tag:theconversation.com,2011:/us/topics/devolution-6737/articlesDevolution – The Conversation2024-03-22T11:54:36Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2262672024-03-22T11:54:36Z2024-03-22T11:54:36ZScotland apologised in 2023 for historic forced adoptions – but this happened throughout the UK<p>“For the decades of pain that you have suffered, I offer today a sincere and heartfelt and unreserved apology. We were wrong.” One year ago, on March 22 2023, the then first minister, Nicola Sturgeon, stood up at Holyrood and said sorry for the Scottish government’s role in historic <a href="https://www.gov.scot/publications/scoping-study-historic-forced-adoption-final-report/pages/4/">forced adoptions</a>. </p>
<p>From the 1950s to the 1970s, thousands of young, unmarried women – <a href="https://www.heraldscotland.com/politics/19892887.scotlands-forced-adoption-scandal-time-apology-says-kirsty-strickland/">as many as 60,000</a> – were coerced into giving up their babies. “It is a level of injustice,” Sturgeon <a href="https://www.gov.scot/publications/apology-historical-adoption-practices-first-ministers-speech-22-march-2023/">said</a>, “which is hard now for us to comprehend.” </p>
<p>Rooted in conservative attitudes towards sex outside marriage, forced adoptions saw pregnant single women sent, mostly by local health authorities, to mother and baby homes run by religious organisations. After birth, the babies were adopted and the mothers returned home, prevented from speaking of what had happened. </p>
<p>This scandal did not just affect Scotland. It was common practice across the UK. In 2021 I submitted <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/40260/pdf/">written</a> and <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/oralevidence/3219/pdf/">oral</a> evidence to an inquiry into historic forced adoption covering England and Wales. My <a href="https://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/id/eprint/205511/3/Forced_adoption_-_briefing_-_ML_27.09.23.pdf">recent research</a> highlights that the UK government’s <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/34106/documents/187682/default/">stated position</a> denying state involvement is wholly untenable, when faced with the historical record, much of which comes from its very own archives.</p>
<h2>Reckoning with the past</h2>
<p>Scotland’s reckoning with the past came from over a decade of campaigning by birth mothers and adult adoptees. They wanted the government to follow the Australian example, where on March 21 2012 the then prime minister, Julia Gillard, <a href="https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-19165">issued a formal public apology</a>, following a <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/parliamentary_business/committees/senate/community_affairs/completed_inquiries/2010-13/commcontribformerforcedadoption/report/%7E/media/wopapub/senate/committee/clac_ctte/completed_inquiries/2010-13/comm_contrib_former_forced_adoption/report/report.ashx">major inquiry</a>. Scotland has not held an inquiry. But the government has, to date, been receptive to the voices of campaigners.</p>
<p>This same <a href="https://theconversation.com/irelands-shame-reforming-an-adoption-system-marked-by-secrecy-and-trauma-160897">economy of adoption</a> underpinned the mother and baby homes and <a href="https://www.health-ni.gov.uk/mother-and-baby-homes-and-magdalene-laundries-research-report">Magdalene Laundries</a> system in Northern Ireland, albeit from a Catholic perspective. Until <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-8638/">direct rule</a> by the UK government was implemented in 1972, Northern Ireland had its own national government with administration and legislative responsibilities.</p>
<p>In 2021, the UK parliamentary joint committee on human rights announced an inquiry into historic forced adoptions in England and Wales. This, too, followed pressure from campaigners and the media, as well as the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/nov/03/catholic-church-apologises-for-role-in-forced-adoptions-over-30-year-period">apology the Catholic Church issued</a> in 2016 for the role it played. </p>
<p>The subsequent report estimated that from 1949 to 1976, in England and Wales around 185,000 unmarried mothers – as many as <a href="https://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/id/eprint/205511/3/Forced_adoption_-_briefing_-_ML_27.09.23.pdf">215,000</a> – and their babies were affected. </p>
<p>The inquiry found the UK government was ultimately responsible for what it termed “the actions and omissions” which inflicted harm on so many young, vulnerable women and children. Actions included judgemental and cruel practices from a range of state-employed health, welfare and social service professionals. Omissions regarding a failure to protect young, unmarried women and ensure their human rights were upheld.</p>
<h2>State actions and omissions</h2>
<p>My research into UK governmental archives shows that forced adoption could not have happened in scope or scale without the state. The UK government transformed adoption from a cottage industry to one of mass production.</p>
<p>Before the second world war, mother and baby homes kept families together. The mothers trained for domestic service, which, crucially, enabled them to obtain work and have somewhere to live. Adoptions were less common, with around <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1057/9780230582842">50,000 faciliated in 13 years</a>, from 1926 to 1939. </p>
<p>This changed in 1943, when the UK government <a href="https://movementforanadoptionapology.org/letter-from-dr-michael-lambert/">introduced subsidies</a> for mother and baby homes and registered adoption societies. New homes were opened, old ones expanded and more workers were appointed to handle the growing numbers of adoptions.</p>
<p>It briefly considered nationalising these institutions when the foundations of the welfare state were being laid in the late 1940s. However, the existing system was seen to be working well. Fundamentally, the issue was deemed a moral and spiritual one, more suited to religious oversight. Ultimately no changes were made; money flowed in and babies flowed out.</p>
<p>New adoption legislation, in 1949 and 1958, made the legal process easier and quicker. Most babies were between ten days and six weeks old when they were given new identities with adoptive families. The annual figure grew year-on-year, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2013/oct/27/forced-adoption-mother-and-child-reunited">peaking in England at 16,164 in 1968</a>.</p>
<p>Secrecy – ensured by families – was integral to making adoption work. Adoptive families aimed to pass the child off biologically as their own and keep up appearances of respectability. This meant babies growing up in the stable, typically affluent family environment idealised by health, welfare and social professionals. For mothers, it meant they could return home and begin their lives again, untainted by the stigma of illegitimacy. </p>
<p>The UK government was well aware that mothers were being coerced – that their decision to give up their babies was not just a difficult moral dilemma. As early as 1951, the representative bodies for registered adoption societies highlighted that unmarried mothers had little agency to refuse.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/AX5HcJFJmOo?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>The nascent welfare state was designed around male financial responsibility for their families. Its failure to adequately provide financial support and housing to unmarried mothers was intentional. </p>
<p>Officials deemed unmarried mothers to be <a href="https://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3561/1/Rowe_gender_and_the_politics.pdf">undeserving</a> compared with married women in conventional families. Their entitlements to financial support were <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2004.tb00339.x">refused or diluted</a>. Those concerning housing were <a href="https://www.manchesterhive.com/display/9781526156761/9781526156761.00007.xml">subject to the discretion</a> of judgemental local and central government officials.</p>
<p>This would only change in 1974 with British judge Morris Finer’s landmark report on one-parent families. Women would have to wait another four years for their legal right to housing to be guaranteed, in 1977.</p>
<p>Demonstrating that historic forced adoptions were the product of central government policy, the 2021 inquiry recommended that the UK government <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/23076/documents/169043/default/">apologise</a>. </p>
<p>The latter’s <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/34106/documents/187682/default/">written response</a> in Februrary 2023 said: “The government agrees that the treatment of women and their children in adoption practices during this period was wrong and should not have happened. Whilst we do not think it is appropriate for a formal government apology to be given, since the state did not actively support these practices, we do wish to say we are sorry of behalf of society to all those affected.”</p>
<p>This belies the fact that the state was far from powerless. It enabled, financed and sustained forced adoption as its preferred policy. </p>
<p>On April 25 2023, as part of an <a href="https://www.gov.wales/people-affected-historic-adoption-practices-welcomed-senedd-welsh-government-apology">official apology</a> from the Welsh government, deputy minister for social services Julie Morgan offered her “deepest sympathy and regret to all affected” for enduring “such appalling historical practices”.</p>
<p>Importantly, Morgan’s statement recognised that forced adoption predated devolution. England had legal, political and administrative responsibility at that time. In not apologising, the UK government is denying justice to thousands of birth mothers – whose numbers tragically dwindle daily – and adult adoptees who may never know the women who gave birth to them.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/226267/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michael Lambert has received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council, Wellcome Trust, and National Institute for Health Research.</span></em></p>In the 1940s, Britain’s nascent welfare state was designed around male financial responsibility for their families – unmarried mothers were intentionally disregarded.Michael Lambert, Research Fellow and Director of Widening Participation, Lancaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2207982024-03-20T16:35:51Z2024-03-20T16:35:51ZVaughan Gething elected as Wales’ new first minister – but challenges have just begun for Welsh Labour<p><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-68500807">Vaughan Gething</a> is Wales’ new first minister after winning the Welsh Labour leadership election. Gething narrowly beat his opponent, Jeremy Miles, with 51.7% of the vote, and in so doing becomes the first black leader of any European nation.</p>
<p>Gething was voted in by the Senedd (Welsh parliament) and replaces <a href="https://theconversation.com/mark-drakeford-what-the-resignation-of-wales-first-minister-means-for-the-country-and-the-labour-party-219887">Mark Drakeford</a> who had been first minister since 2018.</p>
<p>The leadership race itself was not one that was lit up by different political visions or ideologically charged debates. Both contenders are solicitors by trade, fairly centrist in terms of their rhetoric and political commitments, and without glaring contrasts in their manifestos. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-68336716">Gething</a> was born in Zambia in 1974, to a Welsh father and Zambian mother. They moved to the UK when he was four, and he attended university in Aberystwyth and Cardiff before pursuing his legal career. He was first elected to the Senedd in 2011, representing the Cardiff South and Penarth constituency, and rose up the ministerial ladder thereafter. </p>
<p>Gething will be the fifth first minister since Welsh devolution in 1999. He inherits a Labour party which, overall, has won every election in Wales <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-63636856">since 1922</a>. There is, nevertheless, a little more to the story, which suggests the future for Welsh Labour may be less straightforward than either Gething or his party would have hoped.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1769363058995163427"}"></div></p>
<p>This is in part due to the problems that Welsh Labour have hit upon towards the end of the tenure of <a href="https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/news-opinion/mark-drakeford-departing-first-minister-28812852">Drakeford</a>. There is <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c4n789jv49jo">ongoing controversy</a> over 20mph speed limits in Wales and a <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-68563949">UK COVID inquiry</a> that has drawn our attention to the enthusiasm of Welsh Labour for avoiding a Wales-specific investigation. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-are-farmers-up-in-arms-the-view-from-wales-223901">farmers</a> are protesting against the Welsh government’s proposed scheme to replace the EU’s common agricultural policy.</p>
<p>While Drakeford has been subject to the most criticism on these matters, Gething was unable to avoid some of the fallout from the pandemic. He recently had a tough time at the COVID inquiry when he <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-68535441#">admitted</a> all his pandemic WhatsApp messages had disappeared after his official phone was wiped. Gething described it as a “matter of real embarrassment”.</p>
<p>His <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-68590453">leadership bid</a> was also hit by scandal when it emerged that he had taken a £200,000 donation for his campaign from a company run by a man twice convicted of environmental offences. In 2016, he had asked Natural Resources Wales (the government body responsible for environmental issues) to ease restrictions on the company in question. </p>
<p>Both Plaid Cymru and the Conservatives have called on Gething to return the money, but he has so far rejected those calls.</p>
<p>Jeremy Miles also <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-68109598">criticised</a> the way Wales’ largest union declared its support for Gething during the leadership contest. Unite had deemed Miles ineligible for its support as he had not been a lay union official. This was seen as a “stitch up” among Miles’ supporters and Gething will have to extend them an olive branch as he takes up his new role.</p>
<p>Assuming Gething is able to negotiate these choppy waters as his leadership sets sail, a victory for Labour in the next Westminster general election is unlikely to ease the pressure. Given Gething’s centrism he is likely to be perceived as a willing party in delivering <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/dec/03/keir-starmer-labour-wont-turn-on-spending-taps-wins-election">Starmer’s agenda</a>. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1768948460038877577"}"></div></p>
<p>There will be other challenges for Gething to negotiate, beyond the immediate need <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/mar/18/vaughan-gething-win-wales-welsh-labour-leader">to placate</a> those on the losing side of the contest. In particular his management of internal Welsh Labour difference will be significant. As with many successful parties, there are elements of a coalition that maintain it and Gething must ensure that balance.</p>
<p>He must contend with the cultural boundaries between the more Anglicised and urban south and east, and the more Welsh-speaking and often more rural areas of the west and north. While the latter areas do not deliver the core vote for Labour, their support in those areas helps to maintain their predominance through the partial proportional representation system of the Senedd.</p>
<p>An additional layer of complexity has emerged in the last five years as <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-does-wales-future-hold-new-report-maps-options-for-more-devolution-federal-and-independent-futures-221503">independence</a> has become a concrete concern in Welsh politics. Somewhat surprisingly for a unionist party, there is more or less a <a href="https://nation.cymru/news/almost-half-pro-independence-voters-chose-labour-at-senedd-election/">50-50 split</a> among Labour voters on the question. Drakeford was able to play to both sides of the argument. He was <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/may/29/uk-could-break-up-unless-it-is-rebuilt-as-solidarity-union-says-mark-drakeford">clear</a> in his fundamental unionism but also articulated doubts about its longevity. How Gething negotiates the question may be telling.</p>
<p>For now what is beyond doubt is that the Welsh Labour brand has been damaged. Gething’s actions are not in isolation but rather a function of a party culture of permissiveness. With a light having been shone on its inner workings, they are in danger of losing the moral high ground, so often used to persuade Welsh voters to back them to protect them from the Tories. </p>
<p>In many ways a skilled operator, who has been almost laser-like in surmounting significant barriers and achieving his goal, Gething now faces a very different set of challenges.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220798/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Huw L Williams is a member of the Green Party.</span></em></p>Vaughan Gething succeeds Mark Drakeford as Welsh first minister, following a vote in the Senedd.Huw L Williams, Reader in Political Philosophy, Cardiff UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2242852024-03-15T17:34:40Z2024-03-15T17:34:40ZLevelling up is not working as promised – our research shows why<p>The UK parliament has heard findings that <a href="https://theconversation.com/levelling-up-four-problems-with-boris-johnsons-flagship-project-176386">levelling up</a> – arguably the Conservatives’ flagship policy agenda – is beset by critical delays. In a report published on March 15, the <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm5804/cmselect/cmpubacc/424/report.html">public accounts committee</a>, parliament’s expenditure watchdog, has said that, as of September 2023, local authorities had spent only £1.24 billion of the £10.47 billion the government promised to tackle regional inequality across the UK. </p>
<p>Crucially, the committee has found that the government has nothing in place to measure this policy’s impact in the long term. In other words, as has been pointed out, there is <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2024/mar/15/no-compelling-examples-of-what-levelling-up-has-delivered-watchdog-finds">“no compelling evidence”</a> that levelling up has achieved anything.</p>
<p>The levelling up agenda was launched in the Conservative party’s 2019 manifesto to highlight – and overcome – the economic plight of the UK’s former industrial heartlands, particularly in the north and the Midlands. The subsequent <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/62e7a429d3bf7f75af0923f3/Executive_Summary.pdf">white paper</a> published by the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities (DLUHC) in 2022 said the economic prize was potentially enormous: “If underperforming places were levelled up towards the UK average, unlocking their potential, this could boost aggregate UK GDP by tens of billions of pounds each year.” </p>
<p>The disconnect between this prosperity-led rhetoric on local authority funding and the reality could not be starker. Since 2010-11, local authorities have experienced a <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/about/news/funding-gap-growing-councils-firmly-eye-inflationary-storm#:%7E:text=Councils%20are%20facing%20an%20%E2%80%9Cinflationary,spending%20power%20since%202010%2F11.">27% real-terms cut</a> in core spending power due to reduced central government funding. <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/local-authority-section-114-notices">Eight of the 317 English local authorities</a> have effectively declared bankruptcy since 2018. </p>
<p>Our <a href="https://www.cipfa.org/cipfa-thinks/insight/addressing-regional-inequalities">research</a> compares how local authorities in England and <a href="https://theconversation.com/other-countries-have-made-progress-in-levelling-up-heres-how-the-uks-plan-compares-176405">other countries</a> are addressing regional socioeconomic inequality. We have found that English councils are struggling to invest for the long term, because of a lack of ongoing funding and insufficient staff. </p>
<h2>Where local government income comes from</h2>
<p>Compared to many other countries, local authorities in England have fewer powers to raise revenue. In <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/local-government-funding-england">2019-20</a> council tax was the biggest source of local authority income (52%), followed by business rates (27%) and government grants (22%). </p>
<p>These government grants include the <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/which-areas-have-benefited-from-the-levelling-up-fund/">£4.8 billion levelling up fund </a>, designed to invest in local infrastructure that has, as the white paper put it, “a visible impact on people and their communities and will support economic recovery”. </p>
<p>They also include the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/uk-shared-prosperity-fund-prospectus/uk-shared-prosperity-fund-prospectus">UK shared prosperity fund</a> and <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/towns-fund">the towns fund</a> (which consists of <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/town-deals-full-list-of-101-offers">town deals</a> and the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/future-high-streets-fund">future high streets fund</a>, and is accessible to local authorities in England only).</p>
<p>A first challenge to note is that since Brexit, local authorities no longer have access to European Union (EU) funds. The central government funding that has replaced it is less generous. <a href="https://www.ippr.org/articles/the-shared-prosperity-fund-what-can-we-learn-from-government-s-plan-to-replace-eu-funds">Analysis</a> by the Institute for Public Policy Research suggests that the UK Shared Prosperity fund represents a 43% drop in funding compared with EU economic development money for UK nations and regions.</p>
<p>Further, local authorities also now have to compete against each other to access crucial funding. The levelling up fund might be delivered at a local level but funding is not guaranteed. </p>
<p>Councils have to <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-levelling-up-bidding-process-wastes-time-and-money-heres-how-to-improve-it-198638">bid</a> to competitive funding pots. Only a handful of bids are successful, when scored against nationally designed success criteria.</p>
<p>What’s more, this competitive model is predicated on short-term, project-based funding pots. Our research shows, however, that for local authorities to best respond to the needs of their constituents, they need long-term funding. We found that in the US, Cleveland’s flagship city project is based on a 20 to 30-year timetable. </p>
<p>Leipzig, meanwhile, has benefited from consistent long-term funding from the German government and the EU. It took 15 years of high levels of funding for unemployment to start declining in Leipzig and a further 15 years to reduce it further closer to the national average. Leipzig’s council’s <a href="https://www.jrf.org.uk/how-do-cities-lead-an-inclusive-growth-agenda">long-term approach</a> to planning and designing housing stock and shopping areas has improved local retail options and access to jobs for residents.</p>
<p>By contrast, challenges created by the <a href="https://www.constructionnews.co.uk/buildings/6bn-meridian-water-project-delivery-under-review-13-02-2023/">impact of inflation and rising interest rates</a> have forced Enfield council, in England, to scale back its 20-year, £6 billion regeneration project, Meridian Water. This is despite the project’s aim to create 10,000 homes and 6,000 jobs paid at least at the London living wage. </p>
<h2>How political change affects local government funding</h2>
<p>In England, local authorities often struggle to deliver their visions for economic development because of the sheer frequency of institutional change at regional level across electoral cycles. </p>
<p>In 2010, the incoming coalition government <a href="https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN05842/SN05842.pdf">abolished</a> the regional development agencies Labour had instituted in 1997. In 2011, these were <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/2010-to-2015-government-policy-local-enterprise-partnerships-leps-and-enterprise-zones/2010-to-2015-government-policy-local-enterprise-partnerships-leps-and-enterprise-zones">replaced</a> with local enterprise partnerships, which, in turn, <a href="https://www.lgcplus.com/politics/devolution-and-economic-growth/government-will-end-support-for-leps-04-08-2023/">were scrapped</a> by Rishi Sunak’s government in 2023.</p>
<p>Additionally, the DLUHC <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/43820/documents/217384/default/">has changed the rules</a> midway through the bid process. Thus 55 councils spent an average of £30,000 bidding in round two for funds they could not win because a rule change meant that those which had been successful in round one were no longer eligible to bid again. Roughly £1.6 million was squandered through this lack of transparency.</p>
<p>We have also found that English councils suffer from a lack of consistent, expert staffing. Compared to the international cities we have studied, they are not able to properly monitor and evaluate their efforts. </p>
<p>In South Yorkshire, for example, although stakeholders recognise the importance of monitoring and evaluation, short-term and insufficient funding has meant mechanisms to do so have not been built in from the start of levelling up projects.</p>
<p>In January 2024, the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/simplifying-the-funding-landscape-for-local-authorities/simplifying-the-funding-landscape-for-local-authorities">DLUHC began a pilot programme</a> to test how the government could distribute funding to local authorities in a simplified, streamlined way, in order to give them greater spending flexibility. </p>
<p>Establishing a single funding pot across government departments for local authorities would indeed enable them to better respond to local needs, in the long term. </p>
<p>Councils know the strengths their local areas have and the challenges they face. They need the financial and organisational resources to meet them.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/224285/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Abigail Taylor received funding for this work from CIPFA and from the University of Birmingham. Abigail acknowledges Jeffrey Matsu, Chief Economist at CIPFA as a co-author of the research underpinning this article.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anne Green received funding for this work from CIPFA and from the University of Birmingham. Anne acknowledges Jeffrey Matsu, Chief Economist at CIPFA, as a co-author of the research underpinning this article.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hannes Read received funding for this work from CIPFA and from the University of Birmingham. Hannes acknowledges Jeffrey Matsu, Chief Economist at CIPFA as a co-author of the research underpinning this article.</span></em></p>English councils have neither the ongoing funding or the staffing needed to effectively deliver on the government’s economic development promises.Abigail Taylor, Research Fellow, City-Region Economic Development Institute (City-REDI), University of BirminghamAnne Green, Professor of Regional Economic Development, University of BirminghamHannes Read, Policy and Data Analyst, University of BirminghamLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2213582024-03-06T17:14:56Z2024-03-06T17:14:56ZHow the 1984 miners’ strike paved the way for devolution in Wales<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577265/original/file-20240222-24-1zfxh1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C2000%2C1310&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Miners from different collieries gather in Port Talbot in April 1984.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/alandenney/2457055287">Alan Denney/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>March 2024 marks the 40th anniversary of the start of the <a href="https://www.history.ox.ac.uk/miners-strike-1984-5-oral-history">miners’ strike</a>. In Wales, particularly within the south Wales coalfield, it was more than an industrial dispute. This was a major political event that reflected deeper cultural and economic changes. </p>
<p>These changes, alongside discontent at the emphasis of the then-UK prime minister <a href="https://academic.oup.com/cje/article/44/2/319/5550923">Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government</a> on free market economics, <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk-strikes-how-margaret-thatcher-and-other-leaders-cut-trade-union-powers-over-centuries-186270">stifling trade unions</a> and reducing the size of the state shifted how many Labour heartlands viewed the idea of self-government for Wales. This was due to Thatcher’s actions hitting at the heart of many working-class Labour voters’ existence, leading to threats to livelihoods and communities. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/opendemocracyuk/what-thatcher-did-for-wales/">Many started feeling</a> that some of the devastation wreaked by Thatcherism could have been avoided had there been a devolved Welsh government. That government would, in all likelihood, have been Labour controlled, acting as a “protective shield”.</p>
<p>Instead, by the time of the May 1979 general election (five years before the miners’ strike), Wales was a nation divided. Only weeks earlier, it had overwhelmingly <a href="https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/RP97-113/RP97-113.pdf">rejected</a> the Labour government’s proposal to create a Welsh Assembly, which would have given Wales a certain degree of autonomy from Westminster.</p>
<p>Many Labour MPs, such as Welshman Neil Kinnock, had vehemently opposed devolution and favoured a united British state. However, it was now this state, through a National Coal Board overseen by a Westminster Conservative government, that was aiming to further close Welsh coal mines. </p>
<p>The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) was both a political and workplace representative for miners and their communities. For a politician like Kinnock, balancing party and local interests was difficult. </p>
<p>Thatcher’s Conservative party won a large majority at the <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/globalassets/documents/commons-information-office/m09.pdf">1983 election</a> and the Ebbw Vale MP, Michael Foot, had been Labour leader during its defeat. His left-wing manifesto had been <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/8550425.stm">dubbed</a> the “longest suicide note in history” by Gerald Kaufman, himself a Labour MP. It led to Foot’s resignation and the election of Kinnock as the leader of the opposition. </p>
<p>As a miners’ strike looked more likely, the national context made Labour party support for the strike problematic. Despite his political and personal ties to the NUM, Kinnock <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/509387">disagreed</a> with its leaders, such as Arthur Scargill, and their strategies for the strike. However, the Labour leader supported the right of the miners to defend their livelihood. </p>
<p>In a period of difficult deindustrialisation across nationalised industries, Labour was caught between unstoppable economic restructuring and job losses that affected its traditional voters.</p>
<h2>Thatcherism and Wales</h2>
<p>Gwyn A. Williams, a Marxist historian, <a href="https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/When_was_Wales/QUJ0QgAACAAJ?hl=en">described</a> Welsh people as “a naked people under an acid rain”. This acidity had two main ingredients: Thatcherism and the “no” vote for a Welsh Assembly in 1979. </p>
