tag:theconversation.com,2011:/africa/topics/facebook-ads-54300/articlesFacebook ads – The Conversation2024-03-14T05:54:48Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2257742024-03-14T05:54:48Z2024-03-14T05:54:48ZThe Jacqui Lambie Network is the latest victim of ‘cybersquatting’. It’s the tip of the iceberg of negative political ads online<p>Firebrand senator Jacqui Lambie is furious. Amid the Tasmanian election campaign (in which she’s running candidates), her party, the Jacqui Lambie Network, has fallen victim to one of the many pitfalls in the world of online political advertising.</p>
<p>Her party’s website is lambienetwork.com.au. You might understand her anger, then, after <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-03-14/jacqui-lambie-slams-liberals-over-website/103581992">finding out</a> the Tasmanian Liberal party created a website to campaign against her, called lambienetwork.com. It’s a blink-and-you’ll-miss-it difference.</p>
<p>This is a textbook example of what’s known as cybersquatting. It’s when internet domain names that are similar to existing trademarked material or the names of people or organisations are bought up by competitors to use against the original. In fact, the major parties have purchased <a href="https://www.crikey.com.au/2022/04/08/crikeys-australian-political-party-domain-register/">a heap</a> of domain names.</p>
<p>As political parties desperately battle for voters’ attention in a world full of distractions and <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-02-08/trust-slump-as-division-rules/101939406">dwindling trust in government</a>, cybersquatting is one of many online tools in the toolkit. But the toolkit is full of blunt instruments that may only be effective on a minority of people. The true damage is being done to the majority, who have less and less faith in politics and its institutions.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/all-governments-are-guilty-of-running-political-ads-on-the-public-purse-heres-how-to-stop-it-191766">All governments are guilty of running political ads on the public purse. Here's how to stop it</a>
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<h2>A crowded, manufactured landscape</h2>
<p>In commercial marketing, there’s a focus on long-term brand building. In political marketing, there’s just one goal: winning.</p>
<p>With such high pressure, and little time to hit objectives, parties and candidates use highly emotive messaging and narratives to drive rapid attention and engagement, and hopefully convince people to vote for them.</p>
<p>With markets splintered into ever-smaller segments, based at times on very specific needs, <a href="https://theconversation.com/facebook-videos-targeted-texts-and-clive-palmer-memes-how-digital-advertising-is-shaping-this-election-campaign-115629">social media</a> has helped move voters quickly and developed narratives around leaders’ personal brands. </p>
<p>Instagram was used successfully by former prime minister Scott Morrison with <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/language/punjabi/en/article/prime-minister-scott-morrison-makes-scomosas-says-would-have-liked-to-share-them-with-narendra-modi/fzx9zmmkg">his Scomosas</a> and attempt at Bunnings DIY. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1266952463464071171"}"></div></p>
<p>His successor, Anthony Albanese, has replicated that strategy, letting us get a glimpse of who he really is, even having a <a href="https://twitter.com/TotoAlbanese?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1529271741683339264%7Ctwgr%5E2db6b443e67a568315e7a33f81e6cd31f916b63d%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.perthnow.com.au%2Fpolitics%2Fanthony-albanese%2Fanthony-albaneses-dog-toto-gains-huge-following-on-twitter-c-6934822">Twitter/X account for his dog Toto</a>. This is aimed at developing resonance and building up likeability for his brand. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1531395641582047232"}"></div></p>
<p>Of course, as any royal watcher or user of social media can tell you, <a href="https://theconversation.com/yes-kate-middletons-photo-was-doctored-but-so-are-a-lot-of-images-we-see-today-225553">curated images are exactly that</a>: manufactured, for us. So we are trusting this method less and less. This will only get worse the longer voters are exposed to it.</p>
<p>Stories such as that in the 2022 federal election of Labor-aligned groups <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-04-08/aec-investigating-union-tiktok-accounts-ahead-of-election/100969896">considering paying influencers</a> to post friendly content, doesn’t help either. </p>
<p>As a result, when we see content posted by an influencer, we’re now more likely to be sceptical. Do they really like this product, or are they just being paid to say they do?</p>
<h2>‘Angertainment’ is highly effective</h2>
<p>So it’s back to square one. Enter negativity, or “angertainment”.</p>
<p>Reality shows are full of it. One example is <a href="https://www.girlmuseum.org/media-analysis-the-villain-edit/#:%7E:text=When%20a%20participant%20is%20edited%20in%20a%20way,footage%20of%20someone%20is%20presented%20to%20the%20audience.">the villain edit</a>, where certain contestants are framed to be the antagonist for the sake of drama. There’s also the cued music to make us feel this is the “season-defining moment”. </p>
<p>They do this for the same reasons politicians have done it for decades. It works. It gets our attention. We get engaged. We change our vote. Ratings of these shows don’t lie. </p>
<p>In the past, this was called “wedge politics”, as it wedged one group of voters against others. A party or candidate could then become that group’s champion, and hello election victory. Simple narrative construction. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/we-tracked-election-ad-spending-for-4-000-facebook-pages-heres-what-theyre-posting-about-and-why-cybersecurity-is-the-bigger-concern-182286">We tracked election ad spending for 4,000 Facebook pages. Here's what they're posting about – and why cybersecurity is the bigger concern</a>
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<p>This was easy when competition for our attention was less fierce. John Howard’s 2001 election-opening “<a href="https://theconversation.com/issues-that-swung-elections-tampa-and-the-national-security-election-of-2001-115143">we decide</a>” statement about immigration was pure wedge politics. </p>
<p>The aim is still the same now, but in a competitive environment for our attention and retention, modern methods have allowed for new ways to reach the average voter. Having not seen them before, people are <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-scare-campaigns-like-mediscare-work-even-if-voters-hate-them-62279">more susceptible to believing</a> them. </p>
<p>Clive Palmer has used <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/sep/08/clive-palmer-and-craig-kelly-using-spam-text-messages-to-capture-rightwing-vote-ahead-of-election-expert-says">spam text messages</a> over the years to grab some attention, although it hasn’t necessarily translated into electoral success.</p>
<p>A more inventive use of the internet to campaign was Pauline Hanson’s <a href="https://www.onenation.org.au/please-explain">cartoon series</a>. The first three episodes racked up <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/culture/tv-and-radio/pauline-hanson-as-a-superhero-these-cartoons-could-be-the-future-20211123-p59b9u.html">750,000 views</a> in two weeks on YouTube. </p>
<p>Both Labor and Liberal have had a strong presence on Snapchat. In 2016, the Liberals were among the first to <a href="https://www.marketingmag.com.au/social-digital/liberal-party-makes-world-history-first-sponsored-snapchat-lens-political-advertising/">make a filter</a> on the app. Labor was the <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/technology/how-are-politicians-using-social-media-to-campaign-20220418-p5ae6q.html">only major party</a> to use it during the 2022 federal election campaign.</p>
<p>These are all new ways of communicating a party’s key messages, including scare or smear campaigns. </p>
<p>Think “Mediscare”, so well done by Labor in 2016 via SMS, and then the revenge sequel of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/jun/08/it-felt-like-a-big-tide-how-the-death-tax-lie-infected-australias-election-campaign">death taxes</a> in 2019 by the Coalition. They used Facebook groups very well. </p>
<p>Angertainment is now seen as being more likely to get the message across, and thereby victory, than anything else. </p>
<p>A significant aspect of these campaigns was disinformation, including the misrepresentation or impersonation of candidates. Senator David Pocock was a key target in the ACT in 2022, but <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-04-27/david-pocock-lodges-complaint-over-advance-australia-corflutes/101016990">successfully ran a challenge</a> through the Australian Electoral Commission. </p>
<p>But this is 2024, and two years is an aeon in social media. The Jacqui Lambie Network (JLN) website trick we saw this week is an old-school one. Unlike some of the other strategies, it’s not effective. It is, however, childish. </p>
<p>So why bother? The attacking party would be obvious to most, if not by the authorised name as required by electoral laws. This dilutes the effect and it likely reinforces the reasons to vote for the JLN. </p>
<p>But political parties do it to capitalise on those who don’t realise they’re receiving a message in bad faith. Even if it’s a minority, it’s someone. In a tight political climate, it might be enough to tip the scales in their favour.</p>
<p>The collateral damage, of course, is the spread of misinformation and public disillusionment with politics and elections.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/few-restrictions-no-spending-limit-and-almost-no-oversight-welcome-to-political-advertising-in-australia-181248">Few restrictions, no spending limit, and almost no oversight: welcome to political advertising in Australia</a>
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<h2>Can we stop this?</h2>
<p>We can, easily. </p>
<p>Cybersquatting is in a grey area legally. There are gaps in the relevant legislation that make it very difficult for those affected to get websites taken down. They’re often managed by international organisations with laborious processes.</p>
<p>But the government can ban cyber hijacking or squatting of politicians or parties’ web addresses or social channels. It can restrict negative advertising, and bring in green ticks to verify truthful advertising. </p>
<p>Government can also ensure social media companies take more responsibility for content, and tolerate fewer excuses for poor behaviour. This isn’t restricting freedom of speech, only restricting disinformation. Some independents <a href="https://mumbrella.com.au/new-bill-tabled-to-bring-much-needed-accountability-to-political-advertising-806487">have already</a> introduced bills in parliament on this issue.</p>
<p>If it’s so easy, why hasn’t it been done? Because that requires political support. Considering politicians are the ones who benefit most from the existing framework, we don’t need a negative ad to tell us how unlikely they are to do anything about it anytime soon.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/225774/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andrew Hughes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>As political parties desperately battle for voters’ attention, cybersquatting is one of many online tools in the toolkit. It’s only effective at further diminishing trust in government.Andrew Hughes, Lecturer, Research School of Management, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1822862022-05-04T20:06:56Z2022-05-04T20:06:56ZWe tracked election ad spending for 4,000 Facebook pages. Here’s what they’re posting about – and why cybersecurity is the bigger concern<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460727/original/file-20220502-17-vmttm6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C27%2C6006%2C3980&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Have you noticed your Facebook and Instagram feed filling up with political ads lately?</p>
<p>The social media strategies of many parties and candidates aim to bypass mainstream media to speak directly to voters, but they are often not as sophisticated as is assumed. </p>
<p>As part of a <a href="https://election-ad-data.uq.edu.au">team studying the digital campaign</a>, we have been tracking what the parties and candidates are doing with their Facebook and Instagram ad spend during the election campaign.</p>
<p>Using ads collected from the <a href="https://www.facebook.com/ads/library">Facebook Ad Library API</a> (containing sponsored posts declared by the advertiser as political), we are <a href="https://election-ad-data.uq.edu.au/faq">tracking the ad spend for close to 4,000 pages</a>. We gather fresh data every six hours.</p>
<p>At the halfway point in the election campaign, some clear themes are emerging in the ways the parties and candidates are campaigning online.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-wentworth-project-allegra-spenders-profile-rises-but-polarises-182275">The Wentworth Project: Allegra Spender's profile rises, but polarises</a>
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<h2>A big spend by ‘teals’ and Labor – and political fragmentation</h2>
<p>The first is the really significant spend from the “teal” Independents. Historically, many successful federal Independents (such as Tony Windsor, Rob Oakeshott or Cathy McGowan) have come from regional areas.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460715/original/file-20220502-21-jvct6u.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460715/original/file-20220502-21-jvct6u.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460715/original/file-20220502-21-jvct6u.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=1188&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460715/original/file-20220502-21-jvct6u.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=1188&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460715/original/file-20220502-21-jvct6u.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=1188&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460715/original/file-20220502-21-jvct6u.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1493&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460715/original/file-20220502-21-jvct6u.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1493&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460715/original/file-20220502-21-jvct6u.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1493&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Thus far, Labor is spending more than the Coalition on Facebook ads.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://election-ad-data.uq.edu.au/">UQ Election Ad Data Dashboard</a></span>
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<p>But they rarely had the resources to execute a campaign of the scale we’re seeing from inner city “teals” like Monique Ryan (running in the seat of Kooyong against Treasurer Josh Frydenberg). </p>
<p>Some are spending A$4,000-$5,000 a week on Facebook and Instagram ads. That is enormous. Very few candidates from the major parties would normally spend that amount. Frydenberg is doing so to try to retain his seat.</p>
<p>The second theme emerging is that, so far, Labor is spending more than the Coalition. That’s a product of Labor’s post-2019 election review, which was damning of their digital campaign and emphasised a digital first strategy.</p>
<p>Thirdly, we’re seeing a real diversity of spending across a range of parties and candidates – Jacqui Lambie in Tasmania, Rex Patrick in South Australia, the Liberal Democrats and the United Australia Party in Queensland, for example. </p>
<p>That reflects the broader fragmentation of the political landscape in Australia. Federal elections in Australia are increasingly complex and multi-dimensional, the campaign online is indicative of this trajectory. </p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460713/original/file-20220502-98897-7sivyi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460713/original/file-20220502-98897-7sivyi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460713/original/file-20220502-98897-7sivyi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=373&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460713/original/file-20220502-98897-7sivyi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=373&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460713/original/file-20220502-98897-7sivyi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=373&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460713/original/file-20220502-98897-7sivyi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460713/original/file-20220502-98897-7sivyi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460713/original/file-20220502-98897-7sivyi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=468&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Spending in the seat of Kooyong and Wentworth has been high.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://election-ad-data.uq.edu.au/">UQ Election Ad Data Dashboard</a></span>
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<h2>What are candidates and parties posting about?</h2>
