in the constitutional outlooks of politicians from these territories was considerable, with both sets espousing entirely different constitutional perspectives. Agreement was finally reached on a new federal framework in November 1991, but this deal was voted down by the Slovak parliament. Its Czech equivalent thereafter declared that further negotiation with the Slovak side would be pointless.</p>
<p>At the parliamentary elections of June 1992, the main winners in both territories were the political parties least inclined to compromise with the other side. Having given up on negotiations, and with the prospect of a referendum in Slovakia on its future within the state having been abandoned too, the Czech government moved towards the idea of a <a href="https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/913">speedy and complete division</a>.</p>
<h2>Could it happen in the UK?</h2>
<p>Czechoslovakia’s split throws into relief the key role politicians can play in moments of constitutional crisis, as well as the corrosive effect of <a href="https://www.karlobasta.com/symbolic-state">feelings of neglect and unfairness among a national majority</a> that can build up over time. It highlights, too, the challenge of sustaining a union when politicians at central and sub-state levels hold irreconcilable constitutional worldviews, and are fishing for votes in different territorial ponds.</p>
<p>Is it conceivable that some British politicians could, at some point, seek advantage by mobilising an appeal to the English majority against the claims and complaints of the smaller nations in the UK? And might the emergence of public scepticism within parts of the Tory party towards the models of devolved government in Cardiff and Edinburgh be understood as the first signs of such a dynamic?</p>
<p>There have already been moments in the recent political past when the appeal to the defence of neglected English interests has been politically powerful – for instance, during the 2015 general election campaign when the Conservatives deployed images of Labour’s leader, Ed Miliband, sitting in the pocket of the SNP’s leader, Nicola Sturgeon. And this may well recur as a theme in future Westminster elections, particularly if the SNP is able to recover from its current downturn.</p>
<p>However, in the longer run, what will do most to determine how the disaffected inhabitants of “provincial” England feel about devolution – and the lure of greater recognition and protection for English interests – is the quality of governance, service provision and economic opportunity they experience.</p>
<p>In recent years, despite the introduction of metro mayors, there has been little success in closing the regional gaps which “levelling up” was designed to address, and there is a real prospect of yet more local authorities going bankrupt. It would be little wonder, then, if the calls for greater priority to be paid to the concerns of the English heartland grow louder in years to come.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=112&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=112&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=112&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<p><em>For you: more from our <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/insights-series-71218?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Insights series</a>:</em></p>
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<li><p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/freedom-of-thought-is-being-threatened-by-states-big-tech-and-even-ourselves-heres-what-we-can-do-to-protect-it-220266?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Freedom of thought is being threatened by states, big tech and even ourselves. Here’s what we can do to protect it
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<p><em>To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/newsletters/the-daily-newsletter-2?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK"><strong>Subscribe to our newsletter</strong></a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220616/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michael Kenny receives funding from the British Academy and (previously) the Economic and Social Research Council. His latest book is Fractured Union: Politics, Sovereignty and the Fight to Save the UK (Hurst, January 2024).
</span></em></p>Years of political turbulence, economic shocks and the failure to ‘level up’ as pledged have turned English devolution into a key political and constitutional issueMichael Kenny, Professor of Public Policy, Department of Politics and International Studies, University of CambridgeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1764052022-02-04T17:06:40Z2022-02-04T17:06:40ZOther countries have made progress in levelling up – here’s how the UK’s plan compares<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/444573/original/file-20220204-23-128ui13.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=93%2C54%2C5083%2C3391&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/london-united-kingdom-november-10-2020-1851192037">Ilyas Tayfun Salci / Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The UK is currently <a href="https://industrialstrategycouncil.org/sites/default/files/attachments/Devolution%20and%20Governance%20Structures%20in%20the%20UK%20Lessons%20from%20evidence_Final%20Version270521.pdf">one of the most regionally unequal countries</a> in the developed world. The white paper on <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-unveils-levelling-up-plan-that-will-transform-uk">levelling up</a> outlines the government’s plans to address this through 12 “missions” to increase economic and educational opportunities across all regions.</p>
<p>The UK is far from the first country to try and “level up” regional areas. Our research with the <a href="https://www.cipfa.org/cipfa-thinks/insight/addressing-regional-inequalities">Chartered Institute for Public Finance and Accountancy</a> examined similar efforts in France, Germany, Japan and the US to determine what works in tackling regional inequalities. </p>
<p>We reviewed policy and interviewed policymakers, academics and third sector workers to identify the factors that led to countries successfully reducing regional inequality. We focused on Fukuoka in Japan, Leipzig in Germany, Cleveland in the US and Nantes in France. To use the UK’s language, these are all cities that previously would have been considered “left behind”. </p>
<p>Leipzig, for example, suffered mass unemployment and rapid population decline following the reunification of East and West Germany in 1990. Today, the city’s economy is one of the fastest-growing in Europe.</p>
<p>Overall, there are ambitious ideas and aims to welcome in the white paper. But levelling up policy in the UK remains shorter term and less well-funded than in the cases we studied. Here’s how the UK compares:</p>
<p><strong>1. Long-term investment</strong></p>
<p>Our research found that sustained high levels of funding were imperative in transforming the city-regions. The 2030 target in the white paper means that commitments in the UK are being planned over an eight-year timescale. By contrast, despite high levels of funding, it took 15 years for unemployment to start falling in Leipzig and a further 15 years to bring it closer to the national average. This shows how levelling up is likely to be a long-term process. Cleveland’s flagship project to build community wealth and create a more inclusive economy is planned on a 20- to 30-year horizon.</p>
<p>Policies to address regional inequalities in Germany totalled almost €2 trillion (£1.69 trillion) between 1990 and 2014, while the committed funding in the UK’s plan is <a href="https://thenyledger.com/news/the-uk-makes-a-start-but-only-a-start-at-levelling-up/">timid</a>. The white paper included no <a href="https://www.icaew.com/insights/viewpoints-on-the-news/2022/feb-2022/levelling-up-promising-noises-but-no-new-funds">new funding</a>, with financial support for the majority of initiatives having already been announced. For example, of the £500 million announced to support innovation in the Midlands, £400 million for the British Business Bank appears to have been announced at the <a href="https://www.british-business-bank.co.uk/press-release/autumn-budget-and-spending-review-2021/">2021 autumn budget</a>. </p>
<p><strong>2. Responsive revenue raising</strong> </p>
<p>Both Leipzig and Nantes have systems which enable funds to be redistributed across regions and cities to address regional and urban inequalities. They show how tax powers can be designed to compensate areas with low tax revenues. But enhancing the tax-raising powers of local and regional institutions has not been proposed in the white paper, so their revenue raising abilities will remain limited. </p>
<p><strong>3. Key players</strong></p>
<p>Cleveland’s experience shows that anchor institutions, like hospitals and universities, can play a key role in levelling up. The city was hit hard by deindustrialisation, which exacerbated challenges like racial segregation and high poverty levels. Major anchor institutions are working with city authorities and a philanthropic organisation, the Cleveland Foundation, to support growth in local communities. </p>
<p>Their focus is largely on procurement – how services and goods are bought by public authorities. The Greater University Circle initiative aims to change the way people are hired and services are bought, to increase local spending and employment. Over 50,000 people are employed by the scheme, demonstrating the value of anchor institutions in stimulating local economic activity.</p>
<p>Nantes’ experiences show the importance of ensuring procurement teams, who are responsible for buying services on behalf of the local council and mayoral combined authority, are sufficiently resourced. </p>
<p>The UK plan stresses the importance of anchor institutions in supporting regional economies, but questions remain about the extent to which government departments and other players will work together to facilitate economic development. How much weight will departments and officers give to using public procurement for levelling up if it differs from the lowest cost option?</p>
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<img alt="A public square at dusk with large fountain and modern and old buildings" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/444554/original/file-20220204-21-c1qut6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=2%2C5%2C995%2C660&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/444554/original/file-20220204-21-c1qut6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444554/original/file-20220204-21-c1qut6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444554/original/file-20220204-21-c1qut6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444554/original/file-20220204-21-c1qut6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444554/original/file-20220204-21-c1qut6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/444554/original/file-20220204-21-c1qut6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Leipzig saw the benefits of successful levelling-up efforts in Germany.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/leipzig-germany-cityscape-image-downtown-during-1435828385">Rudy Balasko / Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p><strong>4. Shared political will</strong></p>
<p>The four city-regions we studied benefited from stronger local and regional powers than comparable areas in the UK. For example, German states, including Saxony, where Leipzig is located, benefit from powers relating to public health, public finance, education and planning. Leipzig City Council has powers over administrative services, community integration, tourism, transport and the environment. </p>
<p>The devolution proposals announced in the white paper are a step in the right direction in increasing the ability of local and regional governments to introduce tailored strategies. </p>
<p>However, although all regions are being invited to agree London-style devolution deals with central government, it is unclear which additional powers they will gain. For example, will employment support and training budgets be devolved? Devolving substantial power and resources will be essential if levelling up is to address local and regional needs.</p>
<p>The UK’s white paper sets out a tight time frame, with limited funding to make progress towards the levelling up missions. While it is impossible to fully compare, given differing political systems and priorities, the government’s white paper could learn a lot from proven examples of levelling up.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/176405/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The City-Region Economic Development Institute (City-REDI) at the University of Birmingham was funded by the Chartered Institute of Public Finance and Accountancy (CIPFA) to conduct research for the report on 'Investing in regional equality: lessons from four cities' referenced in this article.</span></em></p>We looked at the factors that led to levelling up success in Europe, Japan and the US.Abigail Taylor, Research Fellow, City-Region Economic Development Institute (City-REDI), University of BirminghamLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1763002022-02-04T12:19:36Z2022-02-04T12:19:36ZWhitehall’s centralised system can’t deliver Boris Johnson’s promises to ‘level up’<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/444512/original/file-20220204-23-1kbupny.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C13%2C4500%2C2822&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/corner-downing-street-whitehall-city-westminster-1050981422">Alexandre Rotenberg / Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The government’s <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1052064/Levelling_Up_White_Paper_HR.pdf">levelling up strategy</a> to tackle regional inequality promises a “revolution in local democracy”. It seeks to do this largely through regional devolution – setting up more localised governments with their own mayors to give greater autonomy and power to the “left behind” regions. </p>
<p>But the proposed solutions do not match the scale of the challenge set out in the document, and downplay the constitutional and economic revolution required to break away from the highly centralised <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/gove.12225">Westminster model</a> of government. </p>
<p>Despite over two decades of ad hoc devolution across the UK’s nations and through some regional deals in England, Whitehall has not let go of power. The levelling up white paper itself describes the UK as “one of the most centralised countries in the industrialised world”. </p>
<p>Local leaders in England are limited in their powers over welfare, schools and health. They lack meaningful revenue raising powers, while the <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1467-923X.12989">centralised approach to allocating funding</a> is complex, messy and short term. The plan claims to simplify existing fragmented funding arrangements based on a wide range of different schemes controlled by central government.</p>
<p>The white paper can be credited for acknowledging the UK’s primary governance problem: hypercentralism. But its remedy is too limited. Strengthening local institutions will be inadequate if regions aren’t given meaningful decision making power and control of resources. Yet Whitehall’s direction of policy from London and the Treasury’s control of financial priorities are left untouched. </p>
<p>For example, the new <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-shared-prosperity-fund-pre-launch-guidance/uk-shared-prosperity-fund-pre-launch-guidance">Shared Prosperity Fund</a> “aimed at reducing inequalities between communities” calls for local investment plans to be approved by UK government. Without reform in Whitehall, this top-down culture, where central government controls key policy areas such as health and education, will continue.</p>
<p>The proposals to deliver real devolution lack ambition. The government has promised that any region can negotiate a devolution deal by 2030. But the problems of geography and scale are a concern – there is tension between the size of local government and accountability. Too small, and local government does not have the capacity or economic resources to make real change. Too big, and it becomes remote from local people and their concerns. </p>
<h2>Size matters</h2>
<p>The proposed landscape is incoherent. Some areas are large economic conglomerations with clear regional identities, like Greater Manchester. Others are more fragmented, like York and North Yorkshire and Hull and East Yorkshire. </p>
<p>Smaller regions do not have the economic capacity to make real changes. Much of their economic activity is going to be affected by the pull of nearby larger economic centres. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, even large urban centres like Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, are not going to have the resources to integrate health, education, housing, planning and transport in ways that can overcome many decades of neglect and decline. In this sense, devolving financial resources really does matter when tackling regional inequalities and the current proposed scale of funding is inadequate.</p>
<p>Scotland, with a population of 5.4 million, has been given almost complete autonomy over domestic policy. Yorkshire, also with a population of 5.4 million, has not. The integration of core public services is unlikely to happen in small regions because they will lack the capacity for major infrastructure developments, for example in transport. Competition between regions for scarce resources will be considerable and <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1467-923X.12989">dependency on Whitehall</a> is unlikely to be broken as a result.</p>
<h2>Downward accountability</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://ukandeu.ac.uk/regional-localism-levelling-up/">fundamental problem</a> is that for most public services, accountability for the delivery of services will continue to flow upwards to central government, not downwards to local citizens. If health, education and other services are still run by Whitehall, there is little incentive for them to innovate in response to local needs.</p>
<p>A meaningful system of local power requires rethinking the role and functions of government departments and ministerial responsibility. Real devolution would require representatives at the local level being responsible for policy failure or success. It would see departmental budgets properly redistributed to the localities, but this is unlikely to happen. </p>
<p>The current first-past-the-post electoral system and the consequent need for political point scoring means that there is a strong incentive for accountable ministers to intervene and interfere. It does not allow leaders at the local government level to take risks or develop policy that diverges from national policy goals. If things go wrong, blame still resides in Whitehall.</p>
<p>Real devolution requires a complete change of attitude –- one that allows local governments to make mistakes and to be responsive to their voters, not to ministers and departments. But the proposals here will see the continuation of a range of central government funding pots, monitoring of achievements by Whitehall and the majority of funding determined, distributed and accounted for by the Treasury.</p>
<p>The white paper notes that past experiences which “devolve power without accountability and democratic legitimacy can run … out of steam”. Without reform to Whitehall, this pattern is set to continue.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/176300/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dave Richards receives funding from The Nuffield Foundation and the ESRC. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Diane Coyle receives or has received funding from ESRC, AHRC, EPSRC, Nuffield Foundation, ONS via the Economic Statistics Centre of Excellence, Omidyar Network.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Martin Smith receives funding from The Nuffield Foundation</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sam Warner receives funding from The Nuffield Foundation</span></em></p>The levelling up white paper outlines plans for regional devolution in England, but they will be meaningless without reform at the top.Dave Richards, Professor of Public Policy, University of ManchesterDiane Coyle, Professor of Public Policy, University of CambridgeMartin Smith, Anniversary Professor of Politics, University of YorkSam Warner, Postdoctoral research associate, University of ManchesterLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1762912022-02-03T16:05:52Z2022-02-03T16:05:52ZWill extra mayors level up left-behind regions? What the evidence tells us<p>Adding more mayors to English regions is central to the UK government’s “levelling up” plan. From <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-speech-at-manchester-science-and-industry-museum">day one</a>, part of the vision has been to expand mayoral devolution – giving more powers to regional combined authorities, rather than just being ruled by Whitehall. </p>
<p>Greater Manchester, the West Midlands and a handful of other areas have had mayors for some time, but the levelling up white paper <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-unveils-levelling-up-plan-that-will-transform-uk">promises</a> that every English area that wants “London-style” powers and a mayor will be able to get one. This will involve establishing a combined authority of willing local councils, who agree on a devolution deal and then elect a mayor.</p>
