tag:theconversation.com,2011:/us/topics/how-babies-learn-24109/articlesHow babies learn – The Conversation2021-02-01T12:12:41Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1540362021-02-01T12:12:41Z2021-02-01T12:12:41ZTouchscreens may make toddlers more distractible – new three-year study<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381123/original/file-20210128-23-techgb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=7%2C15%2C5168%2C3430&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/toddler-staring-tablet-education-gadget-dependency-770994562">riggleton/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Working from home as a parent, a touchscreen device can be a marvellous tool. Pass one to your child, and they’ll be quietly occupied for your Zoom meeting, or for the crunch time as you approach an important deadline. Yet touchscreens can also feel like a tradeoff for parents, who have long feared that screen time may be harmful for their childrens’ development.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-021-81775-7">Our three-year study</a> following children from the age of one to three-and-a-half measured the link between touchscreen use and toddlers’ attention. For the first time, we were able to show that toddlers who used touchscreens were less able to avoid distractions when completing a task on a screen than toddlers with no or low daily touchscreen use. On the other hand, we found that toddlers with high daily touchscreen use were better able to spot flashy, attention-grabbing objects when they first appear on a screen.</p>
<p>These findings are important given the rising levels of screen time observed during COVID-19 national lockdowns. In the UK, for instance, <a href="https://www.psy.ox.ac.uk/news/ep-researchers-find-that-uk-lockdown-linked-to-widening-disadvantage-gap-for-babies-and-toddlers">three in four parents have reported</a> that their children have spent more time watching TV or playing with a tablet during lockdowns. <a href="https://www.ofcom.org.uk/about-ofcom/latest/media/media-releases/2020/uk-internet-use-surges">Individual adult screen time</a> also went up by an hour across the board during the UK’s spring lockdown.</p>
<p>Even before the pandemic, mobile media was already an integral part of family life. Some <a href="https://www.ofcom.org.uk/research-and-data/media-literacy-research/childrens/children-and-parents-media-use-and-attitudes-report-2019">63% of toddlers aged three to four</a> used a tablet at home in 2019 – more than double the percentage identified by similar research in 2013. <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/27531985/">In our previous studies</a>, we recorded daily touchscreen-device usage by children as young as six months of age.</p>
<h2>Toddlers on tablets</h2>
<p>Mobile touchscreen media, such as smartphones and tablets, are a common form of entertainment for infants and toddlers. But there has been growing concern that touchscreen use in toddlers may negatively affect the development of their attention. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A young girl uses a touchscreen phone on a kitchen table" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381185/original/file-20210128-13-3i84r8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/381185/original/file-20210128-13-3i84r8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381185/original/file-20210128-13-3i84r8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381185/original/file-20210128-13-3i84r8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381185/original/file-20210128-13-3i84r8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381185/original/file-20210128-13-3i84r8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/381185/original/file-20210128-13-3i84r8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Young children are using touchscreen technology more than ever during lockdowns.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/girl-play-phone-cafe-during-waiting-299527919">Elena Stepanova/Shutterstock</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>The first few years of life are critical for children to <a href="https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/full/10.1146/annurev-devpsych-121318-085114">learn how to control their attention</a>, selecting relevant information from the environment while ignoring distractions. These early attention skills are known to promote later social and academic success – but until recently there was no empirical scientific evidence to suggest a negative impact of touchscreen use on attention control.</p>
<p>In 2015, we started the <a href="https://www.cinelabresearch.com/tablet-project">TABLET Project</a> at Birkbeck’s Centre for Brain and Cognitive Development to see whether any such association might exist. We followed 53 one-year-old infants who had different levels of touchscreen usage. We observed them through toddlerhood (18 months) and up to pre-school age (three-and-a-half years). </p>
<p>At each age, parents reported online how long their child spent using a touchscreen device (tablet, smartphone or touchscreen laptop) each day. Families also visited our <a href="http://www.cbcd.bbk.ac.uk/babylab">Babylab</a> to complete a set of experimental assessments with the research team. This included some computer tasks which used an eye-tracker, enabling researchers to quantify very precisely what babies looked at on a screen. </p>
<p>By measuring how fast and how often toddlers looked at objects that appeared in different screen locations, we could understand how children controlled their attention. We were particularly interested in their “saliency-driven” attention (an automatic form of attention which allows us to react quickly to moving, bright or colourful objects) and their “goal-driven” attention (a voluntary form of attention that helps us focus on task-relevant things).</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/380990/original/file-20210127-13-1m2ruyt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/380990/original/file-20210127-13-1m2ruyt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/380990/original/file-20210127-13-1m2ruyt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/380990/original/file-20210127-13-1m2ruyt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/380990/original/file-20210127-13-1m2ruyt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=533&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/380990/original/file-20210127-13-1m2ruyt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=533&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/380990/original/file-20210127-13-1m2ruyt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=533&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">An example of what appears on screen when we measure toddlers’ attention. Illustrated by Ana Maria Portugal, researcher in the TABLET team.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>After three years of data collection, we found that infants and toddlers with high touchscreen use had faster saliency-driven attention. This means they were quicker to spot new stimuli on the screen, like a cartoon lion which suddenly appears. This effect replicated and confirmed our findings in <a href="https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapediatrics/fullarticle/2769281">a previous study in 2020</a>.</p>
<p>We then presented tasks that directly required toddlers to suppress their saliency-driven attention and instead use voluntary attention. We found that the children with higher touchscreen use were both slower to deliberately control their attention, and less able to ignore distracting objects when trying to focus their attention on a different target.</p>
<h2>Grabbing attention</h2>
<p>Our research is not conclusive and does not demonstrate a causal role of touchscreens. It could also be that more distractible children happen to be more attracted by and absorbed in the attention-grabbing features of interactive screens. </p>
<p>And, while touchscreens share similarities with TV, and video gaming, our new research finds different associations with attention than previously reported with these other media platforms. This suggests that touchscreens might produce different effects on the developing brain than other screens.</p>
<p>Next, we want to conduct further research which might help us draw conclusions about the positives and negatives of touchscreens for toddlers. For instance, while being faster at spotting a new stimulus on a screen may at first appear to be a negative finding, it’s easy to imagine vocations and situations in which this skill might be incredibly useful – such as air traffic control, or airport security screening. </p>
<p>In our increasingly complex audiovisual media environment, it might actually be useful to prime young children on the digital technologies they’ll use to learn, work, and play. But our findings also present a possible downside: that toddlers with high touchscreen use may find it harder to avoid distraction in busy settings like nursery classrooms.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/154036/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ana Maria Portugal received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC).</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span><a href="mailto:rb2246@bath.ac.uk">rb2246@bath.ac.uk</a> receives funding from Wellcome Trust. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Professor Tim Smith receives funding from Leverhulme Trust, Nuffield Foundation, Wellcome, ESRC, and Bial. Professor Smith collaborates with Hopster TV.</span></em></p>Young children may find it harder to control their attention if they use touchscreens regularly.Ana Maria Portugal, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Center of Neurodevelopmental Disorders, Karolinska InstitutetRachael Bedford, Associate Professor, Department of Psychology, University of BathTim J. Smith, Professor, Department of Psychological Sciences, Birkbeck, University of LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/938032018-05-03T10:19:37Z2018-05-03T10:19:37ZBabies and TV: brain development needs a parent’s help – here’s why<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217057/original/file-20180501-135851-xo66nh.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/baby-watching-cartoons-on-tv-6-577541803?src=z-vHXGo6SRJYLeGqmmHTRw-4-12">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>A child’s development is largely determined by experiences. These days, those experiences increasingly involve the use of technology. Television, the internet, tablets and smartphones are all familiar to the youngest of eyes. </p>
<p>For instance, in 2011, 10% of children under two had used a smartphone, tablet, or similar device. In 2013, that <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/children-and-technology_n_4171046">proportion was 38%</a>. Five years on, the figure is likely to be far far higher. Is this increased use of technology affecting children’s development? I suspect that it is. </p>
<p>The human brain is a dynamic system which is constantly adapting to its external environment. When aspects of that environment change, from being shown images on a computer screen for example, the <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Rhythms-Brain-Gyorgy-Buzsaki/dp/0199828237">brain changes as well</a>). And it is widely thought that the infant brain is more malleable <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1469-8749.2011.04054.x">than the adult one</a>).</p>
<p>But are changes brought about by increased use of technology actually noticeable – and are they persistent? Are they positive or negative? There are also various elements which could have an effect. The type of technology used, for example, the duration or frequency of exposure, and the content. </p>
<p>These are important issues to examine – and similar ones have been looked at by researchers before. For instance, <a href="http://www.nature.com/articles/365611a0">one study</a> famously found that listening to Mozart enhanced a child’s performance on some IQ tests, leading to a boom in sales of the great composer’s music. </p>
<p>However, subsequent (more detailed) investigations found the effect is not specific to classical music. In fact, it is observed whenever an experience leads to a similar <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-9280.00345">increase in arousal and mood</a>). And, as any music fan knows, the effect of music on arousal and mood can never be permanent.</p>
<p>Despite numerous <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0956797616636110">interesting studies</a> looking at technology use in older children, very few have yielded data on children under the age of two. The largest <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0022347607004477?via%3Dihub">study to date</a> found that watching TV alone had a negative impact on language comprehension in children aged from eight to 16 months. But watching TV <em>with a parent</em> did not. This suggests that the relationship between TV and language reflects a lack of parent-child interaction rather than television exposure per se.</p>
<p>Screen media has also been associated with poorer <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/srep46104">sleep quantity and quality</a>, partly because of an association between technology use and <a href="http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/133/5/e1163.short">later bedtimes</a> – and also because of over-stimulation, <a href="http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/130/3/492.short">hyper-arousal</a> and the <a href="https://www.physiology.org/doi/full/10.1152/japplphysiol.01413.2009">suppression of the hormone melatonin</a>. </p>
<p>Some believe that content is key. Julie Aigner-Clark, an American stay-at-home mother, shot a video with “educational” content in 1996, which was <a href="http://www.slate.com/blogs/screen_time/2017/12/19/the_rise_and_fall_of_baby_einstein.html">so well received</a> that she ended up selling the rights to “Baby Einstein” to Disney for US$25m and was praised by former US president George H.W. Bush, for her “enterprising spirit”. </p>
<p>A decade later, Disney <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/health/children/6425271/Disney-offers-millions-of-parents-Baby-Einstein-video-refunds.html">apparently admitted</a> that the videos may have no educational value and a <a href="https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapediatrics/fullarticle/383151">study</a> found no evidence that one-year-olds learned anything from watching Baby Einstein. It was even <a href="https://www.nurseryworld.co.uk/nursery-world/news-analysis/1153820/ict-for-against-toddlers-tv-and-touchscreens">suggested</a> by child psychologist <a href="https://www.thesun.co.uk/archives/news/147770/letting-kids-under-two-use-an-ipad-is-like-child-abuse-says-leading-doctor/">Richard House</a> that providing infants with “virtual, techno-magic worlds” confuses them and is “tantamount to child abuse”.</p>
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<p>But the usefulness of screen media may actually vary, depending on the content and the child’s age. Although there is evidence that 15-month-olds can <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4428921/">learn American Sign Language</a> from instructional videos (like patting the head to indicate “hat”) there is <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25622926">no evidence</a> that children under two can learn words from them.</p>
<p>Some <a href="http://www.pnas.org/content/100/15/9096.long">research suggests</a> that children are more likely to learn and remember words from a live presentation than a video. And two-year-olds are <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2006.00903.x">more likely</a> to locate a hidden object when they are given clues from an actor interacting with them through speech and gesture via a live video link than when the same information is provided through a pre-recorded video clip.</p>
<h2>Watch with mother (or father or guardian)</h2>
<p>So perhaps live interaction stimulates different neural circuits than passive listening. This <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10164-003-0094-y">seems to be the case</a> for songbirds (zebra finches) learning their song from their father and it fits with evidence that the infant brain rapidly tunes to <em>socially relevant</em> information. For example, four-month-olds respond more to a person whose <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/232571757_Infants%27_response_to_live_and_replay_interactions_with_self_and_mother">actions match their own</a> as their sense of self develops and they become more aware of the external world. </p>
<p>Active engagement may have other benefits too. Using a touch screen (but not watching a video) <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01108/full?">has been associated</a> with the ability to stack small blocks – so touchscreen technology may provide benefits a TV cannot. Infants are also drawn to movement, so a well-designed touchscreen app may attract and facilitate infants’ selective attention, as well as their hand-eye coordination. </p>
