tag:theconversation.com,2011:/au/topics/france-1290/articlesFrance – The Conversation2024-03-26T16:34:29Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2265562024-03-26T16:34:29Z2024-03-26T16:34:29ZChinese acquisitions in the Bordeaux vineyards: have their new owners really been neglecting them?<p>Since 2012, more than 200 acquisitions have been made by Chinese investors in Bordeaux’s prestigious <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/topics/french-wine-73590">vineyards</a>, mainly from the country’s economic, political and artistic elite. A leading example is Alibaba founder <a href="https://theconversation.com/us/topics/jack-ma-10294">Jack Ma</a>, who bought several châteaux, including <a href="https://www.terredevins.com/actualites/le-chateau-de-sours-revoit-les-choses-en-grand">Château de Sours</a> in the Entre-Deux-Mers appellation. Actress <a href="https://www.vitisphere.com/actualite-94717-les-chateaux-de-zhao-wei-fonctionnent-normalement-malgre-sa-disgrace-en-chine.html">Zhao Wei</a> has set her sights on several châteaux in the Saint-Émilion appellation.</p>
<p>These transactions, involving members of China’s elite and prestigious assets in Europe, stand out in the world of mergers and acquisitions. Regarded indiscriminately as “ego deals”, <a href="https://www.investopedia.com/terms/c/conspicuous-consumption.asp">“conspicuous consumption”</a> or “self-interest transactions”, such atypical acquisitions are <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/tie.21967">widely decried in the academic financial literature</a> because they can produce few or no synergies, and are therefore doomed to failure. There have been instances of Bordeaux châteaux acquired by Chinese investors, which have been <a href="https://www.rts.ch/info/monde/13265418-dans-le-vignoble-bordelais-des-rachats-chinois-au-gout-de-bouchon.html">left to rot</a> by their new owners. Reportedly, <a href="https://www.francetvinfo.fr/france/nouvelle-aquitaine/gironde/bordeaux/vignoble-bordelais-sur-200-domaines-achetes-par-les-chinois-une-cinquantaine-est-a-vendre_5532906.html">around 50 of them</a> have been also put up for sale by their once-enthusiastic owners.</p>
<iframe width="100%" height="315" src="https://www.rts.ch/play/embed?urn=urn:rts:video:13265284&subdivisions=false" allowfullscreen="" allow="geolocation *; autoplay; encrypted-media"></iframe>
<p><em>RTS report, November 2023.</em></p>
<p>However, a closer look shows that Chinese acquisitions in the Bordeaux vineyards are far from uniformly ending up in failures and selloffs. This is reflected by our <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362930206_In_vino_vanitas_Social_dynamics_and_performance_of_Chinese_chateau_acquisitions_in_the_Bordeaux_vineyards">recent research paper</a> which analyses the post-acquisition performance of 123 Bordeaux châteaux acquired by Chinese investors between 2008 and 2015.</p>
<h2>What motives for such acquisitions?</h2>
<p>Applying a sociological approach to these acquisitions has allowed us to show that some of them did create value, not only economically but also symbolically. With the opportunity to gain social distinction, these properties were acquired for the prestige they confer to their owners.</p>
<p>The new owners perceive their prestigious possessions as an extension of themselves and so take particular care of them. They strongly commit to renovating the property, maintaining the cellars and, above all, enhancing the wine quality. We have many accounts of Chinese-owned châteaux investing in new winemaking techniques, hiring top oenologists such as Michel Rolland and Stéphane Derenoncourt, and replanting part of the vineyards. These acquisitions have often prevented these châteaux from getting bankrupt while improving their wine ranking in the major wine guides. For instance, the <a href="https://www.hachette-vins.com/">Hachette Wine Guide</a>, which covers all French AOC vineyards, shows significant progress for the wines produced by some of these Chinese-owned châteaux.</p>
<p>A case in point is the Andrew and Melody Kuk couple, who in 2013 acquired <a href="https://www.sudouest.fr/vin/investisseurs-chinois-a-pomerol-les-epoux-kuk-reaffirment-leur-attachement-au-terroir-17148857.php">La Commanderie in Pomerol</a>. Having made their fortune in finance and communication in Hong Kong, they renovated the vineyard’s winemaking facilities and refurbished the property’s building. After just a few years, the wine from this château, once described as a “sleeping beauty”, is regularly featured in the rankings of the best Bordeaux wines.</p>
<p>These acquisitions, integrated in a clear strategy aiming to climb up the social ladder, are distinct from the few Bordeaux château acquisitions conducted by Chinese billionaires, which attract most of the media covering. Standing already at the top of the social hierarchy, these distinctive acquirers have little commitment to their wineries and frequently change their conspicuous hobbies as their social position does not depend on the success of their acquired assets. For this specific category of elite acquirers, the post-acquisition outcome is often a deterioration in performance.</p>
<p>Statistically, we reported a significant correlation between upward social mobility strategies and improved wine quality in the rankings.</p>
<h2>In the wine industry and beyond</h2>
<p>More generally, our sociological approach provides keys to understanding the motives behind these “conspicuous acquisitions” that were conducted on an international scale by the economic, sporting and artistic elites. This concept, dating back to the end of the 19th century, has been coined by the American economist and sociologist <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Thorstein-Veblen">Thorstein Veblen</a>, who analysed the lifestyle and purchasing behaviour of the elite class at that time. While some of the purchasing behaviour of this elite class does not seem rational from the point of view of economic science, Veblen provided an alternative rationale, mostly based on strategies of social affirmation.</p>
<p>Concentrated in industries such as sport, luxury hotels, resorts and real estate, these prestigious acquisitions are made by “high net-worth individuals”, whose number is estimated to 22 million worldwide, with combined wealth hovering around <a href="https://www.capgemini.com/insights/research-library/world-wealth-report/">83 trillion dollars</a>. Their continuously growing number results from the macroeconomic implementation of neoliberal policies since the late 1970s, the collapse of the USSR and the rise of emerging economies.</p>
<p>Part of this fortune is spent on <a href="https://www.enograf.com/media/pdf/Profit%20ili%20zadovoljstvo%20-%20kompletan%20izvestaj.pdf">socially motivated acquisitions</a>. Two of the major European football clubs, Paris Saint-Germain and Manchester City, are owned by sovereign wealth funds linked to the ruling Qatari and Emirati families, and until recently Chelsea FC was owned by the Russian oligarch Roman Abramovitch. In the hotel industry, French palace hotels such as the Bristol, the George V and the Meurice are owned by wealthy foreigners (respectively, the German family group Oetker, Saudi Prince Al-Walid Ben Talal Al Saoud and the Sultan of Brunei).</p>
