tag:theconversation.com,2011:/africa/topics/zac-goldsmith-33907/articlesZac Goldsmith – The Conversation2016-12-02T12:36:58Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/698082016-12-02T12:36:58Z2016-12-02T12:36:58ZHeathrow, Brexit and a pointless political suicide – that Richmond by-election in full<p>The 2016 <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-38178486">Richmond Park by-election</a> must surely be one of the most frivolous and pointless instances of political suicide in recent British political history.</p>
<p>Conservative incumbent Zac Goldsmith should perhaps be praised for sticking to his promise of resigning if the government backed a third runway for <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/heathrow-6582">Heathrow airport</a> to stand as an independent candidate. But he could clearly have done far more to support his cause had he not made that promise.</p>
<p>It can only be hoped that his defeat by Liberal Democrat Sarah Olney will put an end to the expensive and self-indulgent trend of MPs stepping down, only to then run in the subsequent by-election.</p>
<p>While Richmond is traditionally a Conservative area, the party’s lead has often been relatively modest (and non-existent for a while after 1997) in the current constituency and its predecessors. Goldsmith won by a significant margin – a majority of 23,000 – in the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/politics/constituencies/E14000896">2015 election</a>, but that was unusual and linked to the general Lib Dem collapse that year.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, the Liberal Democrat victory in this by-election is a serious upset, for Goldsmith himself obviously, but also for the government. With one fewer Conservative MP, its already <a href="http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/mps/current-state-of-the-parties/">narrow majority</a> has been cut further. The idea that Goldsmith was an independent candidate was always somewhat fictitious considering the <a href="http://www.standard.co.uk/news/politics/zac-goldsmith-conservatives-vow-not-to-field-candidate-in-richmond-park-byelection-after-mp-quits-a3378666.html">lack of an official Conservative candidate</a>. This is very much a defeat for the Conservatives, regardless of Goldsmith’s formal non-affiliation. The bottom line is that a Conservative-held seat has gone to the opposition.</p>
<h2>‘Zacxit’</h2>
<p>Ironically, the decision by the Conservative Party to not run a candidate may actually have harmed Goldsmith’s main appeal – his opposition to Heathrow. </p>
<p>Regardless of their personal views on the issue, any Conservative candidate would inevitably have been seen as the Heathrow candidate due to the government’s decision to support the third runway. The absence of a Heathrow candidate (all the other significant candidates opposed the runway plans) meant that the Lib Dems’ tactic of turning the by-election into a referendum on what kind of Brexit the country wanted, rather than a referendum on Heathrow, had a far easier time than it otherwise would. Obviously, a Conservative candidate would have split Goldsmith’s vote, but at least he would have had a more solid target for his anti-Heathrow position.</p>
<p>For Goldsmith himself this is almost certainly the humiliating end of an otherwise promising political career. High office was perhaps unlikely to be in the offering but he was a diligent and hardworking local MP. However, his campaign for London Mayor <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/davehillblog/2016/apr/21/zac-goldsmith-must-be-held-to-account-for-his-poisonous-london-mayor-campaign">was deeply divisive and unpopular</a>, even with his own party. Having now thrown away a Conservative-held seat for his own personal gratification he is unlikely to find another local Conservative association to make him their candidate.</p>
<p>In wider terms, this result suggests that an anti-Brexit campaign can still succeed despite evidence that Remainers have, to a large extent, accepted that leaving the EU will happen. It does seem that concerns over the specific terms of the departure can be leveraged for electoral gain.</p>
<p>This will no doubt be used by Remain campaigners to argue that there is support for soft Brexit. However, one should not read too much into the result in a Brexit context. It does appear that the Lib Dems’ anti-leave, or at least soft Brexit position resonated, but Richmond Park was also one of the most staunchly Remain constituencies in the country. A similar approach is unlikely to have much success in areas where Leave support is lower. This campaign mobilised existing Remain support. It is unlikely to have changed the minds of any Leave voters.</p>
<h2>What happened to a progressive alliance?</h2>