<p>But no matter the benefits of technology use, it is important to remember that language development typically and best occurs within the context of direct human to human social interaction. Parent-child interaction is <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2009.01337.x">often reduced</a> when the television is on. </p>
<p>Even if we find that technology engages children under two and facilitates their cognitive and motor development, the emerging picture suggests that technology use should supplement – not replace – parent-child interaction.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/93803/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dean D'Souza does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The flat screened babysitter is part of growing up.Dean D'Souza, Lecturer in Psychology, Anglia Ruskin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/830762017-12-09T21:44:10Z2017-12-09T21:44:10ZFor baby’s brain to benefit, read the right books at the right time<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198399/original/file-20171209-27683-qnf9a7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=935%2C40%2C5774%2C4215&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">How can you maximize reading's rewards for baby?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/baby-book-read-aloud-579664624">aijiro/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Parents often <a href="https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2014-1384">receive books at pediatric checkups</a> via <a href="https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2009-1207">programs like Reach Out and Read</a> and hear from a variety of health professionals and educators that reading to their kids is critical for supporting development. </p>
<p>The pro-reading message is getting through to parents, who recognize that it’s an important habit. A summary report by Child Trends, for instance, suggests <a href="https://www.childtrends.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/05_Reading_to_Young_Children.pdf">55 percent of three- to five-year-old children</a> were read to every day in 2007. According to the U.S. Department of Education, <a href="https://www.childstats.gov/americaschildren/edu1.asp">83 percent of three- to five-year-old children</a> were read to three or more times per week by a family member in 2012.</p>
<p>What this ever-present advice to read with infants doesn’t necessarily make clear, though, is that what’s on the pages may be just as important as the book-reading experience itself. Are all books created equal when it comes to early shared-book reading? Does it matter what you pick to read? And are the best books for babies different than the best books for toddlers? </p>
<p>In order to guide parents on how to create a high-quality book-reading experience for their infants, <a href="http://www.psych.ufl.edu/bcdlab/">my psychology research lab</a> has conducted a series of baby learning studies. One of our goals is to better understand the extent to which shared book reading is important for brain and behavioral development.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198357/original/file-20171208-27674-v4iqff.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Even the littlest listeners can enjoy having a book read to them.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Maggie Villiger</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
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</figure>
<h2>What’s on baby’s bookshelf</h2>
<p>Researchers see clear <a href="http://www.reachoutandread.org/FileRepository/ReadingAloudtoChildren_ADC_July2008.pdf">benefits of shared book reading</a> for child development. Shared book reading with young children is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2006.00911.x">good for language and cognitive development</a>, increasing vocabulary and pre-reading skills and honing conceptual development. </p>
<p>Shared book reading also likely enhances the <a href="http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/42878/1/924159134X.pdf">quality of the parent-infant relationship</a> by encouraging reciprocal interactions – the back-and-forth dance between parents and infants. Certainly not least of all, it gives infants and parents a consistent daily time to cuddle.</p>
<p>Recent research has found that <a href="http://www.aappublications.org/news/2017/05/04/PASLiteracy050417">both the quality and quantity</a> of shared book reading in infancy predicted later childhood vocabulary, reading skills and name writing ability. In other words, the more books parents read, and the more time they’d spent reading, the greater the developmental benefits in their 4-year-old children.</p>
<p>This important finding is one of the first to measure the benefit of shared book reading starting early in infancy. But there’s still more to figure out about whether some books might naturally lead to higher-quality interactions and increased learning.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=484&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=608&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=608&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198355/original/file-20171208-27674-1yr2mjn.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=608&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">EEG caps let researchers record infant volunteers’ brain activity.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Matthew Lester</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Babies and books in the lab</h2>
<p>In our investigations, my colleagues and I followed infants across the second six months of life. We’ve found that when parents showed babies <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2009.02348.x">books with faces</a> or <a href="https://doi.org/10.1162/jocn_a_00019">objects</a> that were individually named, they learn more, generalize what they learn to new situations and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2010.02.008">show more specialized brain responses</a>. This is in contrast to books with no labels or books with the same generic label under each image in the book. Early learning in infancy was also associated with benefits <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/desc.12259/full">four years later in childhood</a>.</p>
<p>Our most recent addition to this series of studies was <a href="https://nsf.gov/awardsearch/showAward?AWD_ID=1560810&HistoricalAwards=false">funded by the National Science Foundation</a> and just <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.13004">published in the journal Child Development</a>. Here’s what we did.</p>
<p>First, we brought six-month-old infants into our lab, where we could see how much attention they paid to story characters they’d never seen before. We used electroencephalography (EEG) to measure their brain responses. Infants wear a cap-like net of 128 sensors that let us record the electricity naturally emitted from the scalp as the brain works. We measured these neural responses while infants looked at and paid attention to pictures on a computer screen. These brain measurements can tell us about what infants know and whether they can tell the difference between the characters we show them.</p>
<p>We also tracked the infants’ gaze using eye-tracking technology to see what parts of the characters they focused on and how long they paid attention.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=349&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=349&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=349&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198356/original/file-20171208-27689-1khpwyr.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Eye-tracking setups let researchers monitor what infants are paying attention to.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Matthew Lester</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The data we collected at this first visit to our lab served as a baseline. We wanted to compare their initial measurements with future measurements we’d take, after we sent them home with storybooks featuring these same characters.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=761&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=761&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=761&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=956&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=956&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198381/original/file-20171209-27674-1rb2s10.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=956&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Example of pages from a named character book researchers showed to baby volunteers.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lisa Scott</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We divided up our volunteers into three groups. One group of parents read their infants storybooks that contained six individually named characters that they’d never seen before. Another group were given the same storybooks but instead of individually naming the characters, a generic and made-up label was used to refer to all the characters (such as “Hitchel”). Finally, we had a third comparison group of infants whose parents didn’t read them anything special for the study.</p>
<p>After three months passed, the families returned to our lab so we could again measure the infants’ attention to our storybook characters. It turned out that only those who received books with individually labeled characters showed enhanced attention compared to their earlier visit. And the brain activity of babies who learned individual labels also showed that they could distinguish between different individual characters. We didn’t see these effects for infants in the comparison group or for infants who received books with generic labels. </p>
<p>These findings suggest that very young infants are able to use labels to learn about the world around them and that shared book reading is an effective tool for supporting development in the first year of life.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/198359/original/file-20171208-27680-1re78pb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Best book choices vary as kids grow.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/pennstatelive/33070370920">Penn State</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Tailoring book picks for maximum effect</h2>
<p>So what do our results from the lab mean for parents who want to maximize the benefits of storytime?</p>
<p>Not all books are created equal. The books that parents should read to six- and nine-month-olds will likely be different than those they read to two-year-olds, which will likely be different than those appropriate for four-year-olds who are getting ready to read on their own. In other words, to reap the benefits of shared book reading during infancy, we need to be reading our little ones the right books at the right time.</p>
<p>For infants, finding books that name different characters may lead to higher-quality shared book reading experiences and result in the learning and brain development benefits we find in our studies. All infants are unique, so parents should try to find books that interest their baby.</p>
<p>My own daughter loved the “<a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/241481/pat-the-bunny-first-books-for-baby-pat-the-bunny-by-dorothy-kunhardt-and-edith-kunhardt/">Pat the Bunny</a>” books, as well as stories about animals, like “<a href="https://www.panmacmillan.com/authors/rod-campbell/dear-zoo">Dear Zoo</a>.” If names weren’t in the book, we simply made them up.</p>
<p>It’s possible that books that include named characters simply increase the amount of parent talking. We know that <a href="https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/babies-learn-what-words-mean-before-they-can-use-them/">talking to babies</a> is important for their development. So parents of infants: Add shared book reading to your daily routines and name the characters in the books you read. Talk to your babies early and often to guide them through their amazing new world – and let storytime help.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/83076/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lisa Scott has received funding from the National Science Foundation and the US Army Research Institute. </span></em></p>Psychology researchers bring infants into the lab to learn more about how shared book reading influences brain and behavioral development.Lisa S. Scott, Associate Professor in Psychology, University of FloridaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/843272017-09-21T18:03:33Z2017-09-21T18:03:33ZBabies can learn the value of persistence by watching grownups stick with a challenge<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186905/original/file-20170920-13826-eojy0z.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=819%2C198%2C4716%2C3388&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">When you quit in frustration, little eyes are watching and learning.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/baby-watching-cartoons-on-tv-6-577541797">Victor Maschek/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>You’re at home trying to make fresh tomato sauce, but can’t seem to get the tomatoes out of their plastic container from the grocery store. The bottom latch is not opening, so you pull harder. Although you’ve never seen this type of tomato container before, you have opened many similar ones in the past. After a minute of trying, you stop to consider the situation – should you keep pushing and pulling? Should you ask a friend for help? Should you give up on fresh tomatoes and just open a can?</p>
<p>We make decisions like this all the time. How much effort should we expend on something? We have only so much time and energy in the day. Five minutes fumbling with the container is five minutes taken away from reading a book, talking to your family or sleeping. In any given situation, you must decide how hard to try.</p>
<p>Developmental cognitive scientists like me are interested in how we make decisions about effort. In particular, how do young children, who are constantly encountering new situations, decide how hard to try?</p>
<h2>If at first you don’t succeed, then what?</h2>
<p>The importance of effort extends beyond our daily decisions about time allocation. Recent studies show that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2005.01641.x">self-control</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00036">persistence</a> increase academic outcomes independent of IQ. Even our <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2007.00995.x">personal beliefs about effort</a> can affect academic outcomes. Children who think effort leads to achievement outperform those who believe ability is a fixed trait. </p>
<p>Given the link between persistence and academic success, decisions about effort are particularly important in childhood. Yet relatively little research has explored how young children learn what’s worth the effort. </p>
<p>We all know that infants are keen observers of the social world. But they’re not just idly watching; infants are tiny learning machines. They can generalize such abstract concepts as <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1204493">causal relationships</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1199198">social roles</a> from just a few examples. Even a 15-month-old infant can outperform a high-level computer in such tasks. </p>
<p>Could infants also make broad, generalizable inferences from a few examples when it comes to effort? If so, then maybe “grit” isn’t simply a character trait. Maybe it’s flexible and adaptable based on social context.</p>
<h2>Just give up… or push through failure?</h2>
<p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aan2317">To explore this question</a>, <a href="http://eccl.mit.edu">my colleagues</a> <a href="http://jlnrd.com/">and I</a> showed 15-month-old babies one of two things: an experimenter working hard to achieve two different goals (getting a toy out of a container and getting a keychain off a carabiner), or an experimenter who effortlessly reached each goal.</p>