<p>These are all personalities whose wealth does not originate from the target industry and who made the acquisitions to gain access to, or reaffirm their affiliation with, the international elite.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/226556/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Pierre-Xavier Meschi is Chairman of Atlas-AFMI (Association Francophone de Management International).</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alexandre Bohas ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>Contrary to popular belief, only a minority of Bordeaux vineyards bought by Chinese investors have had a negative outcome.Alexandre Bohas, Professeur d'Affaires internationales, ESSCA School of ManagementPierre-Xavier Meschi, Professeur des Universités en sciences de gestion, Affillié à Skema Business School, IAE Aix-Marseille Graduate School of Management – Aix-Marseille UniversitéLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2222672024-03-18T18:24:24Z2024-03-18T18:24:24ZCheers to health? Uncovering myths around the health benefits of moderate drinking<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/582572/original/file-20240318-22-wdfo1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=15%2C31%2C3270%2C2206&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Many studies exaggerated the benefits of moderate drinking due to methodological flaws known as selection biases.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The notion that enjoying a casual beer or sipping on your favourite wine could not only be harmless but actually beneficial to one’s health is a tantalizing proposition for many. This belief, often backed by claims of research findings, has seeped into social conversations and <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/science/moderate-drinking-may-be-heart-healthy-says-new-research-1.293437">media headlines</a>, painting moderate alcohol consumption in a positive light. </p>
<p>As researchers at the Canadian Institute for Substance Use Research, we find ourselves frequently revisiting this topic, delving deep into the evidence to separate fact from wishful thinking. Can we confidently say, “Cheers to health?”</p>
<h2>Unpacking beliefs about moderate drinking</h2>
<p>The <a href="https://doi.org/10.1046/j.1360-0443.2001.96464113.x">commonplace belief</a> that moderate drinking can be beneficial to health can be traced back to the 1980s when researchers found an association suggesting that French people were less likely to suffer from heart disease, despite eating a diet high in saturated fat. </p>
<p>This contradiction was thought to be explained by the assumption that the <a href="https://doi.org/10.5344/ajev.2011.11013">antioxidants and alcohol found in wine</a> might offer health benefits, leading to the term “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(94)92883-5">French paradox</a>.”</p>
<p>This concept reached a broader audience in the 1990s, following a segment on the American news show <em>60 Minutes</em> which had a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1108/07363769410058894">profound impact on wine sales</a>. Later <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1360-0443.2012.03780.x">research expanded on this idea</a>, suggesting that frequently drinking small amounts of any type of alcoholic beverage might be good for health.</p>
<p>This idea was formalized into what is now known as the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jacc.2017.07.710">J-shaped curve hypothesis</a>. Put simply, the J-shaped curve is a graphical representation of the apparent relationship between alcohol consumption and death or disease. According to this model, abstainers and heavy drinkers are at higher risk of certain conditions, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1360-0443.2012.03780.x">such as heart disease</a>, compared to moderate drinkers, whose risk is lower.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="An illustration of the J-shaped Curve." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580343/original/file-20240307-20-h2zkss.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580343/original/file-20240307-20-h2zkss.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580343/original/file-20240307-20-h2zkss.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580343/original/file-20240307-20-h2zkss.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580343/original/file-20240307-20-h2zkss.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580343/original/file-20240307-20-h2zkss.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580343/original/file-20240307-20-h2zkss.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The J-shape curve is a graphical representation of the apparent relationship between alcohol consumption and death or disease. According to this model, abstainers and heavy drinkers are at higher risk compared to moderate drinkers, whose risk is lower.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Current perspectives on moderate drinking</h2>
<p>People used to think that tobacco use was good for health, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300012333">historically describing it as a remedy for all disease</a>. As scientific understanding has advanced, however, tobacco use has been increasingly recognized as a <a href="https://iris.who.int/bitstream/handle/10665/372043/9789240077164-eng.pdf?sequence=1">leading cause of preventable disease and death</a>.</p>
<p>Like tobacco, alcohol was once used in medicine and has since become recognized as a <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(22)02123-7">major cause of preventable mortality and illness</a>. For instance, recent global estimates suggest <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S2468-2667(19)30231-2">alcohol is responsible for 5.3 per cent of all deaths</a>. </p>
<p>Furthermore, in Canada, the revenue generated from selling alcohol does not come close to covering the damage it causes, leaving the government <a href="https://www.uvic.ca/research/centres/cisur/assets/docs/cape/cape3/fed-results-en.pdf">$6.20 billion short every year</a>. However, much of these costs can be attributed to heavy drinking. </p>
<p>So where does this leave moderate drinkers? We recently set out to answer this question by analyzing data from over 4.8 million people from more than 100 studies, covering more than 40 years. </p>
<p>We found that many studies exaggerate the benefits of moderate drinking due to methodological flaws known as <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/add.13451">selection biases</a>. No matter if we <a href="https://doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.6185">analyzed the studies as one big group</a>, using statistical methods to try and lessen these mistakes, or if we <a href="https://doi.org/10.15288/jsad.23-00283">separated the good studies from the not-so-good ones</a>, one thing was clear: moderate alcohol consumption does not appear to offer the health benefits once believed.</p>
<h2>Explaining the contradiction</h2>
<p>Selection biases represent data distortions caused by how research participants are selected. Such biases lead to unfair comparisons between groups, which skews analyses towards finding a J-shape curve. Essentially, it is like comparing two runners in a race, where one wears heavy boots and the other wears lightweight running shoes. Concluding that the second runner is more talented misses the point; it is not a fair comparison.</p>
<p>Here are five examples of selection bias in the context of the alcohol J-shaped curve which can accumulate as people age:</p>
<ol>