<p>According to this analysis, the absence of devolution in Wales had left it exposed to the vagaries of Conservative governance in Westminster. The dangers of this were illuminated during the miners’ strike and in high unemployment rates of <a href="https://www.gov.wales/digest-welsh-historical-statistics-0">nearly 14% in Wales</a> by the mid-1980s. </p>
<p>However, it would be a fallacy to argue that Wales was a no-go zone for the Conservatives, even after the strike. In the <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/globalassets/documents/commons-information-office/m11.pdf">1987 general election</a>, although their number of MPs dropped from the 1983 high of 14 to eight, they were still attracting 29.5% of the Welsh vote. </p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="Black and white photo of Margaret Thatcher with her hands raised in front of a union flag." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577951/original/file-20240226-24-onf851.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577951/original/file-20240226-24-onf851.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=843&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577951/original/file-20240226-24-onf851.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=843&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577951/original/file-20240226-24-onf851.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=843&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577951/original/file-20240226-24-onf851.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1059&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577951/original/file-20240226-24-onf851.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1059&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577951/original/file-20240226-24-onf851.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1059&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Was Margaret Thatcher one of the unwitting architects of Welsh devolution?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/levanrami/43795237465">Levan Ramishvili/Flickr</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>It would take several more years of Conservative policies such as the poll tax, the tenure of John Redwood as secretary of state for Wales (1993-95) and the <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13689889808413006">scandal-riven sagas</a> of the party during the 1990s for them to gain zero seats in Wales in 1997. </p>
<p>Nonetheless, the strike, and the febrile atmosphere of the period, had carved out a Welsh distinctiveness to anti-Conservative rhetoric. Several organisations and conferences during the 1980s laid the groundwork that shaped new questions about Welsh nationhood. They contributed to the swing towards a narrow “yes” vote in the 1997 Welsh devolution <a href="https://law.gov.wales/constitution-and-government/constitution-and-devolution/executive-devolution-1998-2007">referendum</a> offered by Tony Blair’s Labour government, which came to power in 1997.</p>
<p>In February 1985, Hywel Francis, a historian and later Labour MP for Aberafan, published an article in the magazine, <a href="https://banmarchive.org.uk/marxism-today/february-1985/mining-the-popular-front/">Marxism Today</a>, suggesting that the miners’ strike was not merely an industrial dispute but an anti-Thatcher resistance movement. </p>
<p>Central to his argument was the formation of the <a href="https://archives.library.wales/index.php/wales-congress-in-support-of-mining-communities">Wales Congress in Support of Mining Communities</a> the previous autumn, which formalised some of the “unexpected alliances” heralded by the strike. The Congress coordinated the demonstrations and activism of some of the diverse groups that both supported the miners and simultaneously resisted many of the policies of the Thatcher government. These included trade unionists, religious leaders, the women’s peace movement, gay rights campaigners, as well as Labour members and Welsh nationalist activists. According to Francis, the latter two realised that “unless they joined, the world would pass them by”.</p>
<p>The congress aimed to stimulate a coordinated debate about Welsh mining communities, moving the narrative away from picket-line conflict and towards a democratic vision of Wales’s future. </p>
<p>While the strike ended only a month after Francis’s article, and the organisation itself dissolved in 1986, the congress had bridged many chasms in Welsh society. It showed old enemies in Labour and Plaid Cymru that solidarity could reap more benefits than the overt tribalism that had blighted the devolution campaign of the 1970s. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A large modern building with a large roof that juts out." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/578555/original/file-20240228-24-bi5coh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/578555/original/file-20240228-24-bi5coh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=355&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578555/original/file-20240228-24-bi5coh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=355&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578555/original/file-20240228-24-bi5coh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=355&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578555/original/file-20240228-24-bi5coh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578555/original/file-20240228-24-bi5coh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578555/original/file-20240228-24-bi5coh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=446&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Senedd in Cardiff.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/cardiff-wales-united-kingdom-06-17-2335002765">meunierd/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Legacy</h2>
<p>In 1988, the campaign for a Welsh Assembly was <a href="https://academic.oup.com/manchester-scholarship-online/book/29790/chapter-abstract/251892249?redirectedFrom=fulltext">established</a> in Cardiff by Siân Caiach of Plaid Cymru and Jon Owen Jones of Labour. It was a direct descendant of this collaborative ethos, feeding an altogether more mature debate around Welsh devolution than had been seen in the 1970s. </p>
<p>For example, Ron Davies, an arch-devolutionist in 1990s Labour, <a href="https://www.iwa.wales/wp-content/media/2016/03/acceleratinghistory.pdf">had voted “no”</a> in 1979. This was predominantly because he saw devolution as a Trojan horse for Plaid. </p>
<p>However, seeing the consequences of the miners’ strike and Thatcherism on his constituency of Caerffili drove him towards a drastic re-evaluation of devolution as being a protective buffer for the people of Wales. He became leader of Welsh Labour in 1998, eventually joining Plaid in 2010.</p>
<p>Historian Martin Johnes <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-16315966">has described</a> Thatcher as an “unlikely architect of Welsh devolution”. Indeed, her inadvertent <a href="https://www.iwa.wales/agenda/2013/04/we-voted-labour-but-got-thatcher/">help</a> in orchestrating the Welsh Assembly rested in the forging of Labour and Plaid Cymru cooperation, with the miners’ strike as a watershed movement. </p>
<p>The strike remains a vivid memory in many Welsh communities. It stands as a reminder to 21st-century politicians that today’s Senedd (Welsh parliament) was built on cross-party cooperation.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221358/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The strike saw different political factions uniting, which eventually led to a more collaborative form of politics in Wales.Mari Wiliam, Lecturer in Modern and Welsh History, Bangor UniversityMarc Collinson, Lecturer in Political History, Bangor UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2215032024-01-23T15:13:06Z2024-01-23T15:13:06ZWhat does Wales’ future hold? New report maps options for more devolution, federal and independent futures<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570678/original/file-20240122-25-8l3je8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=20%2C20%2C6968%2C2305&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Independent Commission on the Constitutional Future of Wales was set up in 2021 and has been gathering evidence since then.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/united-kingdom-vs-wales-welsh-smoky-1354803587">vladm/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>A <a href="https://www.gov.wales/independent-commission-constitutional-future-wales">commission</a> set up to consider the constitutional future of Wales has published its <a href="https://www.gov.wales/sites/default/files/publications/2024-01/independent-commission-on-the-constitutional-future-of-wales-final-report.pdf">final report</a>. The Independent Commission on the Constitutional Future of Wales, co-chaired by former Archbishop of Canterbury Dr Rowan Williams and Cardiff University’s Professor Laura McAllister, maps three different “viable” options.</p>
<p>First, they suggest “enhancing” devolution. This would see Wales operating similarly to how it does now, only with more powers for justice and policing, financial management and rail services. This option also proposes greater cooperation between Cardiff and London on energy and broadcasting.</p>
<p>Second, it suggests Wales joins a federalised UK system. This <a href="https://www.centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk/opinions/federal-future-uk">idea</a> often draws comparisons to the <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/federalism">US model</a>. But the key feature here is granting Wales guaranteed legal rights and defined areas of responsibility, while the UK government handles broader matters like national security and international treaties.</p>
<p>Finally, it suggests a Wales which is fully independent from the UK.</p>
<p>While the commission finds all of the options to be possible, with advantages and disadvantages, it does not recommend one as the “correct” outcome. Instead it finds that there needs to be a constructive and evidence-based debate which engages Welsh citizens, so that an informed choice can be made. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Rowan Williams stands next to Laura McCallister in the middle of a shopping street." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570683/original/file-20240122-29-v8agms.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570683/original/file-20240122-29-v8agms.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570683/original/file-20240122-29-v8agms.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570683/original/file-20240122-29-v8agms.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570683/original/file-20240122-29-v8agms.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570683/original/file-20240122-29-v8agms.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570683/original/file-20240122-29-v8agms.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Former Archbishop of Cantebury Dr Rowan Williams and Professor Laura McCallister co-chaired the commission.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Independent Constitutional Commission for Wales</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The Welsh government <a href="https://www.gov.wales/node/42768/latest-external-org-content?page=4">established</a> the commission in 2021. It was set up to ensure Wales is ready for any radical changes in the union, such as Scottish independence, for example. The panel included people from the four main political parties, various organisations and also surveyed the Welsh public.</p>
<h2>Criticising the status quo</h2>
<p>The report maps the deficiencies in the current devolution settlement. It identifies how the fall-out from Brexit has exposed the fragility of devolution, through Westminster disregarding the <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn02084/">Sewel convention</a>. This states the UK parliament will “not normally” pass a law which is within the remit of the devolved legislature without the <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/site-information/glossary/legislative-consent/">agreement</a> of the devolved institution. However, the convention is not legally enforceable. </p>
<p>Since the <a href="https://www.consoc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Gordon-Anthony-Devolution-Brexit-and-the-Sewel-Convention-1.pdf">2016 referendum</a>, the report points out that the Sewel convention has been overridden on 11 occasions with virtually no scrutiny in Westminster. It finds that devolution is at risk of gradual attrition if steps are not taken to add legal enforcement to the current convention system.</p>
<p>In their <a href="https://www.gov.wales/sites/default/files/publications/2022-12/independent-commission-the-constitutional-future-of-wales-interim-report-december-2022.pdf">interim report</a>, published in December 2022, the commission found that the status quo is neither viable for the stability nor prosperity of Wales. However, in the <a href="https://www.gov.wales/sites/default/files/publications/2024-01/independent-commission-on-the-constitutional-future-of-wales-final-report.pdf">final report</a> the language surrounding this was revised slightly to reflect citizens having a choice to choose “no change”. </p>
<p>The language used by Professor McAllister at the Senedd report launch, however, was more critical. She expressed disappointment with the quality of evidence from those who should have been in a position to defend the status quo. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/WSOlBi1VY-g?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Final report launch event at the Senedd.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Communication and engagement</h2>
<p>Part of the commission’s work included surveying Welsh citizens. The report finds people in Wales are often unsure about who makes the decisions on different issues. Some people mistakenly believe areas like policing and broadcasting are already devolved to the Welsh government, while others incorrectly identified the UK government as being responsible for health. </p>
<p>The report offered insights as to why this may be the case. This includes an absence of a Welsh perspective on UK affairs in the media. For example, 73% of people agreed they don’t see or hear enough about how Wales is run. </p>
<p>Public confusion is another concern. When the UK government steps in on matters already devolved to Wales, citizens struggle to understand which government is calling the shots and on which issues.</p>
<p>It finds that 81% are very or fairly concerned about how Wales is run. But Welsh citizens also lack confidence in their knowledge of the governance of Wales when discussing the constitution in abstract terms. Despite the maturity of Wales’ democratic institutions, the commission finds that devolution does not yet enjoy citizens’ full confidence, and that Welsh democracy therefore needs strengthening. The findings stress the need for more democratic innovation and community engagement that is appropriately resourced. </p>
<p>The commission acknowledges the wider challenges surrounding the current UK environment, particularly in terms of declining trust in political institutions, and the polarisation of debates surrounding Brexit and COVID-19. It acknowledges that many conflate questions about constitutional structure with assessments of the government of the day, and so greater civic engagement is needed. </p>
<h2>What next?</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.gov.wales/sites/default/files/publications/2024-01/independent-commission-on-the-constitutional-future-of-wales-final-report.pdf">The commission</a> stresses that all options are theoretically viable. Which step is pursued is dependent upon the values and risks people are willing to accept. </p>
<p>The report details the harm independence would cause to the Welsh economy in the short to medium term, making it a particularly unattractive option in the current climate. It also states that support for an independent Wales, or indeed the abolition of the Senedd, are in the minority. </p>
<p>Regarding the federal model or Welsh independence, wider UK input would be needed. This is because some of the issues are outside the current <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-8544/">competence of the Senedd</a>. </p>
<p>The option of an enhanced and protected devolution is more achievable, it says. But inter-governmental relations would need to be improved to achieve this. Some 92% of people surveyed believed it was important for governments to work together. The Welsh citizens who were questioned had little time for governments blaming each other, which ultimately feeds disaffection with politics entirely. </p>
<p>The next step must be about moving away from political point scoring and slogans, and widening the national conversation about what could be the best constitutional future for Wales. Politicians in the Senedd and Westminster will set the initial tone but that debate needs to be mature and evidence-based.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221503/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephen Clear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Independent Commission on the Constitutional Future of Wales acknowledges each option requires UK government involvement.Stephen Clear, Lecturer in Constitutional and Administrative Law, and Public Procurement, Bangor UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2206162024-01-11T12:50:05Z2024-01-11T12:50:05ZInequality is dividing England. Is more devolution the answer?<p>Twenty-five years ago, when new institutions of national government were created in <a href="https://www.parliament.scot/about/history-of-the-scottish-parliament/the-scottish-parliament-reestablished#topOfNav">Scotland</a> and <a href="https://senedd.wales/how-we-work/history-of-devolution/">Wales</a>, they reflected the widely held view that the Welsh and Scots should have more control over their economies, aspects of welfare provision and key public services. Yet at that time, hardly anyone thought devolution might be applied to England – despite it being the largest, wealthiest and most populated part of the UK.</p>
<p>Today, things look rather different. The notion of English devolution has morphed from being of interest only to constitutional experts to being a preoccupation of Britain’s politicians as we approach the next general election – many of whom have lost confidence in the capacity of central government to tackle the country’s most deeply-rooted problems.</p>
<p>A historic <a href="https://www.sunderland.gov.uk/article/29488/4-2bn-North-East-devolution-deal-gets-local-approval">£4.2bn devolution deal</a>, which will bring together seven councils under an elected <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2024_North_East_mayoral_election">mayor of the North East</a> in May 2024, is the latest attempt to address some of the deep geographical inequalities that disfigure and disenfranchise large areas of England.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, much of English local government is experiencing immense financial pressures, with large councils such as <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-birmingham-67053587">Birmingham</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/nov/29/nottingham-city-council-wasnt-reckless-it-was-hollowed-out-by-austerity">Nottingham</a> declaring themselves at risk of bankruptcy while others <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/spotlight/economic-growth/regional-development/2023/07/council-rescue-package-finance-bankruptcy">teeter on the edge of a financial cliff</a>. In many parts of England, it is <a href="https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/publications/devolving-english-government/">increasingly unclear</a> who local residents should hold accountable for public service provision – in part due to the amount of outsourcing to the private sector that has become routine.</p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/288776/original/file-20190820-170910-8bv1s7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/288776/original/file-20190820-170910-8bv1s7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288776/original/file-20190820-170910-8bv1s7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288776/original/file-20190820-170910-8bv1s7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288776/original/file-20190820-170910-8bv1s7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288776/original/file-20190820-170910-8bv1s7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/288776/original/file-20190820-170910-8bv1s7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><strong><em>This article is part of Conversation Insights</em></strong>
<br><em>The Insights team generates <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/insights-series-71218">long-form journalism</a> derived from interdisciplinary research. The team is working with academics from different backgrounds who have been engaged in projects aimed at tackling societal and scientific challenges.</em></p>
<hr>
<p>“Take Back Control” was the slogan of the Vote Leave campaign leading up to the Brexit referendum of September 2016. It may not be a coincidence that the country which played the key arithmetical role in determining its outcome – England – was the only one where devolution had not been introduced, and where many non-metropolitan residents felt their views and interests counted for little in the citadels of democratic government. </p>
<p>Since then, more years of political turbulence, economic shocks intensified by the COVID pandemic, and the government’s <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/committee/17/levelling-up-housing-and-communities-committee/news/195434/levelling-up-policy-will-fail-without-longterm-substantive-funding-for-councils-say-mps/">failure to “level up”</a> as pledged, have combined to erode the allegiance and goodwill of many of its citizens. What this means for the future of a UK union-state model that has rested, to a considerable degree, upon English assent is likely to become one of the key political – and constitutional – issues of our time.</p>
<h2>What is English devolution for?</h2>
<p>In fact, the idea of establishing a new layer of government between Whitehall and England’s complicated network of local councils has engaged the attention of successive governments since the 1960s. But questions about the form, scope and functions of this “middle” layer gradually turned into a party-political football, with governments of different colours inclined to reverse the arrangements put in place by their predecessor. And the wider democratic ambition hinted at by the term “devolution” was largely absent from these reforms.</p>
<p>Whereas in Scotland and Wales, devolution was long ago couched in terms of democratic advance and national self-determination, in England it was largely regarded as a mere extension of central government’s approach to regional policy-making – and even the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/5fe17864-ae02-11e4-919e-00144feab7de">advent of elected “metro mayors”</a> did little to change this view. But now, politicians from both main political parties have come to believe in a new, sub-national model that can be badged as England’s own version of devolution.</p>
<p>A spate of deals involving the voluntary combining of different councils were announced in 2022, including for <a href="https://www.northyorks.gov.uk/your-council/devolution">North Yorkshire</a>, the East Midlands and the North East, and again in Chancellor Jeremy Hunt’s 2023 <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/autumn-statement-2023-speech">autumn statement</a> for Lancashire, Greater Lincolnshire and <a href="https://www.prolificnorth.co.uk/news/autumn-statement-devolution-for-hull-tax-cuts-for-unemployed-500m-for-innovation-centres-and-ai-but-weaker-growth-predicted/#:%7E:text=and%20Jeremy%20Hunt-,Autumn%20statement%3A%20Devolution%20for%20Hull%2C%20NI%20cuts%20for%20all%2C,AI%2C%20but%20weaker%20growth%20predicted&text=Hull%20City%20Council%20and%20East,Chancellor%20Jeremy%20Hunt's%20autumn%20statement.">East Yorkshire</a>. And a report by Labour’s <a href="https://labour.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Commission-on-the-UKs-Future.pdf">Commission on the UK’s Future</a>, chaired by former prime minister Gordon Brown, signalled that the party should <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/comment/brown-commission-constitutional-reform">extend the current government’s programme</a> of English devolution.</p>
<p>This idea lay at the heart of Boris Johnson’s ambitious programme while he was prime minister for addressing the deep disparities in productivity and social outcomes that exist in England, to which he gave the grand but elusive title “levelling up”. This plan – set out in a <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/62e7a429d3bf7f75af0923f3/Executive_Summary.pdf">lengthy white paper</a> in February 2022 – seems, for the most part, to have fallen by the wayside now that Johnson has left the political stage. But it still marked an important staging post in the journey of the once-niche idea of English devolution. Both main political parties have signed up to this principle and have indicated they will create more devolved authorities should they win the next general election.</p>
<p>Advocates sometimes point to an extensive – though hotly contested – body of research on the positive consequences for local economies of taking policy decisions at levels closer to the people they affect. One influential theoretical support for this idea highlights what economists call the “<a href="https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Opportunities-for-tacit-knowledge-transfer-within-a-Moloney/f1a8daa5aea06468c03a1a7142c2122661a1a281">tacit knowledge</a>” about a place, which is often vital to understanding the particular policies and initiatives that are likely to yield most benefit there.</p>
<p>What can be said with more confidence is that a lot hinges on the quality of the institutions that are created, and <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/00323217221136666">how well funded they are</a>.</p>
<p>Others argue that a more decentralised system of political authority is more likely to win the allegiance of, and secure more engagement from, people throughout England – in a context where <a href="https://www.ippr.org/blog/freefall-how-a-year-of-chaos-has-undermined-trust-in-politics">trust in the UK’s political class has plummeted</a>, where <a href="https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/publications/devolving-english-government/">MPs are less popular</a> than local councillors, and where there is widespread disenchantment with the perceived bias of central government towards London and the south-east. </p>
<p>However, to what extent does the record of England’s existing “<a href="https://www.centreforcities.org/publication/everything-need-know-metro-mayors/#whois">metro mayors</a>” support this case?</p>
<h2>‘King of the north’</h2>
<p>When the mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham, <a href="https://twitter.com/Femi_Sorry/status/1318576386949468164?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1318582661317824515%7Ctwgr%5Ed6e9e68efd3b3c853ef8fce56165ad44c52f62c3%7Ctwcon%5Es3_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.mirror.co.uk%2Fnews%2Fpolitics%2Fking-north-andy-burnham-labelled-22878379">staged an impromptu press conference</a> in the street outside Manchester town hall to protest against the local lockdown that the UK government wanted to introduce in the north-west of England in October 2020, his stance received considerable local support – to the extent that he briefly <a href="https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/politics/king-north-andy-burnham-labelled-22878379">acquired the nickname</a> “king of the north”. Since his election as mayor in May 2017, Burnham has led a number of high-profile initiatives on issues such as <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/mayor-hails-pioneering-housing-scheme-that-transformed-homelessness-response-in-greater-manchester-as-number-of-people-on-streets-falls-further/">homelessness</a>, and overseen the integration of health and local social care services.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/JjV3oNutyfY?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Andy Burnham’s impromptu press conference outside Manchester town hall.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Similarly, it is unlikely that a backbench MP would have been able to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/oct/04/tory-mayor-andy-street-considering-quitting-over-rishi-sunak-hs2-u-turn">wrest concessions</a> from a prime minister as did the Conservative mayor of the West Midlands, Andy Street, after he made public his <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/business/2023/09/27/hs2-route-scaled-back-jeopardise-investment-andy-street/">opposition to Rishi Sunak’s decision to cancel the HS2 rail project</a> in September 2023.</p>
<p>While the responsibilities held by England’s metro mayors are, by international standards, pretty limited, they are at times able to deploy what political scientists term the “soft power” that comes from being the acknowledged leader of, and voice for, a locality. They also tend to be more independent of their own party machines than MPs are, going out of their way, when it suits them, to dissent from their parties’ London-based leaderships.</p>
<p>But it would be unwise to get too starry-eyed about a system that relies so heavily on soft power rather than the allocation of formal responsibilities. The absence of an elected legislature tasked with scrutinising and legitimating the work of these leaders – who are typically, and often not very effectively, held to account by local council leaders – is a significant further constraint on their ability to act as democratically legitimate changemakers.</p>
<p>This is very different to the model established in London, which had its <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/article/explainer/mayor-london-and-london-assembly">own government restored</a> by the first government of Tony Blair in 1999 following a city-wide referendum. The Greater London Authority is made up of elected representatives whose job it is to scrutinise the elected mayor, currently Sadiq Khan, and his administration. </p>
<p>In contrast, metro mayors elsewhere in England – tasked with delivering policies and overseeing funding allocations in areas of priority set by central government – are typically frustrated by the limits imposed on their own agency. Nor do they have the fiscal tools, both in terms of raising revenue and borrowing against financial assets, that are typical of many city and regional governments outside the UK.</p>
<p>The idea of having mini-parliaments across England’s regions, on a par with the legislatures established in Scotland and Wales, was dealt a fatal blow in 2004. During the course of the Blair governments, his long-time deputy prime minister, John Prescott, had pressed for the gradual conversion of the English regional development agencies Labour had created into a form of elected regional administration. But this died a very public death when <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2004/nov/05/regionalgovernment.politics">voters in the north-east overwhelmingly rejected the idea</a> – despite having been selected as the region most likely to support it.</p>
<p>Twenty years on, the suite of new city-regional authorities being created risks deepening the existing cleavage between England’s major cities and those parts of the country without a large urban metropole. Indeed, some of the devolution agreements recently announced had been stalled for years by the unwillingness of particular authorities to participate in these initiatives. The deal encompassing the cities of the north-east, for example, was held up for years by the refusal of Durham County Council to join its larger urban neighbours.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/inspiring-the-devolution-generation-in-greater-manchester-75790">Inspiring the ‘devolution generation’ in Greater Manchester</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The idea that establishing leadership at the level of a large city and its surrounding hinterland can improve the quality of democratic life, and create a more responsive layer of government, remains appealing for many, despite the unsteady emergence of this model in England.</p>