<p>Then we introduced the baby to a novel “music” toy that looked like it could be activated by pushing a big button on top. (The button could be pressed down but didn’t actually activate anything.) Out of sight of the babies, we turned on the music toy with a hidden button so that they heard that the toy could make music. We gave the babies the music toy and left the room. Then coders, who didn’t know which condition each baby was in, watched videotapes of the experiment and counted how many times babies tried to activate the toy by pressing the button.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=166&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=166&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=166&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=209&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=209&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186891/original/file-20170920-16430-142uax2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=209&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Infants in the study try to activate a musical toy.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Julia Anne Leonard</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Across one study and a <a href="https://osf.io/j4935/">preregistered replication</a> (182 babies in total), babies who had seen an adult persist and succeed <a href="https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aan2317">pushed the button about twice as many times</a> as those who saw an adult effortlessly succeed. In other words, babies learned that effort was valuable after watching just two examples of an adult working hard and succeeding.</p>
<p>Part of what’s exciting about this finding is that the babies didn’t just imitate the adult’s actions; instead, they generalized the value of effort to a novel task. The experimenter never demonstrated pushing a button or trying to make music. Instead the babies learned from different examples of effortful actions (opening a container or unlatching a carabineer) that the new toy probably also required persistence.</p>
<p>However, most of the time when a parent is frustrated, he’s focused on the task at hand and not on trying to teach his child the value of effort. Can babies also learn the value of effort from adults who are not deliberately demonstrating to them? </p>
<p>To address this question, we ran the experiment again, eliminating any pedagogical cues such as eye contact or child-friendly speech. Again, the infants tried harder on their own task after seeing an adult persist and succeed. However, the effects were much weaker when the adult didn’t use any pedagogical cues.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/186906/original/file-20170920-13826-ljnbg8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Persistence is a trait that helps kids in school and beyond.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/attentive-schoolkids-doing-their-homework-classroom-646984468">wavebreakmedia/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Learning tenacity by watching tenacity</h2>
<p>Educators and parents want to know how to foster persistence when children encounter challenges. Our study suggests that persistence can be learned from adult models. Babies attentively watch those around them, and use that information to guide their own effortful behavior. </p>
<p>Yet babies don’t simply learn they should try harder at everything. Just like grownups, babies make rational decisions about effort. If they observe someone trying hard and succeeding, they try harder. When they see someone effortlessly succeed, they infer that effort may not be worthwhile. </p>
<p>So what does this mean for parents? We can’t presume that our results would work for parents in the home just as they work in the laboratory. However, if you know your toddler can achieve a task if she tries hard, it might be worth modeling effort and success for her first. Let us know if it works! We’d also like to know how lasting these effects can be, whether infants might generalize the value of effort to a broader range of contexts and how adult models of effort compare with explicit messages about the importance of effort. We hope to explore these questions in future studies.</p>
<p>Finally, this study suggests that parents don’t have to make things look easy all the time. The next time you struggle to open that tomato container, it’s OK, maybe even beneficial, to let your child see you sweat.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84327/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julia Leonard receives funding from the National Science Foundation.</span></em></p>Persistence and self-control are valuable traits that can help kids succeed in school and beyond. A new study suggests infants can learn stick-to-itiveness by watching adults persist in a difficult task.Julia Leonard, Ph.D. Student in Brain and Cognitive Sciences, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/819782017-08-24T08:26:18Z2017-08-24T08:26:18ZBefore babies understand words, they understand tones of voice<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/181814/original/file-20170811-21897-1rptwmj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Baby talk.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/portrait-mother-baby-lie-on-white-430415206?src=9PaS2BFNp-9snmfeCyOVFA-1-34">s_oleg/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Before babies start saying words, it is hard for parents to know whether their little one actually understands the things that they say to them. Many parenting magazines and books recommend <a href="http://www.parenting.com/article/how-babies-learn-to-talk">speaking to children</a> even before parents think their babies can understand what they’re saying – and sometimes even <a href="http://www.webmd.com/baby/news/20130102/babies-learn-womb#1">before they’re born</a> – because it helps babies to recognise voices and begin to learn about language. You may wonder, though, if a baby has no idea what is being spoken to them, does it really matter what or how it is said? </p>
<p>It might be useful to know that babies do actually <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0163638387900178">understand something</a> about what you’re saying before they know what the words themselves mean. In fact, “baby talk” – when you exaggerate emotions and extend words more than you usually would with adults – can be useful for <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-baby-talk-is-good-for-your-baby-59515">helping babies distinguish speech sounds</a>.</p>
<p>In addition, we know that a mothers’ tone of voice, as well as <a href="https://theconversation.com/we-created-a-song-that-makes-babies-happy-72309">singing</a>, can soothe infants, <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/03057356030314002">reducing their levels of cortisol</a>, a hormone produced when experiencing stress. Research also increasingly suggests that babies pick up on, and respond differently to, <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1207/s15327078in0701_5/full">tones of voice</a>. It may even be that the tone used when speaking to babies can give them information about <a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/1130938">what the speaker intends for them</a>, and motivates them to behave in certain ways.</p>
<p>Studies have also confirmed that babies can distinguish between positive and negative messages at as young as <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/1131209?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">five months old</a>. You may have noticed, for example, how babies respond when they hear a sharp “No!” to warn them away from danger, or how speaking in a calming voice can soothe little ones. Babies also respond differently to toys depending on whether their parents talk about the objects using positive or negative sounding voices. The babies are more likely to <a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/1130534">approach a toy</a> they’ve never seen before when they hear a positive tone, for example, even if the words spoken are exactly the same.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/181817/original/file-20170811-13511-wfp6kp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/181817/original/file-20170811-13511-wfp6kp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/181817/original/file-20170811-13511-wfp6kp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/181817/original/file-20170811-13511-wfp6kp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/181817/original/file-20170811-13511-wfp6kp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/181817/original/file-20170811-13511-wfp6kp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/181817/original/file-20170811-13511-wfp6kp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Happy family.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/happy-family-loving-parents-talking-laughing-512079589?src=n3YRJGQjus5I27RFfTuewQ-1-0">pixelheadphoto digitalskillet/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Motivated by tone</h2>
<p>Our latest research project seeks to find out more about how babies are motivated by these different tones of voice. When a parent or a nursery teacher speaks to a baby, they naturally adjust their tone of voice. Whether they are encouraging babies to try something new, avoid something dangerous, or cooperate on a task, caregivers seem to use various tones to help babies understand their intention. </p>
<p>We know that by the time a child begins school, these motivational “messages” can influence <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0361476X8571017X">how well they do in education</a>, <a href="http://guilfordjournals.com/doi/abs/10.1521/jscp.24.2.280.62277">how happy they are</a>, and even how or if they behave in <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2007.01133.x/full">aggressive</a> ways with other children. But researchers know very little about whether babies care about, or are affected by, the motivational messages that come from encouraging tones of speech.</p>
<p>Why does it matter whether babies respond to motivational messages? Well, as a multi-tasking parent or childminder, it can be challenging to convey information to a preverbal baby in an efficient way.</p>
<p>To carefully explore this, we are now <a href="https://www.facebook.com/TinyToTots/">planning research with babies</a> aged between ten and 12 months and their families. During the study, we will show the babies simple pictures on a screen and play short sentences. We will then measure how long the infants listen to sentences that are spoken in different tones. </p>
<p>Technology allows us to track exactly where and how long each baby watches the screen in front of them, and we can show the parents how we measure this as soon as the study ends. It may not sound like much fun for the little ones, but we have designed it to be playful and engaging, and the study is held in a friendly and safe environment. </p>
<p>If we find out that a simple change in the tone of voice can stop young babies from doing something that could be dangerous, or encourages them to engage in a positive behaviour, this could be an efficient route to communicating with and helping all children to learn. It could also lead to happier babies who are more effectively motivated by their caregivers.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/81978/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sarah Gerson has received funding from the Royal Society. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Merideth Gattis has received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council, the Leverhulme Trust, the Max Planck Society, the Royal Society, the Waterloo Foundation, and Wellcome Trust. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Netta Weinstein receives funding from the Leverhulme Trust. </span></em></p>Babies learn more than just your words.Sarah Gerson, Lecturer in Developmental & Health Psychology, Cardiff UniversityMerideth Gattis, Professor of Psychology, Cardiff UniversityNetta Weinstein, Senior Lecturer in Social and Environmental Psychology, Cardiff UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/682162016-11-11T02:45:49Z2016-11-11T02:45:49ZHere’s why ‘baby talk’ is good for your baby<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/145461/original/image-20161110-25070-qs4dkf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The way you talk to your baby makes a difference.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/elviskennedy/5697684827/in/photolist-9Fu8ci-bC3iKP-47MyG1-cPkwt9-nLtC82-39e5Vq-oszmaM-dw1jJN-qaZYWQ-4FL5Qj-cqGfgU-j8tN5F-j8w6Vq-bxKXxG-oTydkZ-bxKXGs-8JTqfQ-qc5TeG-kJb1Xv-7gxz6p-2yrYH-pH3fc-fNi2S3-kPL9Ce-kJcj3S-nBtX4i-cqGDhA-feS62u-7oZyoa-83cdKb-p9vm1N-qS1kDn-cqGbaf-5gi3z1-bp2C7e-5Ghs5i-6h6ZmM-bp2zFZ-kJaxzz-d2TkzL-kbLn1T-aptmgL-bp2qit-dNC99v-kwngKB-myu5rm-8395rk-a4Vgs7-bWTLWJ-j31KFK">Elvis Kennedy</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>When we read, it’s very easy for us to tell individual words apart: In written language, spaces are used to separate words from one another. But this is not the case with spoken language – speech is a stream of sound, from which the listener has to separate words to understand what the speaker is saying. </p>
<p>This task isn’t difficult for adults who are familiar with the words of their language. But what about babies, who have almost no linguistic experience? How do they even begin to separate, or “segment,” individual words from the stream of language that they hear all around them all of the time?</p>
<p>As a researcher interested in early language production, I am fascinated by how babies begin acquiring knowledge of their language, and how parents and other caregivers can support them in this task. </p>
<p>Babies first start learning language by listening not to individual words, but to the rhythm and intonation of the speech stream – that is, the changes between high and low pitch, and the rhythm and loudness of syllables in speech. Parents often exaggerate these features of the language when talking with their infants, and this is important for early language learning. </p>
<p>Nevertheless, some may feel that using this exaggerated speech style is condescending, or unrealistic in comparison to adult speech, and as such does not set babies off to a good start. </p>
<p>Is “baby talk” really good for babies?</p>
<h2>How babies learn</h2>
<p>Even before a baby is born, the process of learning language has already begun. In the third trimester of pregnancy, when the infant’s ears are sufficiently developed, the intonation patterns of the mother’s speech are transmitted through the fluids in the womb. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/145462/original/image-20161110-25097-c1rtx6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/145462/original/image-20161110-25097-c1rtx6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145462/original/image-20161110-25097-c1rtx6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145462/original/image-20161110-25097-c1rtx6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=423&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145462/original/image-20161110-25097-c1rtx6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=531&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145462/original/image-20161110-25097-c1rtx6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=531&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145462/original/image-20161110-25097-c1rtx6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=531&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Babies’ learning starts in the womb itself.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/x1brett/5289196287/in/photolist-94ovMr-qyjHb1-68W8wj-burnmq-a77NaF-av4CfQ-dNrU5N-73LB1d-7dZcWj-9uuNjp-a677Te-88HBdg-8UuFDq-8UrADR-4rD7xq-8gdnr1-77nYrx-7M9wqc-7oBQ1Q-4zhbi-7ALRy4-bLETd2-49NhAU-FhvTV-8UuFML-bGG7oX-asP2UD-cB1Rp5-8ERsPg-C3wF6-ajbfmf-8UuFBb-gVRYTM-9J9iuz-9c1b1L-8snG5w-9aC9QK-cLWsb-2SsCN-64w5Jg-5HwTug-6uA2hF-83r6uD-51cKuA-8ERshZ-9aC8xa-oCLoN-8EUCSJ-7oMXTs-dxsaRR">brett jordan</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This is thought to be like listening to someone talking in a swimming pool: It’s difficult to make out the individual sounds, but the rhythm and intonation are clear. This has an important effect on language learning. By the time an infant is born, she already has a <a href="http://bernard.pitzer.edu/%7Edmoore/psych199s03articles/Of_Human_Bonding.pdf">preference for her mother’s language</a>. At this stage the infant is able to <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0010027788900352">identify language</a> through its intonation patterns.</p>
<p>For example, French and Russian speakers place emphasis on different parts of a word or sentence, so the rhythm of these two languages sounds different. Even at four days old, babies can use this information to distinguish their own language from an unfamiliar other language. </p>
<p>This means that the newly born infant is ready to start learning the language that surrounds her; she already has an interest in her mother’s language, and as her attention is drawn to this language she begins to learn more about the features and patterns within it.</p>
<h2>Using a singsong voice</h2>
<p>Intonation is also very important to infants’ language development in the first months of life. Adults tend to speak to babies using a special type of register that we know as “baby talk” or “motherese.” This typically involves a higher pitch than regular speech, with wide, exaggerated intonation changes. </p>