<li><p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(88)92890-5">Poor health, less alcohol</a>. As health declines, especially in older age, people often reduce their alcohol consumption. Not distinguishing between those who cut back or quit for health reasons can falsely indicate that moderate drinking is healthier.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1136/jech-2013-202576">Unhealthy lifetime abstainers</a>. Comparing moderate drinkers with individuals who have never consumed alcohol due to chronic health issues may falsely attribute health advantages to alcohol consumption.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2005.01.011">Moderate in other ways.</a> Moderate drinkers often lead balanced lifestyles in other areas, too, which may contribute to their perceived better health. It is not just moderate drinking, but also their healthier overall opportunities and choices, such as better health-care access and self-care, that make them seem healthier.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/009145090403100304">Measurement error.</a> Assessing alcohol consumption over a short period of time, like a week or less, can lead to a misclassification of drinkers. Heavy drinkers who happened to not consume alcohol during the week of assessment would be incorrectly classified as abstainers, for example.</p></li>
<li><p><a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/add.13709">Early alcohol-attributable deaths.</a> The inevitable exclusion of individuals who may have died from alcohol-related causes before a study of older people starts can result in a “healthy survivor” bias, overlooking the earlier detrimental effects of alcohol.</p></li>
</ol>
<h2>Continuing the conversation</h2>
<p>We should be skeptical of results suggesting that moderate drinking is healthy because selection biases can muddy the waters. For instance, multiple implausible J-shape curve relationships have been published, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1002/hep.510230513">including between moderate drinking and liver disease</a>.</p>
<p>We are well aware that this news might not be what you were hoping to hear. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/08870446.2024.2316681">It might even stir up feelings of unease or skepticism</a>. For many people, limited alcohol consumption <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s40750-016-0058-4">is enjoyable</a>. However, it is not without risk and it is important for people to understand these risks to make informed decisions about their health.</p>
<p>The risks are reflected in the 2023 <a href="https://www.ccsa.ca/sites/default/files/2023-05/CGAH-Drinking-Less-is-Better-en.pdf">Canadian Drinking Guidance</a>. The guidance attempts to “meet people where they are at,” suggesting that one to two drinks per week represent a low risk of harm, three to six drinks a week represent a moderate risk, and seven or more drinks a week represent an increasingly high risk. Ultimately, they enable people to make informed decisions that best suit their health and well-being.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/222267/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>It’s time to revisit the evidence for the health benefits of moderate drinking, and separate fact from wishful thinking. Can we confidently say, ‘Cheers to good health?’James M. Clay, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Canadian Institute for Substance Use Research, University of VictoriaTim Stockwell, Scientist, Canadian Institute for Substance Use Research and Professor of Psychology, University of VictoriaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1994412024-03-18T13:45:00Z2024-03-18T13:45:00Z100,000 years and counting: how do we tell future generations about highly radioactive nuclear waste repositories?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/519023/original/file-20230403-22-qlgar9.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C20%2C3456%2C2276&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Äspö Hard Rock Laboratory in Sweden, where KBS-3 repository technologies have been tested.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Anna Storm</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>In Europe, increasing efforts on climate change mitigation, a sudden focus on energy independence after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and reported breakthroughs in <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2023/12/20/climate/nuclear-fusion-energy-breakthrough-replicate-climate/index.html">nuclear fusion</a> have sparked renewed interest in the potential of nuclear power. So-called <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/economy/article/2023/05/17/french-government-passes-bill-to-accelerate-the-construction-of-new-nuclear-reactors_6026936_19.html">small modular reactors</a> (SMRs) are increasingly under development, and familiar promises about nuclear power’s potential are being revived.</p>
<p>Nuclear power is routinely portrayed by proponents as the source of <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/interactive/2022/05/world/iter-nuclear-fusion-climate-intl-cnnphotos/">“limitless”</a> amounts of carbon-free electricity. The rhetorical move from speaking about “renewable energy” to “fossil-free energy” is increasingly evident, and telling.</p>
<p>Yet nuclear energy production requires managing what is known as “spent” nuclear fuel where major problems arise about how best to safeguard these waste materials into the future – especially should nuclear energy production increase. Short-term storage facilities have been in place for decades, but the question of their long-term deposition has caused <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/europes-radioactive-problem-struggles-dispose-nuclear-waste-french-nuclear-facility/">intense political debates</a>, with a number of projects being <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/german-nuclear-phaseout-leaves-radioactive-waste-problem/a-66661614">delayed</a> or <a href="https://ejatlas.org/print/nuclear-waste-storage-near-the-spanish-frontier-of-portugal">cancelled entirely</a>. In the United States, work on the Yucca Mountain facility has <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2021/12/18/nuclear-waste-why-theres-no-permanent-nuclear-waste-dump-in-us.html">stopped completely</a> leaving the country with 93 nuclear reactors and no long-term storage site for the waste they produce.</p>
<p>Nuclear power plants produce three <a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/oekoinstitut/23144291019">kinds of radioactive waste</a>: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>Short-lived low- and intermediate-level waste; </p></li>
<li><p>Long-lived low- and intermediate-level waste; </p></li>
<li><p>Long-lived and highly radioactive waste, known as spent nuclear fuel.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>The critical challenge for nuclear energy production is the management of long-lived waste, which refers to nuclear materials that take thousands of years to return to a level of radioactivity that is deemed “safe”. According to the US <a href="https://www.nrc.gov/reading-rm/doc-collections/fact-sheets/radwaste.html">Nuclear Regulatory Commission</a> (NRC), in spent fuel half of the radiation in strontium-90 and cesium-137 can decay in 30 years, while it would take 24,000 years for plutonium-239 to return to a state considered “harmless”. However, exactly what is meant by “safe” and “harmless” in this context is something that <a href="https://www.xcdsystem.com/wmsym/2018/pdfs/FinalPaper_18430_0321010427.pdf">remains poorly defined</a> by international nuclear management organisations, and there is surprisingly little international consensus about the time it takes for radioactive waste to return to a state considered “safe” for organic life.</p>