<p>Much has been said of a so-called <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/sep/04/greens-alliances-work-britain-progressive-parties">“progressive alliance”</a> of opposition parties working together to take on the government. And indeed, this victory could be seen as a slightly more positive end to a year that has been pretty disastrous for “progressives”. However, no such alliance was in evidence in Richmond Park.</p>
<p>Labour stuck stubbornly to its Clause I objective to “support, and promote the election of Labour Party representatives at all levels”, regardless of how unlikely victory might be. The local Green Party did agree not to run anyone in the by-election but, at the same time, refused to endorse Olney. </p>
<p>Clearly, for a progressive alliance to have hope of success, progressive parties need to be willing to give others a clear run, and be politically mature enough to support the progressive candidate most likely to win, regardless of how weak one might believe their progressive credentials are.</p>
<p>At the very least, had the Labour Party had the sense to have gone with the “progressive alliance” line in a constituency where it had no chance of ever winning, it could have avoided the humiliation of that traditional symptom of a party in trouble: the <a href="http://uk.businessinsider.com/labour-lost-deposit-richmond-by-election-2016-12">lost deposit</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/69808/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Robin Pettitt is a member of the Loughton Residence Association and the Women's Equality Party.</span></em></p>A tory political career ends, a Lib Dem’s begins – and Labour loses its deposit.Robin Pettitt, Senior Lecturer in Comparative Politics, Kingston UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/589452016-05-06T20:05:25Z2016-05-06T20:05:25ZSadiq Khan: British dream now a reality for London’s first Muslim mayor<p>In Pakistan, the chances that the son of a bus or rickshaw driver could secure a high-ranking political position in the country’s capital city are minuscule. But now, the people of London <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/sadiq-khan-wins-london-mayor-election-result-2016-zac-goldsmith-a7017106.html">have elected Sadiq Khan</a> – the son of an immigrant Pakistani bus driver – to be their first Muslim mayor. </p>
<p>While unable to influence the nation’s foreign or economic policy, Khan will <a href="http://www.london.gov.uk/WHAT-WE-DO">have responsibility</a> for key areas in London, such as transport, housing, policing and the environment. And being directly elected gives the London mayor <a href="https://theconversation.com/who-are-the-main-contenders-for-london-mayor-and-what-do-they-stand-for-57391">a personal mandate</a> which no other parliamentarian in Westminster – including those in the cabinet – enjoy. </p>
<p>Khan’s father was one of hundreds of Pakistani men who migrated to Britain in the 1950’s and 1960’s, seeking the UK’s version of the American dream: stable employment, social mobility and opportunities for a better future for themselves and their families. One of eight children, Khan grew up on a council estate in the capital. He went to university to study law and practised as a solicitor in human rights cases before becoming a member of parliament. </p>
<p>Now, at the age of 45, he is mayor of London: the economic and cultural heart of the UK, the largest city in western Europe and one of the most important cities in the world. He is the immigrant success story – for him, the British dream has become a reality. </p>
<h2>Race and religion</h2>
<p>Khan’s Islamic faith catapulted the city’s mayoral contest into the international limelight, at a time when Muslims are facing growing hostility in the West. In the US, presidential hopeful Donald Trump <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/dec/07/donald-trump-ban-all-muslims-entering-us-san-bernardino-shooting">has said</a> that he will ban Muslims from entering the country; while in Europe, the far right is gaining traction by campaigning on <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-protests-germany-idUSKCN0VF0P4">explicitly anti-Muslim platforms</a>. </p>
<p>During the mayoral campaign, Khan’s “Muslimness” was viewed as a liability by some – including members of <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/mar/01/moderate-sadiq-khan-london-mayor-muslim-labour">his own party</a>. His Conservative rival, Zac Goldsmith, accused Khan of <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/04/24/sadiq-khan-unfit-to-be-london-mayor-says-zac-goldsmith/">sharing platforms</a> with Islamic extremists – the implication was clear: that the public should be wary of his “radical” views. Goldsmith’s highly controversial campaign has been heavily criticised – notably by senior Conservative <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/may/06/zac-goldsmith-attacked-by-senior-tory-over-tactics-in-london-mayor-election?CMP=share_btn_tw">Andrew Boff</a> – for its divisive <a href="http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/media/2016/03/deafening-dogwhistle-zac-goldsmith-s-london-mayoral-campaign-leaflets">“dog-whistle” politics</a>. </p>