<p>Research has shown that babies <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-8624.1990.tb02885.x/abstract">prefer to listen</a> to this exaggerated “baby talk” type of speech than typical adult-like speech: <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0163638387900178">They pay more attention</a> when a parent’s speech has a higher pitch and a wider pitch range compared to adult-like speech with less exaggerated pitch features.</p>
<p>For example, a mother might say the word “baby” in an exaggerated “singsong” voice, which holds an infant’s attention longer than it would in a monotonal adult-style voice. Words produced in this way also stand out more from the speech stream, making it easier for babies to pick out smaller chunks of language. </p>
<p>Across the vast stream of language that babies hear around them every day, these distinctive pitch features in baby talk help babies to “tune in” to a small part of the input, making language processing a more manageable task.</p>
<h2>How infants process speech</h2>
<p>Baby talk tends to be spoken at a slower rate, and key words often appear at the end of a phrase. For example, the sentence, “Can you see the doggie?” is preferable to “The doggie is eating a bone”: Babies will learn the word “doggie” more easily when it appears at the end of the phrase. </p>
<p>For the same reasons, words produced in isolation – separated from the rest of the phrase by pauses – are also easier for infants to learn. <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0010027701001226">Research has shown</a> that the first words that infants produce are often those that are heard most frequently in isolation in early development. Babies hear isolated words such as “bye bye” and “mummy” very frequently, and these are often some of the earliest words that they learn to produce. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/145457/original/image-20161110-25084-glwgrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/145457/original/image-20161110-25084-glwgrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145457/original/image-20161110-25084-glwgrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145457/original/image-20161110-25084-glwgrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145457/original/image-20161110-25084-glwgrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145457/original/image-20161110-25084-glwgrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145457/original/image-20161110-25084-glwgrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">How do babies learn language?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/deanwissing/3565255880/in/photolist-6r3SmY-bmGx26-eMZc6J-7RrcWR-6JMMkb-h6GAUp-jUNLtM-6j9Uqc-5Axiq4-aeqPGg-e9XTKU-aEsLyS-6mRMWD-CxWpq-8btsfV-n6WMwF-oYkj2a-9vD26N-6gENiz-e9XUyC-7ACpHo-8ZxQq2-57Tv3S-bC1xZC-4NmMt5-7Cw8wD-eh5jCc-pxXgsu-a1x5SM-2tkwWA-8PybHq-b7rVNV-9uu261-66eN63-cCjWEd-db7jG4-e9Ymn9-4ZfkcN-5Xk1g4-3c5Pg5-9r9dzN-5ZJZAS-e9S3nz-e9SdfF-4BstMe-6ucgMx-2SKyG-4Hzg8r-6hgMSv-dJPZM8">Dean Wissing</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>When a word is produced separately from running speech, the infant does not have to segment it from a stream of sounds, and so it is easier to determine where the word begins and where it ends. </p>
<p>Furthermore, <a href="http://scitation.aip.org/content/asa/journal/jasa/128/1/10.1121/1.3419786">infants have been found</a> to recognize words more easily when they are produced more slowly than in typical adult speech. This is because when speech is slower, it is easier for infants to pick out the individual words and sounds, which may be produced more clearly than in faster speech. In addition, infants process language much more slowly than adults, and so it is believed that slower speech gives infants more time to process what they hear.</p>
<h2>How reduplication helps</h2>
<p>Word repetition is also beneficial in infants’ early word learning. Infants’ first words tend to be those which are produced <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-child-language/article/the-ubiquity-of-frequency-effects-in-first-language-acquisition/C62853C18B8CFFD7F20DB8D96A70610D">most frequently</a> in caregiver speech, such as “mummy,” “bottle” and “baby.” </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/145464/original/image-20161110-25077-17wvyut.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/145464/original/image-20161110-25077-17wvyut.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=403&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145464/original/image-20161110-25077-17wvyut.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=403&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145464/original/image-20161110-25077-17wvyut.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=403&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145464/original/image-20161110-25077-17wvyut.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145464/original/image-20161110-25077-17wvyut.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/145464/original/image-20161110-25077-17wvyut.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=506&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Words with reduplication are easier to learn for babies.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/sellerspatton/1241937900/in/photolist-2TKfSq-76Fws-7pP2Sz-pFHN9M-dM5XSP-nQzSy1-5S1iMM-6ygMv9-8noi2Z-kCivw6-5adAjG-4xwyyC-5BaipD-4HsNwP-7ptXS2-8DeXbH-ovEn9L-74b1Ma-4kvJ9c-5vRw8J-dfL7hV-dCYEbJ-qFBNc2-8gdnxC-cS6iuQ-asRFN7-5zXSmc-jvj8W-nwn4bx-2TgowC-agcfSt-feUihs-6Um76z-NbGiP-5WtBHh-39JkuE-dCTfSX-CmtYw-6ZAEsU-6uAoGJ-6bK3M-dCYEej-233tEx-5rbke9-4ockWU-2iykzs-8JUo7G-asRHe3-c1Cs4W-4XvuRa">Sellers Patton</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The more often an infant hears a word, the easier it is to segment it from the speech stream. The infant develops a stronger mental representation of frequent words. Eventually she will be more likely to produce frequently heard words with fewer errors. </p>
<p>Furthermore, reduplicated words – that is, words which contain repetition, such as “woof woof” or “quack quack” – are typical of baby talk, and are known to have an advantage for early word learning. </p>
<p>Even <a href="http://www.pnas.org/content/105/37/14222.short">newborn infants</a> show stronger brain activation when they hear words that contain reduplication. This suggests that there may be a strong advantage for these words in human language processing. This is supported by evidence from slightly older infants, who have been found to learn reduplicated words <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15475441.2016.1165100">more easily</a> than non-reduplicated words.</p>
<h2>How ‘baby talk’ helps infants</h2>
<p>So, baby talk is not just a way of engaging with infant on a social level – it has important implications for language learning from the very first moments of a newborn’s life. Features of baby talk present infants with information about their ambient language, and allow them to break up the speech stream into smaller chunks. </p>
<p>While baby talk is not essential to guiding infants’ language learning, the use of pitch modulations, repetition and slower speech all allow infants to process the patterns in their language more easily. </p>
<p>Speaking in such an exaggerated style might not seem conducive to language learning in the longer term, but ample research shows that this speech style actually provides an <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0010027715301189">optimum input for language learning</a> from the very first days of an infant’s life.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/68216/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Catherine E. Laing receives funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH). </span></em></p>Babies first learn to recognize the rhythm and intonation of language. The process begins in the womb, where the intonation patterns are transmitted to the baby through the fluids.Catherine E. Laing, Postdoctoral Associate, Duke UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/644172016-09-21T23:00:45Z2016-09-21T23:00:45ZHere’s how to raise a child to be sympathetic<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138513/original/image-20160920-12453-1xisyhi.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Children learn to share and show concern from an early age.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/angela7/534883941/in/photolist-PgqmV-db9ZfA-pCdnfD-niFAJi-r9bNr6-c32DuW-abm61S-nyTh7L-G1msq-4c1uBw-81qmKN-qeGypu-4JfpYt-avW6CM-pKvQmN-8xAufS-oYPL7S-8s2XHm-6pyiwZ-q6AgPs-5b495D-p9q1ak-boA4g9-qiAPMQ-6pypTD-9KeAg9-skzdFQ-6pCy21-aiA3ft-9j5Wm3-gkejXq-8K5rif-7jU2EN-cZ975d-qKg2gA-aqMLoh-qJ5V65-poQqWr-e4oaoG-9RJVJ9-8vEXjo-qYnCby-fzi3X3-3R5Hc-o2BUfj-aiJSJd-cskUwC-o1cAjd-nA2BQY-fJRMTE">Angela Sevin</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Parents and teachers might often wonder how to teach children caring toward others – more so when the world feels full of disagreement, conflict, and aggression. </p>
<p>As development psychologists, we know that children start to pay attention to the emotions of others from an early age. They <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12028">actively take into account others’ emotions</a> when making decisions about how to respond to them.</p>
<p>Does this mean that children feel sympathy for others from an early age? And is there a way in which parents can teach their children to be sympathetic?</p>
<h2>What is sympathy?</h2>
<p>A feeling of concern for another person, or <a href="http://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.51.1.665">sympathy</a>, is based on a comprehension of the unfortunate situation and emotional state of another. It often accompanies feelings of pity for the distressed other.</p>
<p>Sympathy is different from empathy, which is more of an “emotional contagion.” If you feel like crying when you see someone else cry, you are experiencing empathy. You might even be overwhelmed by that person’s distress.</p>
<p>And unlike empathy, sympathy involves some distance. So, rather than being overwhelmed, feelings of sympathy might allow individuals to engage in <a href="http://doi.org/10.1037/a0014179">prosocial behaviors</a>, such as helping or sharing.</p>
<p>We start to show concern for others from very early on. For example, babies show <a href="http://doi.org/10.1037/h0031066">basic signs of concern for others</a> in their distressed responses to another infant’s cry, although in the case of babies, it might also be possible that they do not fully understand the <a href="http://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511805851">self as a separate entity</a> from others. So, their cry might simply be a case of emotional contagion.</p>
<p>Either way, these are early forms of how we show concern. Later in our lives, these <a href="http://doi.org/10.1348/000712609X442096">advance into more sophisticated sympathy</a> experiences. Rather than just crying for the other crying baby, children begin to think about ways to alleviate the baby’s distress. </p>
<p>This sympathetic response becomes possible because they start to incorporate cognitive understanding of the situation the other person is in. Sympathy goes beyond mere feelings of sadness for others’ distress. Rather, it <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12028">guides our actions</a>.</p>
<h2>What makes kids share</h2>
<p>How do children at different ages engage differently in prosocial behaviors based on their sympathy?</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138517/original/image-20160920-12441-1tw7zou.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138517/original/image-20160920-12441-1tw7zou.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138517/original/image-20160920-12441-1tw7zou.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138517/original/image-20160920-12441-1tw7zou.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138517/original/image-20160920-12441-1tw7zou.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138517/original/image-20160920-12441-1tw7zou.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138517/original/image-20160920-12441-1tw7zou.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">What makes kids share?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/gemsling/338385210/in/photolist-vUj8L-e9ansE-5Sz16D-roCJtM-fGPpmv-e6ZCLw-ipC7S-5u18Ud-p7kePV-q4sZQM-oFEpcq-iz1gpg-qLqacw-6fRQtM-4z5xYa-5RNJrq-mRVRox-gwmAC2-cyuWUb-5qGWcy-pKvQmN-8k5yhV-eaccdM-axuqHH-e9XJMS-HTmMEu-pnVp19-5LDsRZ-oFDQUj-oFE49C-88bgji-e7j6TF-xwRxaj-8Fxnf6-9ob4cn-5PhNS7-5ibwMR-5LYcAd-tBgQS-jmNsRp-9NMKvf-5arx9x-svCmQU-53NiWz-dgPgB6-qekrHp-gwmN7H-5peBY-mVofLV-cKy49j">Nathan</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>To understand, we conducted <a href="http://doi.org/10.1177/0165025414567007">a study</a> to see how children shared. In our study, 160 four- and eight-year-old children received six equally attractive stickers. They were then given an opportunity to share any number of those stickers with a hypothetical child in a picture. </p>
<p>Children were shown multiple pictures that depicted four different conditions, which included “needy” recipients and “not needy” recipients. The needy recipient was described as,</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“She/he has no toys,” “She/he is sad.”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>And the non-needy or neutral recipient as,</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“This girl/boy is four/ eight years old, just like you.”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>What we found was that children tended to share more stickers with a needy recipient. What we also found was that eight-year-old children shared on average 70 percent of their stickers with the needy recipient (versus 47 percent with the neutral recipient). The four-year-olds shared only 45 percent of their stickers in the needy condition (versus 33 percent in the neutral condition).</p>
<p>What makes eight-year-olds share more than two-thirds of their own stickers with the needy recipient, while four-year-olds share only about half of them?</p>
<h2>Sharing thoughtfully</h2>
<p>The answer to this question can be found in children’s growing abilities to put themselves in others’ shoes. Besides feeling concern for others, being able to comprehend the circumstances of others can enhance helping or sharing behaviors that are <a href="http://orca.cf.ac.uk/33048/">sensitive toward the condition of others</a>. </p>
<p>For example, as our study demonstrated, older children shared more stickers with a peer who looked sad and had fewer toys even by giving up their own. This is different from simply sharing equal numbers of stickers with peers regardless of each one’s personal circumstance.</p>
<p>The point is that children could show emotional empathy early on, but as they develop “perspective-taking ability,” they tend to show higher levels of sympathy. Perspective-taking ability means knowing that others can have desire, knowledge and emotion that are different from their own and that those come from their point of view. </p>
<p>For example, a child who wants to play baseball would understand that his friend has a different desire – perhaps to play football. Or that another friend who is smiling in front of his parents is, in fact, hiding his disappointment because he did not get the birthday gift he really wanted. </p>
<p>In this regard, a recent <a href="http://doi.org/10.1037/dev0000140">review study</a> that summarized the findings of 76 studies conducted during the last four decades from 12 different countries came up with the following findings: </p>
<p>The study looked at a total of 6,432 children aged between two and 12 years to find out how children’s perspective-taking abilities and prosocial behavior were related to each other. Results revealed that children with higher ability to take another person’s point of view showed more prosocial behaviors, such as comforting, helping and sharing.</p>
<p>Furthermore, when they compared preschool-aged children between two and five years of age versus children aged six and above, they found that this relationship became stronger as children got older.</p>
<p>As children are <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12028">increasingly able to use contextual information</a> they become more selective about when and how to help others. That is what our study showed as well: Eight-year-old children take into account the recipient information and make more selective sharing decisions guided by their sympathy.</p>
<h2>Enhancing sympathy in children</h2>
<p>The question is, could we encourage children to become sympathetic toward others? And could children learn the best way to help keeping in mind the unique circumstances of others? </p>
<p>The ability to feel concern for others is one of the key characteristics that make us human. Sympathy binds individuals together and increases cooperation among the members of the society. This has been observed in developmental research.