<h2>“Permanent” geological repositories</h2>
<p>Despite the seeming revival of nuclear energy production today, very few of the countries that produce nuclear energy have defined a long-term strategy for managing highly radioactive spent fuel into the future. Only Finland and Sweden have confirmed plans for so-called “final” or “permanent” geological repositories.</p>
<p>The Swedish government <a href="https://skb.com/nyhet/the-government-approves-skbs-final-repository-system/">granted approval</a> for a final repository in the village of Forsmark in January 2022, with plans to construct, fill and seal the facility over the next century. This repository is designed to last 100,000 years, which is how long planners say that it will take to return to a level of radioactivity comparable to uranium found in the earth’s bedrock.</p>
<p>Finland is well underway in the construction of its <a href="https://www.science.org/content/article/finland-built-tomb-store-nuclear-waste-can-it-survive-100000-years">Onkalo high-level nuclear waste repository</a>, which they began building in 2004 with plans to seal their facility by the end of the 21st century.</p>
<p>The technological method that Finland and Sweden plan to use in their permanent repositories is referred to as <a href="https://skb.com/future-projects/the-spent-fuel-repository/our-methodology/">KBS-3 storage</a>. In this method, spent nuclear fuel is encased in cast iron, which is then placed inside copper canisters, which are then surrounded by clay and bedrock approximately 500 metres below ground. The same or similar methods are being considered by other countries, <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-future-of-nuclear-waste-whats-the-plan-and-can-it-be-safe-181884">such as the United Kingdom</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/582198/original/file-20240315-26-xd0r1h.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/582198/original/file-20240315-26-xd0r1h.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/582198/original/file-20240315-26-xd0r1h.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/582198/original/file-20240315-26-xd0r1h.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/582198/original/file-20240315-26-xd0r1h.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/582198/original/file-20240315-26-xd0r1h.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/582198/original/file-20240315-26-xd0r1h.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A test KBS-3 canister buried underground at the Äspö Hard Rock Laboratory in Sweden.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Anna Storm</span>, <span class="license">Fourni par l'auteur</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Sweden and Finland have described KBS-3 as a world-first nuclear-waste management solution. It is the product of decades of scientific research and negotiation with stakeholders, in particular with the communities that will eventually live near the buried waste.</p>
<p>Critical questions remain about the storage method, however. There have been widely publicised concerns in Sweden about the <a href="https://www.mkg.se/en/scientifically-inferior-skb-report-on-copper-corrosion-in-lot-project-shows-that-copper-is-not">corrosion of test copper canisters</a> after just a few decades. This is worrying, to say the least, because it’s based on a principle of passive safety. The storage sites will be constructed, the canisters filled and sealed, and then everything will be left in the ground without any human monitoring its safe functioning and with no technological option for retrieving it. Yet, over 100,000 years the prospect of human or non-human intrusion into the site – both accidental or intentional – remains a serious threat.</p>
<h2>The Key Information File</h2>
<p>Another major problem is how to communicate the presence of buried nuclear waste to future generations. If spent fuel remains dangerous for 100,000 years, then clearly this is a time frame where languages can disappear and where the existence of humanity cannot be guaranteed. Transferring information about these sites into the future is a sizeable task that demands expertise and collaboration internationally across the social sciences and sciences into practices of nuclear waste memory transfer – what we refer to as <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/27539687231174242">nuclear memory communication</a>.</p>
<p>In a project commissioned by the Swedish Nuclear Waste Management Company (SKB), we take up this precise task by writing the “Key Information File” – a document aimed at non-expert readers containing only the most essential information about Sweden’s nuclear waste repository under development.</p>
<p>The Key Information File has been <a href="https://www.oecd-nea.org/jcms/pl_15060/preservation-of-records-knowledge-and-memory-across-generations-developing-a-key-information-file-for-a-radioactive-waste-repository">formulated</a> as a summary document that would help future readers understand the dangers posed by buried waste. Its purpose is to guide the reader to where they can find more detailed information about the repository – acting as a “key” to other archives and forms of nuclear memory communication until the site’s closure at the end of the 21st century. What happens to the Key Information File after this time is undecided, yet communicating the information that it contains to future generations is crucial.</p>
<p>The Key Information File we will publish in 2024 is intended to be securely stored at the entrance to the nuclear waste repository in Sweden, as well as at the National Archives in Stockholm. To ensure its durability and survival through time, the plan is for it to be <a href="https://www.oecd-nea.org/jcms/pl_15088/preservation-of-records-knowledge-and-memory-across-generations-final-report">reproduced in different media formats and translated into multiple languages</a>. The initial version is in English and, when finalised, it will be translated into Swedish and other languages that have yet to be decided.</p>
<p>Our aim is for the file to be updated every 10 years to ensure that essential information is correct and that it remains understandable to a wide audience. We also see the need for the file to be incorporated into other intergenerational practices of knowledge transfer in the future – from its inclusion into educational syllabi in schools, to the use of graphic design and artwork to make the document distinctive and memorable, to the formation of international networks of Key Information File writing and storage in countries where, at the time of writing, decisions have not yet been made about how to store highly radioactive long-lived nuclear waste.</p>
<h2>Fragility and short-termism: a great irony</h2>
<p>In the process of writing the Key Information File, we have discovered many issues surrounding the efficacy of these strategies for communicating memory of nuclear waste repositories into the future. One is the remarkable fragility of programs and institutions – on more than one occasion in recent years, it has taken just one person to retire from a nuclear organisation for the knowledge of an entire programme of memory communication to be halted or even lost.</p>
<p>And if it is difficult to preserve and communicate crucial information even in the short term, what chance do we have over 100,000 years?</p>