<p>Khan’s victory supports what a number of Muslim commentators <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/mar/01/moderate-sadiq-khan-london-mayor-muslim-labour">have argued all along</a>: that having a Muslim mayor could help defeat Islamist ideology, by showing that the West is not anti-Islam – and that Muslims can “make it” there. Khan himself <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2015/jul/02/a-muslim-mayor-of-london-would-send-message-to-the-haters-says-sadiq-khan">has spoken</a> about the symbolic value of becoming the first Muslim mayor of a city which experienced <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-weve-learned-about-radicalisation-since-7-7-bombings-a-decade-ago-44338">terrorist attacks</a> in 2005, perpetrated in the name of Islam. </p>
<h2>Power and privilege</h2>
<p>But Khan’s victory says as much about social mobility as it does about race and religion. Had Khan’s father stayed in Pakistan, it is inconceivable that his son would have succeeded in that country’s political system, where privilege and connections <a href="http://europe.newsweek.com/power-and-privilege-146857?rm=eu">win elections</a>. There, political office is often viewed as the birth right of the elite. Indeed, the UK has educated a great many of Pakistan’s political leaders: Mohammad Ali Jinnah – the founder of Pakistan – studied in England in the late 19th century. And Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was educated at Oxford, went on to serve as both as prime minister and president.</p>
<p>By contrast, many Pakistanis who migrated to the UK in the post-war era were <a href="http://www.palgrave.com/us/book/9781137275158">subsistence farmers and manual labourers</a>. In many cases, they were illiterate in their own mother tongue. They took up positions in the service industries of the south, the factories and foundries of the Midlands and the mills of northern England. And while some succeeded in pulling themselves out of poverty, the UK’s Pakistani community still has some of the <a href="http://www.ethnicity.ac.uk/medialibrary/briefingsupdated/Ethnic%20inequalities%20in%20labour%20market%20participation.pdf">highest levels of unemployment</a> and underachievement in the UK. Many British Pakistanis live in some of <a href="http://www.ethnicity.ac.uk/medialibrary/briefingsupdated/ethnicity-and-deprivation-in-england-how-likely-are-ethnic-minorities-to-live-in-deprived-neighbourhoods%20(1).pdf">the UK’s most deprived neighbourhoods</a>. </p>
<p>And of course, British politics is also now dominated by an “old boys’ network”: the cliques of Etonions and Bullingdon club members, personified by the prime minister, David Cameron, the chancellor, George Osborne – and indeed London’s outgoing mayor, Boris Johnson. Yet the working-class Khan managed to win out against a Conservative rival with family pedigree, wealth and friends in powerful political, media and business circles. </p>
<p>For many, this is a triumph of meritocracy over privilege – a sign that the political establishment is becoming more inclusive and representative of the ethnic, religious and socioeconomic diversity of the wider population. And Khan is not the only second-generation Pakistani to have entered high political office in the UK. Sajid Javid, the current secretary of state for Business, Innovation and Skills, is the son of a Pakistani immigrant who worked in the mills of the north before becoming a bus driver. So too did the father of Baroness Sayeeda Warsi, who rose to become a member of David Cameron’s cabinet, and was the first Muslim woman to sit at the highest table in the land. In the 2015 general election alone, ten individuals of Pakistani heritage were elected to the British parliament. </p>
<p>And now, in London, the son of a Pakistani immigrant bus driver is in charge. He has become Europe’s most powerful Muslim politician. Khan’s victory has shown us that the British dream can become a reality.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/58945/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Parveen Akhtar is the recipient of British Academy and Economic and Social Research Council research grants. This article does not reflect the views of the research councils. </span></em></p>The working-class son of a bus driver has been elected to one of the most important roles in UK politics.Parveen Akhtar, Lecturer in Political Science, Aston Centre for Europe, Aston UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/583902016-04-29T08:54:28Z2016-04-29T08:54:28ZPublic transport is part of the London mayor’s raison d'être – but both main candidates fail to impress<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120529/original/image-20160428-28044-1kxmwol.