<p>In inner city seats where teal independents are running, the number one issue is overwhelmingly climate change. But “environment” or “climate” is not one of they key terms we have found for the major parties across Australia. Instead, jobs, Medicare and health are more prominent.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460724/original/file-20220502-24-3tdoxn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460724/original/file-20220502-24-3tdoxn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460724/original/file-20220502-24-3tdoxn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460724/original/file-20220502-24-3tdoxn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460724/original/file-20220502-24-3tdoxn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=427&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460724/original/file-20220502-24-3tdoxn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=536&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460724/original/file-20220502-24-3tdoxn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=536&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460724/original/file-20220502-24-3tdoxn.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=536&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">‘Lies’ is one of the top terms showing up in posts.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://election-ad-data.uq.edu.au/">UQ Election Ad Data Dashboard</a></span>
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<p>For those in outer metropolitan and regional areas, the data suggests the cost of living is the key issue parties have identified as determining their vote.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460705/original/file-20220502-18-uk7ybc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460705/original/file-20220502-18-uk7ybc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460705/original/file-20220502-18-uk7ybc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460705/original/file-20220502-18-uk7ybc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460705/original/file-20220502-18-uk7ybc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460705/original/file-20220502-18-uk7ybc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460705/original/file-20220502-18-uk7ybc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460705/original/file-20220502-18-uk7ybc.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">An ad from the Liberal Party of Australia Facebook page.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=550350769782587&set=a.344989720318694">Liberal Party of Australia Facebook page</a></span>
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<p>Negative campaigning is showing up, too. One of the top terms appearing in ads from the major parties is “lies”.</p>
<h2>Take talk of ‘microtargeting’ with a grain of salt</h2>
<p>While there is always talk of fine-grained and sophisticated microtargeting strategies, there is good reason to be wary of such claims. </p>
<p>There’s a perception we live in this incredible digital age where each message is tailored to our interests or our personalities. But the reality is quite different. </p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460707/original/file-20220502-16-n5siej.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460707/original/file-20220502-16-n5siej.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/460707/original/file-20220502-16-n5siej.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460707/original/file-20220502-16-n5siej.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460707/original/file-20220502-16-n5siej.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=750&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460707/original/file-20220502-16-n5siej.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460707/original/file-20220502-16-n5siej.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/460707/original/file-20220502-16-n5siej.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=943&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Lying is a common theme in many digital ads.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=531724981645348&set=pb.100044235528995.-2207520000..&type=3">The Australian Labor Party Facebook page.</a></span>
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<p>In fact, a great deal of digital campaigning isn’t that targeted at all. Clive Palmer’s campaign is an extreme example of this, “carpet bombing” the electorate with messages about “freedom”. (A reasonable rebuttal might be: can I be free to not receive these messages?) </p>
<p>The reality is that most political advertising online is little more than what I describe in my <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-68234-7">recent book</a> as a form of “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narrowcasting">narrowcasting</a>”, where targeting is based on a basic segmentation of voters into demographic or geographic groups. </p>
<p>While many of the techniques we see in Australian election campaigns have been used overseas, particularly in the US and the UK, our electoral system and electoral rules are different; a mixed electoral system and compulsory voting changes the dynamic enormously. </p>
<p>In the US and the UK, the primary focus is to “get out the vote” rather than persuade voters. But <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-022-09781-7">the evidence</a> suggests the effects of digital campaigns on mobilisation are limited. For persuasion, it is <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/20531680221076901">even less</a>.</p>
<p>Most parties also lack the resources to engage in highly differentiated and targeted campaign activity.</p>
<p>In research I recently completed with colleagues from six advanced democracies, <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/13540688221084039">we showed</a> most campaign activity builds on pre-existing techniques and are far less sophisticated than is often assumed. </p>
<p>Digital campaigning matters, as voters are online. It educates, it informs, it drives the conversation and it can have effects on social cohesion.</p>
<p>But the idea digital campaigning is the canary in the coalmine of electoral manipulation in Australia is hyperbole.</p>
<h2>Data privacy is the broader concern</h2>
<p>Two significant digital campaigning issues we should be concerned about are data privacy and cybersecurity. </p>
<p>Australia is one of the few advanced democracies where political parties are completely <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-did-politicians-and-political-parties-get-my-mobile-number-and-how-is-that-legal-168750">exempt from privacy legislation</a>. </p>
<p>They are able to acquire all sorts of data about you, from the Australian Electoral Commission, from data they collect when they speak to voters and from digital tracking data.</p>
<p>Should we be comfortable with parties collecting this information about us, especially when much of it provides <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/hacking-the-electorate/C0D269F47449B042767A51EC512DD82E">limited campaigning or educational value</a> to <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/23723484">parties</a>?</p>
<p>The privacy concerns are significant but so is the broader risk of domestic or foreign actors seeking to acquire this data to sow discord.</p>
<p>Since 2016, political parties in countries such as <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/feb/18/australia-political-parties-hacked-sophisticated-state-actor">Australia</a>, the <a href="https://labour.org.uk/about-your-data/">UK</a>, the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-usa-election-cyber-biden-exclusive-idUKKBN2610IG">US</a>, <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/german-parties-targeted-in-cyberattack-1474470695">Germany,</a> <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-italy-politics-5star-idUSKBN1CA1TM">Italy </a>and <a href="https://www.thestar.com/politics/federal/2019/04/08/canadian-political-parties-already-targeted-by-foreign-hacking-electronic-spy-agency-says.html?rf">Canada</a> have been the targets of cybersecurity attacks. Many see political parties as the <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/european-election-security-political-parties-cybersecurity/">weak link in the election security</a> of democracy.</p>
<p>That represents a broader risk for all of us. </p>
<p>It is important for us to track what parties and candidates are doing online during a campaign.</p>
<p>But we also need to identify where the real vulnerabilities are, as the threats online are only likely to increase. </p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/below-the-line-will-different-cultural-groups-favour-one-side-of-politics-this-federal-election-podcast-182236">Below the Line: Will different cultural groups favour one side of politics this federal election? – podcast</a>
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</p>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/182286/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Glenn Kefford receives funding from the ARC.</span></em></p>The social media strategies of many parties and candidates aim to bypass mainstream media to speak directly to voters, but they are often not as sophisticated as is assumed.Glenn Kefford, Senior Lecturer (Political Science), The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1694522021-10-17T19:12:26Z2021-10-17T19:12:26ZThere is a long history of racist and predatory advertising in Australia. This is why targeted ads could be a problem<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425858/original/file-20211012-21-1i5lzlq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Australian Ad Observatory will investigate how targeted advertising online is affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com.au/detail/photo/laptop-bed-aboriginal-woman-royalty-free-image/498403857?adppopup=true">GettyImages</a></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are advised this article contains racist images and advertising slogans.</em></p>
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<p>The internet has provided advertisers with the ability to fly below the radar of public accountability. This is because online ads are visible only to targeted individuals on their personal devices.</p>
<p>However history indicates that public accountability is crucial because advertisers have an established record of using harmful stereotypes and <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-04-28/facebook-instagram-teenager-tageted-advertising-alcohol-vaping/100097590">targeting vulnerable populations</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.admscentre.org.au/adobservatory/">The Australian Ad Observatory</a> in collaboration with the <a href="https://twitter.com/IndigFutures">Centre for Global Indigenous Futures</a> will investigate how targeted advertising online is affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with this in mind. </p>
<p>We will work with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander users to see what ads they are receiving on Facebook. <a href="https://researchers.mq.edu.au/en/publications/social-media-mob-being-indigenous-online">Research</a> indicates Facebook is one of the most popular platforms used by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. </p>
<p>Recent criticism of social media platforms has largely overlooked the significant cultural role played by advertising in reflecting and reinforcing social values and attitudes. </p>
<p>This is often done in ways harmful to Indigenous people, <a href="https://www.gizmodo.com.au/2021/10/how-facebooks-dark-ads-could-be-discriminating-against-you/">women</a> and <a href="https://thenextweb.com/news/facebook-accused-of-targeting-vulnerable-teens-for-predatory-ads">young people</a>.</p>
<p>Facebook has been criticised for amplifying <a href="https://techcrunch.com/2019/10/20/facebook-isnt-free-speech-its-algorithmic-amplification-optimized-for-outrage/">misleading, polarising and sensational information</a>. But it does this for its primary business model: to sell ads based on the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/11/technology/facebook-privacy-hearings.html">information</a> collected about users and their social networks.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/97-of-indigenous-people-report-seeing-negative-social-media-content-weekly-heres-how-platforms-can-help-162353">97% of Indigenous people report seeing negative social media content weekly. Here's how platforms can help</a>
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</em>
</p>
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<h2>Racist advertising and stereotyping</h2>
<p>Public scrutiny has an important role to play in challenging advertising practices that are harmful to society. A recent example of a marketing campaign resulting in public outcry and criticism, is the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/arts-and-entertainment/wp/2018/01/19/hm-faced-backlash-over-its-monkey-sweatshirt-ad-it-isnt-the-companys-only-controversy/">H&M ad</a> that featured the image of a Black child wearing a sweatshirt that read, “coolest monkey in the jungle.”</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"954564959496699905"}"></div></p>
<p>Another example is the <a href="https://theconversation.com/dove-real-beauty-and-the-racist-history-of-skin-whitening-85446">Dove body wash ad</a> that recycled racist associations of dark skin with dirt and uncleanliness. In both cases, public criticism led to the ads being cancelled and apologies from the companies involved.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"917036041076396033"}"></div></p>
<p>Critiquing racist images and stereotypes is important because of the role they play in reinforcing racist attitudes and the actions and the policies they support. </p>
<p>For example, an early 20th century ad for Velvet Soap draws on the racist dark-skin-is-unclean trope to make a connection to racist policy. The ad features a caricature of an Aboriginal woman scrubbing the “black” off the back of an Aboriginal child as she refers to the <a href="https://www.nma.gov.au/defining-moments/resources/white-australia-policy">White Australia policy</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425669/original/file-20211011-22-1v5vxlp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425669/original/file-20211011-22-1v5vxlp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425669/original/file-20211011-22-1v5vxlp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425669/original/file-20211011-22-1v5vxlp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425669/original/file-20211011-22-1v5vxlp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425669/original/file-20211011-22-1v5vxlp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425669/original/file-20211011-22-1v5vxlp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Velvet soap ad.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Special Issue of Punch, 1901</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/306379190_Representation_and_Power_A_Picture_is_Worth_a_Thousand_Words_-_%27Nulla-Nulla_Australia%27s_White_Hope_The_Best_Household_Soap%27_1920s">Wiradjuri scholar Kathleen Jackson</a> highlights the connection between racist ads and harmful social policy in her discussion of the notorious Nulla-Nulla soap ad from the 1920s. The ad personified “dirt” in the form of an Aboriginal woman being beaten. </p>
<p>As Jackson puts it, </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Advertisements, such as Nulla-Nulla soap, provided subliminal support to the colonial campaign to enforce European cultural and economic values […] A single complaint about the cleanliness of an Aboriginal child could result in the exclusion of Aboriginal children from school. This exclusion could establish neglect and allow […] the removal of Indigenous children from their families.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A soap advertisement for Nulla Nulla soap from 1901" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425667/original/file-20211011-18-6diu9j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/425667/original/file-20211011-18-6diu9j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=651&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425667/original/file-20211011-18-6diu9j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=651&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425667/original/file-20211011-18-6diu9j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=651&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425667/original/file-20211011-18-6diu9j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=818&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425667/original/file-20211011-18-6diu9j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=818&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/425667/original/file-20211011-18-6diu9j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=818&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A soap advertisement for Nulla Nulla soap from 1901.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">A soap advertisement for Nulla Nulla soap from 1901</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Degrading images and dehumanising stereotypes go hand-in-hand with violent and dehumanising acts. The cultural images a society feeds to itself through its commercials do much more than sell products: they reflect and reinforce social values and associations.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/sam-frost-knows-nothing-about-segregation-white-settlers-co-opting-terms-used-to-oppress-169613">Sam Frost knows nothing about segregation: white settlers co-opting terms used to oppress</a>
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<h2>Predatory advertising</h2>
<p>Harmful and degrading stereotyping is not the only sin of advertising – and not the sole reason for supporting <a href="https://theconversation.com/facebook-ads-have-enabled-discrimination-based-on-gender-race-and-age-we-need-to-know-how-dark-ads-affect-australians-168938">ad accountability</a>. </p>