<p>International attention is increasingly fixated on “impactful” short-term responses to environmental problems – usually limited to the lifespan of two or three future generations of human life. Yet the nature of long-lived nuclear waste requires us to imagine and care for a future well beyond that time horizon, and perhaps even beyond the existence of humanity.</p>
<p>Responding to these challenges, even partially, requires governments and research funders internationally to provide the capacity for long-term intergenerational research on these and related issues. It also demands care in developing succession plans for retiring experts to ensure their institutional knowledge and expertise is not lost. In Sweden, this could also mean committing long-term funding from the <a href="http://www.karnavfallsfonden.se/informationinenglish.4.725330be11efa4b0a3f8000131.html">Swedish nuclear waste fund</a> so that not only future technical problems with the waste deposition are tackled, but also future <em>societal</em> problems of memory and information transfer can be addressed by people with appropriate capacity and expertise.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/199441/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Keating's work is partly supported by Svensk Kärnbränslehantering (grant no.24992). </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Storm's work is partly supported by Svensk Kärnbränslehantering (grant no. 24992) and by the Swedish Research Council (grants no. 2020-00623 and no. 2020-06548).</span></em></p>Spent nuclear fuel remains dangerous for so long that languages can disappear and humanity’s very existence cannot be guaranteed. So how do we communicate information about repositories into the future?Thomas Keating, Postdoctoral Researcher, Linköping UniversityAnna Storm, Professor of Technology and Social Change, Linköping UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2254182024-03-14T19:58:07Z2024-03-14T19:58:07ZIn France, abortion rights and hijab bans highlight a double standard on women’s rights<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/581779/original/file-20240313-26-4feh20.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=56%2C153%2C5348%2C3443&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Even though laws on religious symbols are worded neutrally, in practice, they are mostly applied to Muslim women’s attire.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Shutterstock)</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The French parliament recently voted in favour of enshrining the <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/politics/article/2024/03/04/france-enshrines-freedom-to-abortion-in-constitution-in-world-first_6584252_5.html">right to abortion into the country’s constitution</a>. While crowds celebrated outside, the slogan “my body my choice” was projected onto the Eiffel Tower <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/mar/06/france-abortion-rights-emmanuel-macron">in giant letters</a>.</p>
<p>Although concerns about <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/03/05/france-protects-abortion-guaranteed-freedom-constitution">barriers and access</a> still remain, women in France are now guaranteed the right to an abortion up to 14 weeks into their pregnancy, mirroring Spain but still <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/03/01/france-expands-abortion-access-two-key-moves">well behind</a> Sweden’s 18 weeks and the 24 weeks allowed in The Netherlands.</p>
<p>The decision comes at a time when women’s reproductive rights elsewhere are under threat. In contrast to the United States Supreme Court’s decision <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/24/us/roe-wade-overturned-supreme-court.html">overturning abortion rights</a>, France’s vote to enshrine them into its constitution looks like a feminist dream. </p>
<p>In his triumphant speech, French Prime Minister Gabriel Attal said: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/04/world/europe/france-abortion-rights-constitution.html">“We are sending the message to all women: Your body belongs to you and no one has the right to control it in your stead.”</a> </p>
<p>Yet just last year, Attal, as education minister, banned Muslim girls from wearing <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/french-education-minister-announces-ban-on-islamic-dress-in-schools/">abayas in schools</a>. His message — and France’s — to Muslim girls and women seems to be the opposite.</p>
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<h2>Hijab bans</h2>
<p>France’s double standard on women’s rights is most plainly seen in its treatment of Muslim women and girls. A week after its historic abortion vote, France marks 20 years since the adoption of the <a href="https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/jorf/id/JORFTEXT000000417977">March 2004 law</a> that bans students in public schools from wearing conspicuous symbols or clothing that manifest a religious affiliation.</p>
<p>In principle, the 2004 law applies to all students and prohibits them from wearing religious symbols like crosses, kippas (yarmulkes) and hijabs. But in practice, it is a sexist and racist law that <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur21/7280/2023/en/">disproportionately targets Muslim girls</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://yorkspace.library.yorku.ca/items/a9fd3c25-946c-4486-8dd5-5d9d13da4a34">My doctoral research</a> showed how Muslim girls are racially and religiously profiled by school administrators and have been suspended or expelled for wearing hoodies, hats, <a href="https://www.liberation.fr/societe/2013/04/04/la-jupe-et-le-bandeau-lettre-a-sirine_893735/">headbands</a> and <a href="https://www.cairn.info/islamophobie-comment-les-elites-francaises--9782707189462.htm">even long skirts</a>. Last year, they were also <a href="https://www.education.gouv.fr/bo/2023/Hebdo32/MENG2323654N">banned from wearing abayas</a>, which are long garments that are worn over clothing.</p>
<p>In my research, I refer to these bans as “anti-veiling laws” because, although they speak of religious symbols in general, the primary motivation behind these is always Muslim women’s dress. </p>
<p>France’s law led other jurisdictions across Europe and North America to ban Muslim women’s attire in various contexts. <a href="https://www.justiceinitiative.org/uploads/0b300685-1b89-46e2-bcf6-7ae5a77cb62c/policy-brief-restrictions-on-muslim-women%27s-dress-03252022.pdf">A 2022 report</a> from the Open Society Justice Initiative found that out of the 27 European Union member countries, only five have never enacted, or attempted to enact, bans on veiling. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, Québec holds the distinction of being the only province in Canada to implement a <a href="https://www.legisquebec.gouv.qc.ca/en/document/cs/l-0.3">ban on religious symbols</a>.</p>
<p>Former Québec Premier Pauline Marois cited the French law as being an <a href="https://www.ledevoir.com/politique/quebec/395252/pauline-marois-et-jean-marc-ayrault-sont-sur-la-meme-longueur-d-onde?">“inspiration”</a> for her government’s failed <a href="https://www.assnat.qc.ca/en/travaux-parlementaires/projets-loi/projet-loi-60-40-1.html?appelant=MC">Bill 60</a>, known as the Charter of Québec Values. That bill was a precursor to <a href="https://ccla.org/major-cases-and-reports/bill-21/">Québec’s Bill 21</a>, which bans teachers, judges, prosecutors, police officers and other officials in positions of authority from wearing religious symbols.</p>
<h2>Discrimination against Muslim women</h2>