<p>The government aim is to level up the nation’s “left behind” regions by 2030. On this timeline, the first to move to a new mayoral model will have eight years to complete their levelling up missions – the same time frame as those places that received devolution under the 2014 <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/chancellor-we-need-a-northern-powerhouse">“Northern Powerhouse” strategy</a>. </p>
<p>With that in mind, now is a good time to take stock of what mayoral models have actually been able to achieve over the last eight years, and learn from their mistakes. </p>
<h2>Slow burn</h2>
<p>The first thing to acknowledge is that progress will not be immediate. The first devolution deals were agreed in 2014 and 2015, and the first slate of metro mayors were elected in 2017. On this trajectory, it seems unlikely that all nine new mayors will be ready to sit by 2023, and some elections would also take place in 2024. This would give the new mayors six years to deliver levelling up, not eight.</p>
<p>Success requires a level of institution building. Combined authorities must be created from a standing start, and this takes time. Offices must be established, and staff must be recruited. Some gaps can be papered over by borrowing staff from local authorities, but a smooth-running machine can take a few years to get going. Beginning the process of devolution also doesn’t mean that it’s a done deal, and the north east famously <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/sep/08/north-east-england-devolution-deal-off-the-table-sajid-javid">had its devolution deal withdrawn</a> after local partners failed to agree on the form it would take. </p>
<p>Once the combined authority is created, there is still the small matter of electing a mayor, and we have seen how it took the 2017 crop of metro mayors several years to find their feet, get to grips with their powers and start truly pressing forward. At its most extreme, the mayor of the Sheffield City Region, Dan Jarvis, spent <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-south-yorkshire-58626488">two years working without a salary</a> whilst the details of the devolution deal were fleshed out.</p>
<p>Even then, life as a metro mayor is not all smooth sailing. Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham is the mayoral poster boy, and has made notable headway in some aspects of transport policy, including active travel and the creation of a publicly owned bus model. But equally, he has had bruising defeats on <a href="https://www.placenorthwest.co.uk/news/blow-for-gmsf-as-stockport-quits/">his proposed Greater Manchester spatial strategy</a> and plans to establish a <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-59893092">clean air zone</a>. </p>
<p>The new intake of mayors won’t be exempt from challenges like this, and with the emphasis shifting to counties with more rural areas, we can expect debates about housing in the green belt to intensify. There is no guarantee a mayor will soothe open wounds and the new mayors will have to balance the need to deliver against housing targets with local authorities and councillors who may not be as enthusiastic to see new houses built in their area. Indeed it is this opposition which is widely viewed as causing the demise of the government’s <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/sep/11/ministers-to-ditch-overhaul-of-planning-laws-after-criticism">proposed planning reforms</a> late last year. </p>
<h2>Mayor who?</h2>
<p>Proponents of the mayoral model would argue that a single democratically-elected leader provides a figurehead with legitimacy and accountability. This, the argument goes, means they can stand up for their area, it is no coincidence that many existing metro mayors are former MPs who campaigned on being able to unlock doors in Westminster.</p>
<p>In practice, even amid a growing field, only Burnham could be described as a mayoral A-lister, and this relies heavily on his previous name recognition as a government minister. That few other mayors can hope to attain the same fame might be a blessing in disguise for the government, given that Burnham uses his profile to be a persistent thorn in national government’s side.</p>
<p>Overall, early evidence suggests that the push towards mayoral governance has been largely successful. The mayors suffer few high-profile detractors, <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/e724ec26-fdd7-4d40-8aa4-da3690f4cc6d">they are popular with their public</a>, and the 2017 intake <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/may/08/labours-victories-show-importance-of-localism-and-positive-vision">largely did well at the ballot box</a> in the 2021 local elections. </p>
<p>Ultimately, and though it’s easy to see why “more of the same” is a simple tonic to offer, we should not lose sight of the fact the city-regional mayoralties are complex organisations that have taken time to set up. An eight-year deadline is not as long as it appears. Come 2030, many areas will find themselves not levelled up, but still climbing the stairs.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/176291/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Nurse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>More city region mayors are part of the government’s plan to level up, but the short timeline could hinder their success.Alex Nurse, Lecturer in Planning, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/781362017-06-01T12:47:08Z2017-06-01T12:47:08ZBrexit and the American Revolution: lessons for Liverpool’s new metro mayor<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171660/original/file-20170531-25652-1c0ozgz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/constitution-usa-document-american-flag-behind-182898593">SeanLocke/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Merseyside elected its <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-merseyside-39804725">first metro mayor</a> in May. Steve Rotheram will now enjoy <a href="http://www.centreforcities.org/publication/everything-need-know-metro-mayors">powers</a> to integrate healthcare, housing, transportation and education among the area’s local councils. But he is taking office in a turbulent period which has seen the UK engulfed in the fallout from the 2008 economic crash, a <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-32395181">migration crisis</a> and last but not least, Brexit. </p>
<p>As a Liverpudlian and historian, I hope that our new metro mayor will take note of the lessons of history. One example I encourage him to consider is Liverpool during the American Revolutionary era (<a href="https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/american-revolution-1763-1783">1763-1783</a>). If Mayor Rotheram learns these lessons, then he may well succeed in his new post. </p>
<p>Granted, there are considerable differences between the late 18th century and the early 21st century. During the Georgian period, Liverpool had socio-economic ties to Britain’s emerging empire in the Americas, Africa and Asia. </p>
<p>Consequently, Liverpool was often termed the “<a href="http://www.history.ac.uk/reviews/review/737">second city of empire</a>” and its status as a port town ensured that there were sizeable opportunities for labour in the docking and shipping sectors. Equally, through a series of canals and turnpikes, Georgian Liverpool enjoyed ties to its industrialising hinterland, which was famed for processing Cheshire Salt and using Lancastrian coal for manufacturing purposes. In contrast, there is considerably less demand for manual labour on Merseyside’s docks in 2017 thanks to containerisation (freight transport) and mechanisation.</p>
<p>But there is at least one thing that both periods have in common – they were eras of great change. During the 1760s and 1770s, Britain and its American colonies clashed over politics and economic policy, which resulted in the bloody War of Independence. By 1783, London was forced to acknowledge the break-up of its North American empire and the birth of the United States. In 2017, the British government is taking steps that will see Britain formally end its 40-year membership of the EEC/EU. Brexit was prompted by a national referendum in 2016, in which 51.9% of the British electorate <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-36616028">voted to leave the EU</a>. </p>
<p>There are other parallels between the American Revolutionary period and Brexit. Back in the early-1780s, it was feared that the loss of America would weaken Britain’s “Great Power” status and encourage further <a href="https://networks.h-net.org/node/16749/reviews/17548/gould-dickinson-britain-and-american-revolution-and-hibbert-george-iii">separatist movements within the empire</a> – notably the West Indies and Ireland. </p>
<p>Today, many of these issues are still relevant. As a result of Brexit, the Scottish government is calling for a <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-39255181">second independence referendum</a> from the UK. There is also renewed debate over Britain’s position in the world. On the one hand, those who wanted to remain in the EU <a href="http://www.strongerin.co.uk/get_the_facts#mFM8kr882XmipYtb.97">argue</a> that Brexit will diminish British influence in Europe and beyond. In contrast, the Leave camp <a href="http://www.voteleavetakecontrol.org/why_vote_leave.html">stress</a> that if Britain withdraws from the EU then the UK will be free to trade with the whole world and take advantage of new opportunities. </p>
<h2>Networking and more networking</h2>
<p>In such circumstances, how did the 18th-century Liverpool lobby (comprised of local MPs, councillors, mayors, merchants and landed gentry) respond to the challenges of the American Revolution? And are there any lessons for the new metro mayor to take note of in Brexit Britain? In short, yes.</p>
<p>During the 1770s and 1780s, Sir William Meredith (one of Liverpool’s MPs) was frequently at loggerheads with local councillors. The latter regarded their representative in Westminster as untrustworthy and hence tried to <a href="http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1754-1790/member/meredith-sir-william-1725-90">unseat Meredith at the polls</a>. This created a divided team, and arguably yielded few positive results. Hence, for a lobby to be effective it must be unified. This is a basic lesson that the new metro mayor needs to heed, as he interacts with incumbent MPs, councillors, businesses and other mayors in the UK. </p>
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<p>In the 18th century, the provincial towns of Liverpool and Bristol were also <a href="http://www.bristol.ac.uk/Depts/History/bristolrecordsociety/publications/brs39.pdf">commercial rivals</a> so both locations competed for political influence. Imagine what might have been achieved if they had worked more closely together? For a lobby to succeed, it requires friends in several locations. The Liverpool metro mayor should establish partnerships with political and business interests throughout the UK. </p>
<p>Georgian Liverpool’s lobby realised that in order to get its message across it had to establish effective networks at the seat of power in London and avoid alienating potential allies in the capital. Not only was Meredith disliked by some of his constituents but he was also distrusted by his parliamentary colleagues, too. Critics charged that Meredith shifted political positions far too easily. </p>
<p>Meredith’s political emasculation no doubt contributed towards his <a href="http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/18580?docPos=1">decision not to seek reelection in 1780</a>. For Rotheram to succeed, he will have to collaborate with Whitehall and not make outlandish proposals that could alienate the good will of central government. </p>
<p>One final thought: we historians may debate how effective the Liverpool lobby was in the aftermath of the American Revolution. But today and tomorrow, it will be the Merseyside electorate that decides Mayor Rotheram’s future. Should they be satisfied with his performance, Mr Rotheram may be reelected in 2020. If, however, the public are displeased, either they will elect a new metro mayor or the post itself will be called into question.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/78136/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Simon Hill does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Can Liverpool’s new metro mayor prolong his reign by heeding lessons from 18th-century American revolutionary politicians?Simon Hill, Lecturer, Liverpool John Moores UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/772812017-05-08T13:08:59Z2017-05-08T13:08:59ZManchester’s mayoral election: turnout was low but there is hope for the future<p>When George Osborne <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-29876939">announced</a> in November 2014 that Greater Manchester was to get its own directly elected “metro mayor”, he lauded the potential for dynamic civic leadership to develop the city-region’s economy and transport infrastructure. Then in a <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/chancellor-on-building-a-northern-powerhouse">speech in May 2015</a>, the former chancellor said a directly elected mayor would mean “a stronger democracy” as it would provide a single point of accountability – a leader “who takes the decisions and carries the can”. </p>
<p>But the portents for radical democratic renewal were more questionable. Turnout in the only combined mayoral elections in England in London were variable, ranging from 34% in the inaugural elections in 2000 to 45% in 2016. Moreover London mayoral elections have grown increasingly bitter and <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/londons-mayoral-election-how-the-battle-between-a-muslim-and-a-wealthy-environmentalist-got-ugly/2016/05/02/1c068dfe-0e29-11e6-bc53-db634ca94a2a_story.html?utm_term=.6ceaa143b9e4">febrile in tone</a>, with personality politics dominating in part because of a lack of significant governing powers available to the winner. </p>
<p>As the vanguard city-region underpinning the wider <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/northern-powerhouse-14267">Northern Powerhouse</a> vision of the Cameron governments, the Greater Manchester mayoral elections were a critical litmus test offering insights into the possibility that metro mayors outside London could stimulate local democracy. </p>
<p>But the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2017/may/05/andy-burnham-elected-mayor-of-greater-manchester">election of Andy Burnham</a> with a turnout figure of 28.9% does not, at first glance, suggest widespread voter interest or engagement. This figure was strongly boosted by a comparatively high turnout in the borough of Trafford of 38% – where two of his opposing candidates are councillors. Only 25% of voters in Rochdale and Salford made it to the polling booths. In comparison, the average turnout for local elections across Greater Manchester was 35% in 2016, a full 6% higher, and 30% for the 2016 Salford mayoral election. However, there were fears in some sections of the Greater Manchester Combined Authority that turnout would actually be much lower. </p>
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<p>So why will the fist “DevoManc” mayor take office with such a limited democratic mandate? From the outset, the position of metro mayor lacked clarity. The acceptance of a mayor as part of the regional devolution deal was undertaken without prior consultation, which meant most people had little idea of the remit or purpose of the new office. For many, the imposition of a metro mayor was confusing as they had recently rejected the principle of mayoral-led local government in <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-17949390">the referendum of 2012</a>. </p>
<p>Residents in Salford were also faced with the challenge of a “double mayor” and were left to work out who would be responsible for what. Public pronouncements by some <a href="http://www.publicsectorexecutive.com/Public-Sector-News/mayoral-model-step-backwards-for-greater-manchester-leese">local authority leaders</a> raised questions about the remit and purpose of the metro mayor and revealed concerns about the extent to which they might disempower those same local leaders.</p>
<h2>No visible presence</h2>
<p>The election also highlighted the extent to which the main political parties were organisationally unsuited and maybe unwilling to embrace the introduction of metro mayors. For example, the Labour party is organised at ward (or branch), constituency, and north-west regional levels. This meant there was a lack of clear organisational structures to support its mayoral candidate in campaigning for the new position. The mayoral candidates were largely left to raise funds on their own and promote their own campaigns. </p>
<p>This meant that, unlike <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/may/01/andy-street-mayor-campaign-spending-labour-sion-smith-west-midlands">Andy Street</a>, the Conservative mayoral candidate in the West Midlands, their campaigns were under-funded and also lacked sufficient party “foot soldiers” to post election leaflets and engage potential voters. As such, the election as a whole lacked a visible presence beyond the official <a href="https://www.gmelects.org.uk/">“GM Elects”</a> campaign and candidate booklet.</p>
<p>There was some good local reporting on the election – most notably from <a href="http://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/manchester-mayoral-election-candidates-2017-12521146">Jennifer Williams</a> and <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-38733342">Kevin Fitzpatrick</a> – but London-based national media coverage was distant and sporadic, particularly when compared to the capital’s own mayoral election last year. The decision to announce <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/apr/18/theresa-may-uk-general-election-8-june">a snap general election</a> further undermined the mayoral elections. Once called, the main political parties in Greater Manchester diverted their campaigning energies to the June general election. </p>
<h2>A new old politics?</h2>
<p>The picture, however, is not all bleak. It was refreshing to see a campaign fought in a competitive but cordial spirit where the main candidates did not resort to personality politics based on negative spin and public defamation of their opponents. And due to the organisational shortcomings outlined above the candidates were forced into taking up more traditional politics with regular <a href="http://www.itv.com/news/granada/story/2017-04-25/manchester-mayoral-elections-2017/">public hustings</a> taking place across the region. This encouraged a robust democratic political culture more akin to Scotland than Westminster and also provided <a href="https://theconversation.com/inspiring-the-devolution-generation-in-greater-manchester-75790">young people with opportunities</a> to engage with and shape political debate to a much greater extent than in local and national elections. </p>
<p>Groups such as the <a href="http://www.peoplesplangm.org.uk/">People’s Plan</a> and <a href="http://www.divamanc.org/">DivaManc</a> also extended and enriched the campaign, bringing in and engaging with different groups of citizens by providing opportunities to consult and debate politics in innovative and important ways. </p>
<p>But the inaugural Greater Manchester mayoral election ultimately highlighted the limitations of an elite-driven, bespoke and often confusing approach to devolution in England which has left many voters unsure of its aims and relevance to their lives. To ensure greater citizen engagement and participation in future elections Mayor Burnham – and indeed the country’s <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/election-2017-39817220">other metro mayors</a> – will need to prove he is an effective political alternative to Westminster. The lack of a significant electoral mandate in terms of turnout means Burnham will need to hit the ground running and articulate a coherent vision of regional government and secure further powers for the city-region. </p>