For example, <a href="http://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0052017">in a long-term study</a> conducted with 175 children, we found that when children showed high levels of sympathy at age seven, they were better accepted by peers and shared more with others up to age nine.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138519/original/image-20160920-12489-11img48.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138519/original/image-20160920-12489-11img48.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138519/original/image-20160920-12489-11img48.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138519/original/image-20160920-12489-11img48.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138519/original/image-20160920-12489-11img48.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138519/original/image-20160920-12489-11img48.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138519/original/image-20160920-12489-11img48.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">What can parents do?</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/kjd/2188617394/in/photolist-4kpeGE-dAgni7-q4AULz-bUhksP-gZm1ES-pGNS6B-44KHLe-6wMEMG-6T9H6u-dK1Gev-62XRBw-q4AWnF-at6Um5-pMpw7R-5pLkBK-afSQcv-H6KzCt-kmHVcG-cDRh1u-4m2D7F-8oF78B-p7Zb4C-q4AVNz-73UGq8-q4UAQ9-dMWV6F-6a85ax-pMpwyx-qKLQ1t-qGyxkU-3czyVT-pMohNj-6gwFd6-p4p3Pp-8kWBdC-FpALA1-q4Ly4X-fBY9dP-hQmQ42-pMrcC5-bntcuo-82YcAd-dpkagp-8azuK4-pMoh81-bAo4RX-7YJqM8-r64jtj-4AHGar-fiC4Uv">Kim Davies</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>So, one of the things that we can do to facilitate sympathy in young children according to developmental research is to use what is called <a href="http://samples.sainsburysebooks.co.uk/9781136698477_sample_866888.pdf">inductive reasoning</a>. Inductive reasoning implies that parents and teachers emphasize the consequences of a child’s behavior during a social interaction. For example, when a child grabs a toy from his friend, the caregiver could ask the child, </p>
<blockquote>
<p>“How would you feel if your friend took away a toy from you?” </p>
</blockquote>
<p>This can encourage children to reflect on how their own actions may affect others’ thoughts and feelings. <a href="http://catdir.loc.gov/catdir/samples/cam032/99029669.pdf">This can facilitate sympathy</a>. </p>
<p>Researcher <a href="http://telethonkids.org.au/our-people/staff-student-index/f/brad-farrant/">Brad Farrant</a>, who, along with his colleagues, <a href="http://doi.org/10.1002/icd.740">studied the relationship</a> between parenting and children’s helping and caring behaviors, came up with similar findings.</p>
<p>Farrant studied 72 children between ages four and six. The study found that children showed more actions of helping and caring when mothers encouraged their children to see things from another child’s perspective. For example, if a child was “picked on” by another child, mothers who encouraged perspective-taking would guide their child to try and work out why the other child was picking on the child. </p>
<p>Telling a child he should help and share with others could be one way of teaching him how to be a good member of a society. However, thoughtfully engaging in conversations with the child about others’ needs, feelings, and desires could go one step further – it could help children develop sympathy.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/64417/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tina Malti currently receives funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC), and the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC).</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ju-Hyun Song does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Children feel sympathy for others from an early age. Two development psychologists explain how children can learn, based on feelings of sympathy, how to act more thoughtfully.Tina Malti, Associate Professor of Psychology, University of TorontoJu-Hyun Song, Post Doctoral Fellow, University of TorontoLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/585682016-05-13T00:59:08Z2016-05-13T00:59:08ZCould early music training help babies learn language?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122367/original/image-20160512-16410-1i0hrpb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Early music activities?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/doegox/1499953615/in/photolist-3hxDXe-nyGVcJ-atmpCC-2XjDJ4-7GFgTS-oi9tP5-6hP3Tc-5E8Uqu-7mADMC-8dtCab-6hP2aV-6hTaAW-HrAD-5rWsrw-GzZa4-kkfmL-9BFhE5-2vtRWH-Ltuau-yC8qD-8dqmse-65zZh-F9TsT-afX8g1-dgjaPU-ouLpkd-9oPFX9-yC8rc-5QbASb-5rWskU-GzVVs-5fwqUe-2vtSSH-2wEdW-REDz-8yFeFG-h2Wonh-f2ZrRF-dJUJmK-2wEdk-2wEf9-5pgzoX-7A4Ch8-nMr6s5-8mAf5q-REDy-e7xPFk-dEtw8b-6H4hdR-6e8quE">PROPhilippe Teuwen</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Growing up in China, I started playing piano when I was nine years old and learning English when I was 12. Later, when I was a college student, it struck me how similar language and music are to each other.</p>
<p>Language and music both require rhythm; otherwise they don’t make any sense. They’re also both built from smaller units – syllables and musical beats. And the process of mastering them is remarkably similar, including <a href="http://doi.org/10.1016/j.heares.2013.08.011">precise movements, repetitive practice and focused attention</a>. I also noticed that my musician peers were particularly good at learning new languages.</p>
<p>All of this made me wonder if music shapes how the brain perceives sounds other than musical notes. And if so, could learning music help us learn languages?</p>
<h2>Music experience and speech</h2>
<p>Music training early in life (before the age of seven) can have a wide range of benefits <a href="http://doi.org/10.1126/science.1238414">beyond musical ability</a>.</p>
<p>For instance, school-age children (six to eight years old) who participated in two years of musical classes four hours each week showed better brain responses to consonants compared with their peers who started one year later. This suggests that music experience <a href="http://www.brainvolts.northwestern.edu/documents/Krausetal_Harmony_JNeuro2014.pdf">helped children hear speech sounds</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122369/original/image-20160512-16407-ix2m8f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122369/original/image-20160512-16407-ix2m8f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122369/original/image-20160512-16407-ix2m8f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122369/original/image-20160512-16407-ix2m8f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122369/original/image-20160512-16407-ix2m8f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122369/original/image-20160512-16407-ix2m8f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122369/original/image-20160512-16407-ix2m8f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Music may have a range of benefits.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/breezy421/246072891/in/photolist-nKbU4-fAb4QL-5hKv3Y-o6JXA9-e4zVes-o6L8X6-cQyA8G-pEmuVH-fwp1Q3-dpszxq-qbYXxf-amiPzy-ahy9L3-6ujp5f-bkigxw-78PNHz-ouL6Hw-j4UHbL-e4uiUM-2mJWzQ-bPh5bH-V7Ah-9JPKpf-fi6E97-4iggQE-adgcTK-npqeSK-cegyjN-as4uqw-e4uiSe-7XqpCp-7xunJ7-adj29W-9AVaY6-ixLBFd-61gdpM-5QbKEW-6KzbgM-7wBcJ9-pEmvgc-ooeGYe-9hvRcp-bi9KTB-9AY4m9-9A8WER-4o635v-n8ikw5-bAnqrL-obCmhM-6cKxWd">Breezy Baldwin</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>But what about babies who aren’t talking yet? Can music training this early give babies a boost in the steps it takes to learn language? </p>
<p>The first year of life is the best time in the lifespan to learn speech sounds; yet no studies have looked at whether musical experience during infancy can improve speech learning. </p>
<p>I sought to answer this question with <a href="http://ilabs.uw.edu/institute-faculty/bio/i-labs-patricia-k-kuhl-phd">Patricia K. Kuhl</a>, an expert in early childhood learning. We set out to study whether musical experience at nine months of age can help infants learn speech.</p>
<p>Nine months is within the peak period for infants’ <a href="http://ilabs.washington.edu/kuhl/pdf/Kuhl_etal_2006.pdf">speech sound learning</a>. During this time, they’re learning to pay attention to the differences among the different speech sounds that they hear in their environment. Being able to differentiate these sounds is key for <a href="http://ilabs.washington.edu/kuhl/pdf/Kuhl_etal_2008.pdf">learning to speak later</a>. A better ability to tell speech sounds apart at this age is associated with producing more words at 30 months of age. </p>
<h2>Here is how we did our study</h2>
<p><a href="http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2016/04/20/1603984113.full">In our study</a>, we randomly put 47 nine-month-old infants in either a musical group or a control group and completed 12 15-minute-long sessions of activities designed for that group.</p>
<p>Babies in the music group sat with their parents, who guided them through the sessions by tapping out beats in time with the music with the goal of helping them learn a difficult musical rhythm. </p>
<p>Here is a short video demonstration of what a music session looked like.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/whzxMNvHBD4?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>Infants in the control group played with toy cars, blocks and other objects that required coordinated movements in social play, but without music. </p>
<p>After the sessions, we measured the babies’ brains responses to musical and speech rhythms using <a href="http://ilabs.washington.edu/what-magnetoencephalography-meg">magnetoencephalography (MEG)</a>, a brain imaging technique.</p>
<p>New music and speech sounds were presented in rhythmic sequences, but the rhythms were occasionally disrupted by skipping a beat. </p>
<p>These rhythmic disruptions help us measure how well the babies’ brains were honed to rhythms. The brain gives a specific response pattern when detecting an unexpected change. A bigger response indicates that the baby was following rhythms better. </p>
<p>Babies in the music group had stronger brain responses to both music and speech sounds compared with babies in the control group. This shows that musical experience, as early as nine month of age, improved infants’ ability to process both musical and speech rhythms. </p>
<p>These skills are important building blocks for learning to speak. </p>
<h2>Other benefits from music experience</h2>
<p>Language is just one example of a skill that can be improved through music training. Music can help with social-emotional development, too. An earlier study by researchers <a href="http://ilabs.washington.edu/postdoctoral-fellows/bio/i-labs-tal-chen-rabinowitch-phd">Tal-Chen Rabinowitch</a> and <a href="http://psychology.huji.ac.il/en/?cmd=faculty.113letter&act=read&id=49">Ariel Knafo-Noam</a> showed that pairs of eight-year-olds who didn’t know each other <a href="http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0120878">reported feeling more close and connected with one another </a> after a short exercise of tapping out beats in sync with each other. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122373/original/image-20160512-16431-1uznhb4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122373/original/image-20160512-16431-1uznhb4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122373/original/image-20160512-16431-1uznhb4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122373/original/image-20160512-16431-1uznhb4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122373/original/image-20160512-16431-1uznhb4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122373/original/image-20160512-16431-1uznhb4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/122373/original/image-20160512-16431-1uznhb4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Music helps children bond better.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.shutterstock.com/cat.mhtml?lang=en&language=en&ref_site=photo&search_source=search_form&version=llv1&anyorall=all&safesearch=1&use_local_boost=1&autocomplete_id=&search_tracking_id=uJYROpBefFjhdSvE2y48Bw&searchterm=children%20%20music&show_color_wheel=1&orient=&commercial_ok=&media_type=images&search_cat=&searchtermx=&photographer_name=&people_gender=&people_age=&people_ethnicity=&people_number=&color=&page=1&inline=121424038">Boy image via www.shutterstock.com</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Another researcher, <a href="http://trainorlab.mcmaster.ca/people/cirelllk">Laura Cirelli</a>, showed that <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12193">14-month-old babies</a> were more likely to show helping behaviors toward an adult after the babies had been bounced in sync with the adult who was also moving rhythmically. </p>
<p>There are many more exciting questions that remain to be answered as researchers continue to study the effects of music experience on early development. </p>
<p>For instance, does the music experience need to be in a social setting? Could babies get the benefits of music from simply listening to music? And, how much experience do babies need over time to sustain this language-boosting benefit? </p>
<p>Music is an essential part of being human. It has existed in human cultures for thousands of years, and it is one of the most fun and powerful ways for people to connect with each other. Through scientific research, I hope we can continue to reveal how music experience influences brain development and language learning of babies.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/58568/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The research described here was supported by the National Science Foundation Science of Learning Center Program grant to the UW LIFE Center (P.K.K., PI: Grant No. SMA-0835854), the Ready Mind Project at the UW Institute for Learning & Brain Sciences, and the Washington State Life Science Discovery Fund (LSDF).