<p>Australia has an ongoing history of predatory marketing to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people that could be further facilitated by online ad targeting. In 2018 the Royal Banking Commission revealed that financial institutions were deliberately targeting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with <a href="https://www.goldcoastbulletin.com.au/business/the-banking-royal-commission-has-unearthed-revelations-about-financial-institutions-deliberately-targeting-aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-communities-because-they-lack-financial-literacy-and-easily-accessible-assistance/video/addc4ba0242127e8a094f5d94f66f624">exploitative lending and insurance deals</a>. </p>
<p>Similarly, in 2020 the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission found some Telstra representatives had engaged in <a href="https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/telstra-in-court-over-unconscionable-sales-to-indigenous-consumers">predatory marketing practices</a> towards Aboriginal people. They did this by misrepresenting the terms of mobile phone contracts and falsely telling customers they were receiving the phones for free. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1335399561666367499"}"></div></p>
<p>We do not know the extent to which stereotyping and predatory targeting are taking place online because we cannot see the ads. A lack of accountability favours shady advertisers over public interest and well being. It provides cover for advertisers who might be interested in strategies exploiting stereotypes or targeting vulnerable populations. History shows we cannot trust advertisers to hold themselves accountable. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1448536559800643586"}"></div></p>
<h2>New research addressing this issue</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://www.admscentre.org.au/adobservatory/">Australian Ad Observatory</a> and the <a href="https://twitter.com/IndigFutures">Centre for Global Indigenous Futures</a> are inviting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to participate in research that will allow them to see how they are being targeted online. </p>
<p>To assist in this research, participants who use Facebook on a laptop or desktop computer can install a browser extension in a minute or two. The extension does not collect any personally identifiable information – only the sponsored content appearing in their news feeds. </p>
<p>However the tool does collect some voluntarily provided information that allows us to see how Facebook users are being targeted by ethnicity, gender, age, and more. </p>
<p>The browser extension allows participants to see the history of all the ads they have received while it has been installed. Participants can then view the pattern of ads they receive, indicating whether they are being targeted for particular types of products or services. </p>
<p>If you are interested in participating in the project, more information is available <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VutXyX0Oy2o&list=PLE_y90GftjpYv0z64TgkSWjpDhypQcOQc&index=9">in a video of the project launch</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.admscentre.org.au/adobservatory/">Click here to join the project</a> </p>
<p>We will be making public our findings as they emerge, so watch this space for further updates.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/169452/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bronwyn Carlson is the recipient of an Australia Research Council Discovery Indigenous Award for research on: ‘Indigenous peoples’ experiences of cyberbullying: An assemblage approach’. She is also an Investigator on a project which has received funding from Facebook's Foundational Integrity Research Award. The project is called ‘The impact of racist and violent content and threats towards Indigenous women and LBGTQI+ people on social media: a comparative analysis of Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the USA’</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mark Andrejevic is a volunteer board member for Digital Rights Watch. His research receives funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>Targeted online ads allow shady advertisers to fly under radar. History shows a need for public accountability.Bronwyn Carlson, Professor, Indigenous Studies and Director of The Centre for Global Indigenous Futures, Macquarie UniversityMark Andrejevic, Professor, School of Media, Film, and Journalism, Monash University, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1681972021-09-20T20:05:52Z2021-09-20T20:05:52ZWhich federal MP is spending the most on Facebook advertising? (Hint: it is not Craig Kelly)<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422016/original/file-20210920-48840-1rp3y31.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tsikas/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Which federal MP spends the most on Facebook advertising?</p>
<p>If you guessed Prime Minister Scott Morrison or Labor leader Anthony Albanese — or even headline-grabbing backbenchers Craig Kelly or Andrew Laming — you would be wrong. Way off, in fact.</p>
<p>No, the biggest spender on Facebook advertising — for the 90 day period between 20 June to 17 September 2021 — was deputy Labor leader, Richard Marles.</p>
<p>As recent scandals around the 2016 US presidential elections and the Brexit vote show, knowing how those in the political sphere spend their advertising dollars is key to maintaining trust and integrity in our political system. This has never been more important in an age where political messages can be targeted to particular audiences with laser-like precision. </p>
<h2>Facebook’s Ad Library</h2>
<p>I got the data for my study from <a href="https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/report/?country=AU&campaign_tracker_time_preset=last_90_days&source=spend-tracker-link&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B0%5D=101546263223119&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B1%5D=145262132264710&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B2%5D=835063023304246&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B3%5D=537762462924537&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B4%5D=191161174381418&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B5%5D=1510561608994505&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B6%5D=132800873768451&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B7%5D=150255771679533&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B8%5D=306388116536794&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B9%5D=150300238338551&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B10%5D=344957748946908&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B11%5D=1476193982599877&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B12%5D=423722634317667&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B13%5D=111837652330983&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B14%5D=363375540400009&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B15%5D=590682774314765&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B16%5D=186985648081724&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B17%5D=1440988909453928&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B18%5D=440809762672002&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B19%5D=565798730143075&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B20%5D=325495831575&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B21%5D=353909191473562&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B22%5D=352279091525380&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B23%5D=738620372859560&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B24%5D=101356533405538&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B25%5D=461713630554622&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B26%5D=798754616870434&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B27%5D=402408806477773&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B28%5D=130624523767632&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B29%5D=1159459864219222&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B30%5D=776811619361742&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B31%5D=2057041367767936&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B32%5D=292873364640384&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B33%5D=1670874889818772&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B34%5D=455281287849603&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B35%5D=552968198133394&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B36%5D=397307097023253&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B37%5D=111308555704741&campaign_tracker_page_ids%5B38%5D=639964416159393&campaign_tracker_">Facebook’s Ad Library</a>, a publicly accessible database of ads which are served up across Facebook, the Facebook-owned Instagram, Facebook Messenger and Facebook’s Audience Network, which is used to run ads within games and apps beyond Facebook’s platforms. The database is searchable by advertiser, location and keywords and can be filtered for issues, elections or politics.</p>
<p>Unless you specify otherwise, Facebook ads are automatically placed wherever its algorithm “decides” they should be placed. </p>
<p>Facebook <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2020/06/17/facebook-to-launch-ad-spend-trackers-for-us-senate-and-house-races.html">launched</a> its ad library in 2019. This came in the wake the 2016 US presidential election where the social network’s advertisements were used to influence the outcome. </p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/fact-check-us-what-is-the-impact-of-russian-interference-in-the-us-presidential-election-146711">Fact check US: What is the impact of Russian interference in the US presidential election?</a>
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<p>The ad library launched in Australia in <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/facebook-imposes-new-transparency-rules-on-political-ads-in-australia-20200309-p54861.html">March 2020</a>. </p>
<p>By making ads on Facebook’s platforms, particularly those relating to elections and politics, accessible, the social media giant is attempting to improve transparency about who spends how much and on what issues.</p>
<h2>Hey, big spender</h2>
<p>My data analysis reveals Marles spent A$45,056 advertising on the social media site in the three months to 17 September 2021.</p>
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<p>That’s more than double the next highest lower house MP advertising on Facebook, assistant defence minister Andrew Hastie. He spent $17,251 over the same period.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Deputy Labor leader Richard Marles" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422017/original/file-20210920-17-87i7g3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422017/original/file-20210920-17-87i7g3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422017/original/file-20210920-17-87i7g3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422017/original/file-20210920-17-87i7g3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422017/original/file-20210920-17-87i7g3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422017/original/file-20210920-17-87i7g3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422017/original/file-20210920-17-87i7g3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Deputy Labor leader Richard Marles tops the list of recent Facebook ad spenders in federal parliament.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tsikas/AAP</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The adverts run by Marles focused on campaigning against proposed changes to the National Disability Insurance Scheme, campaigning against Geelong mayor and local Liberal candidate Stephanie Asher, and advocating for a federal anti-corruption commission.</p>
<p>Morrison doesn’t even rank in the top ten Facebook advertisers in federal parliament, coming in at number 15, while Albanese is ranked 12th. Perhaps the leaders’ relatively low ranking is not surprising. If you are a leader, you have a greater platform to get your message out without having to spend up big on Facebook ads.</p>
<p>It’s impossible to say exactly what you get for this money, as your ads are effectively bidding against other advertisers seeking the same audience. The cost per 1,000 impressions varies constantly. During an election campaign, the costs is likely to go higher, but still be much cheaper than traditional newspaper and TV advertising. </p>
<h2>What about senators and premiers?</h2>
<p>The data for the past three months shows MPs in the House of Representatives are bigger spenders than their Senate colleagues. </p>
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<iframe src="https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/7305040/embed" title="Interactive or visual content" class="flourish-embed-iframe" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" style="width:100%;height:600px;" sandbox="allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<div style="width:100%!;margin-top:4px!important;text-align:right!important;"><a class="flourish-credit" href="https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/7305040/?utm_source=embed&utm_campaign=visualisation/7305040" target="_top"><img alt="Made with Flourish" src="https://public.flourish.studio/resources/made_with_flourish.svg"> </a></div>
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<p>In the upper house, the biggest spenders on Facebook ads over the past three months were Liberal senators Zed Seselja and Concetta Fierravanti-Wells, who spent $18,280 and $17,192 respectively. Labor senator Kristina Keneally was the third highest ad spender, dropping $16,667 on Facebook ads.</p>
<p>And the state premiers? Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews spent $13,897, well behind his South Australian counterpart Steven Marshall, who spent $34,471. </p>
<p>NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian does not come up in the Facebook Ad Library, suggesting her Facebook page is not used to buy advertisements on the platform.</p>
<h2>What information can you get?</h2>
<p>When you search the ad library, users can see summaries about how much was spent, where it was spent and the ad copy and images that were displayed to Facebook users. Facebook also gives an indication of the potential reach of each ad and the number of screens it appeared on.</p>
<p>Marles’ adverts, for example, reached a potential audience of 100,000–500,000 people. In practice, though, his <a href="https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/?id=262287618996680">best-performing ad</a> in the past three months was seen by 20,000–25,000 people, while his <a href="https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/?id=295844338989081">poorest performing ad</a> was seen by 1,000–2,000. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Minister for international development Zed Seselja" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422055/original/file-20210920-47670-15ipmln.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422055/original/file-20210920-47670-15ipmln.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422055/original/file-20210920-47670-15ipmln.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422055/original/file-20210920-47670-15ipmln.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422055/original/file-20210920-47670-15ipmln.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422055/original/file-20210920-47670-15ipmln.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422055/original/file-20210920-47670-15ipmln.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Minister for international development Zed Seselja spent more than $18,000 on Facebook ads.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lukas Coch/AAP</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>You can can also search and view advertisements by political parties and organisations.</p>
<p>Here, the ALP dominates, spending $173,067 over the past three months, in comparison to the Liberal Party, which spent $23,167. Pauline Hanson’s One Nation comes in third, with a Facebook ad spend of $10,118.</p>
<p>The spending by political parties is modest compared to some non-governmental organisations. For example, Greenpeace Australia Pacific spent $327,117, ahead of Amnesty International Australia ($255,052) and the Australian Conservation Foundation ($253,260).</p>
<h2>How the ad library could be better</h2>
<p>Will Facebook’s steps toward improving transparency in public discussion and debate improve matters?</p>
<p>Perhaps, but at the moment it’s not the easiest tool to use, especially for the average user. To find out who spent the most among federal MPs requires entering the names manually. For a company that is otherwise obsessed about the user experience, the design of the ad library seems an afterthought. </p>
<p>And while you can create a link to the data, it doesn’t appear to update in real-time. The results are a snapshot of ad spend, frozen in time. This means the data is always slightly behind and users are required to enter the data anew to create a more up-to-date comparison. Facebook does have the capacity to provide real-time access to precise numbers if they so wished. </p>
<p>A bigger problem is Facebook’s system relies on individuals and organisations to self-report if an advertisement is related to social or political issues. This is <a href="https://en-gb.facebook.com/business/help/208949576550051?id=288762101909005&recommended_by=2405092116183307">required by Australian law</a>, but those seeking to affect the outcome of election may just take the chance of avoiding such scrutiny.</p>
<p>For example, last October, Clive Palmer ran an ad about border closures titled “<a href="https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/?id=745339022533823">Down with the wall!!!</a>” without a disclaimer. It was eventually removed by Facebook, but not before it had been served up in 10,000–15,000 Facebook feeds.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/after-clive-palmers-60-million-campaign-limits-on-political-advertising-are-more-important-than-ever-117099">After Clive Palmer's $60 million campaign, limits on political advertising are more important than ever</a>