<p>Even though the laws are worded neutrally, claiming to defend abstract principles like secularism, religious neutrality, gender equality or “<a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/fre#%7B%22itemid%22:%5B%22001-145466%22%5D%7D">living together</a>,” in practice they are <a href="https://www.e-elgar.com/shop/gbp/behind-the-veil-9781788970846.html">mostly applied to Muslim women’s attire</a>.</p>
<p>Human rights groups like <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur21/7280/2023/en/">Amnesty International</a> and the <a href="https://ccieurope.org/report2023/">Collective Against Islamophobia in Europe</a> have demonstrated that the surveillance, suspension and expulsion of Muslim girls at school have led to a decrease in their <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055420000106">educational and employment outcomes</a>. </p>
<p>In addition to <a href="https://ccieurope.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/report-ccie-2023.pdf">increasing discrimination</a> against them, these bans also violate their right to education without discrimination, a right that is upheld in several international treaties, including the United Nations <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/convention-rights-child">Convention on the Rights of the Child</a>.</p>
<p>However, the most insidious aspect of France’s 2004 law is how it has been used to justify even further restrictions on the rights of Muslim women and girls, such as women wearing <a href="https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/jorf/id/JORFTEXT000022911670">face veils or niqabs</a>, mothers wishing to accompany their children on <a href="https://www.education.gouv.fr/circulaire-preparation-rentree-2012?cid_bo=59726">school outings</a> and <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/europe/20230629-top-court-rules-in-favour-of-hijab-ban-in-french-women-s-football">women athletes</a> who <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/03/france-ensure-muslim-women-and-girls-can-play-sports/">wear hijab</a>. </p>
<p>In fact, Muslim women are routinely told to take off their clothes or to wear less clothing, even in places or contexts where they legally have the right to wear whatever they want, including at <a href="https://doi.org/10.13169/islastudj.4.1.0101">public beaches</a> and <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-61883529">swimming pools</a>.</p>
<h2>Body sovereignty</h2>
<p>This brings us back to the issue of a woman’s right to make decisions about her own body. Access to abortion is an important right for women everywhere, but women’s rights extend beyond abortion.</p>
<p>The concept of body sovereignty was developed by Indigenous feminists and activists, and refers to a person’s autonomy over their own body as well as to their <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/10130950.2017.1366179">relationship to land</a>, <a href="https://www.adiosbarbie.com/2016/01/a-critical-conversation-with-sheena-roetman-on-body-sovereignty-and-justice/">belief systems</a> and ways of being that are <a href="https://www.journal.mai.ac.nz/system/files/MAI_Jrnl_2020_V9_2_Gillon_FINAL.pdf">intersectional</a>, <a href="https://ro.uow.edu.au/jgi/vol1/iss1/4">sexually diverse</a>, non-Eurocentric, non-ableist and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1440783319893506">non-fatist</a>. It includes everything from diet, clothing, sexual activity and beauty ideals to reproductive health and freedom from violence.</p>
<p>Anti-veiling laws discriminate against Muslim women and girls, <a href="https://doi.org/10.3138/cjwl.32.1.05">encourage violence against them</a> and undermine the principle of body sovereignty.</p>
<p>Feminists and pro-choice activists everywhere should pause and think about what it means for governments to guarantee abortion rights to women while denying them the more expansive concept of body sovereignty. If feminists and their allies are outraged when theocratic regimes impose religious dress on women, they should be similarly outraged when democratic governments also restrict what women can wear: these are two sides of the same coin. </p>
<p>Both undermine women’s freedom, body sovereignty and self-determination. It is time for feminists everywhere to demand an end to laws that force women to dress one way or another, regardless of where in the world they are enacted.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/225418/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Roshan Arah Jahangeer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>As France enshrines abortion rights in its constitution, the country’s ban on wearing religious symbols in schools turns 20 years old.Roshan Arah Jahangeer, Postdoctoral Researcher, Memorial University of NewfoundlandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2257142024-03-13T14:57:43Z2024-03-13T14:57:43ZAbortion rights are featuring in this year’s European election campaign in a way we’ve not seen before<p>The recent landmark decision in France to inscribe the right to abortion in the constitution serves to protect the law that first legalised abortion in the country in 1975. This law – the so-called Veil law – was championed by Simone Veil, one of France’s most admired and respected political figures, and an icon of the women’s rights movement.</p>
<p>In 1974, Veil, a magistrate who had been asked by French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing to serve as health minister in his government, delivered a momentous <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=45MOc6PYoY8">speech</a>. She presented the public health case for the decriminalisation of abortion to the National Assembly, which at the time was composed almost entirely of men. </p>
<p>The speech was met by fierce opposition and hostility, especially by those on the political right. Veil nevertheless managed to convince a majority of the deputies to vote in favour of her proposal. Once approved by the Senate, the law entered into force in 1975. Veil thereby became a symbol of women’s empowerment and emancipation.</p>
<p>Following her political success at national level, Veil stood in the first direct elections to the European Parliament in 1979. Once elected, the parliament chose her as its president, and she became the first woman to head any of the European institutions.</p>
<h2>An election ahead</h2>
<p>Political parties are now gearing up for the latest round of elections to the European Parliament in June, more than 40 years after Veil first entered the institution. And issues of reproductive rights are on the agenda once again. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="A black and white portrait photo of Simone Veil." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/581645/original/file-20240313-16-e73bjq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/581645/original/file-20240313-16-e73bjq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/581645/original/file-20240313-16-e73bjq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/581645/original/file-20240313-16-e73bjq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=905&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/581645/original/file-20240313-16-e73bjq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1138&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/581645/original/file-20240313-16-e73bjq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1138&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/581645/original/file-20240313-16-e73bjq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1138&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Simone Veil, legend of the women’s rights movement and European politics.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simone_Veil#/media/File:Simone_Veil_bij_uitreiking_Four_Freedoms_Awards_in_Middelburg,_Bestanddeelnr_933-0124_-_Restoration.jpg">Wikipedia/Anefo photo collection</a></span>