</span></em></p>What effect does music have on the developing brains of babies who haven’t even learnt to talk?Christina Zhao, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of WashingtonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/570052016-05-02T10:26:06Z2016-05-02T10:26:06ZOn her first birthday, Princess Charlotte already knows much about language<p>Princess Charlotte, the youngest member of the British Royal Family, is turning one. While there will be plenty of focus from sections of the mainstream UK media on <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2016/05/01/europe/uk-princess-charlotte-photos/">the official pictures</a> released by the palace, much has been going on behind the scenes. Many infants say their first word around the time of their first birthday and for most people, this is when language learning really starts. But by the time Charlotte says her first word, she actually already knows a lot about language. </p>
<p>In fact, for hearing children, language acquisition starts in the womb. During the third trimester, the foetus can hear, and it is the mother’s voice that they hear best. Not surprisingly, then, newborns <a href="http://science.sciencemag.org/content/208/4448/1174.full-text.pdf+html">prefer their mother’s voice</a> over other female voices, but not <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/dev.420170506/abstract">their father’s voice</a> over other male voices. Sorry, dads. </p>
<p>But newborns’ preferences are not just about different voices. Newborns also prefer their native language over other languages. For example, two-day-old infants born to English-speaking mothers <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/016363839380007U">prefer listening to strangers who speak English</a> than to strangers who speak Spanish, and vice versa. Newborns also recognise <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0163638386900251">stories that were read to them in the womb</a> and
can <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/apa.12098/epdf">distinguish vowel sounds</a> that exist in their native language from those that don’t. Even the <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0960982209018247">melody of newborns’ cries</a> is influenced by their native language.</p>
<h2>Take a loud yellow drum</h2>
<p>So, what exactly does the foetus hear in the womb? The womb itself is quite loud, dominated by the sound of the mother’s heartbeat and all sorts of fluids flushing by. So the foetus does not hear language in the same way as a newborn does. Mostly, what is audible in the womb are vowels as well as the melody and rhythm of language. And it is the melody and rhythm of language that play an important role in an infant’s journey to their first word. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120562/original/image-20160428-28044-ilpm57.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120562/original/image-20160428-28044-ilpm57.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120562/original/image-20160428-28044-ilpm57.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120562/original/image-20160428-28044-ilpm57.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120562/original/image-20160428-28044-ilpm57.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120562/original/image-20160428-28044-ilpm57.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120562/original/image-20160428-28044-ilpm57.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Look! Theyellowdrumisloud.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.shutterstock.com/pic-88614598/stock-photo-a-mother-kissing-her-smiling-baby-girl-on-the-cheeks.html?src=0T06CCzCmzhGNYLQPEW5bw-1-33">Infant by Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Before infants get there, they need to overcome some challenges. One problem is that we do not pause after every word that we say to an infant. So if the Duchess of Cambridge were to say “the yellow drum is loud”, it would sound more like “Theyellowdrumisloud” to little Charlotte. What infants need to find out is where one word ends and the next one begins. At around six months of age, infants embark on this task. And words’ <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0010028599907168">stress patterns help</a> a lot.</p>
<p>When we say “the yellow drum is loud”, not all syllables are said with equal emphasis. Some syllables are louder, longer, and more clearly pronounced. These are the stressed syllables. So to Charlotte the sentence would actually sound something like “TheYELLowDRUMisLOUD”. And by about six or seven months, infants who are growing up with English seem to go by the simple rule that a stressed syllable marks the beginning of a word. This works pretty well for the above sentence as it gives us “The YELLow DRUMis LOUD”. </p>
<p>In fact, it works pretty well in English overall since over <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0885230887900040">90% of content words</a> in spontaneous conversation in English have stress on the first syllable. So, English-learning infants get a lot of mileage out of this simple rule.</p>
<p>But the rule doesn’t work so well in French, where stress is typically on the last syllable of a word. In fact, French-learning infants know enough about their language that they <a href="http://scitation.aip.org/content/asa/journal/jasa/111/5/10.1121/1.4778467">do not employ this rule</a>. Of course, the rule isn’t foolproof for English either. It works a little less well for a sentence such as “TheYELLowguiTARisLOUD”, which gives us “The YELLowgui TARis LOUD”. </p>
<p>By about ten or 11 months, infants can combine several cues to word boundaries. They already <a href="http://pss.sagepub.com/content/16/4/298.short">know some highly frequent words</a> and <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0010028599907211">have some knowledge</a> about which sounds can go together within a syllable – for example, that <em>gr</em> is okay in English, as in <em>great</em>, but <em>gt</em> is not OK. So, when we hear <em>g</em> followed by a <em>t</em>, we know that there must be a syllable boundary, as in <em>pigtail</em>.</p>
<p>Infants can also track <a href="http://pss.sagepub.com/content/9/4/321.short">transitional probabilities between syllables</a>, which is the likelihood that one particular syllable is followed by another particular syllable. Such transitional probabilities are higher within words than between words. For example, the likelihood of hearing <em>ba</em> and then <em>by</em> in a stream of speech is higher than that of hearing <em>ba</em> and then <em>is</em>. We hear <em>ba</em> and <em>by</em> together every time somebody says the word <em>baby</em>. But <em>bais</em> is not a word, and so we only hear these syllables together if a word ends in <em>ba</em> and the next word happens to start with <em>is</em>, for example, in the sentence <em>The bay is nice</em>.</p>
<p>Equipped with all this knowledge, older infants can correctly segment “TheYELLowguiTARisLOUD” as “The YELLow guiTAR is LOUD”. So by the time infants say their first word, they are quite skilled at segmenting the stream of speech that they hear into individual words and they know some familiar words.</p>
<h2>Babbling babies</h2>
<figure class="align-left ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120560/original/image-20160428-28044-q8uf6g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120560/original/image-20160428-28044-q8uf6g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=703&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120560/original/image-20160428-28044-q8uf6g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=703&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120560/original/image-20160428-28044-q8uf6g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=703&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120560/original/image-20160428-28044-q8uf6g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=884&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120560/original/image-20160428-28044-q8uf6g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=884&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120560/original/image-20160428-28044-q8uf6g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=884&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Taking it all in.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.shutterstock.com/pic-129775316/stock-photo-baby-putting-his-hands-and-fingers-into-mouth.html?src=9rw8ys-avllzQPKebgBbxA-1-63">Baby by Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>But saying one’s first word is not just about identifying words in the stream of speech. Infants also need to be able to say the words. And by their first birthdays, they have been practising for months. This practice comes in the form of babbling. Starting at about six months of age, infants start producing seemingly random syllables such as <em>na-na</em> and <em>da-da</em>. Later, these are more variable, such as <em>kadabu</em>, and can sound like whole sentences made out of nonsense syllables. However, these syllables have no associated meaning. So, a babbled <em>da-da</em> does not really mean <em>daddy</em>. </p>
<p>Initially, researchers thought that babbling had no linguistic purpose. But we now know that babbling reflects infants’ knowledge about the language they are acquiring. For example, <a href="http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=4232928&fileId=S0305000900013404">English and French-learning infants babble differently</a>, in ways that match the languages that they are learning. Infants’ babbling may even reflect <a href="http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=9275410&fileId=S1366728913000655">idiosyncrasies of their parents’ speech</a>. So babbling clearly reflects the language or languages that infants are hearing.</p>
<p>In the transition from babbling to the first word, infants start to associate forms with meanings, for example, associating <em>na-na</em> with the kind of fruit that we call a banana. So when Princess Charlotte says her first word, this is an important milestone in her language development. But it is far from the beginning of language acquisition. Rather, she will have been listening, observing, finding patterns, and practising for months. The first word is the culmination of all this learning and marks the beginning of an infant’s ability to use language to communicate.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/57005/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anouschka Foltz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>If you thought babies’ babbling was just nonsense, it’s time to think again.Anouschka Foltz, Lecturer in Psycholinguistics, Bangor UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/574702016-04-15T09:58:19Z2016-04-15T09:58:19ZWhy the baby brain can learn two languages at the same time<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/118779/original/image-20160414-2657-1bqrolz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">How do babies learn language?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/irenezaccari/5745450917/in/photolist-9KGWoz-5HCfUn-8xGzdH-ep8c1D-avPTiY-4Ee9zx-dPamP3-58ijVf-5ww1yt-7jNyZd-dbSvBo-ep8dMt-5zXSmc-7WW7qS-af3eH8-dfqMuf-8Pby5A-dGrrzV-5e1poT-eMhKvD-8P9xQD-5wAkxE-gNvtw-6mmzW-iwU32-9strtj-7uhncG-bE9jtV-K4REY-4DBWKx-4ApiAq-avMcyx-kppiR-6SJRi5-98ev41-bB6FQH-3qStoQ-5ww2zH-4d9mPa-bEUUvt-iSSkb2-6KtqdV-8GECBK-jxbaJT-8E8pA3-28KzW-4CdpT8-xoLyo-4VCHfq-bsEoPd">Irene Zaccari</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Any adult who has attempted to learn a foreign language can attest to how difficult and confusing it can be. So when a three-year-old growing up in a bilingual household inserts Spanish words into his English sentences, conventional wisdom assumes that he is confusing the two languages. </p>
<p>Research shows that <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305000900009971">this is not the case</a>. </p>
<p>In fact, early childhood is the best possible time <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0010028589900030">to learn a second language</a>. Children who experience two languages from birth typically become native speakers of both, while adults often struggle with second language learning and <a href="http://www.jimflege.com/files/Flege_Yeni-Komshian_age_constraints_JML_1999.pdf">rarely attain native-like fluency</a>.</p>
<p>But the question remains: is it confusing for babies to learn two languages simultaneously? </p>
<h2>When do babies learn language?</h2>
<p>Research shows babies begin to learn language sounds before they’re even born. In the womb, a mother’s voice is <a href="http://doi.org/10.1080/02646839308403210">one of the most prominent sounds</a> an unborn baby hears. By the time they’re born, newborns can not only tell the difference between their <a href="http://ilabs.uw.edu/sites/default/files/2012%20Moon%20et%20al.pdf">mother’s language and another language</a>, but also show a capability of distinguishing between languages. </p>
<p>Language learning depends on the processing of sounds. All the world’s languages put together comprise about 800 or so sounds. Each language uses only about 40 language sounds, or “phonemes,” which distinguish one language from another. </p>