<p>However, amid attempts by UK politicians and administrators to present this as equivalent to the clearer and more robust forms of governance introduced in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, another important question has emerged. Namely, whether the English have come to feel some jealousy and suspicion about these new forms of government established outside England – and less enthusiasm for the union as a whole.</p>
<h2>A national grievance?</h2>
<p>The idea that England and the English need to be recognised as a distinct national entities within a multi-national union has more popular resonance in an era when debates over sovereignty, national identity and self-determination have become integral to political life</p>
<p>For some, this imperative arises from the belief that changes associated with devolution elsewhere have served to put the English majority at a disadvantage. Some express this in financial terms, arguing that England’s taxpayers have been funding the <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/article/explainer/barnett-formula">more generous per-capita settlements</a> awarded to Northern Ireland and Scotland. Others see it as a reflection of the <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-english-nationhood-9780198778721?cc=gb&lang=en&">revealed preference of the British political establishment</a> to appease those living in these areas, by awarding their inhabitants additional political rights while neglecting the inhabitants of England’s non-metropolitan areas.</p>
<p>Following the establishment of new parliaments in Belfast, Edinburgh and Cardiff, and the absence of any such model for England, the idea that these reforms have created an imbalance which <a href="https://www.democraticaudit.com/2013/08/15/unfinished-devolution-has-created-constitutional-imbalances-in-the-uk/">puts the largest part of the UK at a disadvantage</a> has become a familiar political sentiment. This was particularly salient when the ability of MPs sitting in Scottish and Welsh seats to vote on contentious legislative proposals that applied only to England became a <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/research/research-archive/nations-regions-archive/english-question">controversial political issue</a> – as in 2004, when the Blair government introduced <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/research/key-issues-for-the-new-parliament/value-for-money-in-public-services/funding-higher-education/#:%7E:text=As%20a%20result%20of%20the,2004%20Act%20was%20highly%20controversial.">controversial legislation</a> requiring students at English universities to pay some of their tuition costs.</p>
<p>The constitutional problem created by this imbalance had been aired in parliament by a number of MPs and members of the House of Lords when devolution was first introduced in the late 1990s. Some argued that one of the unintended effects of these changes might be to engender a feeling of national grievance – perhaps even a reactive nationalism – among the English. But for the most part, this prospect was ignored or scoffed at by politicians from both main political parties.</p>
<p>Soon after the new parliaments were established, however, the question of how reforms elsewhere would affect England – and whether it too needed a mechanism to signal the consent of its MPs to legislation that only affected England – moved into the political mainstream. Some campaigners and MPs suggested that only the <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/sites/constitution-unit/files/179-options-for-an-english-parliament.pdf">establishment of an equivalent English parliament</a> could address the profound imbalance created by the devolution granted to the other UK countries.</p>
<p>In 2015, the David Cameron-led Conservative government introduced a new set of rules for dealing with those parts of legislation that related to England only. Known by the acronym <a href="http://evel.uk/how-does-evel-work/">EVEL</a> (short for “English vote for English laws”), these reforms proved <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/sites/constitution-unit/files/EVEL_Report_A4_FINAL.pdf">immensely complicated to operate</a> and elicited little enthusiasm among MPs, while being almost unknown to the wider public. They were quietly abolished by Johnson’s Tory government in 2020.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/tory-votes-for-tory-laws-camerons-evel-plan-to-cut-out-the-opposition-44246">Tory votes for Tory Laws? Cameron's EVEL plan to cut out the opposition</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>While the idea of remaking the UK along federal lines, with each part of the state having its own parliament for domestic legislation, enjoys some support and may grow in appeal, Britain’s politicians and the vast majority of its constitutional experts remain decidedly cool towards this idea. They believe that pushing in this direction could lead to the dissolution of the UK given the preponderant size and wealth of England – meaning it would have a disproportionate amount of influence within a federated UK.</p>
<p>Such a reform is unwarranted on this view, because England is already the most powerful and important part of the UK governing system, with an overwhelming majority of MPs sitting in English seats. But once the question of how and where England sits within the UK’s increasingly discordant union was raised, it would never be easy to put it back into obscurity.</p>
<h2>‘When will we get a vote?’</h2>
<p>According to some <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/englishness-9780198870784?cc=gb&lang=en&">survey evidence</a>, the people in England most likely to believe their country is losing out in the UK’s current devolution settlement are those most inclined to feel that central government is too distant from – and neglectful of – their lives. They were also the most likely to vote to get the UK out of the EU in 2016.</p>
<p>This sentiment was already a sensitive political topic by the mid-2000s, when Conservative MPs became concerned about the implications of devolution elsewhere for the English, while their Labour counterparts typically preferred to hymn the virtues of regional devolution, particularly in northern England. But how the English and their political representatives felt about these issues took on new relevance during the Scottish independence referendum of 2014.</p>
<p>Towards the end of this contest, an announcement of further devolution to Scotland was made in the form of a <a href="https://www.itv.com/news/wales/update/2015-01-22/the-vow-to-scotlands-been-kept-claims-cameron/">much-trumpeted “vow”</a> endorsed by the leaders of the Conservative, Labour and Lib Dem parties. Whether this promise of new powers for the Scottish government made any difference to the outcome of this historic poll is highly debatable. But what was notable was the hostile reaction it elicited in different parts of England – including on the part of many Tory MPs towards their prime minister. Such was the level of annoyance it stirred, Cameron was compelled to hold a gathering at his country retreat, Chequers, to assuage the mutinous mood of these backbenchers.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk/sites/default/files/migrated/news/Both%20England%20and%20Wales%20oppose%20Scottish%20Independence.pdf">Surveys have suggested</a> that a sizeable minority of the English held strong views about the outcome of the Scottish referendum – with about 20% of respondents happy for the Scots to go, and around the same number worried about the impact of Scotland leaving the UK. But another sentiment was palpable at this time. “When will we get a vote?” was a question I recall being put to me again and again by English audience members at various panel discussions over the summer of 2014. Behind it lay a sense of frustration that, in comparison with the Scots, the English were being left disenfranchised as their allegiance to the governing order was taken for granted.</p>
<p>The contrast between the narrow terms in which the “English question” was framed at Westminster and the growing appeal of powerful ideas about sovereignty, democratic control and national self-determination in this period is striking. And it formed an important prelude to the rebellion of the English majority in the Brexit referendum of 2016 when, finally, they were given a vote on an issue of constitutional importance, with profound economic and societal results.</p>
<p>Despite all that’s since been said about that Brexit vote and its impacts, the question of what happens when a national majority becomes more restive about the multinational arrangements in which it sits demands further consideration in this context. As I argue in my new book, <a href="https://www.hurstpublishers.com/book/fractured-union/">Fractured Union</a>, the future prospects of the UK’s union may even depend on it.</p>
<h2>A lesson from history?</h2>
<p>One – perhaps slightly unexpected – international example worth considering here is Czechoslovakia, which split into the separate states of the Czech Republic and Slovakia on January 1 1993. Despite many differences in context – not least its long history of rule by the Communist party, and the centrifugal dynamics let loose by the party’s disintegration in 1989 – aspects of this story are highly relevant to the current situation facing the Anglo-Scottish Union in particular.</p>
<p>The break-up of Czechoslovakia did not emanate directly from nationalist demands among the populace, but was significantly determined by decisions made at the political level. Just six months prior to the vote, support for the option of splitting Czechoslovakia into two wholly independent states was as low as 16% in both parts of the country. And there is every chance that a referendum on this issue (which came close to happening) would have produced a majority for the continuation of the status quo.</p>
<p>Two decades earlier, in 1968, new legislation established to protect the Slovaks from being dominated by the Czech majority held that constitutional and other important laws had to be passed on the basis of “special majorities”. These provisions were the source of constant grumbling and some resentment on the Czech side, being perceived as anti-democratic checks upon the will of the majority.</p>
<p>Under the political control of the Communist party, these differences were overridden by the party’s interest in the preservation of the wider state. But once Communism ended and a democratic model was introduced, friction between ideas of Slovakian sovereignty and the imperatives of a federal state model accentuated the underlying tensions between these nations and the parliaments where they were represented. In some echo of the Anglo-Scottish situation, many Czechs resented a perceived imbalance at the scale of representation of the Slovaks within the federal government, and <a href="https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/903">questioned the disproportionate transfer of resources</a> to the poorer Slovakian territory.</p>
<p>Despite extended and fraught negotiations over the constitutional framework, the gulf in the constitutional outlooks of politicians from these territories was considerable, with both sets espousing entirely different constitutional perspectives. Agreement was finally reached on a new federal framework in November 1991, but this deal was voted down by the Slovak parliament. Its Czech equivalent thereafter declared that further negotiation with the Slovak side would be pointless.</p>
<p>At the parliamentary elections of June 1992, the main winners in both territories were the political parties least inclined to compromise with the other side. Having given up on negotiations, and with the prospect of a referendum in Slovakia on its future within the state having been abandoned too, the Czech government moved towards the idea of a <a href="https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/913">speedy and complete division</a>.</p>
<h2>Could it happen in the UK?</h2>
<p>Czechoslovakia’s split throws into relief the key role politicians can play in moments of constitutional crisis, as well as the corrosive effect of <a href="https://www.karlobasta.com/symbolic-state">feelings of neglect and unfairness among a national majority</a> that can build up over time. It highlights, too, the challenge of sustaining a union when politicians at central and sub-state levels hold irreconcilable constitutional worldviews, and are fishing for votes in different territorial ponds.</p>
<p>Is it conceivable that some British politicians could, at some point, seek advantage by mobilising an appeal to the English majority against the claims and complaints of the smaller nations in the UK? And might the emergence of public scepticism within parts of the Tory party towards the models of devolved government in Cardiff and Edinburgh be understood as the first signs of such a dynamic?</p>
<p>There have already been moments in the recent political past when the appeal to the defence of neglected English interests has been politically powerful – for instance, during the 2015 general election campaign when the Conservatives deployed images of Labour’s leader, Ed Miliband, sitting in the pocket of the SNP’s leader, Nicola Sturgeon. And this may well recur as a theme in future Westminster elections, particularly if the SNP is able to recover from its current downturn.</p>
<p>However, in the longer run, what will do most to determine how the disaffected inhabitants of “provincial” England feel about devolution – and the lure of greater recognition and protection for English interests – is the quality of governance, service provision and economic opportunity they experience.</p>
<p>In recent years, despite the introduction of metro mayors, there has been little success in closing the regional gaps which “levelling up” was designed to address, and there is a real prospect of yet more local authorities going bankrupt. It would be little wonder, then, if the calls for greater priority to be paid to the concerns of the English heartland grow louder in years to come.</p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=112&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=112&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=112&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/313478/original/file-20200204-41481-1n8vco4.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><em>For you: more from our <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/insights-series-71218?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Insights series</a>:</em></p>
<ul>
<li><p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/freedom-of-thought-is-being-threatened-by-states-big-tech-and-even-ourselves-heres-what-we-can-do-to-protect-it-220266?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Freedom of thought is being threatened by states, big tech and even ourselves. Here’s what we can do to protect it
</a></em></p></li>
<li><p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/mr-bates-vs-the-post-office-depicts-one-of-the-uks-worst-miscarriages-of-justice-heres-why-so-many-victims-didnt-speak-out-220513?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Mr Bates vs The Post Office depicts one of the UK’s worst miscarriages of justice: here’s why so many victims didn’t speak out
</a></em></p></li>
<li><p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/politics-urgently-needs-more-imagination-competence-alone-will-not-save-us-from-this-polycrisis-193886?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK">Politics urgently needs more imagination. Competence alone will not save us from this ‘polycrisis’
</a></em></p></li>
</ul>
<p><em>To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/newsletters/the-daily-newsletter-2?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKengagement&utm_content=InsightsUK"><strong>Subscribe to our newsletter</strong></a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220616/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michael Kenny receives funding from the British Academy and (previously) the Economic and Social Research Council. His latest book is Fractured Union: Politics, Sovereignty and the Fight to Save the UK (Hurst, January 2024).
</span></em></p>Years of political turbulence, economic shocks and the failure to ‘level up’ as pledged have turned English devolution into a key political and constitutional issueMichael Kenny, Professor of Public Policy, Department of Politics and International Studies, University of CambridgeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2198872023-12-15T14:54:55Z2023-12-15T14:54:55ZMark Drakeford: what the resignation of Wales’ first minister means for the country and the Labour party<p>This week, Mark Drakeford announced his <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-67702232">resignation</a> as Wales’ first minister after five years as leader. Back in 2018, Drakeford built his <a href="https://skwawkbox.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/manifesto-english-print.pdf">leadership bid</a> on a platform of “21st-century socialism”. As the manifesto reveals, the mantra was rooted in the ideas of “the radical tradition of Welsh socialism”, which would drive the creation of “a more equal, fair and just society”. </p>
<p>While it’s difficult to assess his legacy so soon, it is worth reflecting on whether these initial aims have been achieved. And what does Drakeford’s departure mean for the future of Wales and the Labour party?</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1734924883669197043"}"></div></p>
<p>Arguably, the COVID-19 pandemic was the defining feature of Mark Drakeford’s tenure. During this period, Drakeford raised the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2021/may/04/covid-crisis-makes-mark-drakeford-most-recognisable-leader-in-22-years-of-welsh-devolution">profile</a> of devolution in Wales to the rest of the UK. His measured and cautious approach to the pandemic was <a href="https://nation.cymru/news/sunday-times-declares-mark-drakeford-comfortably-the-most-popular-uk-leader/">popular</a> and a <a href="https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/politics/democracy-uk-voting-reform-votes-28283666">stark contrast</a> to that of Boris Johnson. </p>
<p>This popularity was reinforced when Drakeford led Welsh Labour to a decisive victory in the 2021 Senedd <a href="https://research.senedd.wales/research-articles/election-results-2021-what-s-changed/">election</a>. It further extended the party’s more than 100 years of electoral dominance in Wales.</p>
<p>In June this year, Drakeford <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/more-senedd-members-among-mark-drakefords-top-priorities-for-next-12-months-as-conservatives-blast-out-of-touch-plans-12910448">emphasised</a> Senedd reform as one of his <a href="https://www.gov.wales/senedd-reform">priorities</a>, including increasing the number of Senedd members. That is potentially a hard sell to the public, but Drakeford saw it as a “once in a generation” opportunity.</p>
<p>While the Welsh pandemic response appeared to be popular, Drakeford’s government is certainly not immune to criticism. Serious questions hang over the consequences of certain Welsh government COVID <a href="https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/politics/welsh-government-coronavirus-covid-mistakes-21107573">measures</a>. To compound this, the rejection of a Wales-specific COVID inquiry has led to <a href="https://nation.cymru/news/first-minister-urged-to-right-a-wrong-and-commit-to-wales-covid-inquiry/">accusations</a> that Drakeford is shying away from scrutiny.</p>
<p>More recently, the Welsh government has faced significant <a href="https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/swansea-20mph-welsh-government-confusing-27941424">backlash</a> over its <a href="https://theconversation.com/wales-residential-speed-limit-is-dropping-to-20mph-heres-how-it-should-affect-accidents-and-journey-times-210989">policy</a> to drop the residential speed limit to 20mph, which appears to have led to <a href="https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/politics/discontent-grows-towards-mark-drakeford-28157637">concern</a> even within Labour ranks.</p>
<p>When it comes to achieving 21st-century socialism, five years on and in nearly all measures – health, poverty, education – Wales is struggling. The Welsh government’s ambitions have been hamstrung by a lack of <a href="https://www.gov.wales/written-statement-welsh-government-response-uk-autumn-statement-2023">funding</a>, the confines of Wales’ devolved powers and the extreme circumstances of a global pandemic. And while these constraints cannot be ignored, the rhetoric of 21st-century socialism is not being met in reality.</p>
<h2>Wales and Westminster</h2>
<p>Drakeford’s legacy leads to questions concerning the future relationship between Welsh and UK Labour. Central to Drakeford’s <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13691481231158296">rhetoric</a> during his tenure was to position Welsh Labour as the <a href="https://policymogul.com/key-updates/31452/mark-drakeford-s-speech-to-the-labour-party-conference">defender</a> of Welsh interests against a harmful Conservative government. </p>
<p>With the potential of Labour governments in both Cardiff and London, this line of argument may soon come under pressure. Starmer has been <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-67608097">clear</a> that the economy is simply not in a position for public spending to be significantly increased. </p>
<p>The Welsh and UK parties are also <a href="https://nation.cymru/news/welsh-labour-deputy-leader-says-she-doesnt-want-policing-devolved-to-wales/">at odds</a> when it comes to the future of the union and the UK constitution.</p>
<p>If a Starmer government takes a different view on the constitution, or if the spending taps are not turned on sufficiently, would the new Welsh Labour leader seek to build a closer relationship with Starmer? Or, if competing agendas emerge, will the “<a href="https://sochealth.co.uk/the-socialist-health-association/sha-country-and-branch-organisation/sha-wales/clear-red-water/">clear red water</a>” between Welsh and UK Labour become choppier? Any new Welsh Labour leader will need to deal with these potential issues.</p>
<p>The phrase “clear red water” is a legacy of Drakeford’s that stretches back to before he became first minister. As special advisor to former first minister Rhodri Morgan in 2002, Drakeford coined it to mark the Welsh approach to policy making as distinct to new Labour, based on classic Labour principles and rooted in nationally bounded <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0952076712455821?casa_token=5-5e05bH1v4AAAAA%3AZQj1ky-kb3Jk61ha3dZnmfO03wBy0VRDXNRTY0X3aeixkdm3xV_51PRz4HHdnCqlkNF-Ui_pX5iO">politics</a>. </p>
<p>The saying has almost become a cliché by now, but if Labour wins the next general election, Drakeford’s successor will need to take inspiration from its purpose of emphasising the distinctive needs of Wales. </p>
<p>Drakeford made people across the UK take notice of Wales and devolution during the pandemic. Whichever phrase is deployed next – 21st-century socialism, clear red water, the Welsh way – the next Welsh Labour leader will need to fight Wales’ corner within their own party.</p>
<h2>The future of 21st-century socialism</h2>
<p>Drakeford stressed throughout his time as first minister that 21st-century socialism could only be achieved through practical action. His methodical and calm <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/dec/14/england-chaos-boris-johnson-wales-mark-drayford-wales-legacy">approach</a> to governance has won him supporters both within and beyond the Labour party. </p>
<p>However, whether due to the nature of devolution, the lack of funding, the impact of the pandemic or the limitations of Welsh Labour’s programme for government, the 21st-century socialism Drakeford promised has not materialised.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/universal-basic-income-wales-is-set-to-end-its-experiment-why-we-think-thats-a-mistake-218206">Universal basic income: Wales is set to end its experiment – why we think that’s a mistake</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>It is unlikely that the next leader will articulate their vision in the same way as Drakeford, who tried to root himself within Welsh Labour traditions. But if they are serious about pursuing progressive policies, they will need to be bold in tackling the challenges plaguing Wales today. </p>
<p>They will need to be innovative in their approach to public policy and the economy, and forthright in demanding adequate funding from the UK government, no matter which party is in power at Westminster.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/219887/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nye Davies does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>What does the future hold for Wales and Welsh Labour in the wake of Drakeford’s resignation?Nye Davies, Lecturer in Politics, Cardiff UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2116862023-11-15T17:44:31Z2023-11-15T17:44:31ZHow the Welsh language is being promoted to help migrants feel at home<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/550026/original/file-20230925-22-4zy1hu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=43%2C0%2C4819%2C3174&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Welsh government has announced plans to make Wales a 'nation of sanctuary'.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/second-severn-crossing-wales-november-2018-1229207257">Ceri Breeze/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>You can read this article in <a href="https://theconversation.com/maer-gymraeg-yn-cael-ei-defnyddio-i-annog-ymfudwyr-i-deimlon-gartrefol-217503">Welsh</a>.</em></p>
<p>The UK government alone decides who can enter the country and how migration and asylum policies are made. But devolved governments have scope to use <a href="https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/CBP-8599/CBP-8599.pdf">their powers</a> in fields such as housing, education, health and social services to shape the nature of the support that is subsequently offered to new arrivals.</p>
<p>In recent years, the Welsh government has <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369183X.2023.2198809">looked for ways</a> to use its powers to help refugees and migrants integrate into Welsh society, taking into account the role of the Welsh language. </p>
<p>Overall, this is an approach that seeks to create a welcoming and supportive environment in Wales. It contrasts with the UK government’s commitment to <a href="https://migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/resources/briefings/long-term-international-migration-flows-to-and-from-the-uk/">reducing net migration</a> and to create a “<a href="https://inews.co.uk/news/politics/what-is-hostile-environment-theresa-may-windrush-eu-citizens-legal-immigrants-145067">hostile environment</a>” for refugees and asylum seekers.</p>
<p>The most prominent step taken to date was the publication of the Welsh government’s <a href="https://www.gov.wales/refugee-and-asylum-seeker-plan-nation-sanctuary">plan in 2019</a>, which set out measures aimed at turning Wales into a “<a href="https://www.gov.wales/written-statement-wales-nation-sanctuary">nation of sanctuary</a>”.</p>
<p>However, another significant – but less obvious – aspect of the Welsh government’s work are the steps taken to ensure that the Welsh language plays a more prominent role in the process of welcoming migrants and refugees.</p>
<p>Reflecting on this work, <a href="https://www.gov.wales/jane-hutt-ms">Jane Hutt</a>, Wales’ social justice minister, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/cymrufyw/64811421">has argued</a> that the Welsh language could become “an extremely powerful integration tool”.</p>
<h2>Hospitality and integration</h2>
<p>The shift to viewing the Welsh language as a resource that can facilitate integration is evident when tracing the evolution of English for speakers of other languages (ESOL) provision in Wales.</p>
<p>In 2013, the formal link between ESOL provision and the process of gaining UK citizenship was <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/tougher-language-requirements-announced-for-british-citizenship">unpicked</a> by the then Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government.</p>
<p>An unforeseen consequence of this reform was that it created an opportunity to initiate a distinct approach to language education for migrants in Wales. Hence, a year later, the Welsh government published its first <a href="https://www.gov.wales/english-speakers-other-languages-esol-policy-statement">ESOL policy for Wales</a>. It was the first of its kind to be developed by any of the UK’s four governments.</p>
<p>The original ESOL policy did not make a link between the Welsh language and linguistic integration. But a <a href="https://www.gov.wales/sites/default/files/publications/2019-11/english-for-speakers-of-other-languages-esol-policy-wales.pdf">later iteration</a>, published in 2019, called on ESOL providers in Wales “to integrate the Welsh language into their classes”. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/esol-english-classes-are-crucial-for-migrant-integration-yet-challenges-remain-unaddressed-204415">Esol English classes are crucial for migrant integration, yet challenges remain unaddressed</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>This was deemed necessary as the “the Welsh language can be a valuable skill in the workplace”. And also because learning Welsh can facilitate “social integration”, particularly in “predominantly Welsh speaking communities”.</p>
<p>Coinciding with this, the <a href="https://learnwelsh.cymru/learn-welsh-with-us-croeso-i-bawb/">National Centre for Learning Welsh</a> worked in partnership with <a href="https://www.adultlearning.wales/cym">Adult Learning Wales</a>, the umbrella organisation for adult education providers across Wales, to develop a novel Welsh for speakers of other languages (WSOL) provision. Introduced for the first time in 2019, <em><a href="https://learnwelsh.cymru/learn-welsh-with-us-croeso-i-bawb/">Croeso i Bawb</a></em> (“Welcome to Everyone”) is a bespoke course that aims to introduce the Welsh language to migrants and refugees.</p>
<p>A Welsh government-commissioned <a href="https://www.gov.wales/sites/default/files/publications/2023-07/review-english-speakers-other-languages-esol-policy-wales.pdf">review</a> of ESOL provision in Wales this year reiterated the value of introducing Welsh for promoting a sense of belonging. The review also called for the National Centre for Learning Welsh to be integrated fully into existing educational networks that work to support migrants in Wales. </p>
<h2>Implications</h2>
<p>It is important not to overstate the scale of these changes. Overall, English remains the primary medium of integration for the majority of immigrants and refugees settling in Wales.</p>
<p>Yet the increasing emphasis on the Welsh language in integration efforts reinforces the sense of a distinctive Welsh approach to welcoming migrants and refugees. The new WSOL provision <a href="https://wales.britishcouncil.org/en/blog/migrants-multilingualism-and-welsh-language">challenges</a> the monolingual image of life in the UK and promotes multilingualism and multiculturalism. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/qgjVx8bTMfg?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Adult Learning Wales’ information on WSOL.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Other <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10993-019-09517-0">research</a> suggests that learning Welsh can enhance the employment opportunities of migrants and refugees. It can also facilitate their ability to access a variety of new social networks. </p>
<p>But if there is to be a serious effort to offer a route to integration, it will not be sufficient to merely focus on offering formal opportunities to learn the Welsh language, important as that may be.</p>
<p>Policymakers and activists should consider other ways to make Welsh language learning more accessible. Providing opportunities for learners to interact socially through the medium of Welsh is also vital.</p>
<p>While the UK government seems set to continue emphasising English as the only way to integrate successfully, the current evidence suggests that Wales wants a different, more multilingual vision.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/211686/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>This article has benefited from financial support offered by the Independent Social Research Foundation (ISRF) as part of a project on the ethics of linguistic integration.