<p>The strengthening of democracy in Greater Manchester and the other city-regions is not the metro mayors’ responsibility alone. The main political parties now need to reconsider how they approach future mayoral elections, recalibrating organisational networks and campaigning resources to ensure future mayoral candidates have sufficient funding and support. Broadcast and print media must also provide more in-depth analysis when covering regional politics. But most importantly, civil society and academia needs to think, debate and act more locally and regionally to encourage a new politics that is the envy of the rest of the country.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/77281/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andrew Mycock does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>What we can learn from the election of the new ‘metro mayors’ and why there are reasons to be cheerful.Andrew Mycock, Reader in Politics, University of HuddersfieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/758732017-04-28T08:12:45Z2017-04-28T08:12:45ZMetro mayors and the city as an underperforming brand<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166613/original/file-20170425-23807-15rdi05.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/castlefield-inner-city-conservation-area-manchester-255819034?src=rkwNFSKiVoibRKdB8zH7oQ-1-2">Shahid Khan/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>It has been 179 years since the inauguration of the first Mayor of Manchester and the city is just about to elect a new incumbent. During this time, the office <a href="http://www.manchester.gov.uk/info/200033/councillors_and_decision-making/1158/the_lord_mayors_office/3">has been held by more than a hundred men and women</a>. But the role has changed significantly over the years. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=790&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=790&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=790&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=993&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=993&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/166618/original/file-20170425-12640-1a548si.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=993&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Sir Thomas Potter painted by Samuel William Reynolds.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.artuk.org/discover/artworks/alderman-sir-thomas-potter-206553">Manchester Town Hall</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>It began as an influential leader of political, social and economic reform and ended up as one of mere ceremony. Sir Thomas Potter, <a href="http://www.manchester.gov.uk/info/200033/councillors_and_decision-making/1158/the_lord_mayors_office/4">Manchester’s first mayor</a>, was a wealthy businessman, <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-british-studies/article/culture-and-the-middle-classes-popular-knowledge-in-industrial-manchester/DAA09FE9D9EC319B3C9FDC64C9A9BB14">a liberalist</a>, and co-founder of the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/gnm-archive/2002/jun/11/1">Manchester Guardian</a>. In May last year, <a href="http://www.manchester.gov.uk/info/200033/councillors_and_decision-making/1158/the_lord_mayors_office">Councillor Carl Austin-Behan</a> was sworn in to office. Carl was Manchester’s first openly gay Lord Mayor. This was of great significance given the city’s LGBT achievements but of little everyday consequence as the office had become little more than a formality. </p>
<p>Nevertheless, in the good old tradition of history repeating itself, the city’s next mayor – to be elected next month – will take on a civic leadership role with real power and financial clout. </p>
<p>Not unexpectedly, the new position of Greater Manchester Metro Mayor has attracted <a href="https://www.gmelects.org.uk/downloads/file/2/statement_of_persons_nominated">eight contenders</a>. Perhaps, more surprising, was the announcement that longstanding, local Labour MP <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/biographies/commons/andy-burnham/1427">Andy Burnham</a>, was standing for election. </p>
<p>Usually, the career trajectory of a politician goes from the local to the national – not the other way round. However, Manchester is an attractive proposition for a would-be political investor like Andy Burnham. You could think of him as a bit like a private equity funder eyeing up an under-performing brand that is ripe for some targeted investment. Along with a bit of sensible and joined-up management and a good dose of positive PR. </p>
<p>Over the last ten years, there has been a growing body of research into the practice of place branding and management. While much of this is <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/JPMD-08-2016-0055">critical</a> of transplanting business practices to places, there are a couple of relatively unproblematic applications to be recommended to the new mayor, whoever that turns out to be. </p>
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<h2>It’s NOT grim up north</h2>
<p>First, a bit of <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/JPMD-08-2016-0055">reputation management</a> would not go amiss. This should take the form of communications campaigns engineered to challenge decades of “grim up North” stereotyping. Second, a clear vision along with some place-based decision making is needed if the new mayor is going to have a chance of undoing years of <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/abs/10.1108/17538330810865363">siloed</a> and disconnected policy making.</p>
<p>This has systematically failed to address the complex and interconnected nature of problems in the city region. So, the mayor’s new, integrated <a href="http://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/idiots-guide-greater-manchester-mayor-12521146">£6 billion health and social care budget</a> is an important step, as long as some clear outcomes are set. </p>
<p>Mayors are also expected to set the direction of travel. <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/what-impact-do-metro-mayors-have-on-the-cities-that-elect-them/">Evidence from Bristol</a> suggests that citizens perceive the leadership of mayors as much more visible than everyday politicians. Evident, observable leadership is more likely to engender confidence – not only in people’s ability to tackle deeply embedded problems, but externally, too. Visible leadership acts as a boost to a city’s image. </p>
<p>In Bogota, for example, two elected mayors (Antanas Mockus and Enrique Penalosa) have been credited with lifting the city from “violence and dysfunction” to “<a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=GiRNDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA38&lpg=PA38&dq=mayor+bogota+city+rankings&source=bl&ots=A1aJbJLkav&sig=1HSGwDUgS0AwLYxxRXi1W0X2OAk&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwik5OGawa3TAhXIZFAKHedfDggQ6AEIaDAJ#v=onepage&q=mayor%20bogota%20city%20rankings&f=false">world capital status</a>”.</p>
<p>Of course, it is important to not get too carried away with the allure of the Metro Mayor. Cities are not just their mayors; they are their <a href="http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/17538331311306087">people</a>. So focusing on the populations’ health (<a href="http://www.centreforcities.org/greater-manchester/">an approach that the electorate already seems to support</a>) is important. </p>
<p>The skills gap in the city region does not appear to be such a vote-winner, however, even though it is likely to be hampering regional <a href="http://www.centreforcities.org/greater-manchester/">employment and productivity</a>. This is important as it is where a mayor can leave a meaningful, personal legacy. All too often, civic leaders tend to focus on the physical – like infrastructure (think Boris Bikes) or “<a href="http://krqe.com/2017/02/27/albuquerque-mayor-hopes-to-add-new-iconic-building-to-citys-skyline/">iconic</a>” buildings. Most likely this is because these types of interventions can be commissioned <em>and</em> completed within their time in office. </p>
<h2>Making a difference</h2>
<p>Changing the prognosis for the long-term unemployed, the unskilled, the “<a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/store/10.1111/1467-923X.12285/asset/poqu12285.pdf?v=1&t=j1lxxryh&s=1e65ca6ed129b2ba30ebc559454930f7fa9c88a9">left-behind</a>” is not so easy. Nevertheless, educational achievement <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/education/education-news/from-fail-to-world-s-best-a-lesson-from-the-east-end-8996454.html">can be improved in specific locations</a> and this is another aim our new mayor could at least catalyse. </p>
<p>Making a difference <em>somewhere</em> and being close to the action as a metro mayor could make for a far more influential political career than being insignificant or aloof in Westminster. The apathy and <a href="https://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3685/Politicians-are-still-trusted-less-than-estate-agents-journalists-and-bankers.aspx">distrust</a> people feel towards their MPs suggests that national politics is no longer an arena for actually engaging with people. </p>
<p>Likewise, for the foreseeable future, it is probable that a substantial amount of parliamentary time will be spent discussing Britain’s exit from the EU. This makes it highly unlikely that current MPs will be remembered, individually, for anything much at all – regardless of the result of June’s election.</p>
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<p><em>Eight candidates are bidding to be mayor of Greater Manchester. The others are: Sean Anstee, Conservative; Mohammad Aslam, Independent; Jane Brophy, Liberal Democrats; Marcus Farmer, Independent; Stephen Morris, English Democrats; Shneur Odze, UKIP; and Will Patterson, Green Party.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/75873/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Cathy Parker is affiliated with The Institute of Place Management, the Journal of Place Management and Development and the Labour Party. This article reflects her personal opinions.</span></em></p>Cities could be viewed as under-performing brands – ripe for a bit of focused investment and visible leadership from the new metro mayors.Cathy Parker, Professor of Marketing and Retail Enterprise, Manchester Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/636302016-08-12T15:40:30Z2016-08-12T15:40:30ZTheresa May has a golden opportunity to make devolution work – but it must be progressive<p>Since Theresa May took office as prime minister of the UK in July there has been <a href="https://theconversation.com/britain-is-in-turmoil-so-what-will-become-of-the-northern-powerhouse-62575">a great deal of speculation</a> about how – if at all – powers over tax rates and local spending will be devolved to local authorities, as promised by the country’s former chancellor George Osborne. </p>
<p>Osborne presented devolution as a way for local authorities to break free from the shackles of central government and forge their own approaches to economic development. Yet despite his grand visions for a “Northern Powerhouse” and the “Midlands Engine”, Osborne’s legacy is arguably one of centralisation rather than decentralisation. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-northern-powerhouse-what-actually-is-it-50927">city deals</a> he ushered through suffer from serious limitations – and they carry many risks and challenges for local authorities. </p>
<p>Now, May is in a powerful position – she has the opportunity to do away with <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-will-the-george-osborne-devolution-revolution-mean-for-local-councils-48689">the weaker aspects of Osborne’s “devolution revolution”</a> and come up with progressive city deals that will revive struggling regional economies. The question is – will she take it?</p>
<h2>Not enough power</h2>
<p>So far, the deals have focused too much on devolving responsibility for delivering national policies, rather than giving local governments the power to make decisions about how best to support their local economies. For instance, councils <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/486499/Council_Tax_Setting_in_2016-17_-_letter_to_Chief_Executives.pdf">have been permitted</a> to raise council tax (which is <a href="https://theconversation.com/council-tax-reform-is-long-overdue-so-how-do-we-do-it-45534">largely regressive anyway</a>) – but only if they intend to spend the proceeds on replenishing squeezed adult social care budgets.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/133972/original/image-20160812-16324-ullyx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/133972/original/image-20160812-16324-ullyx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133972/original/image-20160812-16324-ullyx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133972/original/image-20160812-16324-ullyx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133972/original/image-20160812-16324-ullyx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133972/original/image-20160812-16324-ullyx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133972/original/image-20160812-16324-ullyx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Sheffield Town Hall: no power to these people.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/robinbyles/4682404171/sizes/l">Robin Byles/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Similarly, the government has outlined plans to allow councils to <a href="http://www.localgov.co.uk/Whitehall-must-tackle-problems-with-reformed-business-rates-system-warn-MPs/41044">retain all revenue from business rates</a> raised in their area. But councils will have very little freedom to redesign the tax to suit local purposes – even though this revenue is intended to replace grants from central government over the coming years. </p>
<p>The result will inevitably be greater inequality between areas with a highly developed private sector and those looking to build one. And there’s no suggestion of extending more borrowing powers to councils with weaker local economies, which could languish without support. </p>
<h2>Flawed thought</h2>
<p>A generous interpretation is that the deals devolve power over micro-economic policy in lay terms to city regions, while leaving macro-economic policy to the central government. As such, local authorities might be able to take control of things such as vocational training, but not the regulation over or investment in the industries that might create jobs in the future.</p>
<p>So far, the devolution agenda has been shaped by <a href="http://www.economicshelp.org/blog/6760/economics/the-treasury-view/">the “Treasury view”</a> – the notion that the budget deficit should always be reduced and that cuts to public spending will not harm economic growth. In practice, this means that deals are being made based on <a href="http://www.regionalstudies.org/uploads/documents/SRTUKE_v16_PRINT.pdf">an economic philosophy</a> which insists that markets will look after themselves, and implores government (at all levels) to simply get out of the way. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/133967/original/image-20160812-16339-37x111.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/133967/original/image-20160812-16339-37x111.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=370&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133967/original/image-20160812-16339-37x111.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=370&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133967/original/image-20160812-16339-37x111.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=370&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133967/original/image-20160812-16339-37x111.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=465&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133967/original/image-20160812-16339-37x111.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=465&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/133967/original/image-20160812-16339-37x111.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=465&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Treasury view.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Local authorities and city regions have little means to shift the terms of the deals, because the Treasury – insofar as it controls all public expenditure – always holds the strongest hand. Yet city regions desperately need to unshackle themselves from the Treasury’s programme of austerity. Over the past six years, local public services have been cut to the bone. Devolving power over depleted budgets to local authorities would do nothing to fix this. </p>
<h2>Opportunity knocks</h2>
<p>For all these flaws, the devolution deals are still a great opportunity. Brexit has underlined the British people’s desire to “take back control” – and <a href="https://theconversation.com/return-of-the-town-hall-will-brexit-bring-british-democracy-closer-to-the-people-62194">devolution is a chance to give it to them</a> where it matters most: at a local level. But if it’s to succeed, devolution needs to become a progressive agenda. It must empower the most disadvantaged groups and give every local economy an equal chance to prosper.</p>
<p>So far, May’s <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/c04690ae-58dd-11e6-9f70-badea1b336d4.html#axzz4GiqNik1c">only significant announcement</a> has been to signal a focus on all parts of England, rather than simply the Northern Powerhouse. This isn’t saying much: David Cameron and George Osborne’s approach already had an England-wide focus, with devolution deals marked out for Cornwall and various part of the Midlands and the east of England.</p>
<p>May would be moving backwards if she closed down the possibility of improving central government, at the same time as we’re reforming the local level. As it stands, the door is wide open for her to reset the devolution agenda in a more progressive direction. </p>
<h2>The real deal</h2>
<p>I explore what this new, progressive devolution agenda might look like in a new report – <a href="http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/The-Real-Deal-SPERI-CLES.pdf">The Real Deal</a> – co-authored with colleagues at the <a href="http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/2016/07/21/we-need-a-real-deal-on-devolution-new-joint-speri-and-cles-report/">Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute</a> and the <a href="http://newstartmag.co.uk/your-blogs/need-real-devolution-deal/">Centre for Local Economic Strategies</a>. </p>
<p>All too often, the devolution agenda is framed by the question: “what should be devolved?”. A progressive approach to devolution would instead ask: “where should power reside?”. Let’s rethink the powers that central government has, rather than simply gobbling up the ones it is willing to give away – and let this be the basis for a new constitutional settlement on what relations between central and local government should look like. </p>
<p>For one thing, proper consideration must be given to the crucial role which central government can play in growing regional economies. We need a meaningful industrial strategy – <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/b51df920-4db5-11e6-8172-e39ecd3b86fc.html">something May has promised to deliver</a>. As part of this strategy, the nation’s resources would be mobilised to support strategically important industries, such as high-value manufacturing. Effective industrial policy cannot managed at a local level; rather, it must be informed by the local, but led by the centre. </p>
<p>It’s also important to build on the progress which has already been made, to take advantage of the political momentum around devolution. It is possible to go with the grain of existing devolution deals, while broadening out their scope. </p>
<p>Councils should be given more powers – including over tax – to shape how local land is used. Veto powers over planning should be supplemented by the ability to shape local housing markets. Local authorities should be empowered to deploy employment support programmes strategically to support local economies, rather than forcing individuals into “any old job”. </p>
<p>Above all, devolution must genuinely bring democracy closer to the people. For the process to succeed over the long term, we need to see much higher levels of citizen engagement in local politics. City deals with strings attached should be suspended while residents are consulted in a meaningful way. Unless individuals, communities and local authorities are empowered by devolution in a meaningful way, the entire process will backfire.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/63630/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Craig Berry is a member of the Labour Party. </span></em></p>Former chancellor Osborne’s plans were too limited to be useful. Here’s how devolution should be done.Craig Berry, Deputy Director, Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI), University of SheffieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/625752016-07-19T13:32:53Z2016-07-19T13:32:53ZBritain is in turmoil – so what will become of the Northern Powerhouse?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131082/original/image-20160719-7910-1ip80bd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Brexit has heralded so many departures that, at times, it has been difficult to keep up. <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/24/david-cameron-announces-his-resignation---full-statement/">Resignation upon resignation</a> has resulted in the UK’s second female prime minister who, in establishing her first cabinet, brought about a fresh raft of ministerial resignations and sackings. </p>
<p>The installation of <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-36789972">Boris Johnson as Foreign Secretary</a> and the creation of the Ministry for Brexit have secured much of the attention. Yet the comparatively quiet jettisoning of erstwhile Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne, will have significant consequences.</p>
<p>Osborne was the chief architect of the government’s programme of austerity, which is <a href="https://next.ft.com/content/db1b6304-492a-11e6-b387-64ab0a67014c?siteedition=uk">now set to be curtailed</a> by his successor, Philip Hammond. Yet it has been clear for some time that the devolution of power to the northern city regions – dubbed <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-northern-powerhouse-what-actually-is-it-50927">the “Northern Powerhouse”</a> – was intended to be Osborne’s political legacy. </p>