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</figure>
<p>In 2022, the European parliament felt the need to issue a <a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-9-2022-0243_EN.html">resolution</a> strongly condemning backsliding in women’s rights and sexual and reproductive health rights. </p>
<p>This came in response to the US Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v Wade, which had guaranteed the constitutional right to abortion for 50 years. But it was also a response to <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/abortion-right-europe-vary-widely-getting-squeezed/">developments</a> in some EU member states. </p>
<p>The resolution highlighted in particular the de facto ban on abortion that has come into force in Poland in recent years but also mentioned Malta, where abortion is illegal, Slovakia, where access is restricted, Hungary, where procedures are “not available” and Italy, where rights are being threatened. </p>
<p>Importantly, the resolution also calls for the right to abortion to be included in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, which would mean all women in the European Union would have the right to access reproductive healthcare of this kind, thereby offering them some protection from restrictions in their home nations. </p>
<p>This call was echoed by French president <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20240308-france-s-macron-to-seal-abortion-becoming-constitutional-right">Emmanuel Macron</a> during the ceremony marking the new constitutional right to abortion in France.</p>
<p>Yet, the parliamentary resolution masks internal divisions between, and sometimes within, the political groups of the European parliament. As these political groups are launching their campaigns and election manifestos, it is clear that the issue of abortion has become part of the wider political polarisation seen across Europe.</p>
<p>Many far-right parties, which are predicted to <a href="https://ecfr.eu/publication/a-sharp-right-turn-a-forecast-for-the-2024-european-parliament-elections/">make significant gains</a> in the upcoming elections, call for restrictions on abortion rights. The European Conservatives and Reformists, a right-wing group that brings together parties such as Brothers of Italy and Spain’s Vox, says it wants to “<a href="https://ecrgroup.eu/campaign/family_and_life">defend life, from its conception until its natural end.</a>”. </p>
<p>The political parties within the Identity & Democracy group do not share a common position on the issue, but several adopt a restrictive approach. For example, the Alternative for Germany recently <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/germany-parliament-bundestagvotes-to-remove-ban-on-abortion-advertising/">voted against</a> a proposal to ban a law preventing doctors from providing information on abortion procedures in Germany.</p>
<p>The centre-right European People’s Party, the biggest political group in the Parliament, remains <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/abortion-debate-european-parliament-division-hatred/">divided</a> on the issue, but most of its MEPs agree that abortion should remain a <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/jcms.13378">matter of national competence</a>. </p>
<p>Groups on the other side of the political spectrum, meanwhile, are making explicit reference to the need to safeguard and expand reproductive health and rights in their European election manifestos. They include <a href="https://left.eu/mon-corps-mon-choix/">the Left</a> group, <a href="https://www.datocms-assets.com/87481/1708539548-egp_manifesto-2024_courage-to-change.pdf">the Greens</a> and the <a href="https://pes.eu/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/2024_PES_Manifesto_EN.pdf">Socialist & Democrats</a>. </p>
<p>Similarly, the liberal group Renew Europe is pushing for greater alignment on abortion rights across the EU. It it is behind the recently launched <a href="https://www.simoneveilpact.eu/">Simone Veil Pact</a>, which calls for greater pan-European effort on gender equality.</p>
<h2>A new parliamentary term</h2>
<p>Veil considered the European parliament a key institution in the democratic development of the European Community. She saw the right given to Europeans to vote for the parliament as a <a href="https://www.cvce.eu/content/publication/1999/1/1/174d384d-d5c7-4c02-ad78-b1f6efc9740a/publishable_en.pdf">milestone</a> and a springboard for increased parliamentary involvement in European integration and decision-making. Under her leadership, the European parliament gained greater recognition and transformed into a real political actor.</p>
<p>Veil held the post of president for three years, and she remained a member of the European parliament until 1993. During her three terms as an MEP, she continued to support issues relating to women’s rights.</p>
<p>The arguments once made by Simone Veil, who in 2018 was honoured with a <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/20180629-liveblog-france-women-rights-abortion-simone-veil-holocaust-pantheon">burial in the Panthéon</a> (the Parisian mausoleum reserved exclusively for France’s most eminent citizens), are surfacing once again ahead of the hotly contested European parliament elections. </p>
<p>When the 720 newly elected MEPs meet for the next parliamentary term, discussions and debates around abortion and women’s rights are bound to continue. They may well take a different tone and occupy a higher position depending on the outcome of the elections.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/225714/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Magdalena Frennhoff Larsén does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Legendary European parliament president Simone Veil fought for women’s reproductive rights in France and in Brussels. Is her legacy about to be re-opened?Magdalena Frennhoff Larsén, Associate Professor in Politics and International Relations, University of WestminsterLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2254262024-03-12T17:21:46Z2024-03-12T17:21:46ZBrian Mulroney should be recognized for increasing the impact of the Francophonie<p>The <a href="https://www.francophonie.org/francophonie-brief-1763">Organisation internationale de la Francophonie</a>, commonly known as the Francophonie, represents French-speaking countries and regions worldwide.</p>
<p>Despite <a href="http://democracyinafrica.org/the-irony-of-la-francophonie/">enduring criticism</a> about its bureaucratic nature, the Francophonie’s origins date back to the establishment of the <a href="https://www.francophonie.org/sites/default/files/2019-09/acct-textes-fondamentaux-1970-convention-et-charte-3.pdf">first multilateral francophone agency</a> in Niger in March 1970 and was born of <a href="https://doi.org/10.16993/bau">political debate and consensus</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/francophonie">The Francophonie</a>,
which celebrates the 26th anniversary of international <a href="https://nationaltoday.com/french-language-day/">French Language Day</a> on March 20, was originally meant to limit itself to a role of cultural and linguistic promotion and avoid any diplomatic conflict.</p>