</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mike Chick is affiliated with the Welsh Refugee Council as a Trustee.</span></em></p>The Welsh government has taken steps to ensure that the Welsh language plays a more prominent role in welcoming refugees and migrants.Huw Lewis, Senior Lecturer in Politics, Aberystwyth UniversityGwennan Higham, Senior Lecturer in Welsh, Swansea UniversityMike Chick, Senior Lecturer in TESOL/English, University of South WalesLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2153792023-10-12T10:34:49Z2023-10-12T10:34:49ZThe cost of living crisis can’t wait for the next election: three key issues the UK government needs to tackle now<p>Speakers at the 2023 Labour party conference have rightly addressed <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/oct/10/five-key-points-from-keir-starmers-speech">the economic insecurity</a> affecting families across the UK. As winter approaches, many are at breaking point. One week earlier, however, the Conservatives were notably quiet on this point. And yet, the government’s <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/economy/inflationandpriceindices/articles/costoflivinginsights/food">own statistics</a> show that four in ten adults are struggling with rent or mortgage payments and are buying less food when shopping. </p>
<p>The government has implemented a range of measures to support people facing rising costs. These include direct support to households through the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/energy-bills-support/energy-bills-support-factsheet-8-september-2022">energy price guarantee</a>, and <a href="https://www.gov.uk/guidance/cost-of-living-payment">cost of living payments</a> to households in receipt of eligible benefits. Other initiatives – the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/cost-living-help-local-council">household support fund</a> and <a href="https://www.gov.uk/guidance/council-tax-rebate-factsheet">council tax energy rebates</a> – have been devolved to local authorities to roll out. </p>
<p>Our <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/media/policyengine/costoflivingresearchgroup/Cost%20of%20Living%20report%20(5)%20(1).pdf">new research</a> combines evidence collated since 2022, through projects in the University of York’s <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/policy-engine/cost-of-living/#:%7E:text=Chaired%20by%20Professor%20Kate%20Pickett,Equality%20and%20Health%20and%20Wellbeing.">Cost of Living Research Group</a>. In particular, we are conducting <a href="https://changingrealities.org/">collaborative research</a> with more than 100 families on low incomes based across the UK, along with analysis of national statistics and surveys of over 700 local councillors. </p>
<p>Our findings show that these governmental interventions have not helped the country’s most vulnerable people. They point to three crucial issues that need to be addressed: <a href="https://theconversation.com/poverty-in-britain-is-firmly-linked-to-the-countrys-mountain-of-private-wealth-labour-must-address-this-growing-inequality-212741">child poverty</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-uk-economys-covid-bounceback-was-stronger-than-we-thought-but-heres-why-people-are-still-feeling-financial-pain-212947">fuel poverty</a>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/austerity-gutted-the-welfare-state-preserving-benefits-now-cant-make-up-for-that-193360">local authority welfare funding</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Children in school uniform with backpacks." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553272/original/file-20231011-24-y5diez.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553272/original/file-20231011-24-y5diez.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553272/original/file-20231011-24-y5diez.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553272/original/file-20231011-24-y5diez.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553272/original/file-20231011-24-y5diez.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553272/original/file-20231011-24-y5diez.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/553272/original/file-20231011-24-y5diez.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">280,000 children are impacted by the cap on benefits.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/multicultural-children-asian-indian-chinese-caucasian-1738679645">Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Child poverty</h2>
<p>The pandemic and cost of living crisis have exposed weaknesses in the UK’s social security system, opened up by over a <a href="https://wbg.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/SOCIAL-SECURITY-2019.pdf">decade of cuts</a>. Children in the poorest households are <a href="https://www.thenhsa.co.uk/app/uploads/2023/01/COTN-APPG.pdf">bearing the brunt</a> of this failing safety net. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.gov.uk/benefit-cap">benefit cap</a> and <a href="https://www.gov.uk/guidance/claiming-benefits-for-2-or-more-children">two-child limit</a>, which restricted the support provided through tax credits and universal credit to two children per household, were key contributors to rising child poverty throughout the 2010s, predominantly affecting <a href="https://largerfamilies.study/">larger families</a>. One in ten children (1.5 million) now live in households affected by the two-child limit. The benefit cap, meanwhile, has affected the lives of 280,000 children. Some 32,000 households – 110,000 children – have their income limited by both. </p>
<p>The people we spoke with explained how living in poverty has affected their whole families. One respondent, Lili, said: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Scrimping like this does have a negative effect on us all … I wake up in the night worrying about money and know how much it costs to use every single appliance. My standard of self-care and wellbeing has declined, but I am trying to ensure that our daughter’s does not. We are surviving but not really living, let alone thriving.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The government’s cost of living payments were <a href="https://largerfamilies.study/">paid at a flat rate</a> and not adjusted to household size. This means they have not met the needs of families with children. Abolishing the two-child limit and benefit cap would make an immediate difference to low-income households, <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/media/policyengine/costoflivingresearchgroup/Cost%20of%20Living%20report%20(5)%20(1).pdf">helping lift</a> more than 1.5 million children out of poverty.</p>
<h2>Fuel poverty</h2>
<p>Since 2021, the proportion of people unable to meet their energy needs has risen dramatically. Our research shows that one in ten UK households are now affected. </p>
<p>That number rises to three in ten for one-parent households with two or more children. This means these families are at risk of living in damp, mouldy and cold homes, which can lead to heart and lung problems and undermine their mental health. For children, living in fuel poverty can have a significant <a href="https://www.thenhsa.co.uk/app/uploads/2023/01/COTN-APPG.pdf">lifelong impact</a>.</p>
<p>The Westminster government’s energy support has done little to alleviate hardship. As another respondent, Dotty, put it: “I’m lucky if £20 credit on my electric pre-payment meter will even last me for three days.” </p>
<p>Despite the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/energy-bills-support/energy-price-guarantee-up-until-30-june-2023">energy price guarantee</a>, our <a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/media/business-society/research/Who_are_the_fuel_poor_revised_v2.pdf">analysis</a> suggests that six in ten families on the lowest incomes were living in fuel poverty in April 2023. We estimate that one in three households in fuel poverty (around 1.75 million people) have been ineligible for government cost of living support.</p>
<p>A recent survey from the energy provider EDF <a href="https://www.edfenergy.com/media-centre/news-releases/public-show-strong-support-social-energy-tariff-winter-approaches">found</a> that 77% of the British public are in favour of a social energy tariff. Implementing such a tariff could help target government support to the most vulnerable households.</p>
<h2>Local welfare systems</h2>
<p>Councils are responsible for administering the national government’s household support fund. The first of this series of support packages, now totalling over £2.5bn, was announced by Westminster in October 2021.</p>
<p>The problem is that after a decade and a half of austerity policies, councils and local services have been <a href="https://theconversation.com/birminghams-bankruptcy-is-only-the-tip-of-the-iceberg-local-authorities-across-england-are-at-risk-212912">stripped to the bone</a>. They now lack the infrastructure and capacity to administer and roll out these short-term schemes, about which they are notified, by central government, at short notice.</p>
<p>One council worker told us how “bitty” the funding had been: “Every time we’ve had the scheme, the message from the Department for Work and Pensions has been, ‘This is the last year you’ll get the funding.’” As a result, the council worker said, they do not plan for the long-term.</p>
<p>Our analysis of the second wave of household support fund <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/household-support-fund-2-management-information-1-april-to-30-september-2022/">allocations</a> showed that, while authorities such as Doncaster and Leeds allocated more than 70% of their funds to support for energy and water needs, neighbouring authorities North Yorkshire and Wakefield allocated 90% or more towards food. </p>
<p>This inconsistency is making life harder for people seeking help. As one respondent, Mollie put it: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>I reached out to my local council regarding the household support fund, as my sister mentioned she had received some support in the form of food vouchers. It turns out her local council made the scheme easier to access.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The household support fund can be a lifeline for households struggling with rising costs. But getting aid to the people who need it takes stable, predictable funding and proper strategic planning. </p>
<p>In his conference speech, opposition leader Keir Starmer said the Labour party wants to move away from the current government’s short-term, <a href="https://labour.org.uk/updates/press-releases/keir-starmers-speech-at-labour-conference/">“sticking plaster”</a> approach to politics. The reality, however, is that neither party currently has a sufficiently ambitious plan to rebuild the UK’s social security system. People cannot wait until the next election to get the help they need. The government needs to act now.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/215379/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kit Colliver receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Amy Barnes receives funding from the National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) and the UK Prevention Research Partnership (an initiative funded by UK Research and Innovation Councils, the Department of Health and Social Care (England), UK devolved administrations, and leading health research charities). Amy is a Trustee of Healthwatch North Yorkshire and Manor and Castle Development Trust, Sheffield.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Maddy Power receives funding from the Wellcome Trust. Maddy is a member of the Labour Party and a Trustee of the Independent Food Aid Network.</span></em></p>Governmental support is failing the country’s most vulnerable households. Politicians need to act now.Kit Colliver, Research Associate at York Law School, University of YorkAmy Barnes, Senior Researcher, Public Health and Society, University of YorkMaddy Power, Research Fellow in the Department of Health Sciences, University of YorkLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2150932023-10-09T16:32:23Z2023-10-09T16:32:23ZWhat Angela Rayner’s speech tells us about Labour’s potential to curtail short-termism in UK politics<p>With no apparent irony, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak recently <a href="https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/full-text-rishi-sunaks-tory-conference-speech/">announced</a> he was <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-rishi-sunak-scrapping-hs2-and-promising-a-new-network-north-means-for-the-north-of-england-214912">cancelling HS2</a> – one of the UK’s largest long-term infrastructure projects – under the 2023 Conservative party conference strapline, “Long-term decisions for a brighter future”. He did so after a week of repeatedly saying he would not be pushed into <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/oct/03/rishi-sunak-decision-hs2-manchester-birmingham-costs#:%7E:text=Rishi%20Sunak%20has%20insisted%20he,to%20overshadow%20the%20Conservative%20conference.">“a premature decision”</a>. This, despite the fact that the decision was about the future of a project the government set in motion back in 2009 – 14 years ago. </p>
<p>This sequence of events illustrates a fundamental problem with the way politics and policy are done in the UK. The British political system is infused with political incentives that drive short-termism. It places extensive powers in the hands of the Westminster government, but with limited checks and balances. Short-term, often electorally-driven, priorities regularly trump longer-term policy targets, in a deeply corrosive way. </p>
<p>As Labour now sets out its priorities ahead of the 2024 general election, a key challenge confronting the opposition is whether it can prove it can do things differently. Shadow secretary of state for levelling up, housing and communities Angela Rayner has opened the 2023 Labour party conference with <a href="https://labour.org.uk/updates/press-releases/angela-rayner-speech-at-labour-party-conference/">a speech</a> claiming the party will end “short-term sticking plaster solutions” through a “mission-driven” approach to the economy. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/_X2HAUf2Cu4?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<h2>A sizeable brief</h2>
<p>Rayner’s speech made clear that Labour’s new approach to levelling up will no longer be like the “top down” projects of the past. She laid out how the party would grant new powers for mayors and embrace a model that creates more opportunities for local people to, as she put it, “control their futures”. Renewed economic growth, to her mind, will power resurgent public services, housing, pay and prospects.</p>
<p>Rayner’s <a href="https://labour.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Commission-on-the-UKs-Future.pdf">brief</a> is one of the most sizeable in the shadow cabinet. It is also, quite possibly, the policy area most acutely affected by <a href="https://politicalquarterly.org.uk/blog/levelling-up-the-uk-if-not-the-conservatives-will-labour-learn-the-lessons-from-past-policy-failings/">short-termism</a>, having previously been associated with spending for <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/spotlight/2021/09/the-return-of-pork-barrel-politics">winning votes</a> rather than delivering what is needed. </p>
<p>If Labour wins, Rayner will inherit a department responsible for housing, planning, local government, English devolution, levelling up and intergovernmental relations. To all that, she will add <a href="https://labour.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/New-Deal-for-Working-People-Green-Paper.pdf">her campaign</a> on work and employment rights. </p>
<p>This is not just a huge policy remit, it contains some very tricky political ground. This includes addressing the north-south divide, dealing with the devolved nations, overseeing controversial policies on housing and employment and responding to the <a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/who-are-the-left-behind-forget-culture-wars-its-the-economics-stupid/">red-wall grievances</a> – a feeling across many communities that the economy does not work for them.</p>
<p>Rayner’s in-tray is dominated by what social scientists call <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rsab037">“spatial policy”</a>. This refers to attempts by the government to address geographic inequalities, usually by revitalising deprived places. As an agenda, levelling up has basically become a new way of saying “spatial policy”. </p>
<h2>Spatial policy needs long-term thinking</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.productivity.ac.uk/news/the-challenges-of-levelling-up-a-critical-examination-of-funding-and-governance/">Our research</a> has identified and analysed every spatial policy since 1979. We have found that by far the biggest problem is that the shelf-life of multiple initiatives has been far too short. </p>
<p>Since 2010 alone, there has been former prime minister David Cameron’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/local-governments-to-be-self-funded-by-2020-but-can-westminster-really-learn-to-let-go-39223">localism agenda</a>, former chancellor George Osborne’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/budget-2015-experts-respond-44255">Northern Powerhouse</a>, former prime minister Theresa May’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-british-industrial-strategy-should-start-by-reforming-the-treasury-86438">industrial strategy</a>, and former prime minister Boris Johnson’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/levelling-up-four-problems-with-boris-johnsons-flagship-project-176386">levelling up</a> agenda.</p>
<p>Spatial policies have almost all been short-term agendas. Many have been delivered by a government reacting to the latest political incentives, not learning from past failings. </p>
<p>A pattern emerges across different governments, where politicians merely tinker with an <a href="https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/publications/devolving-english-government/">overly-complex and fragmented system</a>. This in turn drives further short-termism. Our analysis shows, over the last 40 years, the speed at which new initiatives have been created and abolished has continued to accelerate. </p>
<p>Labour acknowledges that a short-term, centrally driven model of spatial policy has failed, but so have many successive governments. Rayner needs to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past and deliver on her promise to “hand power back to the people”. </p>
<p>She must follow through on Labour’s claim that local communities know what’s best for their area. This means finishing the devolution map quickly, so that all areas have a directly elected leader. </p>
<p>More importantly, it means central government needs to recognise the legitimacy of local leaders and engaging constructively with them – even when they disagree. Within Whitehall, Rayner must be the champion of local communities. She will need to push against a longstanding culture of distrust of local government.</p>
<p>Crucially, she cannot do this alone. Challenging short-termism and empowering devolved institutions will require the backing of shadow chancellor Rachel Reeves, who must ensure that the Treasury supports the long-term “missions”. A Reeves Treasury will need to guard against imposing the kind of <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2019.1606419">central financial controls</a> that have scuppered past attempts at levelling up. </p>
<p>Labour is considering creating <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/new-watchdogs-could-see-labours-promises-are-kept-rdh3tc26s">watchdogs</a> to stop government avoiding its long-term commitments. It remains to be seen how this will function alongside Reeves’ promise of “iron discipline” at the Treasury. What is clear is that, to end short-termism, Keir Starmer’s party needs to come good on its promise to <a href="https://labour.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/Commission-on-the-UKs-Future.pdf">empower local leaders</a> and finally let go of the centralised levers that have caused so much instability.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/215093/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jack Newman receives funding from the ESRC Productivity Institute 'The UK Productivity-Governance Puzzle: Are UK’s Governing Institutions Fit for Purpose in the 21st Century?' ES/V002740/1.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dave Richards receives funding from:
Nuffield Foundation 'Public Expenditure, Planning and Control in Complex Times' OSP/43109
ESRC Productivity Institute 'The UK Productivity-Governance Puzzle: Are UK’s Governing Institutions Fit for Purpose in the 21st Century?' ES/V002740/1 </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sam Warner receives funding from: Nuffield Foundation 'Public Expenditure, Planning and Control in Complex Times' OSP/43109 ESRC; Productivity Institute 'The UK Productivity-Governance Puzzle: Are UK’s Governing Institutions Fit for Purpose in the 21st Century?' ES/V002740/1</span></em></p>Angela Rayner’s expansive policy brief faces the threat of ‘short-termism’ perhaps more than any other. If Labour win power, will Rayner be able to fight against these short-term political incentives?Jack Newman, Research Associate, The Productivity Institute, University of ManchesterDave Richards, Professor of Public Policy, University of ManchesterSam Warner, Postdoctoral Research Associate, University of ManchesterLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2129122023-09-06T14:07:42Z2023-09-06T14:07:42ZBirmingham’s bankruptcy is only the tip of the iceberg – local authorities across England are at risk<p>The city of Birmingham has <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/sep/05/birmingham-city-council-financial-distress-budget-section-114">issued</a> what is known as a <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2023/09/birmingham-issues-s114-notice">section 114 notice</a>. This signals that the council is unable to balance its budget, due to lack of financial resources. </p>
<p>That the largest local authority in Europe and the second largest city in the UK should effectively declare itself bankrupt should come as no surprise. More than a decade of austerity in English local government has squeezed local councils to their utter financial limits. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/final-local-government-finance-settlement-england-2023-to-2024">Government grants</a> are expected to total £61.7 billion in 2023-24. That represents a £1.9 billion (3.2%) increase in real terms over 2022-23 budget data. </p>
<p>However, this recent reversal in local government funding is not enough to offset the <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/local-government-funding-england">decade-long cuts</a> to government funding. In July 2023, the <a href="https://obr.uk/frs/fiscal-risks-and-sustainability-july-2023/">Office for Budget Responsibility</a> flagged local borrowing as “at risk”. And the National Audit Office has predicted that <a href="https://www.nao.org.uk/reports/financial-sustainability-of-local-authorities-visualisation-update/">more is to come</a>. Due to the cost-of-living crisis, the rising need for social care and the continued impact of the pandemic, there is less money and ever greater <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2023/08/huge-costs-are-stifling-councils-lga-warns?utm_term=&utm_medium=email&utm_source=Adestra">need</a>. </p>
<p>Our <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-happens-when-your-local-council-goes-bankrupt-185539">research</a> shows <a href="https://insol.azureedge.net/cmsstorage/insol/media/document-library/books/when-liquidation-is-not-an-option-a-global-study-on-the-treatment-of-local-public-entities-in-distress.pdf?utm_campaign=1259736_LPEs%20Book&utm_medium=email&utm_source=INSOL%20International&dm_i=4WAM,R00O,4HZCIK,3C0KS,1">how fragile</a> England’s local government funding system is. </p>
<p>Councils do have <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/tax-and-devolution">limited revenue-raising powers</a> to finance current expenses. Despite this, local authorities across the country have long relied on their <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2023/08/councils-face-tough-reserve-position-despite-overall-balances?utm_term=&utm_medium=email&utm_source=Adestra">reserves</a>, selling property assets, <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2020/07/birmingham-tops-latest-round-council-covid-19-allocations">one-off grants</a>, high-risk <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2023/09/bcp-auditors-raise-serious-concerns-over-financial-viability?utm_term=&utm_medium=email&utm_source=Adestra">investments</a> and cheap borrowing for “regeneration projects” simply to stay afloat.</p>
<h2>What happens when councils go bankrupt</h2>
<p>Local authorities in England cannot be legally liquidated. Instead, when all other remedies have proven ineffective, the chief financial officer issues a <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1988/41/section/114">section 114 notice</a>. This bars all new expenditure for a period of 21 days, except for those that safeguard vulnerable people and statutory services. </p>
<p>Issuing this notice signals that the council is unable to bring under control its future expenditure. At the end of this prohibition period, leaders must then decide what to do. These measures generally include cuts to services, increases to local taxation and the sale of property and other assets.</p>
<p>If the external auditors agree with the turnaround plan, this is sent to the national government for approval, before being implemented by elected officials of the local authority or by independent commissioners appointed by the government. </p>
<p>When no agreement can be reached, the Department of Levelling Up, Housing and Communities intervenes. In 2021, <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-acts-to-tackle-failure-of-croydon-council">Secretary of State Robert Jenrick</a> appointed a panel to take over from councillors in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2022/nov/22/croydon-council-declares-effective-bankruptcy-for-third-time-in-two-years">Croydon</a>, in order to ensure that the council would meet its “<a href="https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-statements/detail/2023-07-20/hcws985">best value duty</a>” as required by the Local Government Act of 1999. </p>
<p>Section 114 notices are the last resort. Until 2018, these were very rare – the last council to have issued one was the London Borough of Hackney in 2000. Since 2018, however, five councils have issued section 114s: <a href="https://www.northantslive.news/news/northamptonshire-news/two-years-after-northamptonshire-county-4209584">Northamptonshire</a>, Croydon (in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/nov/13/how-covid-19-pushed-croydon-over-the-edge-into-bankruptcy">2020</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2022/nov/22/croydon-council-declares-effective-bankruptcy-for-third-time-in-two-years">2022</a>), <a href="https://www.slough.gov.uk/downloads/file/2040/slough-s114-notice-2-july-2021">Slough</a>, <a href="https://www.thurrock.gov.uk/sites/default/files/assets/documents/section114-notice.pdf">Thurrock</a> and <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2023/06/woking-issues-section-114-notice">Woking</a>. <a href="https://www.coventry.gov.uk/news/article/4744/letter-to-secretary-of-state-for-levelling-up-housing-and-communities">Coventry</a> has warned it might have to follow suit. </p>
<p>Birmingham officials have cited a <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2023/06/council-reveals-ps100m-cost-flawed-it-system-adoption">new IT system</a> (£100m) installed in 2022 and hosting the 2022 Commonwealth Games (£184m) as triggers for its current dilemma – costs that in themselves are not sufficient to justify the notice. More problematic is the <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2023/06/birmingham-drastically-cut-spending-after-uncovering-ps760m-equal-pay-cost">£760 million debt</a> for which the council became liable in July 2023, when the bill of an equal-pay ruling by the UK Supreme Court, <a href="https://www.supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uksc-2012-0008-judgment.pdf">dating back to 2012</a>, became clear. </p>
<p>In response to this new bill, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cd1wnxp9ny1o">Prime Minister</a> Rishi Sunak ruled out government aid to the city, saying it was “not the government’s job to bail out the council for its financial mismanagement”. However, the governance and accounting issues in Birmingham mirror those experienced by all the English authorities that have declared themselves bankrupt in the last five years.</p>
<h2>A flawed system</h2>
<p>Austerity has seen Birmingham suffer the consequences of debilitating cuts to its government <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/schools/business/research/research-projects/city-redi/wm-redi/theme-6/insights-into-birmingham-city-councils-revenue-funding-and-spending.aspx">funding</a>. Between 2010/11 and 2019/2020, the city’s total income fell by 17%, leading the council to find savings of £736 million. The need for local services, meanwhile, has spiralled, with the population increasing by 7.5%. </p>
<p>Tensions with council staff, in particular in relation to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2017/jul/28/birmingham-refuse-collectors-strike-runs-into-second-month">waste collection</a>, led to an extended strike in 2017. Concerns over the council’s financial management subsequently saw the finance chief, Clive Heaphy, resign in 2020. </p>
<p>Yet, in 2021, the Chartered Institute of Public Finance and Accountancy <a href="https://www.birmingham.gov.uk/news/article/893/councils_financial_management_praised_in_new_cipfa_report">reported</a> that the city had made good progress. </p>
<p>Following the recent cases of Thurrock and Woking issuing section 114 notices, the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities decided to launch an inquiry into the effectiveness of financial reporting and audit system in local authorities.</p>