</strong>
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<p>Nevertheless, Facebook’s efforts to improve transparency around ad spending and reach is arguably more open and democratic than traditional advertising. Marles’ and other advertisers’ ad spends might raise eyebrows, but at the very least they’re being upfront about what they’re spending.</p>
<p>Perhaps it’s time we insisted all social and political advertising, both online and off, achieved similar levels of transparency.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/168197/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>I currently purchase Facebook ads to promote books I have co-authored. </span></em></p>A study of Facebook’s Ad Library over the past three months, shows what federal MPs, state premiers and political parties are spending on the social media platform.Christopher Scanlon, Senior Lecturer in Communication, Deakin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1469042020-10-05T12:07:39Z2020-10-05T12:07:39ZTrump and Biden ads on Facebook and Instagram focus on rallying the base<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/360567/original/file-20200929-24-egxaom.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=22%2C29%2C4897%2C3466&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Online political advertising is mostly attempting to mobilize candidates' existing supporters.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/Election2020Trump/ef88d6bdf3e845b09d2bddc2a41e83dc/photo">AP Photo/Steve Ruark</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The campaigns of Donald Trump and Joe Biden together spent US$86 million on social media advertising between June 1 and Sept. 13, according to Syracuse University’s <a href="https://illuminating.ischool.syr.edu/campaign_2020/">Illuminating 2020 project</a>. The project, which I am part of, tracks the spending and the targets of Facebook and Instagram ad buys, based on data provided by the platforms.</p>
<p>About 40% of that spending came between Aug. 10 and Sept. 13, when the campaigns spent a combined $41 million online. Overall, this is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0894439317726751">roughly double the spending rate</a> as Trump and Hillary Clinton had during the same time period in 2016.</p>
<p>With these ads, which amount to about 40% of both campaigns’ spending, the candidates are trying to mobilize voters – find supporters and then spark them to get involved. </p>
<p><iframe id="JZ42w" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/JZ42w/4/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<h2>Other spending</h2>
<p>About 60% of the campaigns’ spending is aimed at persuading voters – changing hearts and minds or solidifying support among the base. Over the same Aug. 10 to Sept. 4 period, <a href="https://mediaproject.wesleyan.edu/releases-090920/">Biden and Trump spent a combined $60 million</a> on television ads, according to the Wesleyan Media Project. </p>
<p>It is much more expensive to run an ad on TV versus online. A prime-time broadcast television ad costs <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/302200/primetime-tv-cost-commercial-usa/">about $100,000 for 30 seconds</a>, generally reaching <a href="https://www.nielsen.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2019/09/2019-20-dma-ranker.pdf">hundreds of thousands of households</a>, while a social media ad costs a <a href="https://www.facebook.com/business/ads/pricing">few hundred dollars to reach tens of thousands</a> of individual users. Those are estimates – many factors affect the actual cost of both types of ads, including location, timing and target demographics, but digital ads are far cheaper than TV.</p>
<p>Print, radio and billboard ads are a tiny share – usually less than 5% of presidential advertising spending.</p>
<h2>Mobilizing the base</h2>
<p>Nearly all of Trump’s and Biden’s campaigns’ online advertising involves some sort of call to action, urging the ad’s viewers to do something – such as give money, sign a petition, answer a poll, sign up to get emails or watch the latest video ad. Those ads also <a href="https://theconversation.com/amid-pandemic-campaigning-turns-to-the-internet-137745">help the campaigns gain additional data about supporters</a>, like what issues they’re interested in and how they’re involved in their community. The campaigns use that information to develop and run ads in key states, and identify potential supporters who can become local evangelists for the campaign.</p>
<p>Between June 1 and Sept. 13, Trump spent $34.5 million, 86% of his total online spending during that period, on calls to action in the text of the ad. In that same period, Biden’s calls to action cost $25.2 million, or 67% of his online ad spending.</p>
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<h2>State-level spending</h2>
<p>The candidates targeted much of their spending – about one-third of Trump’s and more than half of Biden’s – in a few key states. </p>
<p>Both candidates spent heavily in Florida, California and Pennsylvania, because that’s where the largest populations are. Biden also focused on New York and Michigan; Trump also focused on Texas and Ohio.</p>
<p>These are not necessarily battleground states, but instead places where the candidates have strong bases of support. These supporters are potential campaign volunteers and sources of money for more ads.</p>
<p><iframe id="fpsQm" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/fpsQm/2/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<h2>Demographic differences</h2>
<p>Campaigns target their Facebook ads based on party affiliation, gender and age. Trump’s campaign targets men and women at roughly the same rate, but Biden’s campaign targets women at roughly 3 to 2 – for every $2 they spend on men, they spend $3 on women. Biden’s spending reflects the Democratic Party’s gender dynamics. Women are <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/08/18/men-and-women-in-the-u-s-continue-to-differ-in-voter-turnout-rate-party-identification/">more likely to identify as Democrat</a> than Republican.</p>
<p>Trump’s campaign ad spending skews older than Biden’s. Trump spends the largest share of his Facebook ad dollars on people who are 55 or older. Biden’s campaign spends the most money on the age 35-44 demographic. Both campaigns spent less targeting people between 18 and 24, probably because <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-so-few-young-americans-vote-132649">young people are less likely to turn out to vote</a> than their elders. </p>
<p><iframe id="45lRJ" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/45lRJ/2/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<p>As the last month of the campaign begins, the candidates will make their final ad purchases. Expect to see online ads continue to run in the states where each campaign has been focusing, calling on supporters to give, act, tell friends and show their support as Election Day nears.</p>
<p><em>Editor’s note: This article has been updated to correct the Biden campaign’s spending figures, which were inaccurate due to a <a href="https://news.illuminating.ischool.syr.edu/2020/10/27/data-problems-and-updates-to-the-website/">data collection error</a>.</em></p>
<p>[<em>The Conversation’s Politics + Society editors pick need-to-know stories.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters/politics-weekly-74/?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=politics-need-to-know">Sign up for Politics Weekly</a>.]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/146904/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jennifer Stromer-Galley receives funding from the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation. </span></em></p>So far, Trump and Biden are spending money on Facebook and Instagram at roughly the same rate as Trump and Hillary Clinton did during 2016.Jennifer Stromer-Galley, Professor of Information Studies, Syracuse UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1292642020-01-03T13:50:05Z2020-01-03T13:50:05ZLawyers are trying to scare you with Facebook ads<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308369/original/file-20200102-11900-1piixzf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=114%2C163%2C3525%2C2215&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Facebook recently disabled some ads on its site making dubious claims about Truvada.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Some ads can be more than misleading – they can put your health at risk. </p>
<p>Last year, ads paid for by law firms and legal referral companies <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2019/12/30/facebook-disables-some-misleading-ads-hiv-prevention-drugs-responding-growing-outcry">started cropping up on Facebook</a>. Typically, they linked Truvada and other HIV-prevention drugs with severe bone and kidney damage.</p>
<p>But like a lawsuit, these assertions do not always reflect the consensus of the medical community. They also do not take into account the benefit of the drug or how often the side effects occur. </p>
<p>On Dec. 30, Facebook <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/feature/nbc-out/following-backlash-facebook-disables-misleading-hiv-medication-ads-n1108741">said</a> it disabled some of the ads after more than 50 LGBTQ and HIV/AIDS groups signed an <a href="https://www.glaad.org/blog/open-letter-facebook">open letter</a> to Facebook condemning them for “scaring away at-risk HIV negative people from the leading drug that blocks HIV infections.” </p>
<p>Based on <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3220066">our research involving</a> televised drug injury ads, advocacy groups are right to raise the alarm about how these ads might affect important health decisions. </p>
<p>Although drug injury ads are selling legal services, that’s rarely obvious, making it harder for consumers to invoke their <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0090429517310580">usual skepticism</a> toward medical information from lawyers. </p>
<p>Here are a few deceptive tactics we noticed in the Facebook Truvada ads, which you can also spot in drug injury advertisements more broadly. </p>
<h2>Ads in disguise</h2>
<p>Advertisements in this genre sometimes <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2445771">masquerade</a> as other types of content, like public service announcements or local news. For example, a series of identical Truvada-related ads sponsored by “Lawsuit Watch” and “Advocate Alliance Group” prominently featured video from a local news story. </p>
<p>This clever but ultimately misleading tactic is known within the marketing literature as an <a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=Gk94AgAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA117">“Omega strategy,”</a> in which the advertiser tries to “redefine the sales interaction” to disguise its pitch. It’s like when insurance companies offer to “assess your personal risk,” when they’re really just trying to sell you insurance.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308330/original/file-20191231-11914-pnup9d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308330/original/file-20191231-11914-pnup9d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308330/original/file-20191231-11914-pnup9d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308330/original/file-20191231-11914-pnup9d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308330/original/file-20191231-11914-pnup9d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=595&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308330/original/file-20191231-11914-pnup9d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=595&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308330/original/file-20191231-11914-pnup9d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=595&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">An example of Facebook ads about HIV-prevention drug Truvada.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Screenshot by author of Facebook ad bank</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Similarly, these legal advertisers appear to be educating patients but their true goal is to sign you up for a lawsuit – and most likely <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/inside-the-mass-tort-machine-that-powers-thousands-of-roundup-lawsuits-11574700480">sell your name</a> to a lawyer looking for clients.</p>
<p>What makes the ad even more complex to process is that embeds actual local news footage, which mostly consists of reporting allegations from a lawsuit.</p>
<p>By using news broadcasters to deliver their claims, the advertiser enhances the message’s credibility, which makes it less likely that consumers will critically analyze the content.</p>
<h2>Who sponsored this?</h2>
<p>Drug injury ads can also mislead when the sponsors are not clearly identifiable as for-profit legal referral businesses.</p>
<p>For example, some Truvada-related ads that Facebook removed were sponsored by “A Case for Women,” whose name suggests an advocacy organization. The Facebook page for this entity does little to clear up this misapprehension. It’s only when you track down its website that you get a whiff of legalese, with references to a “free consult” and the advice to “take action (legal or otherwise)” for “life-changing financial compensation.” Even then, the information is presented in the name of “Women Empowerment,” along with inspirational pictures and blog posts.</p>
<p>The same kind of confusion can arise from ad sponsors with names like “Lawsuit Watch” and “Advocate Alliance Group.” </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308331/original/file-20191231-11914-2p4ovf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308331/original/file-20191231-11914-2p4ovf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308331/original/file-20191231-11914-2p4ovf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=590&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308331/original/file-20191231-11914-2p4ovf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=590&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308331/original/file-20191231-11914-2p4ovf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=590&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308331/original/file-20191231-11914-2p4ovf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=742&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308331/original/file-20191231-11914-2p4ovf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=742&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308331/original/file-20191231-11914-2p4ovf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=742&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">It’s not obvious that this ad sponsor is a legal referral agency soliciting consumers to sue drug manufacturers.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Facebook ad bank</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Consumers are misled when advertisers do not clearly disclose their status as law firms or for-profit legal referral businesses. In <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3220066">one experiment</a> for a study published last year, we showed consumers different versions of drug injury TV ads. Around 25% of consumers did not recognize drug injury advertising as such when the sponsor was not clearly revealed, compared with 15% when an attorney was prominently featured. By contrast, only 2% of consumers misidentified the source of a pharmaceutical ad.</p>
<p>This confusion appears to alter how consumers process information found in the ads. Those who were shown the more deceptive drug injury ad perceived the featured drug to be riskier, expressed a greater reluctance to take the drug and were more likely to question their doctor about the medication. </p>
<p>When you’re dealing with medication that prevents a life-threatening virus like HIV, transparency is essential.</p>
<h2>Attention-getting claims</h2>
<p>Drug injury advertisements also <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2445771">commonly include</a> stark language and imagery like “consumer alert,” “medical alert” or “warning.” This language is used to capture a viewer’s attention. We have found that drug injury advertisements with more graphic descriptions of side effects inflate perceptions of risk.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308332/original/file-20191231-11929-1urkl38.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308332/original/file-20191231-11929-1urkl38.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=475&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308332/original/file-20191231-11929-1urkl38.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=475&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308332/original/file-20191231-11929-1urkl38.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=475&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308332/original/file-20191231-11929-1urkl38.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=597&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308332/original/file-20191231-11929-1urkl38.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=597&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308332/original/file-20191231-11929-1urkl38.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=597&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">These ads characterize Truvada as dangerous.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Facebook ad bank</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Language of this sort can be found in the Facebook ads about Truvada. Some ads are framed as a “Truvada NRTIs Drug Alert,” claiming that “the manufacturers had a safer drug & kept it secret all while they kept selling the dangerous one.”</p>