<p>At birth, the baby brain has an unusual gift: <a href="http://ilabs.washington.edu/kuhl/pdf/Kuhl_2004.pdf">it can tell the difference</a> between all 800 sounds. This means that at this stage infants can learn any language that they’re exposed to. Gradually babies figure out which sounds they are hearing the most. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/118758/original/image-20160414-2614-crlwdv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/118758/original/image-20160414-2614-crlwdv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118758/original/image-20160414-2614-crlwdv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118758/original/image-20160414-2614-crlwdv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=398&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118758/original/image-20160414-2614-crlwdv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118758/original/image-20160414-2614-crlwdv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118758/original/image-20160414-2614-crlwdv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Babies learn to recognize their mother’s voice even before they are born.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/johnmichaelmayer/6870462134/in/photolist-bt7V2G-ftLq75-9msoye-bBpW47-27cLW-aKYRr4-aKZ8ir-nYXrSb-nRUnCD-cZuumC-qAhU8p-9oCvkd-beq3a4-nVtnQg-nobq41-99xQRx-bepVh2-4qJdSM-ftKEtN-9byCMj-bnMnsm-cr3bnj-98H9Fs-ftvVLZ-6V3L7U-eS7mU7-6YvUB9-Gztnk-7UMtfq-cUkPvW-8WSZdS-a8bUKC-a8cUAh-7V7nzX-9Gk5W-9mMQew-4nyXMB-eVrXTA-5RHTcg-98CNew-7CUQZV-6FeB8-9XeMNS-7VaqUQ-639Vik-Pd3P1-9buGpR-cZutFw-8YqdT2-9cFt6F">John Mayer</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Between six and 12 months, infants who grow up in monolingual households become more specialized in the subset of sounds in their native language. In other words, they become <a href="http://ilabs.washington.edu/kuhl/pdf/Kuhl_etal_2006.pdf">“native language specialists.”</a> And, by their first birthdays, monolingual infants begin to lose their ability to hear the differences between foreign language sounds.</p>
<h2>Studying baby brains</h2>
<p>What about those babies who hear two languages from birth? Can a baby brain specialize in two languages? If so, how is this process different then specializing in a single language? </p>
<p>Knowing how the baby brain learns one versus two languages is important for understanding the developmental milestones in learning to speak. For example, parents of bilingual children often wonder what is and isn’t typical or expected, or how their child will differ from those children who are learning a single language. </p>
<p>My collaborators and I recently studied the brain processing of language sounds in 11-month-old babies from monolingual (English only) and bilingual (Spanish-English) homes. We used a completely noninvasive technology called <a href="http://ilabs.washington.edu/what-magnetoencephalography-meg">magnetoencephalography (MEG)</a>, which precisely pinpointed the timing and the location of activity in the brain as the babies listened to Spanish and English syllables. </p>
<p>We found some <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12427">key differences</a> between infants raised in monolingual versus bilingual homes. </p>
<p>At 11 months of age, just before most babies begin to say their first words, the brain recordings revealed that:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Babies from monolingual English households are specialized to process the sounds of English, and not the sounds of Spanish, an unfamiliar language</p></li>
<li><p>Babies from bilingual Spanish-English households are specialized to process the sounds of both languages, Spanish and English. </p></li>
</ul>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/TAYhj-gekqw?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Here’s a video summarizing our study.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Our findings show that babies’ brains become tuned to whatever language or languages they hear from their caregivers. A monolingual brain becomes tuned to the sounds of one language, and a bilingual brain becomes tuned to the sounds of two languages. By 11 months of age, the activity in the baby brain <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/desc.12427">reflects the language or languages</a> that they have been exposed to. </p>
<h2>Is it OK to learn two languages?</h2>
<p>This has important implications. Parents of monolingual and bilingual children alike are eager for their little ones to utter the first words. It’s an exciting time to learn more about what the baby is thinking. However, a common concern, especially for bilingual parents, is that their child is not learning fast enough. </p>
<p>We found that the bilingual babies showed an equally strong brain response to English sounds as the monolingual babies. This suggests that bilingual babies were learning English at the same rate as the monolingual babies. </p>
<p>Parents of bilingual children also worry that their children will not know as many words as children who are raised with one language. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/118805/original/image-20160414-2625-15xpgjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/118805/original/image-20160414-2625-15xpgjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=372&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118805/original/image-20160414-2625-15xpgjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=372&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118805/original/image-20160414-2625-15xpgjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=372&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118805/original/image-20160414-2625-15xpgjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118805/original/image-20160414-2625-15xpgjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/118805/original/image-20160414-2625-15xpgjp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Bilingualism does not cause confusion.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/jakeliefer/306499266/in/photolist-t5Ty7-vitzc-3gnsd1-4XbYKT-aCoK3V-85woV7-bTqBk4-FUfJgo-5H9ZoV-7DEWgo-23vBn-fWcNXJ-hLeWWR-aapvN1-avtvd6-nB6EUJ-6HBwHF-9jPJvJ-avw6kN-Grwiv-7q1rWt-7B53ex-4VwK6v-b3ijHR-gfike-eWuRLy-vitzz-9ycGeQ-iiEtM-7iY76g-57b8Us-2cy4dp-aLD3GP-og4UjY-9gY7HA-avw4YW-daxohx-i2SsC-atMpUm-avwcg3-bMaKsD-aoZQ5X-57b7C5-4rYnE4-6RXGUZ-8Rzozd-o5X91S-x4imX-dTuGgX-ad6Hv9">jakeliefer</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>To some extent, this concern is valid. Bilingual infants split their time between two languages, and thus, on average, hear fewer words in each. However, studies consistently show that bilingual children <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0305000910000759">do not lag behind</a> when both languages are considered. </p>
<p>Vocabulary sizes of bilingual children, when combined across both languages, have been <a href="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24297614">found to be equal to or greater than</a> those of monolingual children. </p>
<p>Another common concern is that bilingualism causes confusion. Part of this concern arises due to “code switching,” a speaking behavior in which bilinguals combine both languages. </p>
<p>For example, my four-year-old son, who speaks English, Spanish, and Slovene, goes as far as using the Slovene endings on Spanish and English words. Research shows bilingual children code-switch because <a href="http://www.psych.mcgill.ca/perpg/fac/genesee/11.pdf">bilingual adults around them do too</a>. Code-switching in bilingual adults and children is <a href="http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=63647&fileId=S1366728900000365">rule-governed</a>, not haphazard. </p>
<p>Unlike monolingual children, bilingual children have another language from which they <a href="http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=37003&fulltextType=RA&fileId=S0305000999003852">can easily borrow</a> if they can’t quickly retrieve the appropriate word in one language. Even two-year-olds modulate their language <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0142716400008183">to match the language</a> used by their interlocutor. </p>
<p>Researchers have shown code switching to be part of a bilingual child’s normal language development. And it could even be the beginning of what gives them the extra cognitive prowess known as the “bilingual advantage.”</p>
<h2>Bilingual kids are at an advantage</h2>
<p>The good news is young children all around the world can and do acquire two languages simultaneously. In fact, in many parts of the world, being bilingual is the norm rather than an exception.</p>
<p>It is now understood that the constant need to shift attention between languages leads to several cognitive advantages. Research has found that bilingual adults and children show an
<a href="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4341987/">improved executive functioning</a> of the brain – that is, they are able to shift attention, switch between tasks and solve problems more easily. Bilinguals have also been found to have <a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9922.2007.00412.x">increased metalinguistic skills</a> (the ability to think about language per se, and understand how it works). There is evidence that being bilingual makes the learning of a third language <a href="http://www.bilingualism.northwestern.edu/bilingualism-psycholinguistics/files/KMjeplmc2009.pdf">easier</a>. Further, the accumulating effect of dual language experience is thought to translate into protective effects against <a href="http://doi.org/10.1212/WNL.0b013e3181fc2a1c">cognitive decline with aging</a> and the onset of Alzheimer’s disease. </p>
<p>So, if you want your child to know more than one language, it’s best to start at an early age, before she even starts speaking her first language. It won’t confuse your child, and it could even give her a boost in other forms of cognition.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/57470/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The research described here was supported by the National Science Foundation Science of Learning Center Program grant to the UW LIFE Center (P.K.K., PI: Grant No. SMA-0835854), the Ready Mind Project at the UW Institute for Learning & Brain Sciences, and the Washington State Life Science Discovery Fund (LSDF).</span></em></p>Research shows babies begin to learn language sounds before they’re even born. What about babies who hear two languages from birth? Can a baby brain specialize in two languages?Naja Ferjan Ramirez, Research Scientist, University of WashingtonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/557152016-04-11T12:21:34Z2016-04-11T12:21:34ZParenting: why one size doesn’t fit all<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/117084/original/image-20160401-6797-u0w9x0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The current model for "good" parenting comes entirely from a Western perspective.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>There are a few established “rules” for being a good parent. Praise your children for their achievements, big or small. Be warm and happy when you’re around them. Smile at them and stay upbeat. When it comes to babies, make lots of face to face verbal contact. Look at and talk to them while they babble and play.</p>
<p>These approaches are based on <a href="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4516809/">extensive studies</a> that seek to understand the relationship between parenting and child outcomes. <a href="http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/135/2/e286">Again</a> and <a href="http://www.child-encyclopedia.com/parenting-skills/according-experts/parent-support-programs-and-outcomes-children">again</a>, research has found that parenting behaviours have a huge impact on child development and success, from school performance to good peer relationships. The conclusion? Parenting matters and certain ways of parenting are better than others. </p>
<p>But how much does where you live or grew up influence how you parent? And are the same parenting techniques relevant in every setting? This is what I have studied while researching my PhD.</p>
<h2>Research gaps</h2>
<p>Most research into child development and parenting has been conducted in the West – specifically in North America and Eastern Europe. It is done by Western researchers studying Western children with Western parents. But only <a href="http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/science/2013/05/weird_psychology_social_science_researchers_rely_too_much_on_western_college.html">12%</a> of the world’s children and parents live in the West. The vast majority of families in huge swathes of the world have not been studied. What researchers currently know, and what’s presented as “optimal parenting”, can only be assumed to explain a small group of people.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ruth_Feldman/publication/41823897_Parent-Child_and_Triadic_Antecedents_of_Children's_Social_Competence_Cultural_Specificity_Shared_Process/links/09e415100f1f7dfc77000000.pdf">Research</a> conducted elsewhere in the world suggests that cultural context is an important consideration when it comes to parenting and child development. It has also found that while some aspects of good parenting are universal, others look very different from country to country.</p>
<p>Praise, face-to-face verbal contact and putting on a warm, positive attitude when around your children are not found universally. They are not assumed to be as important in some places – like <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/places/alexandra-township">Alexandra</a>, a large township in Johannesburg, South Africa, where I am conducting my research – as they are in Western contexts.</p>
<h2>Parenting in context</h2>
<p>My study in Alexandra, which many people call by its nickname, Alex, has backed up an idea that’s emerging in parenting research from elsewhere in the developing world. This is the notion that parenting practices are and should be intimately related to the context, culture and social values in which a child is being raised.</p>
<p>For example, a child raised in New York’s <a href="https://www.tripadvisor.co.za/Tourism-g48865-Westchester_County_New_York-Vacations.html">Westchester County</a> needs to fit in and function in his individualistic culture. Where he’s from, success is likely measured by personal career achievements and individual social standing. This means he will likely need a good job. </p>
<p>To find a job, he will probably need a good Western education. To get a good Western education he will need confidence, good verbal skills and a friendly, smiley disposition. So, as a baby, it makes sense that he will need a chatty, smiley mother who praises and encourages him. </p>