<p>Recently, in May 2023, Birmingham’s council leader, Ian Ward, refused to resign, despite <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-birmingham-65614938">a leaked internal report</a> by the Labour party showing a general dysfunctional climate in the local authority. This led to an independent governance review. </p>
<p>Here too, Birmingham is not alone. It takes years for financial issues to become so serious as to justify the issue of a section 114 notice. Governance problems have been widely reported as the underlying cause for <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/6777/documents/72117/default/">Croydon</a> issuing, to date, <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/comment/croydon-council-section-114">three section 114 notices</a>. </p>
<p>Local taxpayers have much to be worried about. Distressed local councils often have to increase local taxation to balance their books. To wit, Croydon’s record 14.99% <a href="https://news.croydon.gov.uk/croydon-sets-2023-24-budget/#:%7E:text=Full%20Council%20has%20approved%20a,expects%20all%20councils%20to%20levy.">increase</a> in council tax rates. </p>
<p>Vulnerable people too bear the brunt of this. Public services are reduced to the most essential ones. Local workers are dismissed through <a href="https://www.localgov.co.uk/Resignation-scheme-begins-in-Birmingham--/57827">voluntary</a> or <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-berkshire-61818756">mandatory</a> redundancy schemes. </p>
<p>And the impact is not limited to the local community. Taxpayers across the country end up contributing towards rescuing local authorities. </p>
<p>In May 2023, the cross-party levelling up, housing and communities parliamentary committee <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/40145/documents/195720/default/">criticised</a> the government’s competitive funding system. Councils have to bid for access to government funds, in a system which is fragmented and resource intensive. </p>
<p>In prioritising low-priority projects over long-term investment, the government’s <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1052708/Levelling_up_the_UK_white_paper.pdf">levelling-up agenda</a> is failing to comprehensively address the problems facing local authorities. </p>
<p>At least 26 more councils, including <a href="https://www.localgov.co.uk/Stoke-on-Trent-Council-at-risk-of-bankruptcy/57857">Stoke-on-Trent</a>, <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2023/08/kent-curtail-non-essential-spending?utm_term=&utm_medium=email&utm_source=Adestra">Kent</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/aug/09/yorkshire-council-warns-of-budget-crisis-as-deficit-reaches-47m">Kirklees</a>, are deemed at risk of bankruptcy in the next <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2023/aug/28/at-least-26-english-councils-at-risk-of-bankruptcy-in-next-two-years">two years</a>. Without thorough local finance reform – and a government invested in protecting local government at the service of local people – more could fall. </p>
<p><em>This article was amended on September 7 2023 to correctly state that it discusses England’s local government funding system, and not the UK’s, as was previously stated.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/212912/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>More than a decade of austerity in English local government has squeezed councils to their utter financial limits.Yseult Marique, Professor, University of EssexEugenio Vaccari, Senior Lecturer, Royal Holloway University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2073092023-06-28T15:07:44Z2023-06-28T15:07:44ZHow metro mayors are getting things done – even if they have limited money and power<p>The word “mayor”, in the English governance landscape, refers to many different roles. Until the turn of the 21st century, it mostly described <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/public-leaders-network/2014/nov/21/what-are-mayors-manchester-osborne">non-partisan ceremonial leaders</a> of towns and boroughs in England and Wales, most often elected by councillors. The further ceremonial title of Lord Mayor was conferred by royal letters patent on the leaders of the nation’s biggest cities. </p>
<p>Directly elected mayors, by contrast, are a new phenomenon. The first, introduced in 2000, was the Mayor of London – currently Sadiq Khan – who is responsible for the Greater London Authority, a collection of 19 local authorities.</p>
<p>Two distinct types of elected mayor have since emerged. Local authority mayors, like Marvin Rees in Bristol and Paul Dennett in Salford, are put in place by voters within the boundaries of a single local authority.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.centreforcities.org/publication/everything-need-know-metro-mayors/#whatis">Metro mayors</a>– of which there are now nine – are voted in by residents of all the local authorities of a combined authority. In <a href="https://theconversation.com/metro-mayors-are-all-men-but-womens-voices-are-needed-for-the-best-pandemic-recovery-158920">May 2021</a>, elections for metro mayors saw a <a href="https://www.centreforcities.org/publication/everything-need-know-metro-mayors/">reported</a> 10 million people around England head to the polls in Cambridgeshire and Peterborough, Greater Manchester, Liverpool City Region, Tees Valley, West of England, West Midlands, West Yorkshire and Greater London.</p>
<p>Our <a href="https://manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk/9781526133571/">new book</a>, Devolution in Greater Manchester and Liverpool City Region, asks if the metro mayors amount to a constitutional revolution in English local government or a limited and temporary experiment. Comparing Greater Manchester’s Andy Burnham and Steve Rotheram, Mayor of the Liverpool City Region, we have found, through interviews with local political leaders, that by working with and through their combined authorities, metro mayors can make a notable difference to their local areas. </p>
<h2>Personality matters</h2>
<p>Metro mayors deploy considerable leadership skills and convening powers. During the pandemic, Burnham very publicly challenged the government’s lockdown policies. Along with his ten council leaders, he criticised the imposition of <a href="https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-pandemic-has-pitted-englands-mayors-against-london-148288">tier-three restrictions</a> as discriminatory. </p>
<p>Working with the council leaders or directly elected mayor of each local authority in the region, no matter their political allegiance, is crucial to metro mayors’ success. Local authority leaders can veto metro-mayoral policies – as happened when <a href="https://www.placenorthwest.co.uk/blow-for-gmsf-as-stockport-quits/">Stockport</a> withdrew its support in December 2020 for Burnham’s plans to allow green-belt construction across Greater Manchester.</p>
<p>One Greater Manchester council leader we interviewed put it bluntly:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We have to work with a mayor we did not want while he has to work with a cabinet he did not choose. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Working with with central government and its various departments is crucial too. As are relationships with the political parties and interest groups and, ultimately, the electorate – none of which are static. These relationships both enable and constrain the metro mayors who must engage in policy areas that are thick with existing actors and strategies. </p>
<p>Burnham has demonstrated his worth to voters through returning the bus network to public control, with Wigan and Bolton being the first to benefit, from September 2023. All boroughs in Greater Manchester are to follow suit, by January 2025. Our interviews with key political, civic and business leaders in Greater Manchester emphasised that doing so was Burnham’s primary task and the reason he was elected. For most residents, buses are the essential form of transport and public control will mean cheaper, more accessible and a more reliable bus network.</p>
<p>Similarly, Rotheram was crucial in advocating for the Shakespeare North Playhouse in Knowsley, a deprived borough of the Merseyside region. The idea was that this would deliver economic benefits through a growth in tourism, while extending cultural opportunities beyond Liverpool itself, to the outer boroughs. </p>
<p>These achievements have not been easy to come by, however. Although metro mayors hold devolved powers distinct from those of local authorities, these do not automatically translate into the ability to get things done. </p>
<h2>Transactional politics</h2>
<p>The powers of the metro mayor and those of the combined authority are set out in <a href="https://theconversation.com/whitehalls-centralised-system-cant-deliver-boris-johnsons-promises-to-level-up-176300">devolution deals</a> negotiated with central government, which is not something local authority mayors have to do. These powers generally relate to economic development, planning, transport and adult skills. </p>
<p>Quite how though varies depending on the combined authority. Greater Manchester was the only combined authority to have health and social care included in its first devolution deal in 2014. Liverpool City Region, meanwhile, was unique in prioritising culture in its original devolution agreement. </p>
<p>These deals, though, are simply the starting point. In February 2022, the secretary of state for levelling up, housing and communities, Michael Gove, <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/levelling-up-the-united-kingdom">singled out</a> the Liverpool City Region and Greater Manchester as exemplifying the difference devolution can make to a region. </p>
<p>However, the initiatives Gove highlighted – Burnham’s rough sleeping campaign, <a href="https://aboutgreatermanchester.com/fairer/a-bed-every-night/">A Bed Every Night</a>, and Rotheram’s pandemic support for local voluntary organisations, <a href="https://www.liverpoolcityregion-ca.gov.uk/metro-mayor-unveils-480000-grants-fund-for-community-and-voluntary-organisations-using-returns-on-successful-investments/">LCR Cares initiative</a> – were in policy areas to which the devolution deals had afforded neither power nor budget. But Burnham and Rotheram went ahead regardless, effectively expanding their role beyond what the government’s deal had laid out.</p>
<p>Such metro-mayoral wins might be categorised as micro-achievements. But even small changes matter. </p>
<h2>Lack of power</h2>
<p>Burnham made young people his priority right from the start of his term. He has developed the <a href="https://www.greatermanchester-ca.gov.uk/news/young-people-unveil-new-our-pass-name-and-design/">Opportunity Pass</a>, to provide free bus travel for 16-18 year olds, along with free access to various culture and leisure facilities. </p>
<p>Since November 2018, Liverpool too has provided free bus travel, for apprentices aged 19-24. From July 2019, they have enjoyed <a href="https://www.liverpoolcityregion-ca.gov.uk/metro-mayor-announces-half-price-rail-travel-for-young-apprentices-in-the-liverpool-city-region/">half-price rail travel</a>. </p>
<p>But our interviewees expressed frustration at setbacks related to a lack of power and resources which have made policy wins hard to achieve. Like elected local authority mayors, metro mayors have had to reckon with ever deepening austerity cuts to public spending – of which local councils have borne the brunt. The subsequent cost of the pandemic has only made things worse. </p>
<p>On the question of HS2, the power that central government retains has been evident. The underground station at Manchester Piccadilly that Greater Manchester wanted to use to accommodate the high speed rail line was dismissed by Whitehall in favour of extending the existing surface station. This saw Manchester Evening News reporter Charlotte Cox <a href="https://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/plans-hs2-cheap-threaten-turn-24267660">accuse the government</a> of “doing it on the cheap”. She highlighted the local council’s analysis showing that this would “rob the region’s economy of £333 million a year by 2050”. </p>
<p>Local councils, whatever model of governance they use, can marry statutory authority with democratic legitimacy – a potent combination. By contrast, metro mayors enjoy, as yet, <a href="https://theconversation.com/mayors-could-be-a-guiding-light-in-post-brexit-britain-but-theyll-need-greater-powers-106132">fewer statutory powers</a>. But when they’re willing to advocate for their city-region – and persist in their demands of central government – they really can make things happen.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/207309/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>When directly elected mayors doggedly advocate for their city-region, they can make things happen, regardless of budgetary and devolution constraints.Georgina Blakeley, Associate Dean, Teaching and Learning, University of HuddersfieldBrendan Evans, Professor of Politics, University of HuddersfieldLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1981812023-01-25T16:48:19Z2023-01-25T16:48:19ZHow the UK government’s veto of Scotland’s gender recognition bill brought tensions in the union to the surface<p>From calls for a second <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-50813510">Scottish independence referendum</a> and speculation about <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-49018127">“indy-curiousity”</a> in Wales, to the collapse of the power-sharing agreement in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/apr/26/northern-ireland-power-sharing-stormont-crisis-timeline">Northern Ireland</a>, the state of the UK union has been the subject of much political discussion over the past decade.</p>
<p>Traditionally, devolution has followed a so-called <a href="https://ukandeu.ac.uk/long-read/the-possible-break-up-of-the-united-kingdom/">devolve and forget</a> model. The UK parliament transfers law making power to the devolved legislatures to exercise as they see fit, as long as they do so within the <a href="https://centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk/the-basics/what-meant-devolved-and-reserved-powers">defined limits</a>.</p>
<p>However, the UK government’s recent blocking of Scotland’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/qanda-why-are-the-scottish-and-uk-governments-going-to-court-over-gender-recognition-laws-197981">gender recognition bill</a> suggests political and legal relationships are <a href="https://ukandeu.ac.uk/reshaping-devolution-the-united-kingdom-internal-market-act-2020/#:%7E:text=Historically%2C%20devolution%20has%20followed%20a%20%E2%80%98devolve%20and%20forget%E2%80%99,Rights%20under%20s29%20%282%29%20%28d%29%2C%20Scotland%20Act%201998%29">being tested</a>, and maybe even reshaped. </p>
<p>The fallout over Scotland’s gender recognition bill has not happened in isolation. It is important to understand the events which have led to recent <a href="https://www.express.co.uk/news/politics/1722040/scottish-gender-bill-blocked-conservative-snp-nicola-sturgeon-constitution">headlines</a> declaring the UK is heading for a “<a href="https://www.parliament.uk/about/living-heritage/evolutionofparliament/houseoflords/house-of-lords-reform/overview/constitutionalcrisis/">constitutional crisis</a>”.</p>
<h2>Brexit</h2>
<p>Since 2016 the UK has seen heightened pressure on relationships within the union. </p>
<p>The Brexit referendum highlighted <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-36616028">differences</a> among the UK’s nations and regions, for example Scotland’s 62% and Northern Ireland’s 55.8% vote to remain within the EU. These differences weren’t recognised by the ultimate decision to pull the UK completely out of the EU (with some <a href="https://www.nidirect.gov.uk/articles/eu-exit-and-northern-ireland-protocol#toc-1">exceptions for Northern Ireland</a>).</p>
<p>Similarly, the pandemic led to a period of more prominent <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-54328474">policy differences between the four nations</a>, highlighting how the devolved governments diverged from Westminster.</p>
<p>Then came the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2020/27/contents/enacted">UK Internal Market Act</a> in late 2020. With the UK no longer bound by EU law, there was a post-Brexit risk that nations could make different rules for devolved areas, such as agriculture. This could have created new trade barriers between different parts of the UK, as well as making pursuing new international trade agreements more difficult. </p>
<p>The Scottish and Welsh governments <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/article/explainer/uk-internal-market-act#:%7E:text=The%20UK%20Internal%20Market%20%28UKIM%29%20Act%20puts%20the,new%20barriers%20for%20businesses%20trading%20across%20the%20UK.">opposed the act’s approach</a>. Nonetheless, in implementing a common standard for the whole of the UK, ministers in Westminster now have control over traditionally devolved areas under the new law.</p>
<p>Last year, the Scottish government’s push for a second independence referendum ended up at the <a href="https://www.supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uksc-2022-0098-judgment.pdf">supreme court</a>, which ruled Holyrood didn’t have the power to hold such a vote. This reasserted the legal dominance of Westminster in deciding if, and when, such a question may be put to the people of Scotland once more.</p>
<p>Meanwhile in Wales, there have been <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-63303690">heated exchanges in the Senedd</a> between First Minister Mark Drakeford and Conservative members regarding the leadership of the UK and devolved funding models, particularly in relation to the financing of the NHS.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/e4FR4gO8Sio?wmode=transparent&start=1" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">An angry exchange in the Senedd between First Minister Mark Drakeford and Andrew Davies, leader of the Welsh Conservatives, over the NHS in Wales.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In Northern Ireland, the <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-57583168">power-sharing government</a> collapsed again in October. This time due to disagreements over the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/northern-ireland-protocol-the-uks-solution">UK’s new relationship with the EU</a>. The situation shows little sign of being resolved. Specifically, the Democratic Unionist Party continues to block power-sharing in protest at <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2023/jan/18/ministers-set-six-week-window-to-decide-on-northern-ireland-elections">post-Brexit trading arrangements</a>, which treat Northern Ireland differently to the rest of the UK.</p>
<p>These various events show the working relationships between the UK’s different governments are under renewed pressure. In turn, instead of reaching political compromise through <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/intergovernmental-relations">intergovernmental working</a>, the UK government has responded by relying on its law-making dominance. </p>
<h2>Law v politics</h2>
<p>Last week, and for the first time, the UK government decided to invoke <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/section-35-of-the-scotland-act-and-vetoing-devolved-legislation/#:%7E:text=Section%2035%20of%20the%20Scotland%20Act%201998%20has,as%20%E2%80%9C%20a%20matter%20of%20last%20resort%20%E2%80%9D.">section 35 of the Scotland Act</a> to block Scotland’s <a href="https://www.parliament.scot/bills-and-laws/bills/gender-recognition-reform-scotland-bill">gender recognition bill</a>. These proposals were designed to make it easier for people in Scotland to change their legal gender. However, they have been halted by the UK government on the grounds they would affect equality law for the whole of the UK, and are therefore a <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/site-information/glossary/devolved-and-reserved-matters/">reserved matter</a> for Westminster. </p>
<p>The UK government insists it has not used its powers lightly, and does all it can to <a href="https://www.msn.com/en-gb/news/uknews/government-insists-it-respects-devolution-as-it-blocks-scottish-gender-reform-bill/ar-AA16rrhZ">“respect the devolution settlement”.</a> Yet <a href="https://www.heraldscotland.com/politics/23267981.fm-no-compelling-persuasive-legal-argument-gender-bill/">Nicola Sturgeon has alleged</a> the UK government is denying Scotland its democracy.</p>
<p>Drakeford told the Senedd the block is a <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-64304540">“dangerous precedent”</a> and that he planned to emulate the Scottish gender recognition legislation. However, it is likely that the UK government would similarly veto any Senedd laws in this area. Drakeford also suggested the Welsh government may be party to <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-64264063">any supreme court action</a> by the Scottish government.</p>
<p>If the supreme court finds gender recognition is within the scope of equality law, and necessitates a UK-wide approach, the legal reality of any court action by the Scottish government is likely to follow a similar approach to previous <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/supreme-court-judgment-on-scottish-independence-referendum/">cases</a>. In other words, the law-making dominance of Westminster will prevail.</p>
<p>While <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/section-35-of-the-scotland-act-and-vetoing-devolved-legislation/#:%7E:text=Section%2035%20of%20the%20Scotland%20Act%201998%20has,as%20%E2%80%9C%20a%20matter%20of%20last%20resort%20%E2%80%9D.">section 35</a> has never been invoked before, it is part of the foundation for the Scottish parliament’s legal framework. If Wales tried to adopt a similar law to Scotland’s gender recognition bill, it is likely that similar action would be taken by the UK government, given the provisions within the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2006/32/section/114">Government of Wales Act</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="The Senedd building lit up in the evening" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/505886/original/file-20230123-16-4uj6o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/505886/original/file-20230123-16-4uj6o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505886/original/file-20230123-16-4uj6o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505886/original/file-20230123-16-4uj6o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505886/original/file-20230123-16-4uj6o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505886/original/file-20230123-16-4uj6o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/505886/original/file-20230123-16-4uj6o4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Senedd in Cardiff.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Billy Stock/Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This does not mean the UK government’s decision on the Scottish bill is without constitutional ramifications. Drakeford has <a href="http://www.senedd.tv/Meeting/Clip/5faf08e7-e61e-4cb6-ad8f-9ab68c35fe45?inPoint=00:31:46&outPoint=00:34:34">described</a> the use of legal power against the Scottish government as a “slippery slope”, in which the UK government is increasingly reliant on legal dominance, rather than respect and dialogue.</p>
<p>For nearly 20 years, governments of every political persuasion respected the <a href="https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/SN02084/SN02084.pdf#:%7E:text=The%20%E2%80%9CSewel%20Convention%E2%80%9D%20is%20a%20colloquial%20term%20for,the%20Scotland%20Bill%201997-98%20on%2021%20July%201998%3A1">Sewel convention</a>. This is a principle stating the UK parliament will not normally legislate in respect of a devolved matter without the devolved government’s consent. While it has been <a href="https://www.supremecourt.uk/cases/uksc-2016-0196.html">ruled</a> the convention is not legally enforceable, it exists to ensure the decisions of devolved governments are respected by the UK government.</p>
<p>However the 2016 Brexit referendum set a new precedent for these working relationships. The Scottish parliament withheld consent for the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2018/16/contents/enacted">EU (Withdrawal) Act</a>, which removed the influence of the EU institutions in the UK and paved the way for cutting off sources of EU law via the <a href="https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-7793/">‘great repeal’</a>. </p>
<p>All three devolved nations also withheld consent for the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2020/1/contents/enacted">EU (Withdrawal Agreement) Act</a>, the law that was needed to ratify the Brexit withdrawal agreement negotiated between the UK and EU. Nonetheless, both were still passed by the UK parliament.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/t1BHhZ_6AFI?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>The UK government’s veto of Scotland’s gender recognition bill is arguably a further shift away from conventions and reliance upon legal force.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/198181/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephen Clear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The fallout over the Scottish government’s gender recognition legislation has not happened in isolation.Stephen Clear, Lecturer in Constitutional and Administrative Law, and Public Procurement, Bangor UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1979812023-01-20T12:09:12Z2023-01-20T12:09:12ZQ&A: Why are the Scottish and UK governments going to court over gender recognition laws?<p><em>The Scottish and UK governments are heading to court over a plan to change the law in Scotland to make it easier for people to change their legal gender. We asked a legal expert to explain what the dispute is about and why it has serious constitutional implications.</em>
_</p>
<h2>What is the law at the centre of this argument?</h2>
<p>The Scottish parliament passed the gender recognition reform (Scotland) bill in December 2022, amending <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2004/7/contents">the law</a> in Scotland to make it easier for a person to change their legal sex. The bill makes it possible to obtain a gender recognition certificate without a medical diagnosis and reduces the time period that someone has to live with their acquired gender before qualifying for a certificate. It also makes it possible for 16- and 17-year-olds to obtain a gender recognition certificate.</p>
<h2>What action has the UK government taken in response to this law?</h2>
<p>On January 17, the UK government made an order under section 35 of the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1998/46/contents">Scotland Act 1998</a>.</p>
<p>This blocks the Scottish bill from receiving royal assent from the King, which is needed for it to become law. It does this by directing the Presiding Office of the Scottish Parliament (the Scottish equivalent of the Speaker of the House of Commons) to withhold the bill from receiving royal assent.</p>
<h2>What is the Scotland Act?</h2>
<p>Devolution is the process whereby Westminster gives or “devolves” legislative and executive powers to the constituent nations of the UK so that they may have greater control in governing their own affairs. Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have some form of devolution, but England does not. </p>
<p>The Scotland Act 1998, enacted by the Westminster parliament, forms the basis of Scotland’s devolved settlement. It created both the Scottish parliament and the Scottish government. The legislative competence of the Scottish parliament is, however, not without limit. It cannot pass laws on “reserved matters” – those issues which the Scotland Act states only the UK parliament can legislate on. By implication, anything not identified as a reserved matter is classified as a “devolved matter” and thus within the competence of the Scottish parliament to legislate on.</p>
<p>The UK government has the power under the Scotland Act to veto a bill by issuing a section 35 order. </p>
<h2>What is a section 35 order?</h2>
<p>A section 35 order can only be made under limited circumstances. In this instance, the UK government has made the order under section 35(1)(b) of the Scotland Act. This concerns bills which the UK government believes “make modifications of the law as it applies to reserved matters” and which the UK government has “reasonable grounds to believe would have an adverse effect on the operation of the law as it applies to reserved matters”. The UK government is required to set out its reasons for making this argument. </p>
<p>In its <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/statement-of-reasons-related-to-the-use-of-section-35-of-the-scotland-act-1998">reasoning</a> the UK government appears to accept that the Scottish parliament has the power to amend the Gender Recognition Act 2004 as it applies to Scotland. Its main objection to the Scottish bill is that the specific modifications it proposes affect a reserved matter – equal opportunities laws as set out in the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2010/15/contents">2010 Equality Act</a>. While gender reassignment is a devolved matter for Scotland, equal opportunities is a reserved matter, and therefore something that can only be changed at Westminster.</p>
<h2>What is the UK government’s argument against Scotland’s changes?</h2>
<p>According to the UK government, the bill could exacerbate (mostly existing) issues involving clubs and associations that have rules relating to gender, <a href="https://www.gov.uk/guidance/equality-act-2010-guidance#public-sector-equality-duty/">the public sector equality duty</a>, equal pay and the application of exceptions for both sex and gender reassignment.</p>
<p>The UK government also argues that the Scottish bill creates a new problem for schools because single-sex schools would be at greater risk of direct gender reassignment discrimination should they refuse admission to someone with a gender recognition certificate. This may have a further administrative impact and safeguarding risk for schools in England, especially near the Scottish border, which take in both Scottish and English pupils.</p>