<p>But as the authors of the <a href="https://www.glaad.org/blog/open-letter-facebook">open letter</a> to Facebook point out, characterizing this particular drug as unsafe is not accurate, particularly when compared with the obvious harm of HIV infection. </p>
<p>Moreover, framing ads in this way is not necessary. Advertisers could instead state they are looking for individuals who have experienced the listed side effects without portraying the ad as an “alert” that the drug is “dangerous.”</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308333/original/file-20191231-11896-2kji1h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308333/original/file-20191231-11896-2kji1h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=1141&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308333/original/file-20191231-11896-2kji1h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=1141&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308333/original/file-20191231-11896-2kji1h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=1141&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308333/original/file-20191231-11896-2kji1h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1434&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308333/original/file-20191231-11896-2kji1h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1434&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308333/original/file-20191231-11896-2kji1h.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1434&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The AIDS Foundation of Chicago sponsored advertising to counteract legal solicitation ads.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Facebook ad bank</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Better regulation</h2>
<p>These types of ads have been almost entirely unregulated until recently. </p>
<p>The Federal Trade Commission, which regulates advertising, declined to act for many years. But in September, the agency <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/press-releases/2019/09/ftc-flags-potentially-unlawful-tv-ads-prescription-drug-lawsuits">issued a letter</a> to seven law firms and legal referral companies warning them that their advertising is deceptive, suggesting it may be finally changing its tune.</p>
<p>And although states regulate legal advertising through attorney ethics rules, our past research found <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2445771">no examples</a> in which a lawyer was disciplined for misleading drug injury ads.</p>
<p>The last line of defense, then, is <a href="https://www.facebook.com/policies/ads/#">Facebook itself</a>, through its ad policies. Beyond blocking misleading ads, our research suggests that clear disclaimers can help to reduce – but not eliminate – consumer confusion. </p>
<p>Ultimately, it’s up to federal and state regulators to treat drug injury advertisements as a matter of public health and require advertisers to present medical information in a way that helps, rather than misleads, consumers.</p>
<p>[ <em>Get the best of The Conversation, every weekend.</em> <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/newsletters/weekly-highlights-61?utm_source=TCUS&utm_medium=inline-link&utm_campaign=newsletter-text&utm_content=weeklybest">Sign up for our weekly newsletter</a>. ]</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/129264/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Facebook began blocking ads that linked Truvada and other HIV-related drugs to severe bone and kidney damage based on claims made in lawsuits.Elizabeth C. Tippett, Associate Professor, School of Law, University of OregonJesse King, Assistant Professor of Marketing Weber State University, Weber State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1132132019-03-21T13:59:24Z2019-03-21T13:59:24ZFacebook’s plan to protect the European elections comes up short<p>Intentionally false news stories were shared more than <a href="https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/jep.31.2.211">35m times</a> during the 2016 US presidential election, with Facebook playing a significant role in their spread. Shortly after, the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/mar/17/cambridge-analytica-facebook-influence-us-election">Cambridge Analytica scandal</a> revealed that <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2018/mar/17/cambridge-analytica-facebook-influence-us-election">50m Facebook profiles</a> had been harvested without authorisation and used to target political ads and <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/world-43472347/cambridge-analytica-planted-fake-news">fake news</a> for the election and later during the UK’s 2016 Brexit referendum. </p>
<p>Though the social network admitted it had been <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/9e973ba4-3903-11e8-8eee-e06bde01c544">slow to react</a> to the issue, it developed tools for the 2018 US midterm elections that enabled Facebook users to see who was behind the political ads they were shown. Facebook defines ads as any form of financially sponsored content. This can be traditional product adverts or fake news articles that are targeted at certain demographics for maximum impact. </p>
<p>Now the focus is shifting to the 2019 European parliament elections, which will take place from May 23, and the company <a href="https://newsroom.fb.com/news/2019/01/european-parliament-elections/">has introduced</a> a public record of all political ads and sweeping new transparency rules designed to stop them being placed anonymously. This move follows Facebook’s expansion of its fact-checking operations, for example by teaming up with British fact-checking charity <a href="https://fullfact.org/blog/2019/jan/full-fact-start-checking-facebook-content-third-party-factchecking-initiative-reaches-uk/">FullFact</a>. </p>
<p>Facebook told us that it has taken an industry-leading position on political ad transparency in the UK, with new tools that go beyond what the law currently requires and that it has invested significantly to prevent the spread of disinformation and bolster high-quality journalism and news literacy. The transparency tools show exactly which page is running ads, and all the ads that they are running. It then houses those ads in its “ad library” for seven years. It claims it doesn’t want misleading content on its site and is cracking down on it using a combination of technology and human review.</p>
<p>While these measures will go some way towards addressing the problem, several flaws have already emerged. And it remains difficult to see how Facebook can tackle fake news in particular with its existing measures.</p>
<p>In 2018, journalists at <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/facebook-approved-political-ads-paid-for-by-cambridge-analytica-2018-10?r=UK">Business Insider</a> successfully placed fake ads they listed as paid for by the now-defunct company Cambridge Analytica. It is this kind of fraud that Facebook is aiming to stamp out with its news transparency rules, which require political advertisers to prove their identity. However, it’s worth noting that none of Business Insider’s “test adverts” appear to be listed in Facebook’s new ad library, raising questions about its effectiveness as a full public record.</p>
<p>The problem is that listing which person or organisation paid the bill for an ad isn’t the same as revealing the ultimate source of its funding. For example, it was <a href="https://www.buzzfeed.com/alexspence/mysterious-facebook-brexit-group-britains-future-tim-dawson">recently reported</a> that Britain’s biggest political spender on Facebook was Britain’s Future, a group that has spent almost £350,000 on ads. The group can be <a href="https://britainsfuture.co.uk/about-us/">traced back</a> to a single individual: 30-year-old freelance writer Tim Dawson. But exactly who funds the group is unclear. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1105818519432847360"}"></div></p>
<p>While the group does allow donations, it is not a registered company, nor does it appear in the database of the UK’s Electoral Commission or the Information Commissioner. This highlights a key flaw in the UK’s political advertising regime that isn’t addressed by Facebook’s measures, and shows that transparency at the ad-buying level isn’t enough to reveal potential improper influence.</p>
<p>The new measures also rely on advertisers classifying their ads as political, or using overtly political language. This means advertisers could still send coded messages that Facebook’s algorithms may not detect.</p>
<p>Facebook recently had more success when it <a href="https://newsroom.fb.com/news/2019/03/removing-cib-uk-and-romania/?">identified and removed</a> its first UK-based fake news network, which comprised 137 groups spreading “divisive comments on both sides of the political debate in the UK”. But the discovery came as part of an investigation into hate speech towards the home secretary, Sajid Javid. This suggests that Facebook’s dedicated methods for tackling fake news aren’t working as effectively as they could.</p>
<p>Facebook has had plenty of time to get to grips with the modern issue of fake news being used for political purposes. <a href="https://ria.ru/20080912/151227362.html">As early as 2008</a>, Russia began disseminating online misinformation to influence proceedings in Ukraine, which became a <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/russian-hackers-attack-ukraine/">testing ground</a> for the Kremlin’s tactics of cyberwarfare and online disinformation. Isolated fake news stories then began to surface in the US in the early 2010s, targeting <a href="https://dailycaller.com/2012/07/11/nancy-pelosi-made-between-1-5-million-on-asian-investments-in-2011/#ixzz20L8laF1E">politicians</a> and divisive topics such as <a href="https://www.thecommonsenseshow.com/back-to-the-future-what-history-teaches-about-gun-confiscations/">gun control</a>. These then evolved into sophisticated fake news networks operating at a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/2016/dec/02/fake-news-facebook-us-election-around-the-world">global level</a>.</p>
<p>But the way Facebook works means it has played a key role in helping fake news become so powerful and effective. The burden of proof for a news story has been lowered to one aspect: popularity. With enough likes, shares and comments – no matter whether they come from real users, <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-many-click-farm-jobs-should-be-understood-as-digital-slavery-83530">click farms</a> or <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-artificial-intelligence-conquered-democracy-77675">bots</a> – a story gains legitimacy no matter the source.</p>
<h2>Safeguarding democracy</h2>
<p>As a result, some countries have already decided that Facebook’s self-regulation isn’t enough. In 2018, in a bid to “<a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-42560688">safeguard democracy</a>”, the French president, Emmanuel Macron, introduced a controversial law banning online fake news during elections that gives judges the power to remove and obtain information about who published the content. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, Germany has introduced fines of up to €50m on social networks that host illegal content, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-42510868">including fake news and hate speech</a>. Incidentally, while Germans make up only 2% of Facebook users, Germans now comprise <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/long_reads/facebook-germany-online-hate-censorship-social-media-a8374351.html">more than 15%</a> of Facebook’s <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2018/02/what-facebook-told-insiders-about-how-it-moderates-posts/552632/">global moderator workforce</a>. In a similar move in late December 2018, Irish lawmakers introduced <a href="https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/politics/five-years-in-jail-for-spreading-fake-news-under-ff-proposal-36375745.html">a bill</a> to criminalise political adverts on Facebook and Twitter that contain intentionally false information.</p>
<p>The real-life impact these policies have is unclear. Fake news still appears on Facebook in these countries, while the laws give politicians the ability to restrict freedom of speech and the press, something that has sparked a mass of criticism in both <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/02/14/germany-flawed-social-media-law">Germany</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jun/07/france-macron-fake-news-law-criticised-parliament">France</a>.</p>
<p>Ultimately, there remains a considerable mismatch between Facebook’s promises to make protecting elections a top priority, and its ability to actually do the job. If unresolved, it will leave the European parliament and many other democratic bodies vulnerable to vast and damaging attempts to influence them.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/113213/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>William Dance receives funding from Research Councils UK and consults with the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS).</span></em></p>Several flaws have already emerged in Facebook’s new measures to stop improper political influence.William Dance, Associate Lecturer in Linguistics, Lancaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1100902019-01-31T14:54:09Z2019-01-31T14:54:09ZFacebook is a persuasion platform that’s changing the advertising rulebook<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256620/original/file-20190131-108334-77a27y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=889%2C518%2C4396%2C3136&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Doesn't take much thought to tap in those 'likes.'</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/bangkok-thailand-july-30-2017-hand-686589340">sitthiphong/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Facebook – the social network that started in a Harvard dorm room 15 years ago – has evolved into a media and advertising giant. It’s helped create a new age of precise consumer insights. With over <a href="https://newsroom.fb.com/company-info/">2 billion users worldwide</a>, Facebook can offer granular data about each and every one of them to advertisers – not just demographics but the very narrowly defined interests, conversations and interactions they have on the platform. Advertisers try to leverage all that information into online purchases by directly targeting consumers with messages meant to stand out as they scroll through a newsfeed.</p>
<p>As a media and advertising psychology scholar, <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=y4z9bdwAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=ao">I’ve been researching Facebook</a> and its effects on persuasion for the past 12 years. Long gone are the days of brands offering consumers meticulously crafted messages with mass appeal that provide strong arguments or important cues to get them to change their attitudes and behaviors. </p>
<p>Facebook has driven an ongoing digital revolution within the advertising industry, redefining the persuasive process advertisers have traditionally known. Now people communicate differently on and because of Facebook and other social media services. And their buying behaviors have changed too.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256623/original/file-20190131-103164-1yb9c4h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256623/original/file-20190131-103164-1yb9c4h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256623/original/file-20190131-103164-1yb9c4h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=380&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256623/original/file-20190131-103164-1yb9c4h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=380&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256623/original/file-20190131-103164-1yb9c4h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=380&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256623/original/file-20190131-103164-1yb9c4h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=478&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256623/original/file-20190131-103164-1yb9c4h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=478&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256623/original/file-20190131-103164-1yb9c4h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=478&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Facebook has gone through many iterations over 15 years.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.apimages.com/metadata/Index/Facebook-New-Offices/5c1a3a0b6a744bb4af6c7d0f42934607/26/0">AP Photo/Elise Amendola</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Facebook’s not so social anymore</h2>
<p>My collaborative research suggests that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305117691544">people’s motivations for using Facebook</a> have shifted over the years. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2014.03.033">People used to visit</a> for online socialization and interpersonal communication. But <a href="https://doi.org/10.1089/cyber.2011.0611">now their reasons are more passive</a>, having to do with the desire to be entertained and the simple fact that checking Facebook is convenient.</p>
<p>Facebook users, for the most part, have moved from being hyperactive – endlessly posting about the ins and outs and ups and downs of their lives – to being, simply put, habitual lurkers. </p>
<p>There are two reasons. First, Facebook has <a href="https://gizmodo.com/the-most-important-facebook-redesigns-in-facebooks-10-1515699149">reinvented</a> itself repeatedly over the past 15 years with updates to its look and feel as well as functionality. </p>
<p>Second, users’ perceptions of Facebook have changed. The size of a typical <a href="https://bigthink.com/praxis/do-you-have-too-many-facebook-friends">“friends” network has increased</a> immensely. For many, the Facebook experience has shifted from simulating a high school reunion with a few handfuls of invitees to an outdoor rock concert with a huge audience.</p>