<p>The causal chain is somewhat different for a child growing up in Alexandra, a densely populated area with primarily informal dwellings. It has a very high <a href="http://ewn.co.za/2015/10/09/Gauteng-police-commissioner-not-pleased-with-crime-stats">crime rate</a>, high levels of drug use and domestic violence, and <a href="http://www.uj.ac.za/faculties/humanities/csda/Documents/Johannesburg%20Poverty%20and%20Livelihood%20Study.pdf">low levels</a> of employment. Important child outcomes are different for parents in this context. Keeping your children away from drugs and out of trouble are far bigger concerns than how many friends they have. </p>
<p>Culturally – as is the case across the African continent – <a href="http://www.studentpulse.com/articles/385/effects-of-collectivistic-and-individualistic-cultures-on-imagination-inflation-in-eastern-and-western-cultures">collectivism</a> is valued over individualism in Alexandra. Children are considered to have been raised well if they respect their elders and comply with traditional practices. Modesty is valued. This may mean that effusive praise is discouraged, because it’s seen as putting an individual’s success ahead of a group’s. Parents aren’t trying to build confidence to achieve personal success. Instead, they are focused on building protective strategies and compliance.</p>
<h2>Seeking a culturally specific parenting approach</h2>
<p>As with any society, some parents in Alex are getting things right while others are not. Some parents raise successful children. Others have told me they are endlessly frustrated with their child’s “bad behaviour” or “poor school performance”.</p>
<p>Many of these struggling parents turn to psychologists and social workers for help. But experience and <a href="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/m/pubmed/20707689/">research</a> is <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/journals/cdp/16/1/77/">showing</a> that helping is not as simple as applying Western interventions based on Western research. And it’s not quite clear where we should start to develop something culturally and contextually appropriate. </p>
<p>My research sets out to establish the “rules” of being a good parent in the very unique context of Alexandra. Ultimately, my work will outline what parental behaviours and practices in Alex are positive and lead to good outcomes. It will also examine which behaviours are not helpful, and where these are coming from.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/55715/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nicola Dawson is busy completing her PhD at the University of Witwatersrand. She works for The Ububele Educational and Psychotherapy Trust. The Ububele Educational and Psychotherapy Trust receives funding from various organisations, including The World Childhood Foundation and Terre des Hommes. She is affiliated with the NIAS Lorentz Center: Children Seen and Heard Across the Globe network. </span></em></p>Some aspects of good parenting are universal, but others look very different from country to country. There needs to be a better understanding of parenting in different contexts.Nicola Dawson, Psychologist - Infant Mental Health, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/533272016-01-26T10:43:11Z2016-01-26T10:43:11ZFace time: here’s how infants learn from facial expressions<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/108554/original/image-20160119-29758-vo3ibb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Babies show a preference for faces over other objects.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/wondermonkey2k/5703090485/in/photolist-9FXQ7i-9FXPGk-8VYX-2oQFHs-kJfSmK-9G1HU5-9G1HJ9-9FXQhz-3aqmA7-cXgthd-eHTjb8-2V17Zw-6fNWEH-8WKPhd-cuFaco-8a8wqd-bV8NiF-7w6s6S-4dp846-bYkDuu-apWWe9-3aqnrd-3akQLr-M9tTj-eiP2E9-9TJ8Hb-5TzTtD-94jHyH-oNe6t8-cqxL1o-MWQWF-fSpt9-2kxXxJ-9FXLH6-9FXLr8-83jbCs-M9txE-M9AP8-7UvnSr-M9sSU-p6wZvT-aGz6vV-M9Acn-owUwSb-oMnyps-M9u1C-M9sRY-vbtSt-crXq25-se3xK">Sal</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Faces and facial expressions have a special power over us as human beings. While friendly faces make us feel warm and fuzzy, those of our opponents evoke fear or even anger. </p>
<p>So, when do we as kids learn to recognize faces and facial expressions? And what lessons can be learned by parents whose facial signals carry a massive amount of information for infants?</p>
<p>As a researcher primarily interested in emotional development, I’ve spent years studying how infants and children come to recognize faces and emotional facial expressions. Newborns show a <a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/1128813?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">distinct preference</a> for the faces of their mothers, only hours after they are born. </p>
<h2>The importance of faces for children</h2>
<p>Decades of <a href="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/1786670">research</a> from many different labs suggest that faces are quite special for infants right from birth. </p>
<p>To demonstrate this, <a href="http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/56/4/544.short">researchers</a> showed newborns who were only nine minutes old paddles that contained the image of a face or the image of a scrambled face. Researchers then moved the paddles along their line of sight. Newborns followed the paddles with images of faces on them for longer than paddles with scrambled faces. </p>
<p>Only a few hours later, newborns will also become adept at <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.2044-835X.1989.tb00784.x/abstract">differentiating</a> between their mother’s face and the faces of strangers, looking longer at images of their own mothers than at images of another woman. </p>
<p>And within a matter of days, they will learn to <a href="http://www.sciencemag.org/content/218/4568/179.short">discriminate</a> between different emotional facial expressions, like happy, sad and surprised faces. </p>
<p>Over the next few months, faces will become a newborn’s favorite stimulus as he or she acquires more and more expertise at identifying familiar faces. </p>
<p>This response to faces will continue to grow over time. By the time infants are five months old, they will learn to <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/psycinfo/1997-03609-006">match</a> the image of an emotional expression (e.g., a sad face) with its corresponding vocal expression (i.e., a sad voice). By five years, newborns’ ability to recognize and label facial expressions <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0022096506001561">approaches</a> the competence of most adults.</p>
<p>Researchers still aren’t sure how infants learn about faces so quickly. Some argue that infants have a biological predisposition to prefer faces right from birth. Others suggest that the massive amount of experience newborns get with faces right away is enough to promote rapid learning. </p>
<p>Others take a middle-of-the-road approach, <a href="http://pss.sagepub.com/content/15/6/379.full">demonstrating</a> that newborns aren’t attracted to faces specifically, but instead prefer looking at any pattern that is top-heavy, having more “stuff” on top. This preference does indeed attract them to faces early in life, but isn’t specific to faces until later on, after the infants gain more experience looking at faces. </p>
<h2>Learning in the face of uncertainty</h2>
<p>Nevertheless, infants’ expertise with facial expressions becomes an extremely valuable tool for learning in the second half of the first year. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/108566/original/image-20160119-29772-2gs1y9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/108566/original/image-20160119-29772-2gs1y9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108566/original/image-20160119-29772-2gs1y9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108566/original/image-20160119-29772-2gs1y9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108566/original/image-20160119-29772-2gs1y9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108566/original/image-20160119-29772-2gs1y9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108566/original/image-20160119-29772-2gs1y9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Infants learn what to do, just by looking at mom’s face.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/mliu92/5383043297/in/photolist-9cFvek-6apRqL-sLAXw-59WWAF-52dFqt-o684LA-C41X8W-kvbBE-8Ti1Xe-52himG-aG9Ztx-dTUYT-87cyQa-9dvzeS-5WBUfe-4Rhbzp-52hjFf-52h95u-52hXHs-52haFy-52h9T3-52dEUM-52dFAz-52dGsx-52dmGi-52d6rX-52hSKb-52doB2-52dnYF-52de5a-52hfwo-52digX-52hEAU-52d9dr-52hq5f-52hgW7-52hTpW-52du48-52dcDz-52deNH-52hPhE-52hzZb-52hbpJ-52dniv-52hcR9-52hmQ9-52hHrN-52dxdT-52dFJH-52cWnr">Mike Liu</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Around eight to 12 months of age, infants learn that they can use information from other people’s faces – especially their mom’s – to help them figure out what to do in new situations. </p>
<p>For example, when infants who are first learning to crawl and walk are presented with a possibly dangerous slope, they look to their mothers’ facial expressions for cues. They <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/journals/dev/44/3/734/">attempt</a> to descend the slope only when their mothers offer an encouraging smile; they refuse when their mothers discourage them from going.</p>
<p>Similarly, toddlers <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0005796701000134">avoid</a> new toys when mothers pose a fearful facial expression toward them. But they happily approach new toys when mothers show a smiling face.</p>
<h2>Narrowing their choices</h2>
<p>This rapidly developing ability to identify different faces and facial expressions is of huge value for infants. However, this also leads to infants’ developing preferences for certain faces or an inability to identify some others. </p>
<p>For example, shortly after birth, infants show a <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S016363839890011X">preference</a> for looking at faces judged by adults to be “attractive” over “unattractive” faces. </p>
<p>And one-year-olds even <a href="http://psycnet.apa.org/journals/dev/26/1/153/">behave</a> differently around people with more attractive faces, smiling and playing more with attractive adults than with unattractive adults.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/108568/original/image-20160119-29783-163hst3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/108568/original/image-20160119-29783-163hst3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108568/original/image-20160119-29783-163hst3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108568/original/image-20160119-29783-163hst3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108568/original/image-20160119-29783-163hst3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108568/original/image-20160119-29783-163hst3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/108568/original/image-20160119-29783-163hst3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Babies choose to be with people they consider more attractive.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/littlebiglens/13592853053/in/photolist-mH9VDp-iAShf-iATff-iASGE-rpeZBq-4UrX5G-Pi5KM-ruWxcq-wArSyo-wtBVpV-4cwtw9-8oHd9h-aLDK1D-mwEoUB-tZWaEk-62FL8-77eYiX-5ZChM-k7cVVu-gZAM9-73Xf42-iRpKqz-7tSjKb-pjbFrt-5N9vdi-izUZqu-6tY4vW-bmxMuw-vPwHDJ-nK7nqW-yBBAX-6K4aMZ-9NefU7-6ccx9X-8RT6xQ-686hQ2-iAShg-fMDAk-9LgcRQ-3RgHwp-rgermJ-bZBPRC-xDhoi-7TxL72-61D6GG-7aTGrD-5qvCXP-g4L7u-cekCEJ-8PWaVi">Steve Baker</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Perhaps even more surprising is that infants <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-7687.2005.0434a.x/abstract?userIsAuthenticated=false&deniedAccessCustomisedMessage=">prefer</a> the faces of their own race by three months of age, and have trouble <a href="http://pss.sagepub.com/content/18/12/1084.short">distinguishing</a> between faces of other races by nine months. </p>
<p>Researchers call this phenomenon “perceptual narrowing”: it means that newborns’ brains are flexible enough to distinguish between a variety of different faces (even faces of different <a href="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12016317">species</a>) right from birth. </p>
<p>But as they become experts at identifying the faces they see most often, they lose the ability to differentiate between faces that look different from the ones that are most familiar to them. In other words, they begin to have trouble deciding whether two faces of a different race are the same person, or two different people.</p>
<h2>The face you wear matters</h2>
<p>The good news is that exposure to people from other races on a daily basis can erase this effect. </p>
<p>For example, if children live in neighborhoods where they are exposed to people of other races, they will maintain the ability to <a href="http://pss.sagepub.com/content/17/2/159.short">differentiate</a> between their faces. Similarly, if infants get brief daily exposure to photographs of individuals of other races, they will maintain the ability to distinguish between them. </p>
<p>The effect of perceptual narrowing can even be <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0022096512000653">reversed</a> if infants are exposed to pictures of faces from other races after six months of age. </p>
<p>Given that a child’s world is filled with uncertainty, the faces of those who are most familiar to them can provide an important source of information about what’s safe and what’s dangerous; what might bring joy, and what might bring fear. </p>
<p>And infants are experts at recognizing any facial expressions. This might be worth keeping in mind when reacting to a spider, a curse word or an annoying relative.</p>
<p>So, which face you would want to wear around your baby might be a question worth considering.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/53327/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Vanessa LoBue does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Just a few hours after birth, infants show a preference for human faces. Over the next few months, they learn from facial expressions.Vanessa LoBue, Assistant Professor of Psychology, Rutgers University - NewarkLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.