<p>The UK government also says it is concerned that changing the way gender recognition certificates are granted in Scotland would mean it would be implementing a different system to the rest of the UK. As a result, a person could have one legal sex in Scotland but a different one in the rest of the UK. According to the UK government, this is likely to have adverse consequences on other reserved matters, such as the administration and management of tax, benefits and state pensions.</p>
<p>By making it easier to change legal sex in Scotland without a medical diagnosis and without evidence of living in their acquired gender for two years, the UK government also contends that the proposed Scottish system is more open to abuse, thus potentially making, for instance, sex-segregated spaces more unsafe for women and girls and therefore discouraging them from using them.</p>
<h2>What will happen next?</h2>
<p>First minister Nicola Sturgeon has indicated that the Scottish government will seek a judicial review of the decision by the UK government to exercise its section 35 veto power in this case.</p>
<p>Judicial review is a legal action focused on the lawfulness of a governmental decision, not its merits. It is therefore likely that any judicial review will turn on the extent to which the law as it applies to reserved matters would be modified by the Scottish bill and whether there are “reasonable grounds” to believe that there would be adverse effects.</p>
<p>Should the Scottish government succeed in its case, it’s likely that the section 35 order would be struck down and the bill would receive royal assent and become law. Should it fail, it could reintroduce an amended bill into the Scottish parliament addressing the concerns of the UK government. However, given the UK government’s reasons for objecting to the bill, it’s hard to imagine how any amendments could achieve this in full.</p>
<p>The judicial review action will start at the court of session in Edinburgh and will then likely be appealed to the UK supreme court.</p>
<h2>Why is this situation being viewed as a potential constitutional crisis?</h2>
<p>This is the first time section 35 has ever been used in the almost 25 years since Scottish devolution.</p>
<p>Although the veto can only be used in limited circumstances, thus explaining in part why it has never been used until now, the constitutional implications of the decision cannot be overstated. In effect, a UK minister has vetoed a bill on a devolved matter enacted by a two-thirds majority of a democratically elected parliament. Regardless of one’s views on the merits of the Scottish bill, this has significant political and constitutional ramifications, especially during a protracted period of increased tension between the Scottish and UK governments.</p>
<p>The dispute may further strengthen calls to hold a second independence referendum in the near future, and may be a crucial factor in any de facto referendum on Scottish Independence at the next general election should the Scottish government proceed with this plan.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/197981/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Robert Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The UK government has vetoed Scotland’s gender recognition reform (Scotland) bill, which aims to make it easier for people to change their legal gender.Robert Taylor, Senior Lecturer, School of Law, University of AberdeenLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1959692022-12-07T15:12:26Z2022-12-07T15:12:26ZIs Labour’s vision of a New Britain any different to the Tories’ levelling up?<p>Former prime minister Gordon Brown’s <a href="https://labour.org.uk/page/a-new-britain/">review of the UK constitution</a> could be a hugely significant moment for the UK. A radical agenda for political change is being offered by the party tipped to win the next election.</p>
<p>The Brown review outlines a <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainers/labour-constitutional-proposals">wide-ranging reform agenda</a> but its core theme is the need to reverse the UK’s economic fortunes. Political reforms (such as replacing the House of Lords with an assembly of the nations and regions) are presented as solutions to the UK’s economic challenges, particularly its regional inequalities and its productivity problem.</p>
<p>The report takes direct aim at the Conservative government’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/levelling-up-four-problems-with-boris-johnsons-flagship-project-176386">levelling up agenda</a>, dismissing it as a failure and proposing that “a bigger vision is needed”.</p>
<p>Over the last few years, levelling up has emerged as the Conservative party’s <a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13005">vision for a post-Brexit Britain</a>, offering a commitment to revitalise the country’s less affluent areas and rebalance the economy away from London. Until now, the Labour party has offered relatively little in response.</p>
<p>In the Brown report, there are strong echoes of levelling up slogans in the claim that “talent is everywhere but opportunities are not equally spread”. The similarities are clearest in the analysis of how ordinary people are held back by geographic inequalities, and how these are linked to an <a href="https://www.routledge.com/The-UK-RegionalNational-Economic-Problem-Geography-globalisation-and/McCann/p/book/9781138895089">over-centralised government system</a>. There is support for devolving similar economic policy levers in areas such as skills, research and development and transport. </p>
<p>There are also call-backs to the previous Labour government’s attempts at regional rebalancing. The regional development agencies of the 2000s could be reborn as regional partnerships in the 2020s. And the London Assembly model that Labour created back in the late 90s may become a blueprint for the other regions of England in the longer term. </p>
<p>The dilemma facing Labour is that this policy area seems to be <a href="https://ukcivilservant.wordpress.com/2022/12/06/how-to-improve-regional-policy-in-england-ten-lessons-from-20-years/">crying out for consistency</a> but also <a href="https://www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk/blog/the-uks-incoherent-state/">in desperate need of reform</a>. There is also a growing academic consensus around geographical rebalancing and political decentralisation.</p>
<h2>What’s new?</h2>
<p>Labour is proposing further devolution to Scotland and Wales but it is on <a href="https://constitutionallawmatters.org/2022/04/devolution-a-view-from-england/">English devolution</a> that the most ambitious proposals are made. The report proposes a major decentralisation of power, giving “as much autonomy as possible” to England’s lower levels of government.</p>
<p>The Tory levelling up agenda has focused on devolving powers to achieve a set of centrally prescribed <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/publications/levelling-up-missions">“missions”</a>. In contrast, Labour proposes the centre retains only the powers that cannot be practically devolved. In place of the levelling up missions, Labour proposes a set of “social rights”, giving every local authority responsibility to safeguard people’s rights to, for example, health, education, and good housing. Funding would be delivered as block grants so that local areas could decide how to best spend their allocations.</p>
<p>Brown also repeatedly emphasises the need to give local government “constitutional protection”. Currently, the government can reorganise local government with ease. This has contributed to a history of <a href="https://www.productivity.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/WP015-Politics-of-Productivity-FINAL-131221.pdf">instability, complexity and centralisation</a>. Labour’s answer is for the assembly that replaces the House of Lords to have protecting devolution as one of its central missions. There would also be legal commitments to protect local autonomy, to devolve power, and to allow local government to take powers from the centre. This could mean that the rest of country will have a route to access the powers currently wielded by Andy Burnham in Manchester and Andy Street in the West Midlands.</p>
<h2>Will it work?</h2>
<p>The Brown report makes very big claims about decentralisation. A lot more detail is needed to show that there really will be a significant shift in power. The report concedes it will be a slow process because local leaders will be responsible for uniting in “partnerships” to receive powers. <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1052706/Levelling_Up_WP_HRES.pdf">Levelling up</a> is already expected to take until the end of the decade and Labour’s approach could be even slower.</p>
<p>The real difficulty here is that it is not clear where the boundaries should be drawn between England’s different regions. London and Manchester are quite clear, but in the north-east or the east Midlands, things are a lot more contentious. There is clearly caution about making such decisions at the centre, but leaving it to local leaders is a slow process, and likely to become mired in local politics. There is also a missing voice for local people in saying what their “region” or “local area” actually is.</p>
<p>Decentralisation alone cannot solve the UK’s economic challenges. That requires local governments having the capacity to develop long-term strategies for their own areas. There are <a href="https://lipsit.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/FINAL-Levelling-up-Report-digital.pdf">major problems with these capacities</a> at the moment. Labour is promising to devolve powers only if local government has the capability to use them effectively – but that will take funding. Breaking the deadlock will require intensive intervention from the centre to improve local policymaking.</p>
<p>There is potentially a big transfer of powers on the cards here, within England at least. But Labour will first need to solve the problem of England’s political geography, address the lack of local capability, and resist central micromanagement.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/195969/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jack Newman works on the Review of the UK Constitution, a collaboration between the Bennett Institute for Public Policy and the Institute for Government. </span></em></p>The plan to abolish the House of Lords has drawn the most attention but Labour is also proposing radical changes to how power is distributed.Jack Newman, Research Associate, Bennett Institute for Public Policy, University of CambridgeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1948772022-11-23T16:31:32Z2022-11-23T16:31:32ZUK supreme court rules Scotland cannot call a second independence referendum – the decision explained<p>The UK supreme court has ruled that the Scottish parliament does not have the power to unilaterally call a second referendum on Scottish independence. The <a href="https://www.supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uksc-2022-0098-judgment.pdf">judgment</a> comes in response to a request from the <a href="https://www.gov.scot/publications/lord-advocate-role-and-functions/#:%7E:text=The%20Lord%20Advocate%20is%20the,the%20proper%20administration%20of%20justice.">lord advocate</a> (the senior law officer of the Scottish government) for a decision on whether a second vote could go ahead, following the first referendum in 2014. </p>
<p>The Scottish government and Scottish parliament get their powers from the 1998 <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1998/46/contents?view=plain">Scotland Act</a>. In deciding the two main legal questions raised in this case, the UK supreme court was required to determine whether the powers extended to the Scottish parliament under this act included a power to legislate to hold a vote of this kind. It was not considering any wider questions relating to holding a potential independence referendum.</p>
<p>In particular, the supreme court had to decide whether legislating for such a referendum would be within the legal competence of the Scottish parliament, or whether this was a topic “reserved” for the UK parliament in Westminster.</p>
<p>The court was ruling on two main issues. First, whether the Scottish government had used the proper process when it referred this legal question to the supreme court. The court decided that it had. It was “consistent with the rule of law” for the lord advocate to “be able to obtain an authoritative judicial decision on the point”. </p>
<p>The court then moved on to the second, more substantive question: whether the Scottish parliament has the legal power to enact legislation to hold a referendum on independence.</p>
<h2>Beyond Holyrood’s powers</h2>
<p>Crucially, the supreme court held that legislation providing for a referendum on Scottish independence would relate to two matters which are reserved to the UK parliament under the Scotland Act. These are “the Union of the Kingdoms of England and Scotland” and “the Parliament of the United Kingdom”. Because the matter “relates to” these two issues, the Scottish parliament does not have the legal power (or “competence”) to enact legislation on this topic.</p>
<p>The court reasoned that these constraints in the Scotland Act mean that “measures which question the integrity of the United Kingdom” will be reserved to the UK institutions. </p>
<p>Scotland’s proposed legislation authorising a referendum on independence (which could trigger the end of the union and terminate the UK parliament’s sovereignty over Scotland) “has more than a loose or consequential connection with the union” and with “the sovereignty of (the UK) Parliament”. It would therefore fall within powers legally reserved to the UK parliament, not the Scottish parliament.</p>
<p>To reach this conclusion, the supreme court emphasised that it was required to consider a referendum’s “effect in all the circumstances”. This extended “beyond purely legal effects”. </p>
<p>The argument that a second referendum would only be advisory was not, therefore, persuasive to the supreme court. Even if such a vote didn’t produce a legally binding result, it would still amount to an “important political event” with “important political consequences”. </p>
<p>The outcome would still “possess the authority, in a constitution and political culture founded on democracy, of a democratic expression of the view of the Scottish electorate”. The result of a referendum of this kind would have “legitimacy” due to “its official and formal character”. It would therefore be much more than a purely abstract or consultative exercise and could not be legally allowed on this basis.</p>
<h2>Unanimous result</h2>
<p>The judgment of the supreme court was unanimous, with five judges led by the president, Lord Reed, in agreement that a second independence referendum cannot be authorised by the Scottish parliament alone.</p>
<p>The case has been decided quickly, with the judgment handed down six weeks after the end of oral arguments. The supreme court justices confirmed explicitly that they had “no doubt as to the answer” to these significant legal questions.</p>
<p>Lord Carloway, the lord president of the court of session of Scotland, said in 2021 that it <a href="https://www.scotcourts.gov.uk/docs/default-source/default-document-library/2021csih25.pdf">“may not be too difficult”</a> for the courts to “arrive at a conclusion” to these questions concerning the scope of the Scotland Act 1998. And he appears to have been right. </p>
<p>The UK Supreme Court’s decision provides absolute legal clarity that a second independence referendum cannot be held by the Scottish parliament acting alone. Just like in 2014, the agreement of the UK government and UK parliament would be required to hold a referendum.</p>
<p>The decision, however, also exposes a clash between the UK’s constitutional law and the democratic mandate obtained by the Scottish National Party to hold a further vote on Scottish independence. That clash is not of the supreme court’s making, but is a central feature of the UK’s statutory devolution arrangements. Now that that the legal options are clear, how that clash is managed will be a major challenge for the legitimacy of the UK’s constitutional order.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/194877/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michael Gordon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Scottish government wanted to trigger a second independence vote without consulting Westminster but that has been deemed not legally permissable.Michael Gordon, Professor of Constitutional Law, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1920792022-10-12T13:15:55Z2022-10-12T13:15:55ZWhy some Welsh people want the title Prince of Wales abolished<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/489023/original/file-20221010-20-60hfqo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Prince William has been given the title of Prince of Wales. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/july-19-2017-berlin-prince-william-1318286327">360B/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>On September 9 2022, the new King Charles III installed his son and heir, Prince William, and William’s wife Katherine as the Prince and Princess of Wales. It is a title held by Charles from the age of ten in 1958 until his accession to the throne on the death of his mother on September 8.</p>
<p>The titles are controversial – and many in Wales have called for their abolition. By September 15, <a href="https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/uk-news/petition-end-prince-wales-title-25028953">a petition</a> to scrap the Prince of Wales title had collected more than 25,000 signatures. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2022/oct/07/gwynedd-council-calls-for-abolition-of-title-prince-of-wales#:%7E:text=A%20Welsh%20council%20has%20officially,William%20anywhere%20in%20the%20country">Gwynedd council in north Wales</a> has also recently voted to express its opposition to the title and is asking for a consultation on whether it should be abolished.</p>
<p>On the other hand, a <a href="https://www.itv.com/news/wales/2022-09-26/majority-in-favour-of-prince-of-wales-title-for-william-but-not-an-investiture">YouGov poll</a> conducted in early September found that 66% of respondents supported the Prince of Wales title being given to William, and that 74% felt that he would do a good job.</p>
<p>The history of Wales’s relationship with England helps to explain the strong opinions surrounding the Prince of Wales title. As one of the councillors stated in an interview after the vote: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>The title of Prince of Wales has been a thorn in our nation for centuries. It reminds us that we are owned by the regime rather than citizens of our country.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>The last Welsh princes of Wales</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Llywelyn-ap-Gruffudd">Llywelyn ap Gruffudd</a>, seen by some as the last Welsh Prince of Wales, was killed in battle in 1282 during Edward I’s conquest of Wales. Edward I installed his son, later Edward II, as the first English Prince of Wales in 1301.</p>
<p>There is, however, another candidate for the last Welsh Prince of Wales. In 1400, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/wales/history/sites/themes/figures/owain_glyndwr.shtml">Owain Glyndŵr</a>, a Welsh nobleman, began a 15-year revolt against English rule and reclaimed the title of Prince of Wales. In 1404, Glyndŵr held court at <a href="https://cadw.gov.wales/visit/places-to-visit/harlech-castle">Harlech Castle</a> on the Welsh coast and announced his vision of an independent Welsh State, with a Welsh parliament and a separate Welsh church.</p>
<p>It is Glyndŵr, rather than Gruffudd, whose memory as the “last Welsh Prince of Wales” has endured. He is depicted in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Owen_Glendower_(Shakespeare_character)">Shakespeare’s Henry IV part one</a> and was remembered when the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/1999/may/27/wales.devolution1">first Welsh Parliament</a> for nearly 600 years was opened on May 26 1999. Stamps were issued with his likeness in 1974 and <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/wales/mid/7269523.stm">2008</a>, and streets, parks and public squares are named after him throughout Wales.</p>
<p>Wales celebrates Owain Glyndŵr Day every year on September 16, the anniversary of the date that Glyndŵr was proclaimed Prince of Wales. In 2022, <a href="https://nation.cymru/news/owain-glyndwr-day-celebrations-to-continue-despite-kings-visit/">Owain Glyndŵr Day</a> celebrations coincided with a visit from the new King, a visit that was <a href="https://www.dailypost.co.uk/news/north-wales-news/michael-sheen-king-charles-owain-25044976">described as</a> “insensitive to the point of insulting” by the Welsh actor Michael Sheen.</p>
<h2>Welsh pride</h2>
<p>After Glyndŵr’s death in 1415, there was little further resistance to English rule. Wales was annexed to England by the <a href="https://www.cs.mcgill.ca/%7Erwest/wikispeedia/wpcd/wp/l/Laws_in_Wales_Acts_1535%25E2%2580%25931542.htm#:%7E:text=The%20Laws%20in%20Wales%20Acts,to%20as%20England%20and%20Wales.">Laws in Wales Acts of 1535 and 1542</a>, which extended the English legal system to Wales and introduced English political administration.</p>
<p>This legislation was not widely unpopular in Wales at the time. The Welsh gentry supported the acts as they gave them equality under the law with English citizens and provided them with the support of the English parliament.</p>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="Front page of Welsh Bible." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/489016/original/file-20221010-12-o5th2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/489016/original/file-20221010-12-o5th2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=957&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/489016/original/file-20221010-12-o5th2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=957&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/489016/original/file-20221010-12-o5th2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=957&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/489016/original/file-20221010-12-o5th2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1203&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/489016/original/file-20221010-12-o5th2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1203&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/489016/original/file-20221010-12-o5th2g.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1203&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:1588_First_Welsh_Bible.jpg">Wikimedia</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Although the Laws in Wales Acts replaced Welsh with English as the official language of administration and law, the Welsh language endured. At the beginning of the 18th century, Welsh was spoken by around 90% of the population of Wales. The <a href="https://www.cymmrodorion.org/">Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion</a> (established 1751) and the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gwyneddigion_Society">Gwyneddigion Society</a> (established 1770) were founded in London to restore the Welsh language, and by the 19th century most inhabitants of Wales continued to speak Welsh. </p>
<p>There has been a decline in the number of fluent Welsh speakers since then. In 2021, the <a href="https://gov.wales/welsh-language-data-annual-population-survey-2021#:%7E:text=For%20the%20year%20ending%2031,equates%20to%20around%20892%2C200%20people.">Annual Population Survey</a> reported that 29.5% of people aged three or older were able to speak Welsh, which equates to around 892,200 people. However, this number seems to be growing year-on-year and the Welsh language has remained a point of pride and identity. Bilingual road signs have been permitted in Wales since 1965, and since <a href="https://roadsafetygb.org.uk/news/n-a-4985/">2016 new regulations</a> stated that road signs should display the Welsh language first.</p>
<p>Wales’s sense of a distinct culture, aided by the enduring memory of Owain Glyndŵr help to explain some of the opposition to the titles of the Prince and Princess of Wales being handed to English descendants of the monarchy.</p>
<p>The investiture – the ceremony that awards the titles – of the new Prince and Princess of Wales is expected to be on a <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-politics-62925961">far smaller scale</a> to <a href="https://www.bbc.com/historyofthebbc/anniversaries/july/investiture-of-the-prince-of-wales/">Charles’s investiture</a> at Caernarfon Castle in July 1969. It remains to be seen whether this will allay the resistance of the portion of the Welsh population who would prefer that these titles be axed altogether.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/192079/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Siobhan Talbott receives funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council and the British Academy. </span></em></p>The title was last held by a Welshman in the 1400s.Siobhan Talbott, Reader in Early Modern History, Keele UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1908372022-09-21T01:30:04Z2022-09-21T01:30:04ZRemote control: why Auckland’s local election is neither local nor democratic<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/485746/original/file-20220920-15266-p69f14.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=16%2C0%2C5409%2C3619&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>With local body elections currently under way, democracy makes its triennial appearance in New Zealand’s towns and cities once again. But elections alone don’t automatically make for democratic governance at street level. And this is particularly true of Auckland.</p>
<p>Since the unification of regional, city and district councils in 2010, the so-called “<a href="https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/national/429641/ten-years-since-auckland-council-formed-but-how-super-is-the-supercity">super city</a>” has been run by a single Auckland Council. </p>
<p>It covers a diverse urban and rural region of 1.7 million people, spread across more than 4,894 square kilometres. The mayor and 20 councillors set the rates, pass bylaws and control city planning.</p>
<p>The 21 subordinate local boards have no rating or regulatory powers. On the old maxim of “no taxation without representation”, local board members aren’t representatives in a full political sense. It’s the power to tax that really matters.</p>
<p>So, in effect, 21 people represent 1.7 million. That’s a ratio of one elected representative to approximately every 81,000 people – somewhere between the populations of Whangārei and Dunedin.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1570546754319155200"}"></div></p>
<h2>Power imbalance</h2>
<p>By comparison, at the national level there is one member of parliament to every 42,700 people. Auckland has 23 electorate MPs, and 16 list MPs are based in the region. That’s 39 MPs in Auckland compared with 20 councillors and one mayor. </p>
<p>Ironically, Aucklanders are better represented in parliament in Wellington than in the council chamber in downtown Auckland. </p>
<p>Compare this also with <a href="https://www.chbdc.govt.nz/our-district/about-central-hawkes-bay/">Central Hawkes Bay District</a>, for example, where there are nine council members, including a mayor, representing 14,142 people: a ratio of one to 1,571.</p>
<p>A vote there is clearly worth a lot more – roughly 53 times more – than one in Auckland. That other old maxim of “one person, one vote” comes to mind. Little wonder Hawkes Bay <a href="https://www.nzherald.co.nz/hawkes-bay-today/news/big-no-in-amalgamation-referendum/VNC4GBPEJHXCVLK6BQAPBIAKDM/">voted not to unify</a> its local government along the same lines as Auckland. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/nzs-most-walkable-towns-and-cities-ranked-see-how-your-neighbourhood-stacks-up-189383">NZ’s most walkable towns and cities ranked: see how your neighbourhood stacks up</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>While representing and taxing 81,000 people, an Auckland ward councillor is rarely heard or seen by residents between elections. Your chances of bumping into one in Queen Street to say “g’day” and tell them your thoughts are almost zero.</p>
<p>Local boards have no rating or regulatory powers, despite each covering populations the size of cities. In 2018, for example, the <a href="https://cloud.statsilk.com/l/acouncil/local-board-data-viewer/StatPlanet_Cloud.html">Waitematā Local Board</a> area had an estimated 82,866 residents, and Devonport-Takapuna 57,975.</p>
<p>Whether you’re a farmer close to the northern or southern border of the council territory, or an inner-city student, the real decision makers are remote and largely beyond the influence of ordinary ratepayers and voters.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1572135614203695105"}"></div></p>
<h2>Democratic deficit</h2>
<p>Compounding this had been the historical decline in voter turnout for local elections, with participation down to 42% in 2019. This is the opposite of general elections: following a low in 2011, turnout rose to 81.5% of those enrolled in 2020.</p>
<p>In Auckland, there are presently 22 candidates running for mayor, most of whom get no voice in the media. To get ahead in this election requires more than just competence and a good track record. You need plenty of money, wider political backing and, above all, media attention.</p>