<p>The “devolution revolution” was to be the biggest change to local governance in England in decades. For better <a href="https://theconversation.com/devolution-plan-could-be-a-poisoned-chalice-for-cities-41848">or for worse</a>, it was set to bring more decisions over taxation and public spending closer to the people. The victory of the Leave campaign, which used “taking back power” as a call to arms, <a href="https://theconversation.com/return-of-the-town-hall-will-brexit-bring-british-democracy-closer-to-the-people-62194">indicates that</a> there is an appetite for this. </p>
<p>Now, as Britain begins the task of unpicking its relationship with the EU under new leadership, we are left wondering: what are the prospects for the Northern Powerhouse?</p>
<h2>And they’re off…</h2>
<p>Theresa May <a href="http://www.theresa2016.co.uk/we_can_make_britain_a_country_that_works_for_everyone">previously criticised</a> the Northern Powerhouse for being too Manchester-focused, so it seems reasonable to expect that change is a-coming. The question is, what shape will it take? </p>
<p>Osborne subsequently expanded the Northern Powerhouse brand to encompass devolution deals for Nottingham, Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Bath and, perhaps, Bristol. It is possible that this effort – dubbed “the Midlands Engine” – will be enough to satisfy May’s criticism. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131100/original/image-20160719-7913-17z6z8k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131100/original/image-20160719-7913-17z6z8k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131100/original/image-20160719-7913-17z6z8k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131100/original/image-20160719-7913-17z6z8k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131100/original/image-20160719-7913-17z6z8k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131100/original/image-20160719-7913-17z6z8k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131100/original/image-20160719-7913-17z6z8k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Chief Architect Osborne.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/number10gov/13980759924/sizes/l">Number 10/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>But the speed at which other initiatives have been shut down by incoming governments – exemplified by the termination of <a href="http://www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN05842.pdf">Labour’s regional governance scheme</a> in 2010 – suggests that nothing is off the table. </p>
<p>But the race for the metro mayors – who are tasked with delivering the reforms for their respective city regions – is well underway in <a href="http://www.liverpoolecho.co.uk/news/liverpool-news/labour-metro-mayor-hopefuls-clash-11512162">Liverpool</a>, Manchester and the <a href="https://next.ft.com/content/0dd53820-389a-11e6-9a05-82a9b15a8ee7#axzz4EkWREqBa">West Midlands</a>, among others. </p>
<p>High profile candidates such as <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/05/18/andy-burnham-confirms-he-will-run-for-mayor-of-manchester/">Andy Burnham</a> and <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/may/31/luciana-berger-to-stand-for-mayor-of-liverpool-city-region">Luciana Berger</a> have entered the starting gates, which may also <a href="https://next.ft.com/content/8866f232-1cf1-11e6-a7bc-ee846770ec15">offer a pain-free exit</a> from the travails of Corbyn-led opposition. </p>
<p>As the race continues to garner national attention, the Northern Powerhouse may prove difficult to hobble. Indeed, with <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-36820050">the appointment of Andrew Percy</a> as the new Northern Powerhouse minister, it seems that the rhetoric will remain, and all betting is back on. </p>
<h2>Sighs of relief</h2>
<p>It seems difficult to imagine a scenario where nearly <a href="http://www.centreforcities.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/15-06-01-Northern-Powerhouse-Factsheet.pdf">11m people</a> will be waking up on May 5, 2017 to anything but a newly elected mayor for their city region. Yet the powers, programmes and, crucially, funds available to that mayor are still open for debate.</p>
<p>In his <a href="http://www.itv.com/news/tyne-tees/update/2016-07-14/what-happens-now-to-the-northern-powerhouse/">first comments</a> since becoming chancellor, Phillip Hammond seemed to indicate his concern with re-balancing the UK economy to end over-reliance on London and the South East through infrastructure spending. This bodes well for organisations such as <a href="http://www.transportforthenorth.com/">Transport for the North</a>, which are working to implement many of the strategic transport reforms required to link the Northern Powerhouse city regions. </p>
<p>It also serves proponents of HS2, which features prominently in the West Midlands devo-deal. Similarly, other organisations such as the <a href="http://www.rtpi.org.uk/">Royal Town Planning Institute</a> – who recently launched their <a href="http://www.greatnorthplan.com/">Great North Plan</a> initiative – can be optimistic that their work won’t be completely scotched. </p>
<p>It may also come to pass that George Osborne still has a role to play. Those who thought he would quietly join <a href="https://twitter.com/elashton/status/755071881275908096/photo/1?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">David Cameron on the backbenches</a> were surprised to see that the former chancellor delivered Monday night’s Margaret Thatcher lecture, despite his sacking. In it, <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-36830839">he underscored the economic philosophy</a> that defined his tenure and, above all, gave indications that his exile will be relatively shortlived. </p>
<h2>The shadow of Brexit</h2>
<p>Through all of this, the short- to medium-term prospects for the northern cities will be inextricably tied to the outcome of the UK’s Brexit negotiations. The northern cities <a href="http://www.liverpoolecho.co.uk/news/liverpool-news/17-things-european-funding-done-10925208">relied heavily</a> on EU regional funding to drive regeneration, and it was no coincidence that the cities of Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds and Newcastle all voted Remain.</p>
<p>Now, as the mayoral candidates make their cases to lead their city regions from next May, they must answer a further question: what will they do in absence of those EU funds? From my own experience, I’ve seen varying degrees of shrugged shoulders and talk of “difficult decisions” in cities already damaged by prolonged austerity measures. </p>
<p>Yet an early criticism of the city devo deals was that the metro mayors risked <a href="https://theconversation.com/devolution-plan-could-be-a-poisoned-chalice-for-cities-41848">a poison chalice</a> of electoral responsibility with limited powers. If no alternative post-EU regeneration budget comes forward, such accusations may prove to be very well grounded.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/62575/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Nurse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>With George Osborne gone, his programme of devolution could be in jeopardy.Alex Nurse, Lecturer in Planning, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/585812016-04-28T04:45:21Z2016-04-28T04:45:21ZWill Budget 2016 deliver a new deal for Australian cities?<p>Will this budget mark the inception of a new deal for Australian cities? And will it herald a new dawn for Australian local democracy? <a href="http://www.act.ipaa.org.au/pm-address">Addressing the Australian Public Service</a> in the Great Hall of Parliament on April 20, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull chose to emphasise that “smart cities” would be the engine room of innovation and growth in Australia’s new economy to be delivered through the concept of “<a href="https://theconversation.com/city-deals-nine-reasons-this-imported-model-of-urban-development-demands-due-diligence-57040">City Deals</a>”.</p>
<p>Turnbull said:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The “City Deal” approach used in the United Kingdom has been instrumental in the renaissance of Manchester and Glasgow, and we believe there are many elements that can be applied in Australia.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure>
<iframe src="https://player.vimeo.com/video/163641838" width="500" height="281" frameborder="0" webkitallowfullscreen="" mozallowfullscreen="" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Turnbull’s address to the Australian Public Service.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>But what is the value proposition underpinning the “City Deal”? And can it be applied here in Australia?</p>
<h2>The value proposition</h2>
<p>The value proposition has historical, democratic and economic foundations. </p>
<p>Historically, it builds on the role of iconic cities in the advance of civilisations. For example, the following quotation from <a href="https://%20publichalthmatters.blog.gov.uk/2015/08/14/greater-manchester-devolution-the-public-health-revolution/">Mel Sirotkin’s evocative work</a> perfectly captures the central role of Manchester as the engine room of the Industrial Revolution:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>During the Industrial Revolution Greater Manchester seized the initiative to become the world’s first modern industrial metropolis. It is home to the nation’s first public library, the birthplace of modern chemistry, and the professional football league. It is where Dalton developed atomic theory and Rutherford split the atom. Inevitably it is also where the rainproof mackintosh was invented.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Democratically, it forms the next logical stage in the UK’s constitutional reform program, which began under Tony Blair in 1997. Blair delivered Scotland’s parliament and assemblies for Northern Ireland and Wales, but the English voted “no” to English assemblies on the basis that this would be too much government to bear. </p>
<p>The argument for delivering devolution through existing rather than new institutions – in this case city regions – has proved far more palatable.</p>
<p>However, it is the economic credentials of the “City Deal” that prove most powerful. The Cameron government believes that larger local government units such as city regions led by elected mayors with new powers will help spread prosperity. This is based on evidence – such as from the independent <a href="https://www.thersa.org/action-and-research/rsa-projects/public-services-and-communities-folder/city-growth-commission/">RSA City Growth Commission</a> – that the areas with the fastest growth and innovation around the world tend to have:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>large populations;</p></li>
<li><p>good connectivity;</p></li>
<li><p>high skill levels;</p></li>
<li><p>good infrastructure (including housing);</p></li>
<li><p>strong higher education institutions; and</p></li>
<li><p>empowered local leadership.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>The powers that the UK government is devolving to city regions are therefore focused mainly in areas such as transport, business support, infrastructure development and training.</p>
<p>A further economic argument for devolution to cities is that they provide a concentration of population and need. These in turn provide a potential focal point for innovation to foster economic development and improve service delivery and effectiveness. </p>
<p>In part, the argument is that necessity will be the mother of innovation. But there are also arguments that the greater scale of a city region provides fertile conditions for economic development. There is likely to be a greater pool of talent, experience and resources to draw upon.</p>
<p>Working across a larger area can promote more effective services. In many cases outcomes are likely to be better if several services are connected together. That applies, for example, to health and social care, to the various educational, health and social services that engage with families in trouble, and to the various bodies that can help prevent re-offending.</p>
<p>The argument for devolution to cities in England is mostly not about democracy, and more about economic competitiveness and service effectiveness.</p>
<h2>What’s been achieved so far?</h2>
<p>The way the deals have been negotiated reinforces the sense that this is about efficiency more than democracy. Deals have been cut within Whitehall in a top-down approach with various city regions according to their ambition and political clarity. </p>
<p>In most cases, an elected mayor has been added to the mix to provide a fig leaf of democratic legitimacy. But many of the deals have been criticised as a stitch-up between city and national elites with little input from citizens and little prospect of citizen control.</p>
<p>On the other hand, the ad-hoc approach of doing the deals city by city, region by region, means that progress has been rapid. Substantial devolution <a href="https://www.nao.org.uk/report/english-devolution-deals/">is occurring</a>. </p>
<p>Although some worry about creating an unequal governance framework, others argue it’s about doing what works for different cities. The pragmatic patchwork program has been deliberately designed such that no two city regions must necessarily have the same deal and level of devolution.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2016.1165496">Greater Manchester City Deal</a> is by far the most advanced but only started this month. So, in truth, it’s too early to say how the deals will work in practice.</p>
<h2>How do City Deals translate to Australia?</h2>
<p>It is easy to see why the “City Deal” concept resonates with the Turnbull agenda. The image of the Australian city region as a centripetal catalyst to economic growth is both in keeping with the gravity of international evidence and the demographic changes articulated in the <a href="http://www.treasury.gov.au/PublicationsAndMedia/Publications/2015/2015-Intergenerational-Report">2015 Intergenerational Report</a>. This forecast a range of significant productivity problems arising from shifts in demography, workforce and participation.</p>
<p>It also provides a living laboratory for Turnbull’s <a href="http://www.innovation.gov.au/page/agenda">National Innovation and Science Agenda</a> and, in particular, the work of <a href="http://www.csiro.au/en/Research/D61">Data 61</a> and the <a href="https://www.dto.gov.au/">Digital Transformation Office</a>. </p>
<p>Most tangibly, it provides an opportunity for Turnbull to connect the government’s agenda to the everyday lives of Australians. This is something the polls suggest he has been unable to achieve so far.</p>
<h2>What would need to change make it happen?</h2>
<p>There are maximalist and minimalist versions of the “City Deal”. The minimalist version would be simply to negotiate a series of Commonwealth-funded programs with states and territories to lubricate the innovation agenda in Australian cities. The maximalist version, required to emulate the UK “City Deal”, would require constitutional change. </p>
<p>Devolution UK-style involves the transfer of power to a lower level, in this case to a local city or city region administration. However, unlike its European and North American counterparts, Australia’s political elite still has a strange, unfathomable disdain for local government – which is not shared by its citizenry. </p>
<p>Most significantly, devolution is not in the gift of Commonwealth government, as local government is a creature of state and (to a lesser extent) territory government. Changing federal powers requires constitutional change. </p>
<p>As Turnbull himself admits:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>It requires a firm commitment to collaboration. Success is dependent on federal, state and local governments agreeing on a set of long‐term goals for cities and the investments, policies and regulatory settings to achieve them.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Is it likely that state governments would cede authority over the jewel in their crown – the state capital? It would be like turkeys voting for Christmas. The smart money is on the minimalist version even though Australia’s future economic prospects require the courage and ambition of the maximalist version.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/58581/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mark Evans receives funding from a variety of sources including foundations, research councils, governmental and non governmental organisations and international organisations. However, the views expressed in this article are his own and cannot be attributed to any particular funding organisation.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>As an independent academic researcher Gerry Stoker receives funding from a variety of sources including foundations, research councils, governmental and non-governmental organisations and international organisations. However, the views expressed in this article are his own and cannot be attributed to any particular funding organisation.</span></em></p>The Turnbull government sees the ‘City Deal’ as a way for ‘smart cities’ to drive innovation and growth. But what is the value proposition behind this UK concept and how might it work in Australia?Mark Evans, Professor of Governance and Director of the Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis and NATSEM, University of CanberraGerry Stoker, Fellow and Centenary Professor, Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/470682016-02-25T17:33:27Z2016-02-25T17:33:27ZFrom Medieval kings to modern politics: the origins of England’s North-South divide<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/94803/original/image-20150915-16968-yvqxnb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/stopherjones/9956052273/sizes/o/">stopherjones/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The medieval world has a powerful hold over our modern imaginations. We continually revisit this murky period of history in fictional frolics such as Game of Thrones, and stirring series including The Last Kingdom. Echoes of the so-called “dark ages” even carry as far as today’s politics – particularly when it comes to <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-27731725">discussions about devolution</a>. </p>
<p>Indeed, as Westminster <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-northern-powerhouse-what-actually-is-it-50927">begins to relinquish political powers</a> to England’s newly-formed city regions, <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/campaigners-want-to-ditch-george-osbornes-yorkshire-devolution-plans-and-create-northern-powerhouse-10473615.html">some have claimed that</a> these territories should be defined by historical precedent, rather than <a href="http://www.citymetric.com/politics/devolution-meant-be-about-boring-practical-things-so-why-do-we-obsess-about-identity-1630">administrative practicalities</a>. </p>
<p>But how close are we to our medieval roots, and are our connections with the past really strong enough to influence modern-day decisions? To find out, we need to take a closer look at what’s left of the Celtic, Anglo-Saxon and Viking kingdoms of yore. </p>
<h2>Ancient Elmet</h2>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/109812/original/image-20160201-32251-1mkv6n1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/109812/original/image-20160201-32251-1mkv6n1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/109812/original/image-20160201-32251-1mkv6n1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=485&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/109812/original/image-20160201-32251-1mkv6n1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=485&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/109812/original/image-20160201-32251-1mkv6n1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=485&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/109812/original/image-20160201-32251-1mkv6n1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=610&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/109812/original/image-20160201-32251-1mkv6n1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=610&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/109812/original/image-20160201-32251-1mkv6n1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=610&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Leeds city region.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Leeds_City_Region.jpg">harkeytalk/Wikimedia commons</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Perhaps the most obvious links between past and present can be found simply by looking at the names of places on a map. Take, for example, the Leeds city region – one of the first regions to be <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/221012/Leeds-City-Region-Deal-Document-Final.pdf">granted new powers</a> over transport and skills development. </p>