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Each week, the equivalent of <a href="https://tfl.gov.uk/campaign/tube-improvements/the-future-of-the-tube">two busy tube carriages</a> of people move to London. As London’s population grows, so does the strain on its public transport system. On May 5, the <a href="https://yougov.co.uk/news/2016/04/21/sadiq-khan-leads-20-london-mayoral-race/">polls predict</a> that London will elect either Labour’s Sadiq Khan or the Conservative’s Zac Goldsmith as the next mayor – and in doing so, endorse the winner’s vision for the capital’s public transport network.</p>
<p>Transport is the area that the mayor has the most say over – indeed, two thirds of the mayor’s annual budget goes towards it (<a href="https://tfl.gov.uk/corporate/about-tfl/how-we-work/how-we-are-funded">£11.5bn</a> in 2015/16). But even with such significant powers to play for, both of the key mayoral candidates have largely failed to come up with a visionary, coherent plan to cope with the capital’s major transport issues. </p>
<h2>Freezing fares</h2>
<p>Sadiq Khan’s <a href="http://www.sadiq.london/a_modern_and_affordable_transport_network">headline pledge</a> to freeze public transport fares at 2016 prices for the whole of the mayor’s four-year term is an eye-catching policy (they currently increase <a href="https://tfl.gov.uk/corporate/about-tfl/how-we-work/how-we-are-funded">in line with inflation</a>, plus 1%). It’s aimed at reducing the transport cost burden for low-income families. Khan estimates the policy’s price tag at £450m for the term – much less than the Transport for London (TfL) estimate of <a href="http://www.london.gov.uk/moderngov/documents/b13740/Minutes%20-%20Appendix%201%20-%20Transcript%20Transport%20for%20London%20Wednesday%2010-Feb-2016%2010.00%20London%20Assemb.pdf?T=9">£1.5bn</a>. Khan also proposes to overhaul the bus fare structure: A one-hour bus pass – unlimited bus trips for an hour instead of paying for each bus separately. </p>
<p>He proposes to pay for it by finding efficiencies within TfL, and reducing the use of consultants and contractors. He would also lease TfL land for development, have TfL bid to run services outside London and sell TfL’s expertise – much like London Transport International, transport consultancy trading arm of TfL’s predecessor, which advised metros around the world from the <a href="http://content.tfl.gov.uk/research-guide-no-10-development-of-organised-transportation-in-london.pdf">mid-1970s to mid-1990s</a>. </p>
<p>It <a href="http://www.london.gov.uk/moderngov/documents/b13740/Minutes%20-%20Appendix%201%20-%20Transcript%20Transport%20for%20London%20Wednesday%2010-Feb-2016%2010.00%20London%20Assemb.pdf?T=9">will be difficult</a> for TfL to absorb the fare freeze cost just by being thrifty, because any efficiencies are already earmarked to bridge the national government’s <a href="http://www.london.gov.uk/moderngov/documents/b13740/Minutes%20-%20Appendix%201%20-%20Transcript%20Transport%20for%20London%20Wednesday%2010-Feb-2016%2010.00%20London%20Assemb.pdf?T=9">£2.8bn cut</a> to TfL’s grants, for the period up to 2020. Any failure to bridge these budget gaps with money-saving measures will mean raising fares, scaling back programmes or striking projects altogether. </p>
<p>Offering concessionary fares to those who struggle to pay for public transport could be a more targeted intervention, without such a high price tag. </p>
<h2>Train take-over</h2>
<p>Both candidates are calling for TfL to take over management of the railways in London. They want to replicate <a href="http://www.bettertransport.org.uk/sites/default/files/research-files/Going%2520Local%2520web_2.pdf">the success</a> of the London Overground; the orbital network created between 2007 and 2012, after TfL took over underused railway routes. The model, which promises more frequent services, greater connectivity and safer, cleaner stations is popular. Last year the <a href="https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/devolving_rail_services_to_london-final-report.pdf">Greater London Assembly</a> called for the Overground model to be adopted across South London. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120590/original/image-20160428-28209-1xh0xrn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120590/original/image-20160428-28209-1xh0xrn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=359&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120590/original/image-20160428-28209-1xh0xrn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=359&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120590/original/image-20160428-28209-1xh0xrn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=359&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120590/original/image-20160428-28209-1xh0xrn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=451&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120590/original/image-20160428-28209-1xh0xrn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=451&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120590/original/image-20160428-28209-1xh0xrn.