<p>The connection with one’s strong ties – your close friends – still remains. But people are gravitating toward using Facebook to see what’s out there, grab a smile or a laugh and then move on with their lives. Sure, there’s always the political rants, that obscene post by a college friend or other messages that make your eyes roll – but for the most part, people use Facebook because it entertains them and it’s part of their daily ritual. Research suggests this pattern holds in the United States and other countries, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2014.03.033">such as Taiwan</a>.</p>
<h2>It’s automatic</h2>
<p>A few years ago, some graduate students and I brought college student volunteers into <a href="https://comartsci.msu.edu/map-lab">our lab</a>. We asked them to use Facebook <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15213269.2017.1416296">while we recorded</a> where their eyes traveled on the screen and how they responded <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Psychophysiological-Measurement-and-Meaning-Cognitive-and-Emotional-Processing/Potter-Bolls/p/book/9780415994149">psychophysiologically</a> in terms of their heart rate, skin conductance level and facial electromyography muscle activation. Researchers have long associated these biological measures with psychological processes that could indicate attention, emotional arousal and what psychologists call emotional valence – that is, pleasant versus unpleasant emotions. </p>
<p>We were trying to understand the psychophysiological responses that precede specific behaviors on Facebook, such as pressing the “like” button as well as sharing or commenting on someone else’s post. These behaviors have emerged over the years as indicators of online advertising and marketing effectiveness. Traditional advertising concepts like return on investment have been <a href="http://www.informit.com/store/digital-marketing-analytics-making-sense-of-consumer-9780789759603">replaced by return on engagement</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256621/original/file-20190131-108334-1nw2oxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256621/original/file-20190131-108334-1nw2oxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256621/original/file-20190131-108334-1nw2oxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256621/original/file-20190131-108334-1nw2oxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256621/original/file-20190131-108334-1nw2oxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256621/original/file-20190131-108334-1nw2oxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256621/original/file-20190131-108334-1nw2oxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256621/original/file-20190131-108334-1nw2oxm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Research taps in to your reactions to social media that you may not even be aware of.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/kaunas-lithuania-april-18-2018-facebook-1073135603">Rokas Tenys/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
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<p>We found that prior to pressing the “like” button, participants exhibited a particular pattern of heart rate activation and skin conductance level – the same one that characterizes an <a href="https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2002-00156-000">orienting response</a>. This is a brief, automatic “What is it?” reaction to an external stimulus or a change in the environment. It’s the same response you have, without much conscious effort, when someone enters the room or calls your name. It makes perfect sense that pressing “like” would have similar characteristics. Who, when scrolling through an endless newsfeed, pauses to think long and hard about whether to “like”? Very few!</p>
<p>The fact that people press the “like” button in this automatic mode is significant for multiple reasons. First, the nature of the Facebook environment offers multiple bits of information at any particular moment, all competing for your attention. Specific bits that do catch your attention may be lucky enough to be rewarded with a behavior – a “like” or a “share.”</p>
<p>And from an advertising perspective, these automatic behaviors are important. Other studies my colleagues and I conducted found that expressing intentions to like, share and comment on something were strong positive predictors of participants’ readiness to enact relevant behaviors offline. It makes sense: if you “like” a bunch of woolen socks online, maybe you’re getting closer to investing in some new warm gear.</p>
<h2>Targeted ads push you to act</h2>
<p>The way people interact with Facebook is changing how they can be persuaded to think about or do a particular thing.</p>
<p>With tons of information presented at the same time, your brain is forced to decide quickly what’s relevant or interesting. Facebook and other social media services take advantage of this – pushing you to slip easily from thought to behavior. It emphasizes your impulses and decreases the opportunities for you to think more thoroughly about your perceptions, attitudes and decisions.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256622/original/file-20190131-103164-1nfgyoq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256622/original/file-20190131-103164-1nfgyoq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/256622/original/file-20190131-103164-1nfgyoq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256622/original/file-20190131-103164-1nfgyoq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256622/original/file-20190131-103164-1nfgyoq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=900&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256622/original/file-20190131-103164-1nfgyoq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256622/original/file-20190131-103164-1nfgyoq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/256622/original/file-20190131-103164-1nfgyoq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1131&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">With barely more than a tap on the screen, packages are headed your way.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/maryland-usa-may-24-2016-amazon-426018034">Jeramey Lende/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
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<p>Think about seeing a product on Facebook, “liking” or “sharing” it, then immediately clicking the ad to place the product in a shopping cart on Amazon. Just like that, within a few seconds, you’ve moved from noticing a product and indicating an attitude online to that same product being purchased and marked for shipping to your doorstep.</p>
<p>This is a vastly different process from seeing an ad on TV, then having to get into your car or take the bus to travel to the brick-and-mortar store, picking the advertised product from the pile, holding it in your hands and taking it to the register for purchase.</p>
<p>Of course not every single exposure to an ad on Facebook and other social media ends up with a conversion to purchase. There is a lot that does not end up in the shopping cart.</p>
<p>But having the infrastructure to facilitate these types of impulsive behaviors has ramifications for other areas of persuasion. Take alcohol use and overuse as an example. How does this thought-behavior connection pan out when someone with a high risk of alcohol abuse sees a message from a friend or a marketer on Friday night promoting drinking? Or when a college student sees his friends posing with green beer mugs on St. Patrick’s Day on Facebook? Would that prompt him to get that nth drink that would raise his blood alcohol concentration level to a risky one? Our research <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15252019.2016.1160330">on the effects of branded alcohol posts</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2014.945651">suggests this is plausible</a>.</p>
<p>Changing consumer habits combined with companies’ abilities to target them with personalized messages streamed to their mobile devices mean advertisers and marketers are in a new environment. People mindlessly scroll, clicking automatically. Messages come at people nonstop, trying to convert them into consumers by exploiting those habits. And even at times when that conversion likelihood is low, brands can just try again, and again, and again and again.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/110090/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Saleem Alhabash receives funding from the National Science Foundation, U.S. Department of Justice, and the Doner agency (Detroit). </span></em></p>After 15 years of Facebook, the ways brands use it for marketing and advertising have changed – right alongside the way people make decisions as they scroll through a never-ending feed of information.Saleem Alhabash, Associate Professor of Advertising + Public Relations, Michigan State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1101302019-01-30T11:51:21Z2019-01-30T11:51:21ZHow Facebook went from friend to frenemy<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/255883/original/file-20190128-108334-1b56cil.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C2447%2C2205&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">How do you feel about Facebook?</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/minsk-belarus-february-9-2017-boy-578390869">AlesiaKan/Shutterstock.com</a></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>An updated version of this article was published on Oct. 6, 2021. <a href="https://theconversation.com/facebooks-scandals-and-outage-test-users-frenemy-relationship-169244">Read it here</a>.</em></p>
<p>As Facebook celebrates 15 years of virtual friendship, social science has compiled an <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444817695745">expansive body of research</a> that documents the public’s love-hate relationship with its best frenemy. </p>
<p>What many once viewed as a confidant has devolved into a messy codependence, mired by ambiguity and <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/business/consumer/trust-facebook-has-dropped-51-percent-cambridge-analytica-scandal-n867011">mistrust</a>. It’s a relationship that’s both taken for granted, yet extremely high-maintenance, leaving users to wonder whether they should just move on with healthier friends.</p>
<p>But it wasn’t always like this. </p>
<p><iframe id="Oq79e" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Oq79e/1/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<h2>Friendly beginnings</h2>
<p>At its launch, Facebook was one of the most authentic social networking partners. Existing online networks, like MySpace, had <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/2009/1/myspace-yes-facebook-kills-our-traffic-but-at-least-we-make-money-nws">influential parent companies</a> that chaperoned their platforms, pestering users with ads and gimmicks. But Facebook promised something different: a genuine connection. It was an unexploited social space to live your best life – well before anyone hashbragged it. </p>
<p>Still today, a friendship with Facebook comes with plenty of perks. Most importantly, it is the friend who brings everyone together. Participating in this community is shown to <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1083-6101.2007.00367.x">strengthen relationships</a> between close friends and casual acquaintances. Individuals can bond over community causes, shared identities and amusing videos. Facebook has been credited for helping organize coalitions that <a href="https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol8/iss1/art11/">took down dictators</a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/28/health/the-ice-bucket-challenge-helped-scientists-discover-a-new-gene-tied-to-als.html">raised millions to fight disease</a>.</p>
<p>Adding to Facebook’s popularity, it lets users carefully curate a public image, <a href="http://doi.org/10.1089/cyber.2009.0411">emphasizing the best parts of their lives</a>. The site has become a central source not only for information about one another, but also the world. Social sharing is up, such that <a href="http://www.journalism.org/2018/09/10/news-use-across-social-media-platforms-2018/">two-thirds of U.S. Facebook users report consuming news on the platform</a>.</p>
<p>Academics friended Facebook, too. I led a study revealing that it is <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444817695745">the most researched subject</a> in the field of information and communication technology since 2005. This focus has led to advances in understanding <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijinfomgt.2014.09.004">online interactions</a>, <a href="http://doi.org/10.1089/cyber.2009.0226">digital activism</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1083-6101.2007.00367.x">human psychology</a>. </p>
<h2>Undermining trust</h2>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/255860/original/file-20190128-108370-nl4qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/255860/original/file-20190128-108370-nl4qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/255860/original/file-20190128-108370-nl4qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/255860/original/file-20190128-108370-nl4qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/255860/original/file-20190128-108370-nl4qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/255860/original/file-20190128-108370-nl4qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/255860/original/file-20190128-108370-nl4qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/255860/original/file-20190128-108370-nl4qrl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Facebook vacuums up users’ data.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-illustration/orangec-cartoon-vacuums-bits-isolated-on-80203072">Alexander Limbach/Shutterstock.com</a></span>
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<p>But Facebook’s stunning success has now <a href="http://time.com/5505441/mark-zuckerberg-mentor-facebook-downfall/">come at the expense</a> of the privacy of its virtual friends. Its “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-switch/wp/2018/04/10/transcript-of-mark-zuckerbergs-senate-hearing/">we sell ads</a>” business model <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-facts-about-facebook-11548374613">may sound benign</a>, but the platform <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/25/opinion/mark-zuckerberg-wsj.html">collects more data and information</a> about users than they may consciously <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2017/11/17/how-to-find-out-what-facebook-knows-about-me.html">know about themselves</a>. </p>
<p>By <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-cambridge-analyticas-facebook-targeting-model-really-worked-according-to-the-person-who-built-it-94078">sharing users’ data</a>, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/25/opinion/mark-zuckerberg-wsj.html">enabling disinformation campaigns</a> and election interference, Facebook has revealed its allegiances – and they don’t involve protecting users. Carelessness, or what increasingly looks like intentional abuse, of user data has made it <a href="https://theconversation.com/dont-quit-facebook-but-dont-trust-it-either-93776">difficult to trust the platform</a> with people’s most intimate relationships.</p>
<p>These scandals have consequences. Research finds that users can be <a href="https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1320040111">emotionally manipulated</a> by changes to Facebook’s algorithm. This has made the public more <a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0159641">politically polarized</a> and <a href="http://doi.org/10.1177/1077699016630255">less likely to share minority views</a> – implications that may derail democracy. </p>
<p>Algorithms that foster day-to-day social comparison have also taken a toll on mental health. Recent research convincingly shows that Facebook use <a href="https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0069841">dampens individuals’ happiness</a> – both immediately and over the long term. Using Facebook has been linked to depression and so many other negative psychological outcomes that it inspired a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2018.02.009">summary report</a> of 56 studies on the topic.</p>
<h2>Frenemies for now</h2>
<p>Despite widespread calls to #DeleteFacebook in 2018, most users have maintained their profiles. Why? Because abstaining from Facebook means giving up a network that has social currency and value. The site boasts <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/04/number-active-facebook-users-increased-scandals-180426073628185.html">2.2 billion users</a>, nearly 30 percent of the global population. <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-switch/wp/2018/04/10/transcript-of-mark-zuckerbergs-senate-hearing/">As members of Congress recently pointed out</a>, Facebook has few market competitors, meaning it serves as a primary, if not the only, way for large groups to connect. It holds users together (or sometimes hostage) by maintaining relationships with all their friends. </p>
<p><iframe id="QXA7K" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/QXA7K/1/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<p>For those who prefer Instagram or WhatsApp, know that Facebook owns those too, and is working to <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/25/technology/facebook-instagram-whatsapp-messenger.html">consolidate the technology behind them</a>. Even people with the willpower to de-friend Facebook will <a href="https://gizmodo.com/i-cut-facebook-out-of-my-life-surprisingly-i-missed-i-1830565456">still find their data swept up</a> in content that others add to the platform and its affiliates. It’s nearly impossible to escape Facebook’s orbit. </p>