<p>This region encompasses the villages, towns and cities between Harrogate in the north, Barnsley in the south, Bradford in the west and York in the east, with Leeds at its heart. But it’s not the first time Leeds has been the centre of a regional power base; it was also at the core of the early medieval kingdom of Elmet. </p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/94801/original/image-20150915-16993-mdw7lk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/94801/original/image-20150915-16993-mdw7lk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/94801/original/image-20150915-16993-mdw7lk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=718&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/94801/original/image-20150915-16993-mdw7lk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=718&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/94801/original/image-20150915-16993-mdw7lk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=718&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/94801/original/image-20150915-16993-mdw7lk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=902&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/94801/original/image-20150915-16993-mdw7lk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=902&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/94801/original/image-20150915-16993-mdw7lk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=902&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A map of the Old North, based on information from Celtic Culture by John Koch.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elmet#/media/File:Yr.Hen.Ogledd.550.650.Koch.jpg">Notuncurious/Wikimedia commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This shadowy kingdom was under the control of Celtic rulers, who spoke a language akin to Welsh. It was later <a href="http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/histbrit.html">conquered by Edwin, an Anglo-Saxon king,</a> in the 7th century and became part of his empire. Today, the kingdom is recalled in place names, and the parliamentary constituency of <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/politics/constituencies/E14000689">Elmet and Rothwell</a>.</p>
<p>Yet despite these geographical similarities, this connection is tenuous – the modern Leeds city region also encompasses parts of North Yorkshire that would not have been in Elmet. And it’s unlikely that administrators had the medieval kingdom in mind when they were drawing the boundaries. </p>
<h2>Pursuing the past</h2>
<p>To find a more convincing connection between modern politics and medieval monarchs, we need to go beyond mere borders and explore cultural, political and genetic links. For instance, the advocates of Yorkshire devolution <a href="https://yorkshiredevolution.co.uk/history-and-heritage-of-yorkshire.html">trace their heritage</a> back to medieval times – and even earlier. There’s certainly some evidence to support their longstanding connection with the region. </p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v519/n7543/full/nature14230.html">People of the British Isles project</a> analysed the DNA of more than 2,000 people whose grandparents came from the same rural areas. The resulting genetic groups have been compared with <a href="http://www.peopleofthebritishisles.org/nl6.pdf">7th-century kingdoms</a>, indicating some local stability in population over many centuries. What’s more, these ancestral links hold cultural and political force: a <a href="https://theconversation.com/cornwall-and-yorkshire-show-regional-identities-run-deep-in-england-too-41322">recent study</a> showed how much “Yorkshireness” is still a key element of the identity of those living in the county. </p>
<p>We can trace Yorkshire’s political identity back to the days of Edwin, a highly successful Anglo-Saxon king. Edwin belonged to the ruling dynasty of the Deirans, whose power base originally lay in eastern Yorkshire. Edwin expanded into the west of the county and overshadowed his northern Northumbrian neighbours, the Bernicians. He <a href="http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/bede-book2.asp">also established looser control</a> over other parts of Britain. Not merely a warrior, Edwin was baptised in York and venerated as a saint. After his death, the Deirans lacked a strong champion. They were dominated by their northern neighbours and absorbed into a greater Northumbrian kingdom.</p>
<h2>The original Northern Powerhouse</h2>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/112960/original/image-20160225-15179-1vtsnsk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/112960/original/image-20160225-15179-1vtsnsk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=741&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/112960/original/image-20160225-15179-1vtsnsk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=741&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/112960/original/image-20160225-15179-1vtsnsk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=741&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/112960/original/image-20160225-15179-1vtsnsk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=931&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/112960/original/image-20160225-15179-1vtsnsk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=931&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/112960/original/image-20160225-15179-1vtsnsk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=931&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Kingdom of Northumbria.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Kingdom_of_Northumbria_in_AD_802.jpg">Wikimedia Commons</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Bordered to the south by the River Humber, the Kingdom of Northumbria encompassed northern England and some parts of southern Scotland. Dating from the 7th century, it is said to be the first concrete instance of <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/The_North_south_Divide.html?id=LvbBAAAAIAAJ">the North-South divide</a>: the early medieval writer Bede described <a href="http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/bede-book2.asp">separate spheres of Northumbrian and southern English politics</a>.</p>
<p>This northern Anglo-Saxon kingdom fragmented during the turbulence of the Viking Age. The core area was gradually incorporated into England, while the northern districts became part of Scotland. Nevertheless, Northumbrian identity evolved into a northern separatism that recurred in later times. This in turn generated a sense of northern cultural difference that is familiar today; “pies and prejudice”, <a href="https://www.waterstones.com/book/pies-and-prejudice/stuart-maconie/9780091910235">in Stuart Maconie’s words</a>.</p>
<p>But while large kingdoms were liable to disintegrate in turbulent times, local and regional networks have tended to remain relatively stable. They formed the building blocks of larger political units and some, like Yorkshire, went on to become modern-day counties. </p>
<p>A key question for modern politics is how the new devolution deals will complement these deeply-rooted identities. The case of Yorkshire highlights the tension between the new city regions, the old counties and an ancient northern identity. Medieval allegiances could be multi-layered, and encompass local, regional and national loyalties. The same balance is at stake in the <a href="https://www.routledge.com/products/9781472430793">modern devolution agenda</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/47068/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Fiona Edmonds does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Our expert joins the dots between the ancient kingdoms of yore and today’s Northern Powerhouse.Fiona Edmonds, Senior Lecturer in Anglo-Saxon, Norse, and Celtic, University of CambridgeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/509272016-01-26T14:38:41Z2016-01-26T14:38:41ZThe Northern Powerhouse: what actually is it?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103911/original/image-20151201-9279-14gh58x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/fredspoonphotos/8430080297/sizes/l">Fred_Spoon/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>What do you know about the Northern Powerhouse? According to <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-34787669">a poll</a> commissioned by the BBC, the answer could very well be nothing. But given that England’s <a href="http://services.parliament.uk/bills/2015-16/citiesandlocalgovernmentdevolution.html">devolution bill</a> has now received royal assent, it’s probably a good time to get to grips with what the Northern Powerhouse actually is. After all, it’s likely to mark the biggest change for decades to how local areas are run in England.</p>
<p>The Northern Powerhouse, as championed by the chancellor of the exchequer, George Osborne, is what he hopes will emerge from a series of deals to devolve new powers and responsibilities away from central government in London, to regional authorities. The “standard package” for each city region involves access to some £900m of extra funding, spread over 30 years, on the condition that it elects a “Metro Mayor” to oversee proceedings. But every deal has its own nuances, and each area will be affected in different ways. </p>
<p>Here’s a wrap up of how the major devolution deals are playing out, and the changes they’re likely to bring to a city near you. </p>
<hr>
<h2>Greater Manchester</h2>
<p>As the first area to agree terms with central government, the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/221014/Greater-Manchester-City-Deal-final_0.pdf">Greater Manchester deal</a> – sometimes known as “<a href="https://theconversation.com/is-devo-manc-a-good-model-for-english-devolution-almost-41643">Devo Manc</a>” – gives us a flavour of what we might expect the wider Northern Powerhouse to look like.</p>
<p>The big news is that control over all traditional emergency services will be devolved to the Metro Mayor. Right now, Police Commissioner Tony Lloyd is acting as interim mayor. He’ll chair the Greater Manchester Combined Authority until the official mayoral elections in 2017. After that, the new mayor will also take charge of a £6bn health and social care budget, and absorb the powers of the Police and Crime Commissioner. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103907/original/image-20151201-26578-168yrnz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103907/original/image-20151201-26578-168yrnz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=257&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103907/original/image-20151201-26578-168yrnz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=257&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103907/original/image-20151201-26578-168yrnz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=257&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103907/original/image-20151201-26578-168yrnz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=323&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103907/original/image-20151201-26578-168yrnz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=323&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103907/original/image-20151201-26578-168yrnz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=323&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Manchester: a big deal.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/dnisbet/3294546589/sizes/l">dnisbet/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Those living in the Greater Manchester area can also expect to see a fair bit of construction going on, as local authorities strive to build 10,000 new homes each year, in order keep up with demand. To this end, a further £300m of investment will be made available over 10 years through <a href="http://www.manchester.gov.uk/news/article/7196/300m_fund_to_boost_greater_manchester_homes_set_to_launch">a housing investment fund</a>. </p>
<p>Greater Manchester’s planning system will also undergo significant reform. The mayor will be granted the ability to develop a “Statutory Spatial Plan” for Greater Manchester – which, <a href="http://www.planningresource.co.uk/article/1350071/draft-guidance-published-london-housing-zones-affordable-homes-targets">much like the London Plan</a> will include the ability to designate housing zones on brownfield sites and other opportune areas.</p>
<p>The transport system will also get a makeover. <a href="http://www.networkrail.co.uk/North_West_electrification.aspx">Electrification of train lines</a> towards Leeds is planned, and the mayor will gain control over the franchising of new transport services and the delivery of new, Oyster-style integrated ticketing.</p>
<hr>
<h2>North East City Region (Tyneside)</h2>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103905/original/image-20151201-9279-th3k8u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103905/original/image-20151201-9279-th3k8u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=834&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103905/original/image-20151201-9279-th3k8u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=834&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103905/original/image-20151201-9279-th3k8u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=834&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103905/original/image-20151201-9279-th3k8u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1048&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103905/original/image-20151201-9279-th3k8u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1048&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103905/original/image-20151201-9279-th3k8u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1048&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Hadrian’s Wall, Northumbria National Park.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/simpologist/55657814/sizes/l">simpologist/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/north-east-devolution-deal">North East devo-deal</a> takes on a distinct economic flavour, with the £30m a year being used to support the creation of 10,000 new jobs for the region. The North East is one of few city regions to make hay out of the ability to generate further revenue from <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/society/2015/oct/05/george-osbornes-changes-to-business-rates-qa">variable business rates</a>, which will be used to fund local infrastructure projects. This revenue will, however, be capped at a maximum of £30m per year. </p>
<p>Rural growth will be a key focus of this devo-deal, including greater local control over the running of Northumberland national park.</p>
<hr>
<h2>Liverpool City Region</h2>
<p>Under its <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/liverpool-devolution-deal">devolution deal</a>, the Liverpool City Region will receive the same controls over transport planning granted to Greater Manchester. But, in addition, the deal will also help Merseyrail to procure new trains and carriages.</p>
<p>The new mayor is also expected to take control over the price of road tolling. This will almost certainly affect those using the Mersey Tunnels. But the implications for the <a href="http://www.merseygateway.co.uk/">Mersey Gateway bridge in Halton</a> – scheduled for completion in 2017, when the new mayor takes office – are as yet unclear.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103897/original/image-20151201-18818-1vz18i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103897/original/image-20151201-18818-1vz18i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=200&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103897/original/image-20151201-18818-1vz18i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=200&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103897/original/image-20151201-18818-1vz18i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=200&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103897/original/image-20151201-18818-1vz18i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=251&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103897/original/image-20151201-18818-1vz18i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=251&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103897/original/image-20151201-18818-1vz18i2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=251&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The mighty Mersey.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/hickey-fry/14418533193/sizes/l">www.hickey-fry.com/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The city region has provided detail on how it will spend the £30m-a-year fund. Investment will focus on unlocking profits and job opportunities created by the River Mersey. Although original proposals to create a Free Trade area were missing from the final deal, it’s clear that <a href="http://www.superport.co.uk/">the Superport</a> – a multi-million pound development in Sefton – will place shipping at the heart of the region’s economic future.</p>
<p>Building on Liverpool’s reputation as a city of culture, the deal also aims to ensure the ongoing presence of <a href="http://www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/">National Museums Liverpool</a>.</p>
<hr>
<h2>Sheffield City Region</h2>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103901/original/image-20151201-26546-yjj1pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/103901/original/image-20151201-26546-yjj1pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=746&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103901/original/image-20151201-26546-yjj1pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=746&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103901/original/image-20151201-26546-yjj1pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=746&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103901/original/image-20151201-26546-yjj1pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=937&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103901/original/image-20151201-26546-yjj1pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=937&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/103901/original/image-20151201-26546-yjj1pc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=937&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Sheffield city region’s Man of Steel.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Man_of_Steel_(sculpture)#/media/File:Man_of_steel_his_res_-_Copy_(2).jpg">Sheffieldicon/Wikimedia Commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><a href="https://www.architecture.com/RIBA/Contactus/NewsAndPress/Membernews/PracticeNews/2015/October2015/08October2015/SheffieldsecuressecondNorthernPowerhousedeal.aspx">Sheffield City Region’s deal</a> remains a bit more generic at this stage. Alongside similar provisions for transport, the £30m-per-year is to be used to “boost growth” through innovation and infrastructure. To this end, there are ambitions to create an <a href="http://www.welcometosheffield.co.uk/siec/innovation-districts">Advanced Manufacturing Innovation District</a>, as well as a National Institute for Infrastructure, to be built in Doncaster. </p>
<p>Although the deal clears the way for Sheffield to create a Statutory Spatial Plan and build new houses – just like Greater Manchester – negotiations around a similar Housing Investment Fund are ongoing.</p>
<hr>
<h2>West Midlands</h2>
<p>It has been mooted for some time that city-deals would not be limited to the northern regions. Now, the signing of the West Midlands’ devo-deal has put the “<a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/historic-devolution-deal-to-power-the-midlands-engine">Midlands Engine</a>” on track to rival the “Northern Powerhouse”. This, and the signing of <a href="https://www.cornwall.gov.uk/council-and-democracy/council-news-room/media-releases/news-from-2015/news-from-july-2015/cornwall-becomes-first-rural-authority-in-england-to-agree-devolution-deal/">Cornwall’s devolution deal</a> earlier last summer, signals that a devolution train may well be pulling into a city or region near you. </p>
<p>The scale and ambition of the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/west-midlands-devolution-deal">West Midlands deal</a> – which includes Birmingham, Coventry and Wolverhampton – comes much closer to that of “devo-Manc” than the other regions. A larger package of £36.5m per year has been made available, totalling more than £1bn over 30 years. </p>
<p>And while all the key ingredients of transport reform are there, the West Midlands deal also contains concrete measures including extensions to the Metro light rail system out towards Digbeth and proposals for extensions to Curzon and Brierley Hill. This, it is argued, will allow the city region to <a href="http://www.birminghampost.co.uk/news/regional-affairs/curzon-street-hs2-masterplan-set-9690449">make the most of HS2</a>, once it is completed.</p>
<p>Of course, how these deals will play out in practice is difficult to predict, particularly <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-34790102">while government austerity continues</a>. Recent cuts have stoked fears that the new mayors will be left to account for budget shortfalls which they are <a href="https://theconversation.com/devolution-plan-could-be-a-poisoned-chalice-for-cities-41848">unable to plug</a>, without help from central government. Likewise, <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-will-the-george-osborne-devolution-revolution-mean-for-local-councils-48689">devolved business rates</a> could just as easily increase inequalities as enhance competition. These new-found freedoms will either give England’s city regions the steam they need to power forward – or cut the engine completely.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/50927/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Nurse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Northern Powerhouse will change your life. Here’s how.Alex Nurse, Lecturer in Planning, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/392232015-12-21T11:18:18Z2015-12-21T11:18:18ZLocal governments to be self-funded by 2020 – but can Westminster really learn to let go?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/106691/original/image-20151218-27894-1aztiru.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/data_op/3174822930/sizes/l">Okko Pyykko/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Over the past 20 years, successive governments have entered power <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/big-society-speech">with promises</a> to