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=451&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Great success.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The UK government’s Department for Transport (DfT) holds the keys to greater rail devolution. Only it can transfer responsibility for managing the routes to TfL. A recent <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/493754/dft-tfl-rail-prospectus.pdf">joint DfT and TfL publication</a> suggests a move to more TfL involvement in managing London rail services. In theory, Transport for London could adopt the first South London routes in 2018, as <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/478018/nov-2015-rail-franchise-schedule.pdf">franchises expire</a>.</p>
<p>But the success of the London Overground orbital hinged on large scale capital investment. There has been little to no discussion of how these levels of investment might be secured for the south London venture – undermining its potential to be a success from the the outset.</p>
<h2>Crossrail 2</h2>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120203/original/image-20160426-1327-5fuozz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120203/original/image-20160426-1327-5fuozz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=855&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120203/original/image-20160426-1327-5fuozz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=855&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120203/original/image-20160426-1327-5fuozz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=855&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120203/original/image-20160426-1327-5fuozz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1075&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120203/original/image-20160426-1327-5fuozz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1075&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120203/original/image-20160426-1327-5fuozz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1075&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Proposed route for Crossrail 2, as of autumn 2015.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/tflpress/21543524163/">Transport for London</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Both Khan and Goldsmith have also pledged to work with government to build <a href="http://crossrail2.co.uk/why-crossrail-2/">Crossrail 2</a> – a rail link running through the centre of London from the South West to the North East. The <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/transport-for-a-world-city-a-national-infrastructure-commission-report">National Infrastructure Commission</a> recently concluded that without it, London “would grind to a halt”. The project is already being jointly developed by TfL and Network Rail. The government just has committed <a href="https://next.ft.com/content/080d2e62-ea01-11e5-bb79-2303682345c8">£80m of funding</a> towards planning the project. There is widespread support for Crossrail 2 in principle from stakeholders, in particular the <a href="http://londonfirst.co.uk/our-focus/londons-transport-infrastructure/crossrail-2/">business community</a> and <a href="https://consultations.tfl.gov.uk/crossrail/june-2014">the public</a>. </p>
<p>It’s estimated to cost between <a href="http://crossrail2.co.uk/funding/">£27bn and £32bn</a> – double the cost of the first Crossrail project. Neither of the candidates have put forward a coherent plan for funding. </p>
<h2>Serving the south</h2>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120204/original/image-20160426-1339-yv3hzj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120204/original/image-20160426-1339-yv3hzj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120204/original/image-20160426-1339-yv3hzj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=810&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120204/original/image-20160426-1339-yv3hzj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=810&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120204/original/image-20160426-1339-yv3hzj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=810&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120204/original/image-20160426-1339-yv3hzj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1019&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120204/original/image-20160426-1339-yv3hzj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1019&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/120204/original/image-20160426-1339-yv3hzj.