<p>In advance of its anniversary this month, Facebook attempted to restore fond memories by encouraging users to reminisce with the <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/facebook-10-year-meme-challenge/">#10YearChallenge</a>. The award for biggest transformation goes to Facebook itself – from altruistic friend to cagey frenemy. </p>
<p>Recapturing the public’s trust will require significant changes. Options for unaltered news feeds, transparent advertising, and user control of data and metadata would be good places to start. But currently, it’s unclear whether Facebook will make these changes to salvage its billions of friendships. </p>
<p>In the meantime, most of Facebook’s friends are <a href="http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/09/05/americans-are-changing-their-relationship-with-facebook/">updating their privacy settings</a> and just trying to coexist.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/110130/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Elizabeth Stoycheff has received grant funding from WhatsApp, an affiliate of Facebook. </span></em></p>Facebook users no longer see the site as a confidant. They’re struggling with how to deal with a messy codependence – and whether to just break up and move on with healthier friends.Elizabeth Stoycheff, Associate Professor of Communication, Wayne State UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1070252018-12-07T14:54:28Z2018-12-07T14:54:28ZTech giants need to take more responsibility for the advertising that makes them billions<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249423/original/file-20181207-128205-uby39s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">shutterstock</span> </figcaption></figure><p>Last week I was followed around the Internet by a pair of shoes. I had looked at them online as a gift for my father-in-law, but he didn’t like them, and neither did I. Yet no matter what site I visited, there they were, staring at me in their full moccasin glory. </p>
<p>Digital advertising can be really annoying, but it can also be dangerous. It has recently been accused of perpetuating <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/public-cash-paying-for-growth-of-fake-news-vb2hbvs3x">fake news</a>, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/society/2018/nov/06/javid-launches-study-into-advertising-on-child-abuse-sites">funding child abuse</a> and interfering with <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/17/us/politics/cambridge-analytica-trump-campaign.html">democracy</a>. </p>
<p>Facebook, which makes most of its $US40 billion a year revenue from digital advertising, has been in the <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2018-03-27/ad-scammers-need-suckers-and-facebook-helps-find-them">firing line</a>, but many other businesses across the digital advertising supply chain are now <a href="https://www.campaignlive.co.uk/article/group-m-downgrades-uk-ad-growth-warns-in-housing-a-threat/1519560?bulletin=campaign_media_bulletin&utm_medium=EMAIL&utm_campaign=eNews%20Bulletin&utm_source=20181129&utm_content=Campaign%20Media%20(23)::www_campaignlive_co_uk_ar_1&email_hash=">feeling the pinch</a>. </p>
<p>It is not surprising then, that the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) has taken steps to <a href="https://www.thedrum.com/news/2018/11/01/uk-ad-watchdog-puts-better-regulation-online-ads-the-heart-its-new-strategy">toughen up regulation</a>, or that new government legislation is <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld201719/ldselect/ldcomuni/116/116.pdf">being considered</a>. </p>
<p>These developments are hoping to offer a much needed safety net for the digital advertising industry, often described as the “Wild West” – a <a href="https://www.ebiquity.com/news-insights/media/the-search-for-media-transparency-continues/">murky, lawless place</a> where anything goes. Yet, digital advertising is probably a safer place to focus marketing spend now more than ever. A booming “<a href="https://www.doubleverify.com">ad verification</a>” industry is instilling trust back into the complex digital supply chain by ensuring that adverts are correctly placed and targeted.</p>
<p>Self-regulation is also gathering pace. The Internet Advertising Bureau now offers <a href="https://www.iabuk.com/goldstandard">Gold Standard</a> certification to firms striving for positive and safe digital advertising experiences, while the launch of a <a href="https://jicwebs.org/about-us/our-aim/">media industry coalition</a> demonstrates collaborative efforts to increase transparency and accountability. </p>
<p>These developments are welcome and they are working. But their focus on brand safety overlooks some bigger questions. </p>
<h2>Be careful what you click for</h2>
<p>First, there is the politicisation of advertising placement. For the brand of moccasins which stalked me online, it probably makes sense for their adverts not to appear next to toxic hate speech on YouTube. But what about next to a news article about alleged animal cruelty in the leather supply chain? Where would you draw the line? </p>
<p>Brands make these decisions constantly, through a <a href="https://digiday.com/marketing/mystery-ad-buyer-blacklists/">complex process</a> in which adverts are placed (or not) based on their association with “good” or “bad” key words used in websites and articles. </p>
<p>In the responsive digital world we live in, every user experience is truly unique. What I see online is different to what you see. We can never truly know what strategy lies behind the adverts we are shown.</p>
<p>Second, what is the societal cost of brands steering away from important subjects including <a href="https://www.thedrum.com/news/2018/10/15/vice-asks-industry-rethink-blacklists-lgbtq-and-important-issues-are-avoided">race and religion</a> through advertising placement decisions?</p>
<p>For example, an article about fashion in 2018 is a much safer place for the moccasins brand to advertise alongside, compared to the article on animal cruelty. The message to the digital platform? Content which is pedestrian, not polarising, pays. This brings powerful ramifications for democracy and freedom of speech. If content that doesn’t meet brand tolerance tests is not commercially attractive, are particular narratives suppressed?</p>
<p>It is exactly this point that leads many to question the sustainability of digital advertising. Indeed, <a href="https://www.adweek.com/digital/could-an-ad-free-subscription-version-of-facebook-be-a-viable-option/">Facebook is experimenting with ad-free subscription</a>. Maybe content that brands consider “unsafe” will get pushed further behind pay walls. </p>
<p>Finally, in the increasingly automated world of targeted marketing, algorithms are not good at spotting context. </p>
<p>Said shoe brand might, therefore, choose not to be associated with content it considers inappropriate – such as commentary on “animal cruelty”. But algorithms cannot always differentiate content in a meaningful way. Is all content about “animals” problematic? </p>
<p>When outcomes are unknown, brands will opt for the safest and potentially most sanitised option. This may mean that algorithms shift from being neutral tools to <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10551-018-3921-3">value-laden</a> ones. </p>
<p>Worryingly, the only real way to overcome this algorithmic bias is for real live humans to verify content. We are now seeing an increasing number of “<a href="https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/commpub/12/">commercial content moderators</a>” doing our online dirty work by policing social media sites and removing harmful and distressing imagery. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249286/original/file-20181206-128214-8c02bv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249286/original/file-20181206-128214-8c02bv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249286/original/file-20181206-128214-8c02bv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249286/original/file-20181206-128214-8c02bv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249286/original/file-20181206-128214-8c02bv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249286/original/file-20181206-128214-8c02bv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/249286/original/file-20181206-128214-8c02bv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Facebook friends.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/new-york-usa-april-26-2018-1078357280?src=SMYz2YiM9-Pdbmd9j4S3pQ-1-21">Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Often poorly paid – and walking the “safe” and “unsafe” tightrope in a matter of seconds – what these people see can lead to serious <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2017/may/04/facebook-content-moderators-ptsd-psychological-dangers">psychological repercussions</a>. The human toll of the safety drive should not be underestimated. </p>
<h2>Big tech, big responsibility</h2>
<p>All of this raises serious questions about the role of marketing in society, and the ethics of big tech. For many, self-regulation is not enough. Politicians have called on brands to <a href="https://www.campaignlive.co.uk/article/brands-pull-ads-tech-platforms-terror-content-mps-say/1519357?">curtail commercial relations with the tech giants</a> to address safety concerns in their platforms. </p>
<p>I agree. We have to push every organisation along the digital supply chain harder. The DARE approach I advocate (Digital Advertising Responsibility and Ethics) focuses less on demonising and more on humanising business. It advocates two vital actions.</p>
<p>Firstly, promoting the work of industry ethical game changers who are encouraging a new definition of responsibility – the Financial Times, for example, who <a href="https://whatsnewinpublishing.com/2018/10/ft-we-stopped-advertising-on-facebook-and-the-effect-was-negligible/">stepped away from Facebook</a> following controversial identity checks on advertisers (a move Facebook is now reconsidering), or Nestlé, which is looking into funding sustainable cocoa sourcing through <a href="https://www.thedrum.com/news/2018/09/27/ethical-adtech-will-help-kitkat-fund-nestl-s-sustainability-scheme-and-nespresso-may">ethical ad buying</a>. </p>
<p>Other brands, such as Vodafone, are moving <a href="https://www.campaignlive.co.uk/article/vodafone-brings-digital-media-buying-in-house-pioneering-move/1486379">digital advertising in-house</a> to have more control. Such examples demonstrate the trust deficit currently operating within the digital advertising industry. </p>
<p>Secondly, we need a bigger role for ethics in the digital supply chain. Ethics begin where the law ends, considering the right or wrong in any decision. Ethical thinking requires constant reflection in a changing digital landscape, rather than rules-based compliance. Yet while many advocate <a href="https://www.raconteur.net/hr/brands-control-digital-advertising">a code of ethics</a> for the tech profession, I believe the key to to moving the field forward will come through education, open discussion and individual reflection. </p>
<p>It is only by making progress in these directions that we will be able to shift away from the murky culture that currently dominates the filtering of the online world. It’s not about sticking the boot into big tech. More the moccasin.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/107025/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sarah Glozer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>To get out of the digital advertising quagmire, the only way is (business) ethics.Sarah Glozer, Senior Lecturer in Marketing, Business & Society, University of BathLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1077632018-12-07T11:37:57Z2018-12-07T11:37:57Z3 ways Facebook and other social media companies could clean up their acts – if they wanted to<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/249371/original/file-20181206-128199-bq5q9i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=1392%2C155%2C3882%2C3481&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Under fire, but not without options.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://www.apimages.com/metadata/Index/France-Facebook/d0af80e71f8e4f5a82547d5f5217590a/25/0">AP Photo/Francois Mori</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Facebook is in crisis mode, but the company can take major steps to fix itself – and the <a href="https://www.facebook.com/notes/mark-zuckerberg/building-global-community/10154544292806634/">global community</a> it says it wants to promote. Facebook founder, CEO and majority shareholder Mark Zuckerberg need not wait for <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/mark-zuckerberg-six4three-facebook-data-damian-collins-internal-documents/">governments to impose regulations</a>. If he and other industry leaders wanted to, they could make meaningful changes fairly quickly. </p>
<p>It wouldn’t be painless, but Facebook in particular is in a world of hurt already, facing criticism for <a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/ryanhatesthis/france-paris-yellow-jackets-facebook">contributing to civil unrest</a> and <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-11-07/facebook-admits-platform-used-to-incite-hate-attacks-in-myanmar">sectarian turmoil</a> around the world, delayed responses to <a href="https://theconversation.com/weaponized-information-seeks-a-new-target-in-cyberspace-users-minds-100069">disinformation campaigns</a>, <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/tech/annals-of-technology/facebooks-very-bad-month-just-got-worse">misleading users</a> about <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/17/us/politics/cambridge-analytica-trump-campaign.html">data-handling policies</a>, and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/14/technology/facebook-data-russia-election-racism.html">efforts to discredit critics</a> – not to mention a <a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/charliewarzel/facebooks-tensions-zuckerberg-sandberg">budding employee revolt</a>.</p>
<p>Facebook, Twitter, Google and other social media companies are causing <a href="https://theconversation.com/facebook-is-killing-democracy-with-its-personality-profiling-data-93611">society-wide damage</a>. But they tend to describe the problems as much smaller, resulting from <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-switch/wp/2018/04/04/facebook-said-the-personal-data-of-most-its-2-billion-users-has-been-collected-and-shared-with-outsiders/">rogue individuals and groups</a> hijacking their systems for nefarious purposes. Our <a href="https://datasociety.net/output/weaponizing-the-digital-influence-machine/">research</a> into how social media can be exploited by manipulative political operatives, conducted with Joan Donovan at the <a href="https://datasociety.net/">Data & Society</a> research institute, suggests the real problem is much larger than these companies admit. </p>
<p>We believe the roots lie in their <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/apr/25/facebook-first-quarter-2018-revenues-zuckerberg">extremely profitable advertising systems</a>, which need a major overhaul. We have identified some key changes that these giant powerhouses could make right away. These moves could reduce opportunities for political manipulation and limit the <a href="https://theconversation.com/facebook-is-killing-democracy-with-its-personality-profiling-data-93611">harm to democratic societies</a> around the world.</p>
<h2>Users’ minds in the crosshairs</h2>
<p>Facebook, Google, Twitter and other social media companies have built an enormous <a href="https://datasociety.net/output/weaponizing-the-digital-influence-machine/">digital influence machine</a> powered by user tracking, targeting, testing and automated decision-making to make advertising more effective and efficient. While building this supercharged surveillance system, companies have <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zoEXifWBtAs">promised users</a> and <a href="https://publicpolicy.googleblog.com/2007/09/our-senate-testimony-on-online.html">regulators</a> that targeted advertising is mutually beneficial for both consumers and advertisers. </p>
<p>In this bargain, users are supposed to receive more relevant ads. Facebook, for instance, explains that its “interest-based advertising” serves users who “<a href="https://www.facebook.com/help/585318558251813?helpref=uf_permalink">want to see ads that relate to things they care about</a>.” It’s true that these methods can identify ads that connect with users’ actual interests. But the very same data-driven techniques that tell a surfer about a new board design can also identify strategic points where people are <a href="https://www.technologyreview.com/s/604307/is-facebook-targeting-ads-at-sad-teens/">most vulnerable to influence</a>.</p>