decentralise power <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/272357/6939.pdf">and enhance local autonomy</a>. Yet the fact that parties keep making such pledges is testament to their lack of success in reinvigorating local authorities. Now, local government secretary <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/local-government-finance-settlement">Greg Clark claims</a> to have found the answer: by 2020, local authorities will be financially self-sufficient, with funding from local revenue sources such as council tax and business rates to take the place of government grants.</p>
<p>With this latest package, the government <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/greg-clark-hails-historic-4-year-settlement-and-support-for-adult-social-care">claims to deliver</a> what local councils have been campaigning for. But then, so did David Cameron’s “<a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/78979/building-big-society_0.pdf">Big Society</a>”, and the coalition government’s broader localism agenda. When in power from 2010 to 2015, the coalition proffered a rejection of big government, a reduction in centralised bureaucracy and a significant shift of power from the centre, to councils, communities and people. </p>
<h2>Lessons from past mistakes</h2>
<p>To find out what local authorities have made of all this, I <a href="http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/12709/">conducted a study</a> in local borough councils across London. The research involved interviews with seven local councillors in five boroughs (Hackney, Islington, Kensington and Chelsea, Richmond and Sutton), focusing on matters such as decentralisation, citizen empowerment, local planning and central/local relations. I found that the unfolding of the last government’s localism agenda presented some deep-rooted issues with the relationship between local and central government. </p>
<p>The councillors I interviewed spoke at length about the failure of the coalition government to decentralise power and autonomy to the local level. As my study explains: “When asked, in simple terms, whether the coalition had brought about the decentralisation of power, nearly all the local councillors … offered a resounding ‘no’.” Though legislation like the <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2011/20/contents/enacted">Localism Act 2011</a> brought in new powers and rights for councils and communities, in practice councils remain restrained and heavily supervised by central government. </p>
<p>This is because the 2011 act created substantial new powers for the secretary of state to oversee and direct the way that councils and communities use provisions designed for local benefit. For example, the secretary of state has an overriding say in whether councils can take over the running of local services under the act’s “community right to challenge”. My study found that despite central government’s various efforts to decentralise, “councils do not feel that they have been the beneficiaries of any substantial power”. As a result, I concluded that the government needs to adopt “a changed attitude towards local government; one founded on greater freedom, less bureaucracy and increased trust in local authorities”.</p>
<h2>A new age of localism?</h2>
<p>The current Conservative government can and should take something from these findings to ensure that future reforms to local institutions are meaningful and effective. To a point, it does seem to be doing this: the cities and local government devolution bill and, with it, George Osborne’s <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/chancellor-on-building-a-northern-powerhouse">Northern Powerhouse policy</a> give coalitions of local authorities the opportunity to negotiate devolutionary “deals” with the centre. Under these deals, councils will have the freedom to shape their own relationships with Whitehall, and the ability to take on further powers over local services. </p>
<p>These extra powers will be subject to the acceptance of a directly-elected mayor – a caveat intended to give stronger leadership and greater accountability to the new city regions. While framed as introducing a more bottom-up approach, however, the new bill’s provisions still have an air of central imposition about them, with central government potentially having the power to decide the nature of any devolution and the ability to force the adoption of directly elected mayors on reluctant councils.</p>
<p>Manchester, Sheffield and a number of others have already started work within this northern powerhouse vision. And back in July 2015, Cornwall also struck a devolution deal with Whitehall, which saw the decentralisation of various powers, so we will soon see for ourselves how far these reforms have gone towards improving the state of localism in England. But last month’s announcement of <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-cuts-to-local-councils-will-affect-you-51622">further cuts to local money</a> will no doubt make life increasingly difficult for councils, as they are encouraged to fend for themselves.</p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/106692/original/image-20151218-27858-1u5ttw1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/106692/original/image-20151218-27858-1u5ttw1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/106692/original/image-20151218-27858-1u5ttw1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/106692/original/image-20151218-27858-1u5ttw1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/106692/original/image-20151218-27858-1u5ttw1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/106692/original/image-20151218-27858-1u5ttw1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/106692/original/image-20151218-27858-1u5ttw1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1130&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Devolution or dud?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/edublogger/414582106/sizes/l">Ewan McIntosh/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Osborne’s pledge to facilitate a <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/chancellor-unveils-devolution-revolution">“devolution revolution”</a> also means that by the end of the decade, councils will be allowed to keep funds raised from the collection of local business rates. This seems to facilitate greater council control of local money, and encourage local authorities to promote and stimulate their local economies through developing thriving local businesses. </p>
<p>There is genuine concern, however, that this will promote a “survival of the fittest” approach, giving councils the difficult decision to <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-will-the-george-osborne-devolution-revolution-mean-for-local-councils-48689">sink or swim</a>, dependent on their resources and abilities to build and promote local businesses. What is more, the recent announcement that councils will – over the next few years – have greater control over their tax revenue, appears hindered by the requirement that they provide the centre with “efficiency plans”; providing yet another example of the centre seeking to devolve power, while clothing it in unnecessary bureaucracy. </p>
<p>In implementing these changes, the government needs to ensure that councils have the freedom to pick and choose powers best suited to deal with local concerns. They must be able to exercise authority in locally relevant ways – not in a manner prescribed at the centre. </p>
<p>For too long, local governmental reform has tended to exacerbate the problem by merely tweaking the existing system. What’s needed is a fundamental overhaul – and it must start at the centre. The new reforms are, to a degree, refreshing insofar as they seek to promote a new approach to local devolution. I remain unconvinced, however, as to whether the new changes are sufficiently fundamental to break from past practices and the problems that have plagued localism reform for many, many years; with the continued financial restraints making life constantly more difficult for local councils.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/39223/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>I have, in the past, received funding from the EC1 New Deal for Communities regeneration programme. </span></em></p>Successive governments have promised to give more power to local councils but so far all have fallen short on delivery.John Stanton, Senior Lecturer in Law, The City Law School, City University London, City, University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/418482015-05-15T05:09:58Z2015-05-15T05:09:58ZDevolution plan could be a poisoned chalice for cities<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81711/original/image-20150514-28586-j4rbgt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">You are now entering the Democratic People's Republic of Manchester.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/atoach/3282531740/in/photolist-614QjQ-juHEnx-4HCZZn-noLrKH-eMbYPy-pe82LL-pdTq4n-pfbY7n-abyaoE-65XyQo-abviT8-q1kqSf-qjmr3K-so5hkD-8yRUeC-7okoyi-fQBPgF-4HpYkS-9HAxFm-7WskzU-4Q2L9M-dzgycz-bMHXUK-pWoiVK-4wCRXG-fQBPDX-kmbFUa-4EAG1g-4AJ6UV-q5WQqb-pgP4SA-4Q2Ezp-ovzc3P-5ytKv2-kghHbP-bdJkT8-9P2XxM-dLMokM-87nCfC-nxjxbt-ASCPT-kguxBK-e3vpbv-3xVkMq-rE4vxj-eaJX6w-iT5zvk-kgrkYt-4PSZ8d-fg4HYT">Tim Green</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Chancellor George Osborne has made his first major announcement since becoming first secretary of state – a position that essentially makes him Deputy Prime Minister in everything but title. Reflecting this boost to his political strength, it is not a coincidence that Osborne used his maiden speech to reaffirm his commitment to one of his major pet projects – <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2015/may/14/george-osborne-invites-cities-to-follow-manchester-route-to-devolution">city devolution</a>.</p>
<p>Any major UK city that is prepared to sign up to the government’s agenda – and install a democratically elected metro-mayor – will now have the right to make its own decisions on housing, planning, policing and even health spending. </p>
<p>This multi-year financial settlement, worth an estimated £18bn by 2030 would, <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-32726171">in the words of Greg Clark</a>, the newly installed secretary of state for Communities and Local Government, allow “decisions to be made by the people of those great cities who know and love their area, rather than having to troop up to London and plead for crumbs from the table”.</p>
<h2>Open to all?</h2>
<p>While <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-devo-manc-a-good-model-for-english-devolution-almost-41643">Manchester</a> was the first city to sign up to receive these new powers ahead of the election, Osborne says the offer is open to any other major city – albeit insisting that he has no intention of imposing his plans on the unwilling.</p>
<p>Some cities are keen to get involved as soon as possible – <a href="http://www.localgov.co.uk/Sheffield-signs-devolution-deal/37817">Sheffield</a> is already been tipped to follow Manchester. For other cities in the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-32720462">Northern Powerhouse</a> – as the scheme has come to be known – the future is less clear. Some, such as Newcastle and Leeds, refuse to be drawn on their plans. Others, such as Liverpool want to be involved, but are being held back by <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-29897101">political infighting</a>. </p>
<p>So while Manchester goes ahead, we could be seeing a Northern Powerhouse defined by a three-tiered approach to local government. Those who want to be involved, those who want to but can’t, and those who want nothing to do with it.</p>
<h2>The big gamble</h2>
<p>At the same time, some question the practicability of the plans and what it actually means for the cities who take on the devolution challenge.</p>
<p>For instance, in an era of cuts to public services, will the new Manchester metro-mayor – pencilled to be installed in 2017 – have to take the brunt of criticism for an <a href="https://theconversation.com/devo-manc-can-it-make-the-nhs-a-success-38133">underfunded Manchester NHS</a>? Given that Osborne’s plans currently offer no option for raising taxes locally, that mayor might struggle to do anything about holes in the budget.</p>
<p>It’s also worth thinking about the motivation behind the Northern Powerhouse. The original announcement came hot on the heels of the fiercely contested referendum on Scottish independence. It was seen by some as a sop to the northern cities, which saw powers being promised to their neighbours north of the border, and began to shuffle their feet.</p>
<p>In the aftermath of the election, which has seen the Scottish hand strengthened further, and with further concessions in the offing, it is not unreasonable to wonder if this project plays in assuaging those Northern cities that feel left out by the election of a majority Tory government that many were not expecting. It’s not too soon to start shoring up votes for 2020, after all – particularly in areas where UKIP has stolen Labour votes.</p>
<p>While the cities get to grips with the potential pitfalls for their new freedoms, the government may also need to tread carefully too. It will need to give the Northern Powerhouse enough independence to sate its desire to pull away from the clutches of Westminster, but not so much that the West Lothian question becomes the <a href="http://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/were-moving-scotland-manchester-votes-9254231">West Pennine Question</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/41848/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Nurse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Northern cities want greater independence but it might come at a price.Alex Nurse, Research Associate, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/416432015-05-12T13:33:39Z2015-05-12T13:33:39ZIs Devo Manc a good model for English devolution? Almost …<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81386/original/image-20150512-22563-19fly38.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Sprawling powers. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/dnisbet/3294546589/sizes/l">dnisbet/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>A metropolitan area formed in 1974 covering about 500 square miles; a population of more than 2.5m; an economy bigger than Wales or Northern Ireland – that’s Greater Manchester. Last year, Chancellor George Osborne <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1985/51/contents">unveiled proposals</a> for a package of powers to be devolved to the Greater Manchester Combined Authority. The deal – which has come to be known as “Devo Manc” – represents the most significant package of powers to be devolved to a city-region in England. </p>
<p>It includes control over more than £1 billion of public expenditure and new powers over areas including housing, planning, welfare to work programmes, and local transport. And in February this year, <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/health-31661416">it was announced</a> that around £1.5 billion currently spent by NHS England would be transferred to <a href="http://www.publicfinance.co.uk/2015/03/what-devo-manc-could-mean-for-health-social-care-and-wellbeing-in-greater-manchester">a new Greater Manchester health body</a>.</p>
<p>Devo Manc has emerged because of a coincidence of interests. Manchester’s leaders have long sought greater autonomy from Whitehall. Osborne, meanwhile, was motivated by a combination of political economy and party politics. The chancellor had become convinced by <a href="http://www.citygrowthcommission.com/publications/">leading economists, think tanks, and advisers</a> that considerable economic potential could be unleashed through the devolution of powers to England’s cities and city regions. In addition, <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/events/vote2014/england-council-election-results">the fortunes of the Conservative party</a> in the north of England troubled Osborne deeply, especially after the May 2014 council elections.</p>
<p>The chancellor has driven this agreement through Whitehall, often at odds with his cabinet colleagues. The hard negotiations were conducted in Whitehall over the summer of 2014, with the Scottish referendum acting as a catalyst. Manchester’s leaders were surprised at the extensive package of powers offered. It is a reminder that, for devolution to be delivered, leadership is a vital ingredient.</p>
<h2>Why Manchester?</h2>
<p>Greater Manchester was always going to be the guinea pig. Following Thatcher’s <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1985/51/contents">Local Government Act 1985</a>, which abolished the metropolitan county councils, the governance of Greater Manchester was fragmented across ten authorities. But those authorities continued to cooperate and coordinate with each other, <a href="https://theconversation.com/ed-balls-pledges-30-billion-to-english-regions-and-thats-not-all-37138">establishing various institutions</a> and creating dependencies. This proven capacity to cooperate over time is another crucial component of Devo Manc.</p>
<p>In 2011, the area was awarded city region status by the UK government. At the same time, the Greater Manchester Combined Authority (GMCA) – an umbrella body, which coordinates policy and governance across the ten authorities in the area – was formed. These factors all contributed to making Greater Manchester the leading candidate for any experiment with city-region devolution. </p>
<p>And between Osborne’s political desire to make the Conservatives credible in the north, the broader political discussions about breaking London control, and the impact of the Scottish referendum on debates about governing England, 2014 served as the critical juncture, which allowed rapid progress to be made.</p>
<h2>Unanswered questions</h2>
<p>Local political leaders in the ten authorities understand the weight of responsibility they now carry, seeing themselves as trailblazers for a new form of governance, which they are confident they can deliver. They understand that if Devo Manc fails to work as planned, it could scupper similar deals. While the package of powers to be devolved is sensible and has been crafted with the issue of scale in mind, there remain unanswered questions of governance and public engagement.</p>
<p>As part of the deal, Osborne has insisted on a directly elected mayor for Greater Manchester. Despite local political opposition, there will be a mayor from 2017 (with an <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-manchester-32332399">interim mayor</a> to be appointed very shortly). That individual will chair the GMCA, serving as the 11th member, alongside the ten authority leaders. Part of my research involved speaking to local leaders in Manchester, and they will tell you the mayor will be controlled, and far from a dominant, centralising executive position. Each of the ten authorities will hold a veto over strategic planning issues, and the mayor can be outvoted by two-thirds of the ten leaders, who collectively will form the mayor’s cabinet.</p>
<p>But there remains a lot to work out. Given that the mayor will take over the powers currently held by the Police and Crime Commissioner, that various agencies and public bodies may be brought under the framework of a mayor’s office, and that the mayor will have responsibility for a broad set of policy areas, it is easy to see how a strong, centralising structure could emerge. It is also unclear how the leaders of the authorities will be held accountable in their role as the mayor’s cabinet, with no GMCA-wide scrutiny body.</p>
<p>Public engagement and involvement – or rather, the lack of it – is another major concern. Local leaders are aware that they have not done enough to engage local citizens about the plans. They argue that once an interim mayor is in place and the powers begin to be transferred, they can sell the changes to the public. But, if we are truly interested in reinvigorating local governance and participatory democracy, that is putting things the wrong way around.</p>