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1019&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Proposed Bakerloo line extension.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/tflpress/15389199511/sizes/l">Transport for London</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Khan also promises to secure funding for the Bakerloo tube line extension to south London. TfL are already developing a technically detailed case, after it found that <a href="https://tfl.gov.uk/info-for/media/press-releases/2015/december/bakerloo-line-extension-to-improve-transport-links-in-south-london-by-2030">96% of Londoners</a> supported further extension southwards from the current terminus at Elephant and Castle.</p>
<p>Goldsmith promises to start planning the extension, but will prioritise new trains and signalling across the network in the shorter term. But he does commit to extending the tram in south London (Khan considers this a project for the longer-term). TfL has already committed <a href="http://www.london.gov.uk/moderngov/documents/b13740/Minutes%20-%20Appendix%201%20-%20Transcript%20Transport%20for%20London%20Wednesday%2010-Feb-2016%2010.00%20London%20Assemb.pdf?T=9">£100m</a>, but the project has been stalled as contributions of <a href="http://www.london.gov.uk/moderngov/documents/b13740/Minutes%20-%20Appendix%201%20-%20Transcript%20Transport%20for%20London%20Wednesday%2010-Feb-2016%2010.00%20London%20Assemb.pdf?T=9">£200m</a> from the local borough have not yet been secured. Goldsmith does not say whether he would push forward without local contributions. </p>
<h2>Night tube</h2>
<p>London was to get its first <a href="https://tfl.gov.uk/info-for/media/press-releases/2014/september/-historic-new-night-tube-service">all-night weekend tube</a> services in <a href="https://tfl.gov.uk/info-for/media/news-articles/night-tube-launch-deferred">September 2015</a>. This failed following <a href="https://tfl.gov.uk/info-for/media/press-releases/2015/august/lu-decides-to-defer-launch-of-night-tube-to-allow-successful-conclusion-of-union-talks">disputes between unions and management</a>, which led to strikes. A new start date has not been set, but both candidates have committed to delivering the night tube. Khan pledges to work with the unions, while Goldsmith takes a harder line, saying he’ll clamp down on the unions’ ability to strike if necessary. </p>
<p>Goldsmith’s manifesto proposes to expand the transport services on weekend nights to include the London Overground in 2017 and the Docklands Light Railway by 2021. But – you guessed it – <a href="http://content.tfl.gov.uk/fit-for-the-future.pdf">TfL has already outlined </a> that it seeks to extend the night tube to the Circle, Hammersmith and City, District and Metropolitan line once the modernisation programme is complete. London Overground and the DLR are also set to have night time services at weekends in <a href="https://tfl.gov.uk/campaign/tube-improvements/the-future-of-the-tube/night-tube">2017 and 2021 respectively</a>. </p>
<p>It’s clear that both candidates are playing it safe by taking their lead from TfL. They are both promising to progress popular investment projects, which are already in the works. Neither has outlined a coherent plan on how to meet growing pressure on the network and finances. Without such a strategy, TfL grant cuts will translate into fare rises, service cuts and deteriorating infrastructure. The hollow rhetoric of efficiency and portfolio development falls short of offering a plan to “keep London moving”.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/58390/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>For her doctoral research at UCL Nicole receives funding from the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council via the research programme Transforming the Engineering of Cities. Nicole works on the MacArthur funded research project New Urban Governance looking at transport governance in different cities across the world. This project is hosted at the urban research centre LSE Cities at the London School of Economics. Nicole is also currently supporting the project CREATE, which is looking at the evolution of sustainable transport policies in cities. CREATE is funded by the EU via Horizon 2020.
Nicole is a non-active student member of the Labour party. This article does not reflect the views of any research organisation. </span></em></p>With a fast-growing population, London needs a mayor with a clear vision for public transport. Will it get one?Nicole Badstuber, Researcher in Urban Transport Governance at LSE Cities at the London School of Economics and the Centre for Transport Studies, UCLLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.