<p>In particular, the leading social media advertising systems let political operatives <a href="https://theconversation.com/solving-the-political-ad-problem-with-transparency-85366">experiment with different ads</a> to see which are the most effective. They can use these tools not only to see if certain issues resonate with particular targets but also test for fears or prejudices that can be invoked to influence political behavior.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/248858/original/file-20181204-34131-1g32tu3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/248858/original/file-20181204-34131-1g32tu3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/248858/original/file-20181204-34131-1g32tu3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=778&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248858/original/file-20181204-34131-1g32tu3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=778&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248858/original/file-20181204-34131-1g32tu3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=778&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248858/original/file-20181204-34131-1g32tu3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=978&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248858/original/file-20181204-34131-1g32tu3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=978&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/248858/original/file-20181204-34131-1g32tu3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=978&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">This misleading ad impersonated racial justice activists to urge black Americans not to vote for Hillary Clinton.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://democrats-intelligence.house.gov/social-media-content/social-media-advertisements.htm">U.S. House of Representatives Subcommittee on Intelligence – Democrats</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>One key way to do this is to make people feel that someone else represents an emotionally charged <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tics.2018.01.004">threat to their identity</a>. In 2016, for instance, Russia-linked operatives bought <a href="https://techcrunch.com/2018/05/10/russian-facebook-ads-house-intelligence-full-list/">thousands of Facebook ads</a> targeted to specific audiences suggesting Hillary Clinton had insulted their group’s dignity or threatened their safety. Some ads alleged <a href="https://www.esquire.com/news-politics/a13135811/russian-facebook-ads-2016/">Clinton espoused disrespect</a> for specific occupations, like coal miners, or racial groups, like African-Americans. <a href="https://democrats-intelligence.house.gov/social-media-content/social-media-advertisements.htm">Others claimed</a> she would confiscate guns or supported radical political movements seeking to overturn familiar ways of life.</p>
<p>Targeting political ads is not unique to online advertising, but the tools of digital ad systems are vastly more powerful than traditional mass media. Advertisers can try out <a href="https://www.wired.com/2012/04/ff-abtesting/">several versions of an ad simultaneously</a> and receive almost instant feedback on which ones most effectively drive specific audiences to share, like or comment on them. This <a href="https://lucian.uchicago.edu/blogs/mediatheory/keywords/cybernetics/">digital feedback loop</a> helps political operatives refine their tactics, probing for just the right images, words and emotions to influence very specific subgroups of citizens.</p>
<h2>Move fast and fix things</h2>
<p>Members of <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-09-13/new-social-media-rules-can-get-majority-in-congress-warner-says">Congress</a> and even some key <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2018/01/23/salesforce-ceo-marc-benioff-says-regulate-facebook-like-tobacco.html">Silicon Valley figures</a> have begun discussing the need for tighter <a href="https://theconversation.com/facebook-begins-to-shift-from-being-a-free-and-open-platform-into-a-responsible-public-utility-101577">government oversight</a> and <a href="https://www.publicbooks.org/the-big-picture-misinformation-society/">greater accountability</a> in digital advertising. Change need not wait for politics.</p>
<p>Based on our analysis, here are some steps companies could take right away – on their own. These moves may hurt the firms’ finances, but would demonstrate serious and lasting commitment to limiting their platforms’ usefulness in political manipulation campaigns.</p>
<p>As their first move, social media companies could stop allowing their ad services to be used as freewheeling experimental laboratories for examining their users’ psyches. Just as <a href="https://www.insightsassociation.org/issues-policies/mra-code-marketing-research-standards">marketers</a> and <a href="https://www.apa.org/advocacy/research/defending-research/review-boards.aspx">academic researchers</a> must obtain permission from their test subjects, political advertisers that run online ad experiments could get <a href="https://gdpr-info.eu/issues/consent/">informed consent in advance</a> from every user who is involved. Companies should ask for users’ consent in specific notifications about ad experiments and not penalize users for opting out by limiting their access to services. We suspect many users would opt out of these tests if given the choice, but in any case this policy would help draw public attention to the hidden manipulation tools that platforms offer to their real customers: the political and commercial advertisers who pay the bills.</p>
<h2>Make targeted political advertising transparent</h2>
<p>To increase transparency and limit the ability of special interests to secretly influence politics, social media companies could refuse to work with so-called <a href="https://www.opensecrets.org/dark-money/basics">dark money</a> groups. All political advertisers should be required to disclose their major donors in a format users can easily access. </p>
<p>A new policy banning dark money ads would respond to evidence that political operatives have used impersonation and manipulative ad tactics to <a href="https://journalism.wisc.edu/wp-content/blogs.dir/41/files/2018/08/nonwhite-recruitment-and-suppression.Russia.Kim_.v.3.080818.pdf">stir in-fighting or sow division</a> among coalitions of their adversaries. Impersonation clearly work best when ad sponsors are able to hide their identities and motives. Anonymous ads are also more likely to violate ethical standards simply because no one fears being held responsible for them. </p>
<h2>Make platforms more democratic</h2>
<p>A more significant change social media companies could make would be to introduce democratic oversight of how they collect and use people’s data. </p>
<p>Facebook’s Zuckerberg recently took an initial step in this direction, announcing that he will create <a href="https://slate.com/technology/2018/11/facebook-zuckerberg-content-moderation-appeals-independent-council.html">independent review panels</a> to handle users’ appeals against the company’s removal of content it judges inappropriate. He explained that he wanted to ensure “<a href="https://www.facebook.com/notes/mark-zuckerberg/a-blueprint-for-content-governance-and-enforcement/10156443129621634/">these decisions are made</a> in the best interests of our community and not for commercial reasons.” </p>
<p>Whatever you think about this plan – and it has been greeted with plenty of <a href="https://slate.com/technology/2018/11/facebook-zuckerberg-independent-speech-content-appeals-court.html">skepticism</a> – Zuckerberg’s reasoning acknowledges that because social platforms have become so central to democratic life, their own policies and design decisions require democratic accountability. </p>
<p>A more ambitious vision would let independent ethics panels representing diverse communities of users set enforceable policies for ethical political advertising. Similar sorts of groups are common in <a href="https://journalofethics.ama-assn.org/article/why-did-hospital-ethics-committees-emerge-us/2016-05">medicine</a> and are emerging in <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/zarastone/2018/06/11/the-artificial-intelligence-ethics-committee/">artificial intelligence</a>, among other fields. The details of <a href="https://slate.com/technology/2018/11/facebook-zuckerberg-content-moderation-appeals-independent-council.html">how such committees operate</a> will be critical to their success. If these committees are set up in partnership with nonprofit organizations with proven records of advocating for <a href="https://www.commoncause.org/">democratic communication</a> and <a href="https://www.brennancenter.org/">campaign finance transparency</a>, perhaps they could help social media companies earn greater public trust by prioritizing democracy over maximizing their profits.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/107763/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anthony M. Nadler is a Fellow at the Tow Center for Digital Journalism at Columbia University. Data and Society provided funding for this research on digital advertising and political influence operations. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Matthew Crain is an assistant professor of Media, Journalism and Film at Miami University. Data and Society provided funding for this research on digital advertising and political influence operations. </span></em></p>Without much delay, Facebook and Twitter could make significant changes to limit political manipulation and propaganda. Will they? And will users ask it of the social media giants?Anthony M. Nadler, Associate Professor of Media and Communication Studies, Ursinus CollegeMatthew Crain, Assistant Professor of Media, Journalism and Film, Miami UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/970712018-05-28T21:49:48Z2018-05-28T21:49:48ZWhy Canada’s response to the Facebook scandal has been so weak<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/220644/original/file-20180528-80626-14a315g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Prime Minister Justin Trudeau chats with Mike Schroepfer, chief technology officer at Facebook, during the launch of an artificial intelligence research lab Friday, September 15, 2017 in Montreal. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">THE CANADIAN PRESS/Paul Chiasson</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Facebook’s <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/why-zuckerberg-15-year-apology-tour-hasnt-fixed-facebook/">apology tour</a> <a href="https://www.cnet.com/news/mark-zuckerberg-apology-tour-for-facebook-hits-snag-in-eu-gdpr/">made a stop in Europe last week</a>, but did little to soothe concerns about the threats social media platforms pose to privacy and election integrity. </p>
<p>Compared to other regions like Europe that have proposed relatively robust measures to protect privacy and election integrity, the Canadian response has been, so far, lacklustre.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.eugdpr.org/">European Union’s tough new privacy laws</a> came into effect last week. The United States government has introduced the <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/senate-bill/1989">Honest Ads Act</a> to address social media election manipulation. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/may/14/australian-regulator-investigates-google-data-harvesting-from-android-phones">Australia is investigating Google for tracking Android users’ location and web histories</a>. </p>
<p>Meanwhile in Canada, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is <a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/trudeau-touts-technological-innovation-during-mit-campus-visit-1.3935502">reaching out to tech entrepreneurs, hoping to turn Canada into an Artificial Intelligence (AI) hub</a>, and <a href="http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/amazon-vancouver-new-jobs-1.4641765">welcoming Amazon to British Columbia</a>. </p>
<p>The Liberal government <a href="https://www.macleans.ca/politics/trudeau-government-spending-tens-of-millions-on-facebook-ads-and-sponsored-posts/">has spent $24.4 million since 2016 on Facebook ads and boosted posts and videos.</a></p>
<p>Karina Gould, the minister of democratic institutions, has been <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2017/10/19/facebooks-canadian-election-integrity-plan-puts-much-of-the-responsibility-on-political-players.html">praising Facebook’s efforts to protect election integrity</a> and <a href="https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2018/01/11/researchers-raise-concerns-as-twitter-facebook-seek-role-in-canadian-election-debates.html">listening to proposals for a partnership with platforms on election leadership debates</a>. Heritage Minister Mélanie Joly is <a href="http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/netflix-joly-canadian-content-productions-the-house-1.4314108">striking deals with Netflix</a>. </p>
<p>Finance Minister Bill Morneau is <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/politics/article-facebook-agrees-to-join-federal-lobbyist-registry/">calling Facebook Live to help with the federal budget announcement</a>. </p>
<p>Indeed, the Liberals may owe their majority government to their use of personal and social media data. Political columnist <a href="https://ipolitics.ca/2018/03/21/team-trudeau-and-the-liberals-facebook-conundrum/">Susan Delacourt describes</a> the Liberals’ use of detailed analyses of Facebook data, as well as information collected from door-to-door campaigning, to feed their campaign database and their targeting strategies. Other parties use this data too.</p>
<p>It may therefore seem unsurprising that the Liberal government’s steps to regulate platforms and privacy have been so lame. How can a government regulate platforms it is in the process of wooing, and upon which it is dependent? </p>
<p>This is especially true in light of <a href="http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/facebook-execs-house-of-commons-sorry-1.4626206">MP Peter Kent’s suggestion that Facebook threatened to withdraw its AI investments in Montréal if Canada imposed increased regulations.</a></p>
<h2>Canadian steps to regulate</h2>
<p>Recently, <a href="https://ipolitics.ca/2018/04/03/mandatory-data-privacy-breach-disclosure-rules-to-come-into-force-nov-1/">at significant delay, the Liberal government has strengthened data-breach reporting requirements</a>. These rules won’t come into effect until November.</p>
<p>As well, on April 30, the Liberal government introduced the <a href="http://www.parl.ca/LegisInfo/BillDetails.aspx?Bill=C76&Language=E&Mode=1&Parl=42&Ses=1">Elections Modernization Act, Bill C-76</a>. All political parties make significant use of Facebook and Twitter to communicate with their constituents, and to collect their treasure troves of data. Unlike businesses, they are not subject to federal privacy regulation, and are not required to ask for consent for the collection and use of personal data. </p>
<p>Bill C-76 would do little to address this, merely requiring parties to post the thinnest of privacy policies. The legislation would not even prevent political parties from selling the highly personal data that parties collect from voters.</p>
<h2>Canadian steps inadequate</h2>
<p>The measures proposed in Canada thus far <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2018/05/09/marc-mayrand-liberal-election-bill-c-76_a_23430844/">fall far short of providing adequate privacy protection</a> given recent revelations. </p>
<p>Bill C-76 does not require parties to disclose what information they are collecting, how they are collecting it or how long it is retained. It does not require parties to obtain consent to collect the information in the first place. </p>
<p>What’s more, there is no mechanism for citizens to correct any misinformation that the parties may have about them. </p>
<h2>What can be done?</h2>
<p>Canadian privacy law could be more strenuously brought to bear on political parties. At a minimum, Canadians should have a right of access to the personal information parties hold about them, and a right to correct or delete that information. </p>
<p>British Columbia provides a model; its <a href="http://www.bclaws.ca/Recon/document/ID/freeside/00_03063_01">Personal Information Protection Act (PIPA)</a> applies to political parties and provides more extensive protection of personal information.</p>
<p>Privacy laws must be revised to have teeth, including heavy fines and penalties for companies that fail to protect privacy.</p>
<p>Canada could follow the U.S. in a move that <a href="http://thehill.com/policy/technology/381990-zuckerberg-announces-support-for-regulating-political-ads-on-social-media">Facebook supports</a> — requiring platforms to keep <a href="https://theconversation.com/preventing-social-media-from-interfering-in-canadian-elections-93565">a public archive of all online targeted election advertisements</a>. </p>
<p>This would provide access to information for citizens and ensure a level of public accountability to platforms and third parties. Doing so would help prevent the spread of disinformation and exploitation, and would permit fuller public oversight of election discourse. </p>
<p>Facebook has <a href="http://variety.com/2018/digital/news/facebook-political-ad-labeling-1202821080/">started to take steps towards an archive of election ads in an effort to comply with the U.S. Honest Ads Act initiative,</a> but the archive is not publicly available. You have to log in to Facebook to view it. </p>
<p>Legislation could require that the archive be public. Trust in political parties, elections and technology depends on strong democratic regulation and the safeguard of personal information. </p>
<p>Canada should take a two-pronged approach to fostering a high-tech economy. While working to encourage high-tech innovation, the government should also foster an environment of trust by strengthening privacy law, applying privacy law to political parties and providing real democratic oversight of platforms.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/97071/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sara Bannerman has received research funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), the Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada for research not directly related to this article, the Canada Research Chairs Program, and McMaster University. She works for McMaster University.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Charnjot Shokar works for McMaster University. </span></em></p>The Liberal government is in the process of wooing tech giants as economic partners. They use Facebook data to help them win elections. How then will they regulate the privacy of our data?Sara Bannerman, Associate Professor and Canada Research Chair in Communication Policy and Governance, McMaster UniversityCharnjot Shokar, Graduate Research Assistant, McMaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.