<p>But media space is limited, so news coverage and live debates focus on those deemed to stand a chance of getting within the first three or four places.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/canterbury-ratepayers-risk-paying-the-price-twice-if-tarras-airport-takes-off-189369">Canterbury ratepayers risk paying the price twice if Tarras airport takes off</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>This process, and the <a href="https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/national/474881/auckland-mayoralty-viv-beck-pulls-out-from-race">subsequent withdrawal</a> of two centre-right candidates, has seen the media and pollsters anoint two remaining front-runners: the centre-right Wayne Brown and the centre-left Efeso Collins. Neither is clearly ahead in polls.</p>
<p>But given the forgone conclusions of previous mayoral contests, Aucklanders at least have a <a href="https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/politics/local-body-elections/129937099/auckland-mayoral-race-a-close-contest-for-first-time-in-12-years-strategist-says">real electoral choice</a> of leadership styles and visions for the city’s future. </p>
<p>Collins espouses a caring and inclusive approach that looks to the interests of the city’s worst-off, as well as its economic development. Brown pushes the pragmatic and task-oriented attitude of an engineer who prides himself on “fixing” things.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/485749/original/file-20220920-15731-cd4iy8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/485749/original/file-20220920-15731-cd4iy8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/485749/original/file-20220920-15731-cd4iy8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/485749/original/file-20220920-15731-cd4iy8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=394&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/485749/original/file-20220920-15731-cd4iy8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=495&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/485749/original/file-20220920-15731-cd4iy8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=495&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/485749/original/file-20220920-15731-cd4iy8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=495&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Expensive to fix: Auckland’s Britomart railway station under construction as part of the city’s giant transport infrastructure project.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Getty Images</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Centralisation of power</h2>
<p>This close and less predictable contest may help boost participation. But it doesn’t negate the essential problem of genuine representation.</p>
<p>Auckland’s many problems are expensive to fix – and expensive to leave unfixed. The solutions frequently involve partnerships with central government, which to a large extent was the reason for unifying the region’s governance in the first place. </p>
<p>Cabinet ministers, it was believed, should be able to call one person – the mayor – when dealing with the city’s significant infrastructure deficits. Even so, much of the city’s real assets and services were carved off into “council-controlled organisations”, entities with their own governance structures. Many argue the council should exert more control over these.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/whose-identity-are-we-preserving-in-aucklands-special-character-housing-areas-183207">Whose ‘identity’ are we preserving in Auckland’s special character housing areas?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Whatever the motivation, the outcome has certainly not been an improvement in local democracy. The governance of Auckland is remote from, and happens high above the heads, of ratepayers and residents. </p>
<p>This attenuated system of representation appears to reflect a national, indeed international, trend towards centralisation of government.</p>
<p>Not only has the unification of Auckland thinned out representation and put up barriers to participation, across the whole country we’ve seen central government overruling local government in matters such as public health, urban development and water use. </p>
<p>Regardless of where you might stand on those issues, we certainly hear a lot less about devolving decision making closer to those directly affected.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/190837/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grant Duncan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>New Zealand’s largest city is governed by a small, remote body with only a semblance of representative democracy. Given the city’s massive challenges, is that good enough?Grant Duncan, Associate Professor, School of People, Environment and Planning, Massey UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1633002021-06-24T18:58:17Z2021-06-24T18:58:17ZOne Britain One Nation Day is the perfect vehicle for the government’s values campaign<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/408055/original/file-20210624-23-uz9uer.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=736%2C273%2C1998%2C1414&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">One Britain, One Nation?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/RaJJDlGu0x8">Photo by Aleks Marinkovic on Unsplash</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The UK government has officially endorsed the celebration of June 25 as One Britain, One Nation (OBON) Day. Part of a campaign to promote British patriotism, the day is a long-standing endeavour that a few months ago barely anyone outside a group of schools in West Yorkshire had heard of. Yet it has since garnered <a href="https://www.yorkshirepost.co.uk/read-this/everything-you-need-to-know-about-one-britain-one-nation-day-2021-3283442">celebrity support</a>, been discussed <a href="https://www.esthermcvey.com/news/esther-mcvey-supports-one-britain-one-nation">in parliament</a> and now <a href="https://www.nme.com/news/music/uk-government-mocked-for-asking-kids-to-sing-bizarre-one-britain-one-nation-song-2976398">gone viral</a>. </p>
<p>The video for the OBON anthem, <a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9720465/Retired-policeman-One-Britain-One-Nation-campaign-blasts-diabolical-social-media-trolls.html">written by</a> pupils and their music teacher at a primary school in Bradford, features children waving union flags and singing lyrics such as “Strong Britain, Great Nation”, and has been viewed over 3 million times.</p>
<p>This sudden flurry of interest was prompted by the education secretary, Gavin Williamson, praising the campaign. With such Whitehall enthusiasm, we would be forgiven for thinking the government itself had come up with this whole thing. </p>
<p>The actual history of OBON Day is more complex. But the government’s endorsement of the celebration is part of a wider, controversial drive to use schools to promote “British values”.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/-KAWylrnlvA?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">OBON Day 2021 Anthem - Official Video.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This is, in fact, the ninth year an annual One Britain One Nation Day has been celebrated. In 2005, former police inspector Kash Singh established <a href="https://www.onebritainonenation.com/">OBON</a> as a community-interest company. Singh came to the UK from the Punjab when he was six years old, unable to speak English. </p>
<p>He has explained that he wanted to see “everybody feeling part of this great country”. His project, he said, aimed to “utilise the strength of all our people to build a proud nation, where everyone has a strong sense of belonging and aspires to play an important role in the life of our nation”.</p>
<p>At Singh’s instigation, OBON Day celebrations have since taken place in Bradford and West Yorkshire. This year, the campaign caught the attention of notable MPs, including former cabinet member Esther McVey, who prompted Boris Johnson to support it at prime minister’s questions in May. An official endorsement followed, with a post on the department for education’s Twitter account encouraging schools to celebrate the day.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1406990765906145281"}"></div></p>
<p>While certain MPs have echoed the Department for Education’s <a href="https://twitter.com/1Britain1Nation/status/1407015305214320641">support</a> of the project, others have <a href="https://www.thenational.scot/politics/19393186.one-britain-one-nation-day-tommy-sheppard-says-uk-support-palpably-ignorant/">criticised</a> it for supposed nationalistic undertones. The song has been roundly <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2021/jun/23/uk-education-secretary-mocked-for-one-britain-one-nation-day-song">mocked</a> on social media. <a href="https://twitter.com/Scarfolk/status/1407401986610417664">Memes</a> have drawn a comparison with totalitarian regimes. Scottish first minister Nicola Sturgeon has said she thought the whole thing was a <a href="https://www.heraldscotland.com/politics/19393568.nicola-sturgeon-criticises-ludicrous-one-britain-one-nation-day/">spoof</a>. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.dailypost.co.uk/news/north-wales-news/welsh-fa-urges-every-schoolchild-20885122">Welsh Football Association</a> meanwhile has suggested Welsh pupils sing their nation’s anthem instead, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZwdZOHm8r-Y">Mae Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau</a>. It’s a subtle dig at how the campaign fails to acknowledge devolution. It also neatly illustrates the heated debate the campaign prompts, around questions of patriotism and national identity, and what we teach our children.</p>
<p>It is striking that the government has <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/prime-minister-sings-up-for-mocked-patriotic-one-britain-one-nation-song-sjttgjflf">couched</a> its support for OBON Day within a push for what it has dubbed <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/guidance-on-promoting-british-values-in-schools-published">fundamental British values</a>. In 2012, it introduced a requirement for schools to promote democracy, rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance. </p>
<p>Though ideas of respect and tolerance clearly have wide appeal, this legal duty for teachers has been <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-problem-with-teaching-british-values-in-school-83688">controversial</a>. <a href="https://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/id/eprint/10038503/1/Starkey%20FBVs%20and%20citizenship%20education%20Geografiska%20Annaler%20as%20accepted%20Nov%202017.pdf">Research</a> has critically examined its motivations and links to the counter-terrorism <a href="https://eprints.ncl.ac.uk/223892">Prevent</a> strategy. Overall, the department for education’s encouragement of more schools to celebrate OBON Day can be seen as the latest in a series of moves over the past decade to promote values, virtues, morals and character education. </p>
<p>In my forthcoming <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Mapping-the-Moral-Geographies-of-Education-Character-Citizenship-and-Values/Mills/p/book/9781138300828">book</a> I trace these curriculum initiatives and related extra-curricular activities. The department for education’s focus on character-building programmes of sport, music and volunteering for schoolchildren has grown alongside a push to implement <a href="http://orca.cf.ac.uk/92496/">military ethos schemes</a> and <a href="https://schoolsweek.co.uk/williamson-plans-1-1m-expansion-of-cadet-units-in-schools/">cadet units</a> in schools. Seen in this context, Gavin Williamson’s support of OBON is hardly surprising.</p>
<h2>Which great nation?</h2>
<p>A recent <a href="https://inews.co.uk/news/brexit/brexit-britain-divided-eu-referendum-five-years-public-split-1062481">poll</a> found there are still deep divisions along the lines created by the Brexit referendum. In which case, you might ask if the sentiment of something like OBON Day could actually be restorative. </p>
<p>The problem is that the UK is not one nation, but a union of four: England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, the latter of which is not part of Great Britain. The fact that this celebration is being held on June 25 sidelines Scottish schools, many of which have already closed for the holidays by this date. Education is also a devolved issue, and the <a href="https://nation.cymru/news/boris-johnson-sings-praises-of-widely-mocked-the-one-britain-one-nation-song/">Welsh government</a> highlighted that it had “not been engaged in this project”. </p>
<p>This incoherence in the campaign appears to have been overlooked by the government. And similar dynamics can be seen in other projects it has backed. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-is-the-national-citizen-service-59648#:%7E:text=Launched%20in%202011%2C%20the%20National,to%2017%2Dyear%2Dolds.&text=NCS%20marks%20a%20shift%20change,and%20local%20authority%20youth%20clubs.">National Citizen Service</a>, for example, is a state-funded youth volunteering scheme but which only operates in England and Northern Ireland. My <a href="https://repository.lboro.ac.uk/articles/journal_contribution/Brands_of_youth_citizenship_and_the_politics_of_scale_National_Citizen_Service_in_the_United_Kingdom/9482555">research</a> reveals how its name and brand overlooked devolution and how this ultimately hampered its potential for being implemented in other parts of the UK.</p>
<p>It is unclear how many children will take part in OBON activities. Indeed, it appears its reach is still largely limited to the schools in West Yorkshire who knew about it before the song went viral. Nevertheless, the department for education’s endorsement is significant. It demonstrates a continued drive from Westminster to promote fundamental British values in schools, at a time when education is increasingly embroiled in a wider <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/education/2021/jun/21/tory-mps-accused-of-adding-fuel-to-culture-war-in-education-report">culture war</a> worthy of far greater attention.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1404458028116631554"}"></div></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/163300/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sarah Mills has received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council and Arts and Humanities Research Council.</span></em></p>What started out as a community project with local schoolchildren has garnered an official endorsement and countless memes. It has also sparked a national conversationSarah Mills, Reader in Human Geography, Loughborough UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1592672021-04-30T13:32:50Z2021-04-30T13:32:50ZA pandemic election: local votes approach during tense moment for relations with Westminster<p>One of the key concerns about local elections is always their <a href="https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/who-we-are-and-what-we-do/elections-and-referendums/past-elections-and-referendums/england-local-council-elections/results-and-turnout-2018-may-england-local-elections">low turnout</a>, unless there is a very specific community issue of concern, such as a hospital closure. This apparent lack of interest, by the electorate, in voting for politicians to run their councils has always been used by governments to undermine the relevance of local politicians when the latter make representations against national policies that directly affect them – planning, housing and major transport schemes.</p>
<p>The larger turnout achieved in parliamentary elections is used to validate the idea that decisions are best made from the centre. Of course, the low turnout in local elections may reflect the public’s understanding that local government’s powers are small and can be easily overridden by Westminster and Whitehall. They may feel that there is no point in exercising a vote if it doesn’t really matter. </p>
<p>This undermining of locally elected political representatives and the role that they play in their communities has ramped up during the pandemic. And indeed, the 2021 local elections almost didn’t go ahead. Some, including the London mayoral vote, have been postponed since 2020. </p>
<p>Up until just a few months ago, there were <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk-government-has-delayed-elections-longer-than-most-countries-and-england-still-isnt-ready-to-hold-pandemic-votes-in-may-152862">doubts as to whether they could be held</a> during the pandemic. Would they have to be full postal elections? How would parties be able to canvass for support? Could people speak on their doorsteps? Local authority returning officers started to express concern that it would not be possible to hold elections in these conditions. Eventually, at the last possible moment, the elections were called.</p>
<h2>Judgement on the centre?</h2>
<p>These votes are the electorate’s first opportunity to pass any judgement on Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s handling of the crisis. Johnson’s highly centralised approach has undermined and bypassed local authorities’ long-held role in managing public heath emergencies. <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/government-must-bring-end-its-risky-covid-crisis-procurement">Personal protective equipment (PPE), ventilators and test-and-trace services were procured centrally</a>. In the autumn of 2020, local authorities and their political leaders <a href="https://theconversation.com/andy-burnhams-standoff-with-london-was-always-about-more-than-just-lockdown-money-148594">despaired</a> when Westminster imposed different levels of lockdown – and different levels of financial support – for different parts of the country.</p>
<p>Local government is part of a multi-level governance of the British state. But, unlike the rest of the OECD member countries, its role is not included within the constitution. This means local authority powers are at the whim of the government in power. </p>
<p>Local authorities have, for some time, felt that Westminster increasingly perceives local government as a “sector” – that is, an external group of agencies to be controlled rather than an inherent part of government, working as partners. Even so, they were stunned by how centralised the pandemic response ended up being. </p>
<p>Local authorities and, where they existed, directly elected mayors of combined authorities, started to speak out. The drama played out in nightly TV broadcasts, particularly as Manchester mayor Andy Burnham took on London. Local leaders had the support of their MPs. This was particularly illustrated through the outspoken support for Greater Manchester, its mayor and local authorities by <a href="https://www.standard.co.uk/news/uk/manchester-tier-3-lockdown-funding-boris-johnson-a4572073.html">Graham Brady</a>, a local Conservative MP but also chairman of the influential parliamentary backbench 1922 Committee – the only group of MPs who can unseat the prime minister. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, first ministers in Scotland and Wales could choose lockdown measures, work at the local level, close borders and report daily on how the pandemic challenges were being addressed. These powers were not available to the mayors and local authority leaders who were subject to centralised diktat, only adding to their frustration.</p>
<h2>Thinking more local</h2>
<p>Although not initially given funding to carry out their own test-and-trace services, <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/covid-19-peer-support-directors-public-health-testing-contact-tracing-and-outbreak-management">local directors of public health</a> started to deal with the pandemic in more traditional ways – gathering information, testing, reaching those failed by the privatised call centres and supporting the vulnerable, including providing PPE to care homes.</p>
<p>And as the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-uks-speedy-covid-19-vaccine-rollout-surprise-success-or-planned-perfection-155922">vaccine rollout began</a>, it quickly became clear that more localised efforts would be needed if it was to be effective across the population. The implementation of the vaccination programme through the NHS provided the evidence that <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/about/news/lga-councils-playing-leading-local-role-vaccine-rollout-success">local systems work and are trusted</a>. </p>
<p>The local vaccination delivery had been able to develop away from the politicised spotlight and introduced to growing public approval. These successes must surely have contributed to the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/apr/11/vaccine-boost-pushes-tories-approval-rating-on-covid-into-positive-territory">poll boost</a> currently being enjoyed by the prime minister.</p>
<p>A good showing at the local elections could encourage Johnson to make a run for an early general election – after a good summer, while booster jabs are being given and before any new variants require further lockdowns later in the year. The PM may also use the experiences of the past year to learn the positive lessons of a localised approach. However, he could just as easily view all this as a short-term fix before going back to the recentralisation programme that was in full swing during 2020. The forthcoming devolution white paper and its consequences for local government hang on this thread.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/159267/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Janice Morphet does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The current government has been keen to centralise but has seen the value of local support during the pandemic.Janice Morphet, Visiting Professor, The Bartlett School of Planning Faculty of the Built Environment, UCLLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1582392021-04-01T10:16:23Z2021-04-01T10:16:23ZWestminster steps in after Northern Ireland fails to comply with abortion law change – how it happened<p>Abortion was <a href="https://theconversation.com/northern-ireland-has-been-forced-to-change-its-abortion-law-heres-how-it-happened-125256">decriminalised in Northern Ireland</a> in October 2019. In March the following year, the legal framework was in place to provide terminations. A year later, though, it hasn’t happened. The Department of Health in Northern Ireland hasn’t provided a clear plan to commission permanent abortion services that would ensure provision would be budgeted for and available throughout all of Northern Ireland. </p>
<p>Now Westminster has had to intervene to ensure women in Northern Ireland can access abortion services they are legally entitled to. Abortions can be carried out in all circumstances up to week 12 of pregnancy, until week 24 if continuing the pregnancy would risk injury to the woman’s physical or mental health, and without a time limit in cases of severe or fatal foetal abnormality or risk to the life of the pregnant woman.</p>
<p>Brandon Lewis, the secretary of state for Northern Ireland, has introduced new regulations that will compel the Department of Health in Northern Ireland to commission services. The <a href="https://www.nihrc.org/news/detail/human-rights-commission-takes-legal-action-on-lack-of-abortion-services-in-ni?">Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission</a> has also launched a judicial review over the failure to enable women in Northern Ireland to get access to abortion since it was decriminalised.</p>
<p>The Northern Ireland health minister, Robin Swann of the Ulster Unionist Party, maintains that commissioning of services <a href="https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/ni-secretary-set-for-major-row-with-dup-over-abortion-and-devolution-1.4515028">must be agreed by the five-party coalition Executive</a> rather than his department as it is a controversial or significant decision. Party agreement on significant issues is part of the power-sharing institution that aims to protect minority groups from majority decision-making. Power-sharing is in place to protect against sectarianism, it is unclear why it should be applied to the commissioning of abortion services. </p>
<p>It’s common to see political wrangling hold up change on abortion in Northern Ireland. And opponents also regularly use institutional processes as blocking devices. At various points in the past when abortion laws have been considered by Westminster, politicians and religious leaders have written letters arguing that the peace process would be under threat by any change to <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5473047/">abortion</a> laws. This approach has worked in the past as Westminster mostly wished to stay out of Northern Ireland issues. These same groups have also argued that abortion laws are being forced on Northern Ireland without <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/mar/18/uk-to-force-northern-ireland-to-speed-up-abortion-services">consent</a>. <a href="https://www.unison-ni.org.uk/sites/default/files/TU%20Abortion%20Report%20Oct9_Final_Final_Edit.pdf">Opinion polls</a>, however, point to public support for liberalising the law.</p>
<p>Now, some are arguing that Westminster is overreaching its powers by stepping in to ensure the Northern Ireland government complies with the law introduced in its jurisdiction a year ago. Abortion laws were introduced via Westminster during the three-year period when the Northern Ireland Assembly was not in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/jan/10/northern-ireland-assembly-to-reopen-after-three-year-suspension">operation</a> because power-sharing had collapsed. The move came in response to <a href="https://reproductivehealthlawpolicy.files.wordpress.com/2018/04/cedaw-briefing-rhlpag4.pdf">UN recommendations</a> on ending discrimination against women in Northern Ireland. As a human rights issue, it was predominantly a matter for Westminster rather than a devolved power. </p>
<h2>Making do</h2>
<p>And while women are still not being provided with abortion services, plenty of parliamentary effort in Northern Ireland has gone into moving in the opposite direction. </p>
<p>Paul Givan, a Democratic Unionist Party assembly member, has put forward a <a href="http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/assembly-business/legislation/2017-2022-mandate/non-executive-bill-proposals/severe-fetal-impairment-abortion-amendment-bill/">private member’s bill</a> that aims to remove the grounds for abortion in cases of severe foetal impairment. He presented this proposal in February and it is now being considered by parliamentary committees before potentially being introduced into law. </p>
<p>During all of this, women have continued to need access to abortion. Health trusts in Northern Ireland have been providing interim services for early medical abortion (just over <a href="https://www.fsrh.org/documents/niact-full-report-31st-march-2021/">1,000 women</a> have accessed these services since April 2020). The services are being provided on an ad hoc basis by a few staff, often on top of their other duties. Lack of commissioning also means a lack of public health <a href="https://reproductivehealthlawpolicy.files.wordpress.com/2020/09/abortion-in-ni-first-year-review.pdf">information</a> on abortion which means those seeking abortion may still end up in contact with rogue pregnancy clinics. </p>
<p>During the pandemic, women in Great Britain were given access to at-home abortion pills after phone consultations. These services were not provided in Northern Ireland. Those of a gestation over ten weeks or who require surgical abortion have been forced to travel to England during the pandemic (it is estimated that over 100 women have travelled in the past year). The situation has caused immense distress, with <a href="https://www.swlondoner.co.uk/life/06052020-abortion-rules-in-chaos-as-northern-ireland-struggles-to-cope-with-new-rules-imposed-by-travel-restrictions/">reports</a> of attempted suicide by women unable to access care.</p>
<p>Intervention by Westminster is a positive development to ensure access to abortion for women in Northern Ireland, but it will most likely not be the final step in the story of abortion access in Northern Ireland. After all, politicians in Northern Ireland are already attempting to restrict the new, human-rights-compliant, legal framework even before it has been put into practice.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/158239/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Claire Pierson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A year since the law was changed, women were still not getting access to abortion services.Claire Pierson, Lecturer in Politics, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1531272021-01-14T14:47:27Z2021-01-14T14:47:27ZScotland is ready to run the May elections, despite the pandemic<p>Important Scottish parliament elections are scheduled for May 2021 and the expectation is that the <a href="https://news.stv.tv/politics/snp-set-for-majority-at-2021-scottish-parliament-election?top">Scottish National Party will</a> emerge as the biggest party, potentially even with enough votes to form a majority government, after ruling as a minority since 2016.</p>
<p>However, it has been argued by former first minister Henry McLeish, among others that these elections, <a href="https://www.sundaypost.com/fp/former-first-minister-scottish-election-will-risk-spreading-the-virus-among-voters-and-should-be-delayed-until-it-is-safe-to-hold/">should be postponed</a> because of the coronavirus pandemic. </p>
<p>First Minister Nicola Sturgeon <a href="https://www.heraldscotland.com/news/18986937.nicola-sturgeon---no-reason-scottish-parliament-election-delayed/">said</a> that she sees “no reason at this stage why the election wouldn’t go ahead”. The subtext for critics might be “why would she, with the polls so favourable?” Victory for the SNP would allow it to claim a mandate for a second independence referendum. This is, therefore, a historic political opportunity for the SNP to realise that goal. It could be a defining moment for Scotland and the UK.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/pdf/10.1089/elj.2020.0642">Election postponements</a> are deeply political and there is often an incentive for those in power to keep or switch the date for political advantage. But in this case, Sturgeon doesn’t need to be playing politics. The lead in the polls is sizeable and has been consistent – often <a href="https://www.electoralcalculus.co.uk/polls_scot.html">by more than 30 percentage points</a>. So a delay would be unlikely to make a difference.</p>