<p>Overall, Devo Manc is a positive development in the governance of the UK. A sensible package of powers is being devolved to a group of individuals who have proven themselves capable of working together. It has firm political support in Whitehall and Osborne himself is supplying Whitehall leadership. However, serious questions about governance and transparency remain. Only once they are solved can we genuinely say whether Devo Manc represents a good model for breaking Whitehall’s control.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/41643/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Daniel Kenealy receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.</span></em></p>An unprecedented package of powers has been welcomed by Manchester authorities, while the public is left wondering.Daniel Kenealy, Lecturer in Social Policy, Deputy Director at the Academy of Government, The University of EdinburghLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/413222015-05-12T05:19:07Z2015-05-12T05:19:07ZCornwall and Yorkshire show regional identities run deep in England, too<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81275/original/image-20150511-19550-1g61kaj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Where's Poldark?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Land%27s_End,_Cornwall,_England.jpg">Keven Law/Wikimedia Commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>We are living in an increasingly decentralised UK. Devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland – along with the Scottish independence referendum and a rise in nationalistic sentiment – have posed obvious opposition to the idea of the UK as a nation state. </p>
<p>Yet <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9248.12030/abstract">recent research</a> and <a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/arianna-giovannini/devolution-in-north-of-england-time-to-bring-people-into-debate">articles</a> suggest that there are further challenges looming – particularly within England. As <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-kingdom/2015-04-24/empire-sunset">Matthew Johnson puts it</a>, there is “a feeling that British politicians define English interests as those of London”, and that “those in the northeast, northwest, and southwest have their own ideas about identity”. </p>
<p>These ideas differ from the dominant London-centric concept of Englishness. Issues of English devolution are currently framed for the most part in economic terms, especially by mainstream parties – as epitomised by Osborne’s attempt to manufacture a <a href="http://press.conservatives.com/post/98719492085/george-osborne-speech-to-conservative-party">Northern Powerhouse</a>. But my research suggests that there is more to Englishness – and that territorial identities may play a key role.</p>
<h2>Cornwall: a Celtic nation</h2>
<p>There has been growing sense of politicisation among English regional identities in recent years, and nowhere more so than in Cornwall and Yorkshire. The Cornish have always had a distinct sense of cultural identity, which is different to Englishness. They would reject the description of Cornishness as as a sub-national English identity. Instead, the Cornish people would argue that they identify as a nation on the same grounds as other members of the <a href="https://www.celticleague.net/">Celtic League</a>; an organisation that campaigns for the political rights of Celtic nations such as Scotland, Ireland, Wales, Mann, and Brittany. </p>
<p>This stance has had a political edge since the 1970s when <a href="https://www.mebyonkernow.org/">Mebyon Kernow</a> (MK) – previously a pressure group aimed at promoting Cornish culture, pursuits, and history – started fielding candidates in elections. And yet, such politicisation of Cornishness is not confined only to regionalist parties such as MK (whose electoral results have been, all in all, rather marginal). </p>
<p>The Liberal Democrats – which <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/election-2015-32644231">used to</a> consider Cornwall a stronghold – played a part in this as well. Through their position in the coalition government, the Lib Dems had an instrumental role in the process that led to Cornwall receiving <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-cornwall-27132035">special minority status</a> in 2014. In</p>
<p>the past, the Lib Dems strategically exploited Cornish identity for electoral ends, so as to maintain a support base in the area. More recently, the party pledged to form a <a href="http://www.westernmorningnews.co.uk/Nick-Clegg-spells-Lib-Dem-s-Cornish-Assembly/story-26121004-detail/story.html">Cornish Assembly</a> if returned to government, a prospect which was shattered by the outcome of the election which saw the Lib Dems <a href="https://theconversation.com/lib-dem-wipeout-prompts-clegg-to-hint-he-will-step-down-41512">devastated across the country</a>, and the Conservatives take all the parliamentary seats in Cornwall. </p>
<h2>Yorkshire (first?)</h2>
<p>Yorkshire is also often defined as having a distinct regional identity. There are around ten times as many people living in Yorkshire as in Cornwall, and the region’s population is roughly the same as Scotland’s. The Yorkshire identity seems to have solidified even further in the wake of the Scottish independence referendum, and the <a href="https://www.smith-commission.scot/">resulting plans</a> to devolve more powers to Scotland. </p>
<p>Scotland now has greater influence both “at home” and at Westminster, and this has prompted claims that Yorkshire should also have a form of devolved government, comparable to that of Scotland. </p>
<p>Indeed, this is the platform of <a href="http://www.yorkshirefirst.org.uk">Yorkshire First</a> – a regionalist political party created in 2014, which contested 14 seats in the general election. Although Yorkshire First had little electoral success this time around, it is a young political party finding its feet in national politics, and would have been using this election as testing ground for future campaigns.</p>
<h2>The importance of identity</h2>
<p>In the build up to the 2014 Scottish referendum, I conducted an online survey on identity and attitudes to devolution of power in both Cornwall and Yorkshire. I used what’s called the “<a href="http://digital.csic.es/handle/10261/1618">Moreno question</a>”, which allows for some subtlety in the way respondents can define their identity. It recognises that people do not necessarily define themselves in binary terms. </p>
<p>The survey asked if people regarded their identity as best described as:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Only Cornish/Yorkshire not English</p></li>
<li><p>More Cornish/Yorkshire not English</p></li>
<li><p>Equally Cornish/Yorkshire as English</p></li>
<li><p>More English than Cornish/Yorkshire</p></li>
<li><p>Only English not Cornish/Yorkshire</p></li>
</ul>
<p>The first finding that emerged was that, perhaps unsurprisingly, Cornish people often linked their identity to their Celtic heritage, and to a separateness from Englishness. More than half of the respondents rejected any notion of Englishness in their identity, a quarter prioritised Cornishness over Englishness. Few claimed that English was their primary identity. So for a lot of Cornish people, being Cornish is not compatible with being English, and the former excludes the latter.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81223/original/image-20150511-19521-11jcs36.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81223/original/image-20150511-19521-11jcs36.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81223/original/image-20150511-19521-11jcs36.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=362&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81223/original/image-20150511-19521-11jcs36.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=362&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81223/original/image-20150511-19521-11jcs36.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=362&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81223/original/image-20150511-19521-11jcs36.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=455&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81223/original/image-20150511-19521-11jcs36.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=455&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81223/original/image-20150511-19521-11jcs36.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=455&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">How do Cornish people identify?</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Pete Woodcock</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In Yorkshire, however, one sees a greater layering of identity. Fewer people – just under 15% of respondents – defined their identity as solely Yorkshire. The majority of people regard themselves as more Yorkshire than English, or equally Yorkshire as English. This means that there is no contradiction between Yorkshireness and Englishness – although being from Yorkshire is important to one’s identity. This is not a nationalist claim like the one made by the Cornish, but it nonetheless illustrates that people regard Yorkshire as being important to their identity.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81219/original/image-20150511-19569-q272pk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81219/original/image-20150511-19569-q272pk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81219/original/image-20150511-19569-q272pk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=410&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81219/original/image-20150511-19569-q272pk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=410&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81219/original/image-20150511-19569-q272pk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=410&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81219/original/image-20150511-19569-q272pk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=516&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81219/original/image-20150511-19569-q272pk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=516&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81219/original/image-20150511-19569-q272pk.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=516&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Nationalism - not so much.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Pete Woodcock</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>So evidence from both Yorkshire and Cornwall shows that regional and national dimensions are important to people’s identity. However, people from the two areas may layer their identities in different manners. “Cornishness” appears to be more organic and homogenous, in that it is an identity with significant history, which is seen as a separate entity, distinct from Englishness. In contrast, “Yorkshireness” is still generally conflated with Englishness. But this does not make one identity less strong or less relevant than the other.</p>
<h2>Devo deals?</h2>
<p>Now, one might assume that demands for devolution of power would be greater in areas that have a strong sense of national identity than in areas with more regional identities. For our purposes, this would mean that the Cornish would want devolution of power more than those from Yorkshire. Yet this study shows that this is not the case. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81224/original/image-20150511-19563-44ct4j.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81224/original/image-20150511-19563-44ct4j.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/81224/original/image-20150511-19563-44ct4j.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=357&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81224/original/image-20150511-19563-44ct4j.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=357&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81224/original/image-20150511-19563-44ct4j.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=357&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81224/original/image-20150511-19563-44ct4j.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=449&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81224/original/image-20150511-19563-44ct4j.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=449&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/81224/original/image-20150511-19563-44ct4j.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=449&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Hungry for power.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Pete Woodcock</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The graph above outlines very similar demands for the devolution of power in both Cornwall and Yorkshire, despite the differences in the way these identities are constructed. Although regional identities (such as Yorkshireness) are less bound to the concept of self-determination than national ones, this does not mean that they cannot be linked to political goals. </p>
<p>All of this goes to suggest that there is <a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/arianna-giovannini/devolution-in-north-of-england-time-to-bring-people-into-debate">a connection</a> between regional and national identities, and devolution claims within England. And that we should be wary of thinking about regional politics purely in economic terms.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/41322/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Pete Woodcock is affiliated with the Labour Party.</span></em></p>Could devolution for regions like Cornwall and Yorkshire be in the offing?Pete Woodcock, Head of the Division of Criminology, Politics and Sociology, University of HuddersfieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/406772015-04-23T13:56:18Z2015-04-23T13:56:18ZThe main parties will regret not taking English politics seriously<p>With a <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk">population</a> of 53.9m, growing annually by 0.7%, England taken on its own as a country on its own would be one of the four most populous European Union member states. And with a national income of around £1.3 trillion in 2013, its economy is of sufficient size that it would merit membership of the G20.</p>
<p>But one of the stranger features of the 2015 UK general election campaign has been the absence of any national political identity, programme or agenda for England distinct from rest of the UK.</p>
<p>With the exception of the Conservatives, the UK’s major parties have declined to publish manifestos for England, despite the fact that various vital areas of public policy – notably the NHS, education, higher education, and housing – concern England alone, as a result of devolution to the other UK nations.</p>
<p>The Labour Party’s <a href="http://b.3cdn.net/labouruk/e1d45da42456423b8c_vwm6brbvb.pdf">manifesto</a> includes a section on “providing world-class health and education services” that would only have effect on England. However, they have been presented within a British political narrative which describes a UK-wide commitment where none actually exists. England is simply folded into “Britain” or “our country”. </p>
<p>And while the Conservative Party is apparently <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3051403/PM-unveil-England-s-manifesto-Tories-set-inflame-row-SNP-launch-document.html">on the verge</a> of belatedly publishing its first Manifesto for England, this appears to be part of an increasingly desperate attempt to rescue a faltering and excessively negative campaign than part of a principled agenda. After all, the Scottish and Welsh Conservatives launched their own manifestos on April 16 and 17 respectively.</p>
<p>Given their <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/election2010/results/region/48.stm">performances in England in 2010</a>, it’s surprising that neither Labour nor the Tories has tried to gain a game-changing political and electoral advantage by publishing a separate programme for England.</p>
<p>At the last election, the Conservatives won 39.6% of the roughly 25m English votes cast and 298 (56%) of England’s 533 seats, a net gain of 92. No fewer than 97% of the Conservatives’ total of 307 seats at Westminster were won in England. </p>
<p>2010 was a major reversal for Labour, which won only 28.1% of the English vote cast in England and 191 of its seats. That’s a net loss of 87, the fewest English seats it had won since 1918, and its lowest share of the English vote since 1983.</p>
<p>But historically speaking, Labour is <a href="http://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/research/briefing-papers/RP12-43/uk-election-statistics-19182012">not doomed to do so badly</a>: it won the largest number of English seats in 1945, 1966, 1974 (October), 1997, 2001 and 2005. That implies that whenever Labour has an attractive manifesto and credible leadership to present it, there is no reason it should struggle in England.</p>
<h2>Stepping up</h2>
<p>Since the major parties have declined to present any manifesto or national programme for England, the task of outlining one has been left to the right-wing <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/election-2015-32221075">English Democrats</a>. </p>
<p>In their <a href="http://www.englishdemocrats.org.uk">2015 manifesto</a>, the English Democrats have advocated, among other measures, the creation of an English parliament, executive and first minister within a federal United Kingdom and a reformed upper chamber at Westminster, the latter dependent upon the outcome of a referendum which would either replace it with an elected 100 member senate or abolish it.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/79102/original/image-20150423-25563-109me2v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/79102/original/image-20150423-25563-109me2v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/79102/original/image-20150423-25563-109me2v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/79102/original/image-20150423-25563-109me2v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/79102/original/image-20150423-25563-109me2v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/79102/original/image-20150423-25563-109me2v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/79102/original/image-20150423-25563-109me2v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Taking England on the road.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:English_Democrats_Renault_Kangoo_van.jpg#/media/File:English_Democrats_Renault_Kangoo_van.jpg">Gordon Joly/Wikimedia Commons</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The party wants full fiscal devolution to all constituent nations of the UK, a referendum on the terms of the relationship with the European Union, a referendum in Monmouthshire to establish whether it should remain in Wales or be part of England, and the possibility of a Council of the Isles, similar to the Nordic Council, should the UK break up in the years ahead.</p>
<p>It takes a dim view of the current devolution regime, rejecting the concept of “<a href="https://theconversation.com/english-votes-for-english-laws-is-much-less-sensible-than-it-first-appears-34552">English votes on English laws</a>” on the grounds that it “will neither redress the unfair treatment of the people of England nor help produce a coherent constitutional settlement” and scorning the Barnett Formula since “there has been no assessment of need since 1976”.</p>
<p>There is little hope for the English Democrats. Their national membership is <a href="http://www.englishdemocrats.org.uk/support/join-english-democrats.html">a little more than 3,000</a> (this at a time when the SNP’s membership has steamed past 100,000) and while it fielded 107 candidates in 2010, between them they could secure <a href="http://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/research/briefing-papers/RP10-36/general-election-2010">only 64,826 of England’s votes</a> – 0.3%. </p>
<p>Other English and regional parties roused barely a squeak. Merbyon Kernow, which campaigns for national self-determination for <a href="https://theconversation.com/cornwalls-new-status-shows-how-regionalism-is-changing-nation-states-everywhere-25926">Cornwall</a>, could muster only 5,379 votes, and the sole candidate for the English Independence Party won only 803 votes. </p>
<p>This scarcely sounds like a concrete and thriving English political identity. But look elsewhere, and the signs are quite different.</p>
<h2>English only</h2>
<p>In the <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk">2011 Census</a>, when given the opportunity for the first time to specify their identity, no fewer than 32m people or 60% of respondents in England specified their identity as “English only”. This is a remarkably strong commitment to national identity given the lack of any major nationalist political party or campaign – and it also matches the Scots, 62% of whom said they were “Scottish only”.</p>
<p>Similarly, in the <a href="http://sites.cardiff.ac.uk/wgc/2014/08/20/the-english-favour-a-hard-line-with-scotland-whatever-the-result-of-the-independence-referendum/">Future of England Survey 2014</a>, 62% of people surveyed in England agreed that Scots MPs should not vote on English laws, while 56% agreed that public expenditure in Scotland should be reduced to the UK average – and a majority of supporters of all three major UK parties agreed with both propositions.</p>
<p>The authors of that survey subtitled it “Taking England Seriously” – something of which there’s been little sign in 2015. If England really is to be taken seriously, it needs <a href="http://books.google.co.uk/books/about/The_State_of_England.html?id=Ai07YgEACAAJ">its own integrated politics and economy</a>. That means a new constitutional settlement that recognises England’s national and regional political identiites, which are separable from those of the UK, the British state and Britishness.</p>