<p>Also, Scotland is in good shape to hold these elections. Electoral administrators and policymakers have been <a href="https://spice-spotlight.scot/2020/06/30/coronavirus-covid-19-what-could-the-impact-be-on-the-ordinary-general-election-to-the-scottish-parliament-scheduled-for-may-2021/">planning</a> in depth for COVID-19 mitigations for May’s elections since at least mid-2020.</p>
<p>The Scottish parliament has the power to legislate on electoral law for Scottish parliament and local elections. At the end of December, it passed the <a href="https://beta.parliament.scot/bills-and-laws/bills/scottish-general-election-coronavirus-bill">Scottish General Election (Coronavirus) Bill</a>. This provides for a range of contingencies to allow the elections to proceed. Crucially, this was passed on a <a href="https://beta.parliament.scot/chamber-and-committees/what-was-said-and-official-reports/official-reports/meeting-of-parliament-23-12-2020?meeting=13038&iob=117969">cross-party basis</a>, with 117 votes for and none against. Scotland was also unique among the UK’s four electoral jurisdictions in allowing a few <a href="https://democracyvolunteers.org/2021/01/11/interim-statement-scottish-by-elections-october-november-2020/">council byelections</a> to be held late in 2020, so Scottish electoral administrators have some experience of conducting elections under COVID-19 circumstances. This situation contrasts with the renewed debate in <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk-government-has-delayed-elections-longer-than-most-countries-and-england-still-isnt-ready-to-hold-pandemic-votes-in-may-152862">England</a>, where no such cross-party legislation has yet been developed.</p>
<h2>How elections will work</h2>
<p>The contingency legislation for the Scottish elections contains various measures to make voting possible within the confines of coronavirus rules. </p>
<p>To minimise traffic at polling stations, for example, more people will be encouraged to vote by post. Pre-pandemic, rates of postal voting had already been on the increase – up from 11.2% in 2007 to 18% in 2016. Levels of postal voting under pandemic conditions are expected to be <a href="https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/who-we-are-and-what-we-do/our-views-and-research/our-research/public-attitudes-towards-voting-scotland-context-covid-19">around 40%</a>, but the legislation makes it possible for the vote to be held entirely by post, if that’s necessary. </p>
<p>Postal voting is logistically complex. It takes time to register voters for it and to implement the various security measures that legislation rightly provides for. The Scottish government is providing extra funding to electoral registration officers to ensure they have the resources to process increased numbers of postal votes. If the vote does have to be fully postal, the elections will need to be postponed for six months. </p>
<p>The legislation allows for additional contingencies should the pandemic worsen. There has been discussion about extending voting over several days to help with social distancing. This was put into place in <a href="https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/running-local-elections-during-the-covid-19-crisis-queensland-australia_en.pdf">Queensland, Australia</a> and is often <a href="https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/10.1089/ELJ.2020.0642">recommended</a>. It would be logistically challenging and may necessitate a delayed election. Provision has been made for this in the Scottish General Election (Coronavirus) Act, allowing ministers to extend voting on the recommendation of the Electoral Management Board. The expectation remains that the <a href="https://www.emb.scot/news/article/3/assessment-of-the-need-to-hold-polling-over-multiple-days-at-the-scottish-parliament-election-scheduled-for-6-may-2021">election will be held over one day</a>.</p>
<p>Provision has also been made should MSPs need to delay returning to parliament to choose a first minister because of the pandemic. Regardless of any potential postponement, the elections have to be held by November 5 2021.</p>
<h2>Making it happen</h2>
<p>A widespread public education campaign will be key to ensuring the May 2021 Scottish parliament elections are a success. This should focus on the need to register early for postal votes. Often voters leave this to close to the deadline. Doing so in 2021 could lead to considerable pressure on electoral administrators. It could also lead to voters missing the deadline. This could mean that they have to attend polling stations, increasing the risk of spreading coronavirus. This postal vote campaign needs to start now. It needs to use all available channels of communication.</p>
<p>There needs also to be clear communication to the media, to voters and political parties that counts will take longer. Results are unlikely to be available overnight.</p>
<p>Communicating what to expect in polling stations will also be important. Voters will find social distancing in place, where appropriate, with one-way systems and possible limits on numbers in polling stations. There will be regular sanitisation and an expectation that voters will wear face coverings. In recent years, there has been a conspiracy theory and movement against pencils in polling booths (using #UsePens on social media), suggesting that pencil marks are insecure and might be changed. In 2021, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2021/jan/10/use-your-vote-but-bring-your-own-pen-uk-local-elections-made-covid-safe">voters may actually have to take their own</a> instead of using a shared pencil, or single-use pens or pencils may have to be provided.</p>
<p>A fine balance will need to be struck on any future decisions if the Scottish pandemic gets worse. Principles of electoral integrity normally suggest that decisions should be made as early as possible to allow voters, parties and administrators time to adapt. The pandemic puts pressure on this principle – and changing conditions may require a last-minute rethink. But as it stands, Scotland has put in much of the preparatory work and appears ready to conduct these crucially important polls as originally scheduled.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/153127/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alistair Clark has received funding from the ESRC, British Academy, Nuffield Foundation and The Leverhulme Trust. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Toby James' research has been externally funded by the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust, British Academy, Leverhulme Trust, AHRC, ESRC, Nuffield Foundation, SSHRC and the McDougall Trust.</span></em></p>There is talk of delay, but the Scottish parliament has been working since last year to make sure this vote can be held safely.Alistair Clark, Reader in Politics, Newcastle UniversityToby James, Professor of Politics and Public Policy, University of East AngliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1506952020-11-25T17:32:04Z2020-11-25T17:32:04ZWhy local governments will feel aggrieved by this spending review<p>Reading November’s spending review, local leaders will be left with many questions. They <a href="https://www.themj.co.uk/Live-to-fight-another-year/219254">“live to fight another year”</a> perhaps, but uncertainty surrounding local government finances continues. </p>
<p>Local authorities will see their core spending power boosted by <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/938054/SR20_print.pdf">4.5%</a> in cash terms over the next year. This avoids disaster, but will mean significant council tax increases. The £3 billion allocated for COVID-related costs is unlikely to meet the unprecedented demand on local government’s finances. </p>
<p>Collectively, local authorities have been on the front line in the fight against the coronavirus, despite public services lacking resilience after <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/sites/default/files/publications/how-fit-public-services-coronavirus.pdf">years of squeezed resources</a>. To end a decade of financial uncertainty, made much worse by the pandemic, local leaders had asked for a meaningful, multi-year <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/publications/re-thinking-public-finances">funding settlement</a>. Their calls have fallen on deaf ears. </p>
<p>The chancellor of the exchequer, Rishi Sunak, has now repeatedly failed to listen to local leaders while the Treasury effectively holds sub-national government in a state of perpetual dependency. So much for English devolution.</p>
<p>It is striking that the Treasury – so often presented as the most political department in Whitehall – has been caught off guard more than once during the pandemic. Developing well-functioning political antennae requires listening and learning. It takes cooperation, not hubris – and engagement, not policy by diktat. </p>
<p>The Treasury stands accused of not seeing the bigger picture, but why?</p>
<h2>Treasury control</h2>
<p>In 2015, the then chancellor, <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/chancellor-unveils-devolution-revolution">George Osborne</a>, presented his “devolution revolution” as being about moving power away from Whitehall and kickstarting regional growth and productivity. If money was spent closer to taxpayers, then prime minister David Cameron <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/prime-minister-my-vision-for-a-smarter-state">added</a>, it would be spent more wisely.</p>
<p>But the UK has one of the most <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/national-institute-economic-review/article/uk-interregional-inequality-in-a-historical-and-international-comparative-context/609F458029515373F3E42E2CF0A12ACA">heavily centralised</a> systems of financial control among OECD countries. Local authorities have limited ability to raise taxes or borrow. Nonetheless, they have considerable statutory responsibilities over some of the most challenging areas of public policy, including social care. Care homes, for example, quickly became the epicentre of the crisis, but local authorities had to wait as <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/coronavirus-covid-19-support-for-care-homes/coronavirus-covid-19-care-home-support-package">support packages trickled in</a>.</p>
<p>The first wave of English devolution increased the responsibilities of sub-national government but the Treasury continues to hold the purse strings. Devolution, in short, is incomplete. </p>
<p>COVID-19 support packages – totalling around £6 billion – are estimated by local leaders to leave a shortfall of <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/oralevidence/1206/pdf/">£1 billion</a> this year. Reserves are being <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/news/2020/11/council-deplete-vast-majority-reserves?utm_source=Adestra&utm_medium=email&utm_term=">pushed to their limits</a> and local authority incomes have plummeted. As uncertainty continues, cuts to non-essential, often preventative services, are likely to follow. This is a false economy. Several local authorities are in talks with the government about the use of <a href="https://www.themj.co.uk/More-Section-114-notices-predicted-next-year/219127">capital budgets</a> to avoid potential bankruptcy. </p>
<p>The current system offers limited wriggle room. As this “spending review” shows, local authorities must play a waiting game as the Treasury makes decisions behind closed doors and releases pots of money that regularly come with conditions about how it should be spent.</p>
<h2>Prolonged uncertainty</h2>
<p>Local authorities are complex organisations operating in an increasingly fragmented environment. To deliver public services, they must work with several government departments and delivery agents across a range of boundaries. </p>
<p>For the past three years, councils have received a <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/lga-responds-treasury-one-year-spending-review-announcement">one-year funding settlement</a>. This short-termism is inefficient and makes longer-term planning impossible. Nothing is certain in a global pandemic but central government’s unwillingness to let go of power over financial matters limits the options available to local authorities. </p>
<p>Levelling up will involve accepting that local leaders know their communities and should be accountable to their constituents for the decisions they make. Whitehall is too distant from the reality on the ground, and its policies omit vital local information.</p>
<p>Alarming <a href="https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/14977">trends</a> in local and regional government finances look set to continue. The acute phase of this crisis is nearing its end but, unable to plan, its legacy is far from over for local leaders and the communities they serve.</p>
<h2>The future</h2>
<p>As we emerge from this crisis, the recovery will be faster if people with the most knowledge of local challenges have real power to shape outcomes. There is an opportunity to empower, once and for all, local and regional authorities to drive growth. This does not mean being abandoned by the centre but being trusted to take the right decisions in the interests of their communities.</p>
<p>This meaningful devolution requires <a href="https://www.publicfinance.co.uk/opinion/2019/05/financial-control-needs-be-devolved-westminster">greater financial autonomy</a>. How can local leaders plan, when their funds are sapped no sooner than they have been received and there is no visibility over future years’ funds? Local authorities empowered with greater capacity to control their own finances, but for which they are also accountable, would face less uncertainty. </p>
<p>The pathology of a “Whitehall knows best” mentality has been exposed more than once during this pandemic – with the centralised <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/sage-boris-johnson-test-trace-coronavirus-circuit-breaker-b1010151.html">test-and-trace system</a> being top of a growing list.</p>
<p>The Treasury sees itself as the driver of devolution. But the system it created was forged in its own image despite the <a href="https://www.local.gov.uk/publications/re-thinking-public-finances">Local Government Association’s</a> concerns that you cannot fit “new and bold ideas into old frameworks”. </p>
<p>It’s worth remembering that the Treasury’s historic mission is to ensure value for money and to protect public finances. Working with, and listening to, people on the ground has the potential to save money and deliver better outcomes in the long run. A long overdue rethink of centralised political traditions is needed.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/150695/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sam Warner receives funding from Nuffield Foundation. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dave Richards receives funding from
Nuffield Foundation
ESRC
</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Diane Coyle receives funding from Nuffield Foundation. She is chair of trustees of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research until Decembe 2020. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Martin Smith receives funding from Nuffield Foundation.</span></em></p>Local authorities are on the front line of the coronavirus crisis but London continues to hold the purse strings.Sam Warner, Postdoctoral research associate, University of ManchesterDave Richards, Politics Head of Department and Professor of Public Policy, University of ManchesterDiane Coyle, Professor of Public Policy, University of CambridgeMartin Smith, Anniversary Professor of Politics, University of YorkLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1503392020-11-18T13:54:42Z2020-11-18T13:54:42ZScottish devolution a ‘disaster’? Let’s look at the data<p>When the UK prime minister, Boris Johnson, recently told a group of MPs that devolution in Scotland has been a “disaster” he raised an interesting question. Has handing greater powers to the Scottish government been a bad move, and, if so, for whom?</p>
<p>Johnson’s comments have been taken as a boon for the independence movement, including among members of the SNP, which is in government in Scotland. Even before he said it, polling put support for Scottish independence at its highest ever – <a href="https://www.ipsos.com/ipsos-mori/en-uk/record-public-support-scottish-independence">at about 60%</a>. And looking at the data, it does appear that devolution has been associated with a period of good economic performance.</p>
<h2>The good</h2>
<p>If we look at the Scottish workforce, we find that Scottish employees appear somewhat better off than their English counterparts. In 1999, before devolution, average (median) weekly wages for full-time Scottish employees were more than <a href="https://www.nomisweb.co.uk/query/construct/summary.asp?mode=construct&version=0&dataset=99">5% lower</a> than their English counterparts. By 2019, that gap had halved. In 2020 (where caution is needed in interpreting the figures due to the pandemic) they are actually earning more, on average than their English counterparts. </p>
<p>This comparison actually rather flatters England, because the <a href="https://www.emerald.com/insight/publication/doi/10.1108/9781787567351">cost of living is higher in England</a>. If we compare instead the north-west (a region with a larger population than Scotland), where prices are similar, we see that median full-time wages were on a par in 1999 but by 2019 Scottish median wages were nearly 5% higher. This has been concentrated at the lower end of the income spectrum where improvements arguably are needed most.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1328437520313487363"}"></div></p>
<p>A similar story can be told in terms of productivity, where growth in Scotland has been significantly more rapid than in England (increasing from 1.3% below that in North West England to a remarkable 6.5% above) in the <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/economy/economicoutputandproductivity/productivitymeasures/datasets/annualregionallabourproductivity">two decades since devolution</a>.</p>
<h2>The bad</h2>
<p>However, in contrast, in terms of life expectancy, Scotland’s performance has been mediocre. Scots can expect to live <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/birthsdeathsandmarriages/lifeexpectancies/bulletins/nationallifetablesunitedkingdom/2017to2019#life-expectancy-at-birth-in-uk-countries">fewer years</a> than the English, Welsh or Northern Irish. Since the pre-devolution period, life expectancy for Scottish men increased at a broadly similar rate to that in the other UK nations (by roughly 4½ years, which is slightly less than England but slightly more than Wales). Life expectancy for Scottish women has fallen somewhat further behind that in England. </p>
<p>However, this data can be somewhat deceptive. It’s extremely difficult to disentangle historical lifestyle factors from the impacts of policy. Certain behaviours known to reduce lifespan are more common in Scotland: we know, for example, that Scots are more likely to <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/healthandlifeexpectancies/bulletins/adultsmokinghabitsingreatbritain/2019#the-proportion-who-are-current-smokers-in-the-uk-its-consistent-countries-and-local-areas-2011-to-2019">smoke than the English</a>.</p>
<p>And comparing Scotland to England as a whole is rather misleading since London is driving a significant chunk of the improvements in England. We have <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/healthandsocialcare/healthandlifeexpectancies/datasets/lifeexpectancyestimatesallagesuk">data on regional life expectancy</a> going back to 2001-3. Scottish life expectancy has increased by 2.28 years for women and 3.66 years for men during that period and the commensurate figures for England are 2.67 and 3.56 respectively. However, life expectancy in London has increased by 3.9 years for women and a remarkable 4.9 years for men in less than two decades. The remaining regions of England look very similar to Scotland.</p>
<p>Another area where one can legitimately criticise the SNP Holyrood administration is on education. Scotland spends considerably more (per child) on pre-tertiary education than any region in England (£6,191 per child against £5,216 in England – and the latter includes the London weighting). Yet it appears to get poor results. Direct comparisons are difficult because of different systems – but Scotland’s scores in <a href="https://eur02.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Finews.co.uk%2Fnews%2Fscotland%2Fpisa-results-2019-scotland-worst-ever-performance-science-maths-370433&data=04%7C01%7CAlex.DeRuyter%40bcu.ac.uk%7Ce05cf7d0643d4955ec0408d88bb5c71b%7C7e2be055828a4523b5e5b77ad9939785%7C0%7C0%7C637412960127064164%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C1000&sdata=Lc6bQQNDtsfQMEhAM8v4%2B7vCbyIsj0%2FZD1hHd%2B%2BeQD0%3D&reserved=0">international comparisons</a> are below England’s. </p>
<h2>The verdict</h2>
<p>Scotland’s government is far from perfect, and there are clear areas for improvement. However, that is a failure of a specific administration and not a failure of devolution. Indeed, it is far from clear that Westminster would do any better.</p>
<p>What evidence we have, then, the worst you can say about devolution when it comes to these factors is that the evidence is mixed. And, generally, it looks good. Indeed, to the extent that the health disparities evident in Scotland represent a legacy of decades of diet, alcohol consumption and jobs in defunct sectors such as mining that carried particular health risks, it is still too early to assess the impact of devolved government in tackling deep-seated health problems.</p>
<p>In economic terms, far from being a disaster, Scotland has performed reasonably well since it was handed greater powers. Devolution, we would argue, is only a “disaster” from the perspective of those such as the prime minister, who see the success of a SNP government in Holyrood (having been in power since 2007) as a threat to Scotland remaining in the UK.</p>
<p>If the economic performance of Scotland relative to the English regions at least is anything to go by, then the UK needs more devolution and not less.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/150339/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>I am a member of the SNP, however I am not actively involved in its politics.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Hearne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>It might not have been good for Johnson, but things seem to be working out well for Scottish workers.Alex de Ruyter, Professor of Economics and Director of the Centre for Brexit Studies, Birmingham City UniversityDavid Hearne, Researcher at the Centre for Brexit Studies, Birmingham City UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1485942020-10-23T13:19:36Z2020-10-23T13:19:36ZAndy Burnham’s standoff with London was always about more than just lockdown money<p>England’s local leaders have <a href="https://theconversation.com/englands-metro-mayors-and-the-new-politics-of-coronavirus-148288">clashed bitterly</a> with the Westminster government over the chaos that has surrounded the decision to enforce tighter coronavirus restrictions in some parts of the country.</p>
<p>The most stringent measures – tier 3 – stop short of lockdown, but mandate that people only socialise within their households, and that pubs can only remain open if they are operating as restaurants. </p>
<p>Most of the major northern cities and their surrounding city-regions including Liverpool, Newcastle, Sheffield and Manchester are in, or are about to enter, tier-3 status. Some, such as the Liverpool City Region and the Sheffield City Region, have seemingly accepted the imposition with little fuss. Greater Manchester, however, has not gone quietly, instead entering a major standoff with the government.</p>
<p>At its root, the nature of the dispute is simple. Greater Manchester’s metro mayor, Andy Burnham, argues that <a href="https://youtu.be/uZnkrzgFANE">insufficient financial support is being offered</a> to businesses forced to shutter by the government. Burnham suggests that the payment of £60m will meet only 66% of their costs. Instead, greater Manchester tried to negotiate for £90 million, before lowering the request to £65 million as a “bare minimum”. The government argues that the payment is a standard figure, calculated according to population in any area entering tier 3. It says it would be unfair to offer Manchester more than other areas.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/uZnkrzgFANE?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Burnham says funding offer is not enough.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Thus as the situation unfurled, largely through press conferences convened outside Manchester Town Hall, it became clear that the idea of a “negotiation” was superficial at best. With a gap of £5 million, which is small fry in funding terms, it also became increasingly clear that this was not about money – compare for example the £5 billion tabled by the government to bail out Transport for London.</p>
<p>Burnham was evidently fighting for something bigger. He says the government is not “levelling up, but levelling down”, highlighting a key pledge made by Boris Johnson in his election campaign. </p>
<p>As a former cabinet minister, Burnham enjoys a national media profile that most other metro mayors could only dream of. Now he’s being called the <a href="https://www.psa.ac.uk/psa/news/king-north-andy-burnham-vs-boris-johnson">“King in the North”</a>. Whether Burnham himself accepts this position as the de-facto figurehead for northern interests he has argued passionately, and in primetime media, against the rough shake northern England is getting.</p>
<p>Yet, and without wanting to generate any spoilers, anyone familiar with Game of Thrones will know that while all those dubbed <a href="https://gameofthrones.fandom.com/wiki/King_in_the_North">King in the North</a> were anointed amid a sense of hope and purpose, they quite often met a sticky end. </p>
<h2>War of words</h2>
<p>Burnham had to learn on Twitter that Greater Manchester would be forced into tier 3 with or without a financial deal. To add insult to injury, this drama played out on live TV as he seemingly learnt about the tweet when a <a href="https://twitter.com/dinosofos/status/1318583325573918725">phone was handed to him</a> in the middle of a press conference. This slap in the face spoke to the disjointed nature of the pandemic response, and effectively proved Burnham’s point that the government was not engaging with the city regions in good faith.</p>
<p>How all this plays out in the longer term is an interesting question. The drama could embolden Burnham and other northern leaders to continue to push and challenge the government on its levelling up agenda. That could prove the whole point of city-regional devolution – it will have been shown to have created leaders who can stand up for their constituents at a national level. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1318275139054784518"}"></div></p>
<p>However, in watching this episode, it’s hard not to recall the last time a northern metropolitan area decided to take on a Conservative government. This was in 1983, when Liverpool’s Militant Labour council decided to challenge central government finance decisions by setting an <a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/labour-inquiry-into-militant/">illegal budget deficit</a> – effectively spending more money than it had. </p>
<p>This set the city on a collision course with the government of Margaret Thatcher. Ringleaders including <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-47294393">Derek Hatton</a> were permanently disbarred from public office. Then, three years later, via the Local Government Act of 1986, Merseyside along with all other metropolitan areas, was abolished, in an act which can be seen as directly linked to this challenge to government. The underlying message was clear: central government is in charge.</p>
<p>In the short term, it’s unlikely anything will happen until the local government elections in 2021, when the original intake of metro mayors will seek reelection. That’s because for now, two of the metro mayors – most notably in the West Midlands – are Conservative. If these two are reelected, the government may not take political reprisals at all. Even after that, we’re unlikely to see a bloodbath reminiscent of an episode of Game of Thrones – at least for some time. This is because city regions are still the direction of travel for local government, and England’s remaining local authorities are being reformed in this model.</p>
<p>However, local government exists under a state of near-constant reform, and this is where the danger lies for the likes of Burnham. We might expect the government to subject the devolved city-regions to some kind of “reform” in the not too distant future with the events of the past few weeks in mind. Remember: there were three years between the Merseyside stand-off in 1983 and its eventual abolition in 1986.</p>
<p>This may well be a wicking, or outright neutering of powers. In all likelihood, in the same way cities were left to take the financial brunt of the 2008 recession and the resulting programme of austerity, the metro mayors could also be convenient fall guys for the inevitable financial fallout of the COVID-19 epidemic.</p>
<p>Ultimately, Burnham’s argument seems to recognise what’s coming down the tracks, and in time we’ll likely recognise this moment as a major fork in the road for how England’s cities are governed. “<a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1971833/">The North remembers</a>” has seeped out from TV as a rallying cry. But let’s never forget: central government is more than capable of holding onto a grudge too.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/148594/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Nurse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>History shows that revenge is a dish often served cold in Westminster.Alex Nurse, Lecturer in Planning, University of LiverpoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.