<p>The surprising strength of English identity means there are risks to doing nothing. Whoever runs the UK after May 7 cannot go on without a progressive programme for England, fully democratically accountable to the English people. And if we end up with a minority <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-deal-between-the-snp-and-labour-looks-easier-than-ever-to-strike-heres-why-40567">Labour government sustained by SNP and other non-English MPs</a>, we could run into a new English politics of resentment – one that could change UK politics dramatically.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/40677/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Simon Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Mainstream politicians see no benefit in playing to English identity. They’re missing a trick.Simon Lee, Senior Lecturer in Politics, University of HullLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/371382015-02-05T14:43:29Z2015-02-05T14:43:29ZEd Balls pledges £30 billion to English regions – and that’s not all<p>Two noteworthy things happened in Milton Keynes on Monday morning. Ed Miliband chaired the first meeting of Labour’s English Regional Shadow Cabinet – comprising mainly leaders of councils and combined authorities. And, as a curtain-raiser, shadow Chancellor <a href="http://www.miltonkeynes.co.uk/news/local/ed-miliband-visits-milton-keynes-ahead-of-english-devolution-announcement-1-6556382">Ed Balls announced</a> that, if Labour forms the next government, it will transfer £30 billion-worth of funding for housing, transport, business support, employment and skills training to England’s regions.</p>
<p>There would be fiscal devolution too, with combined authorities – the key players for any future government – able to retain any extra business rates generated by economic growth in their area. </p>
<p>If these initiatives were to materialise, they would indeed represent “the biggest devolution of economic power and funding for generations”, as <a href="http://www.edballs.co.uk/blog/">Balls’s own blog</a> claims. But this is a big “if”, for a party with an instinctively centralist leadership, already committed to <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/labour/10596203/Labour-will-clear-86bn-deficit-by-2020-Ed-Balls-says.html">eliminating the national deficit by 2020</a>. </p>
<h2>Game-changing policy, if it happens</h2>
<p>For England’s existing and future Combined Authorities (CAs), Ed Balls’s announcement is a potential game-changer, and not just because of the £30 billion. There was also the promise that areas choosing not to have an elected mayor would not be “punished” economically by a Labour government, as they have been under the coalition. </p>
<p>Combined Authorities were created by <a href="http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2009/20/contents">Labour legislation in 2009</a>, but all five to date have been established by Chancellor George Osborne. </p>
<p>They are set up at the request of authorities in a specified area, who have agreed a scheme for exercising devolved statutory functions, relating initially to transport investment and economic growth. </p>
<p>They’re still largely unfamiliar bodies, and it’s worth reviewing just what and where they are. </p>
<h2>Manchester: a special case</h2>
<p>First away in 2011 was the Greater Manchester CA (GMCA), thanks largely to the city region’s exceptional institutional history. The GMCA incorporates the 10 boroughs of the former Greater Manchester metropolitan county. Following the Thatcher government’s 1986 <a href="http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/guide-method/geography/beginner-s-guide/administrative/england/metropolitan-counties-and-districts/index.html">abolition of England’s six metropolitan county councils</a>, the borough leaders formed the Association of Greater Manchester Authorities and continued to work collaboratively, to a much greater extent than in the other met county areas.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/71062/original/image-20150204-28578-1dj1n2r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/71062/original/image-20150204-28578-1dj1n2r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/71062/original/image-20150204-28578-1dj1n2r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/71062/original/image-20150204-28578-1dj1n2r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/71062/original/image-20150204-28578-1dj1n2r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/71062/original/image-20150204-28578-1dj1n2r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=549&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/71062/original/image-20150204-28578-1dj1n2r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=549&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/71062/original/image-20150204-28578-1dj1n2r.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=549&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The GMCA covers the same area as the former Greater Manchester metropolitan county.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Greater_Manchester_County_(2).png">Jhamez84/Wikimedia Commons</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>To coalition ministers, this continuity of cooperation and geographical coherence gave the GMCA a big advantage over other city regions, plus proven potential for robust governance.</p>
<p>There was, though, a further consideration: Labour’s control of eight of the ten boroughs and therefore of the GMCA itself. In brokering the historic <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/public-leaders-network/2014/nov/03/devo-manc-powers-greater-manchester-mayor">“Devo Manc” deal</a> in November 2014, therefore, Osborne insisted the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/369858/Greater_Manchester_Agreement_i.pdf">extended package of devolved powers</a> and funding must be matched by the leaders’ agreement, however reluctant, to a directly elected mayor. </p>
<h2>Your fiscal freedom for a mayor</h2>
<p>An elected mayor would give the now seriously powerful GMCA visibility, leadership, and, most importantly, accountability. But that it was a make-or-break requirement became clear only during the government’s next devolution deal, with the forever-Labour Sheffield City Region CA. </p>
<p>Sheffield’s agreed package was smaller than Greater Manchester’s. But in particular, it contained no fiscal devolution comparable to <a href="http://www.lgcplus.com/budget-2012-manchester-earn-back-details-emerge/5043169.article">Manchester’s unique ‘Earnback’ deal</a>, enabling the CA to retain additional tax revenues generated through infrastructure investment. </p>
<p>As William Hague, chair of the cabinet’s devolution committee, <a href="http://www.brownejacobson.com/pdf/Public%20matters%20newsletter%20-%20January%202015.pdf">told a parliamentary reform group recently</a>, Conservative ministers are extremely wary of devolving revenue-raising powers because of the “very, very fraught history” of local finance and some councils’ “lack of control” during presumably the pre-rate-capping 1980s. </p>
<p>So, 30 years on, Conservative ministers’ elephantine, Thatcherite memories have set the price of any worthwhile fiscal devolution as a directly elected mayor. Sheffield leaders didn’t want one. Fine, they could have some extra control over transport, skills, housing and business support, but <a href="https://andrewlainton.wordpress.com/2014/12/12/greater-sheffield-no-elected-mayor-no-strategic-planning-powers/">nothing approaching a Devo Manc deal</a>. </p>
<p>Still, they have got something. Their neighbours in the West Yorkshire CA thought they’d call Osborne’s bluff. They stuck to their bids for fiscal devolution – including full retention of the growth in business rates – hoping the Chancellor might overlook their opposition to an elected mayor. He didn’t, so they dropped the fiscal stuff, but two months on they’re <a href="http://www.yorkshirepost.co.uk/news/main-topics/politics/pm-urged-to-end-deadlock-over-yorkshire-devolution-1-7079450">still waiting for any kind of deal</a>. </p>
<p>So too is the Liverpool City Region CA, which, even more misguidedly, proposed some “open talks” with Osborne about the possibility of a Manchester-type deal – which was never on – and without apparently the six borough councils agreeing even amongst themselves <a href="http://www.liverpoolecho.co.uk/news/liverpool-mayor-joe-anderson-slams-8381272">agreeing among themselves</a> about an elected mayor. </p>
<p>Finally, there’s the North East CA. At present, any deal is barely at the prospectus stage, putting the North East marginally behind the other CAs, but comfortably ahead of the rest of the field. </p>
<p>Ed Balls’s Milton Keynes manifesto won’t change many votes, and most city regions are Labour-dominated anyway. It has, though, set the devolution policy bar at a measurable level against which a future Labour government will be judged, by supporters and critics alike.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/37138/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Chris Game does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Two noteworthy things happened in Milton Keynes on Monday morning. Ed Miliband chaired the first meeting of Labour’s English Regional Shadow Cabinet – comprising mainly leaders of councils and combined…Chris Game, Honorary Senior Lecturer, Institute of Local Government Studies, University of BirminghamLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/358772015-01-09T06:13:27Z2015-01-09T06:13:27ZCampaigners for more English powers are missing a trick<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/68234/original/image-20150105-13823-1sijjmz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The problem with those seeking more English powers is that they're not working together</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.shutterstock.com/s/english+powers/search.html?page=3&thumb_size=mosaic&inline=167472527">Samuel Borges Photography</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The repercussions of the Scottish independence referendum were always likely to be profound, whoever won. As Scotland waits to see if Westminster can meet its <a href="http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Topics/constitution/smith-commission">deadline</a> for producing draft legislation for extending more powers north of the border by January 25, English political leaders have become more aware than ever of the growing gap in devolved powers between England and the other home nations. George Osborne’s <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/5426fc12-6346-11e4-8a63-00144feabdc0.html">return to</a> stressing the need for further austerity after the May general election has provided further impetus for English devolution: <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/the-northerner/2014/jul/15/northern-poor-areas-hit-hardest-by-council-cuts">to some</a>, it is a way to counter fresh cuts.</p>
<h2>What’s on the table</h2>
<p>Four kinds of English devolution are being discussed. The first is what has become known “English Votes for English Laws,” to which end the leader of the House of Commons, William Hague, <a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2014/12/what-are-options-english-votes-english-laws-plans">put forward</a> four options on December 16. These included barring Scottish MPs from any role in English and Welsh legislation along with several more cautious proposals. A few days later Tory grandee Lord Salisbury went further, <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/scotland/11322309/The-battle-to-keep-our-Union-together-has-only-just-begun.html">proposing that</a> the Commons become an English parliament and the Lords become the UK house for a remnant of reserved subjects like defence and foreign affairs. </p>
<p>The next set of issues relate to providing further regional investment, particularly in the north to allow it to compete with the south and Scotland. In recent months, Chancellor George Osborne <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/chancellor-we-need-a-northern-powerhouse">has been</a> talking up his desire to pool the north English cities of Manchester, Liverpool, Leeds and Sheffield into one large “northern powerhouse”. In the Autumn Statement, <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/ccc65d4a-797e-11e4-9e81-00144feabdc0.html">he announced</a> investments into science facilities in Newcastle, Manchester and other cities, along with a range of cultural, road and rail improvements. </p>
<p>The third issue concerns devolving powers to some regional bodies. Like its Labour predecessor, the coalition has become enamoured with directly elected mayors. This has been most recently evident in the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/devolution-to-the-greater-manchester-combined-authority-and-transition-to-a-directly-elected-mayor">decision to</a> award a directly elected mayor to a combination of the ten local authorities in Greater Manchester, with powers over transport, housing and planning. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/68235/original/image-20150105-13820-1qet811.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/68235/original/image-20150105-13820-1qet811.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/68235/original/image-20150105-13820-1qet811.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68235/original/image-20150105-13820-1qet811.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68235/original/image-20150105-13820-1qet811.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=418&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68235/original/image-20150105-13820-1qet811.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68235/original/image-20150105-13820-1qet811.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68235/original/image-20150105-13820-1qet811.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=525&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Greater Manchester: new powers.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.shutterstock.com/s/english+powers/search.html?page=3&thumb_size=mosaic&inline=167472527">The Laird of Oldham</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The Greater Manchester Combined Authority is also to be awarded new powers relating to business growth, local skills and health and social care. This comes on the back of <a href="http://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/north-east-news/city-leaders-demand-meeting-david-7835057">not-always-successful attempts</a> from the coalition to award powers, particularly over local economic development, to the eight “core cities” outside London.</p>
<p>Finally, in early December, local councils made a high-profile bid for more powers when 119 English council leaders combined <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/nov/29/regions-letter-end-austerity-more-powers-devolution">to write a</a> strongly worded letter to The Observer newspaper. They pointed to devolution to Scotland and argued for greater powers over local budgets and powers to be granted to them, indicating that their voters expected no less. </p>
<h2>The bigger picture</h2>
<p>We’ve heard parts of these debates before, of course. The coalition set up the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/organisations/mckay-commission">McKay Commission</a> shortly after coming to office to look into the issue of English Votes for English Laws. Its <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-21921977">recommendations included</a> that a majority of English MPs should “normally” have to approve laws that distinctly affect England, but they were not implemented. </p>
<p>Meanwhile Manchester, along with eight other cities, <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2012/may/04/cameron-elected-mayors-plan-rejected">actually declined</a> the opportunity to have a directly elected mayor in a low-turnout referendum in May 2012. Since 2010 mainly northern Labour-led councils <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/the-northerner/2014/jul/15/northern-poor-areas-hit-hardest-by-council-cuts">have complained bitterly</a> that they have been unfairly squeezed by austerity while southern Conservative-led councils have had nowhere near the same level of cuts imposed on them. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/68238/original/image-20150105-13830-1aok7ce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/68238/original/image-20150105-13830-1aok7ce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/68238/original/image-20150105-13830-1aok7ce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=373&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68238/original/image-20150105-13830-1aok7ce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=373&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68238/original/image-20150105-13830-1aok7ce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=373&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68238/original/image-20150105-13830-1aok7ce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=469&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68238/original/image-20150105-13830-1aok7ce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=469&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/68238/original/image-20150105-13830-1aok7ce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=469&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Liverpool council is among those complaining that the north is getting the worst of the austerity.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/bevgoodwin/8787523863/in/photolist-6fNEPP-9tsr4S-4nWVR9-4nWVK5-pthZQ9-pKJTQH-oNX65F-efDJis-pfaH1Y-eowmG8-74iMKJ-brN9z-65jB5E-65jB8q-5ZVixz-bMheGK-brN8x-9abyGN-714kB7-7tqr23-6KMLyi-4nSS6k-8mCtbb-oLx4ML-8WkQk-onbd9c-4nWVWY-khJFs8-4WppCD-vjyhC-6XuroE-44stY-f9Yn92-jzPKgu-cKPfjh-d9jmu3-7ZHHhP-cvikd-bXcebu-njxoJD-nAKcHT-9mzDpP-brNaA-diFKcf-97KDDg-oKh8XH-9rxWcT-bRwSpc-pHDVYJ-oNU3Sw">Beverley Goodwin</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This is a long(ish) game, it must be said. While the Manchester devolution agreement has been signed, most of these issues will now be kicked into the long grass until after the general election – and no parliament can bind its successor. Investment in north England will require sustained attention over a long period of time, not just one short announcement. Neither does it appear to necessarily come with the political powers to decide priorities. </p>
<p>What is different this time in England is that there does appear to be some clear momentum behind these arguments, unlike in the <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/3984387.stm">failed north-east referendum</a> in 2004, for example. The 119 council leaders’ Observer letter was a fully bipartisan effort. Political elites from various parties recognise that some form of English balancing of the asymmetric devolution settlement is necessary.</p>
<h2>The small print</h2>
<p>I would add three major disclaimers. Most of these potential reforms are piecemeal and depend almost entirely on the whim of the government of the day. Westminster retains power and is notoriously reluctant to give it up. If English political leaders wish more powers and investment, not only are they going to have to co-operate, they are also going to have to bring the public onboard to show these powers have support. The difficulties in this should not be underestimated. </p>
<p>Second, I often hear the refrain asserted that England is different and couldn’t have some form of parliament or devolved institution. But if Germany and the US have federal systems and operate successfully, there is no obvious reason why some form of institutional balancing could not work here. </p>
<p>The argument to the contrary either needs to be convincingly set out, or this option needs to start to be considered. Granted, public support is small. But if not considered seriously, any reforms will remain piecemeal, liable to further change and subject to the whims of whichever party is in government.</p>
<p>Finally, the debate in England partly misunderstands what has been offered to Scots by the <a href="https://www.smith-commission.scot">Smith Commission</a>. The headline reforms are certainly all about partial control of income taxes and finance. However, in a little-commented-upon part of the report, it also proposes that the Scottish parliament give up some powers to local government through a process of “double devolution”. </p>
<p>What this shows to those engaged in the English debate is that devolution is not an either/or process where the various options are mutually exclusive. Instead, a form of English votes for English laws (EVEL) or English institution could co-exist with either regional or local devolution of powers in a comprehensive constitutional settlement. </p>
<p>Until this is well recognised, the debate is likely to remain a piecemeal and zero-sum game where the actors seek advantage but no real meaningful power is given up by the centre. What is sure is that the debate will continue in 2015. From being a minority sport, territorial reforms are likely to become an important, and highly political, issue in the general election and beyond.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/35877/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alistair is a Trustee and Executive Member of the Political Studies Association of the UK. He gave evidence to the Scottish parliament review into the 2012 local government elections and submitted a response to the "Scotland's Electoral Future" consultation.</span></em></p>The repercussions of the Scottish independence referendum were always likely to be profound, whoever won. As Scotland waits to see if Westminster can meet its deadline for producing draft legislation for…Alistair Clark, Senior Lecturer in Politics, Newcastle UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.