<p>Following <a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/de-gaulle-and-vive-le-quebec-libre-feature">Gen. Charles de Gaulle’s outspoken statements</a> on a free Québec in 1967, Pierre Trudeau’s government was hostile to the presence of an autonomous Québec delegation at the <a href="https://doi.org/10.7202/700449ar">Francophonie’s international meetings</a>. </p>
<p>Although French centrist President Giscard d’Estaing was committed to a <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2706175">rapprochement with Canada</a>, diplomatic relations between France, the Francophonie and the Canadian government remained frosty — until the late Brian Mulroney became prime minister.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/brian-mulroney-champion-of-free-trade-brought-canada-closer-to-the-u-s-during-his-reign-as-prime-minister-224852">Brian Mulroney, champion of free trade, brought Canada closer to the U.S. during his reign as prime minister</a>
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<h2>A political transition in France and Canada</h2>
<p>When François Mitterrand came to power in France in 1981, the aim was to give the Francophonie a more assertive geopolitical role.</p>
<p>In Canada, <a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/brian-mulroney">Brian Mulroney</a> won the Progressive Conservative Party leadership and became a federal MP after winning a byelection <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/player/play/1752180376">in Nova Scotia</a> in 1983. A year later, he became prime minister in a <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/archives/brian-mulroney-wins-stunning-landslide-victory-in-1984-1.4675926">landslide victory.</a></p>
<p>Mulroney’s roots in Baie Comeau and his acknowledgement of Québec’s distinctiveness set the stage for improved relations between Canada, Québec and France. His tenure as prime minister marked a pivotal shift in Canada’s approach to the Francophonie and its relations with France. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.ca/books/118546/memoirs-by-brian-mulroney/9780771064852">His 2007 book, <em>Memoirs</em></a>, also revealed <a href="https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,964623,00.html">his respect for Mitterrand</a>, who wanted to undo some of the damage De Gaulle caused to France-Canada relations. He also discussed his intent to brush aside Trudeau’s legacy of choosing a strategy of confrontation between Canada and Québec. </p>
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<p>Mitterrand sent his prime minister, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Laurent-Fabius">Laurent Fabius</a>, to Canada in November 1984 to strengthen ties between the two countries.</p>
<p>Fabius began by sweeping aside the Gaullist legacy with a “<a href="https://www.lapresse.ca/debats/votre-opinion/la-presse/200810/18/01-30599-de-versailles-a-quebec.php">Vive le Canada!</a>” This approach was <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1987/05/28/world/mitterrand-closing-a-wound-in-canada.html">used again</a> by Mitterrand to restore balance to France-Canada relations.</p>
<h2>The Versailles summit</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/francophonie">The first Francophonie summit took place in Versailles in 1986</a> and Canada played a significant role. The organization had been careful in the 1970s to avoid causing further tensions between Québec and Canada, but the election of Mulroney was a clear signal to move forward with the multilateral organization. </p>
<p>For Mulroney, Canada’s participation in the first Francophonie summit symbolized global recognition of the country’s multiculturalism. This is why he made sure to convince the <a href="https://www.moyak.com/papers/history-francophonie.html">provinces of Québec and New Brunswick</a> to attend the summit.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/brian-mulroney-baie-comeau-quebec-friendship-1.7131887">Lucien Bouchard</a>, Canada’s ambassador to France at the time, was active behind the scenes of the first summit in an effort to bring France and Canada closer together. In <em>Memoirs</em>, Mulroney paid tribute to Bouchard’s hard work <a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/lucien-bouchard">in preparing for the summit</a>.</p>
<p>Many experts believe <a href="https://doi.org/10.17045/sthlmuni.12993554.v1">the Versailles summit</a> strengthened the geopolitical impact of the Francophonie’s institutions.</p>
<p>The heads of state and government who gathered in Versailles in 1986 accepted Mulroney’s proposal to host a <a href="https://nationalnewswatch.com/2021/08/31/today-in-canadas-political-history-pm-mulroney-presides-as-quebec-city-hosts-worlds-second-francophonie-summit">second summit in Québec</a>. For Mulroney, it was only natural that Québec should have a prominent role in the francophone world. </p>
<h2>The Québec City summit</h2>
<p>The second Francophonie summit in 1987 in Québec City also presented an opportunity to build closer ties between the province and the rest of Canada. </p>
<p>Mulroney fostered friendly relations with <a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/robert-bourassa">Robert Bourassa</a> when he was premier of Québec although he made clear that even if the province of Québec had close links to francophone nations, only the Canadian prime minister could speak on behalf of Canada during Francophonie summits.</p>
<p>The year 1987 was, in fact, significant in terms of Mulroney’s international leadership. He also hosted the 1987 Commonwealth Summit <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00358538808453848">in Vancouver</a>, where he used his diplomatic skills to further condemn the apartheid regime of <a href="https://theconversation.com/brian-mulroneys-tough-stand-against-apartheid-is-one-of-his-most-important-legacies-224915">South Africa</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/brian-mulroneys-tough-stand-against-apartheid-is-one-of-his-most-important-legacies-224915">Brian Mulroney's tough stand against apartheid is one of his most important legacies</a>
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<p>For Mulroney, both the Francophonie and the Commonwealth <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-under-brian-mulroney-canada-punched-above-its-weight-on-the-world/">were arenas</a> that could easily serve to convey strong diplomatic messages to the world.</p>
<p>As Mulroney prepared for the Québec City Francophonie summit, the <a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/meech-lake-accord">Meech Lake Accord</a> recognized the province as a <a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/quebec-as-a-distinct-society">distinct society</a>. While the agreement ultimately never took effect, it revealed Mulroney’s commitment to reconciliation between French and English Canada.</p>
<p>Recognizing Québec’s distinctiveness and taking an active role in the institutions of the Francophonie were, in fact, part of the same Mulroney agenda.</p>
<h2>Proud Canadian and Francophile</h2>
<p>In subsequent Francophonie summits, Canada’s declarations were often adopted by the other francophone nations. That included a call to erase a <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/archives/article/1989/05/26/le-sommet-francophone-de-dakar-m-francois-mitterrand-annonce-l-annulation-de-la-dette-publique-de-trente-cinq-pays-pauvres_4147210_1819218.html">portion of the public debt of African members of the Francophonie</a> at the Dakar summit in 1989.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/jean-marc-leger">Jean-Marc Léger</a>, a former journalist and the first general secretary of the Francophonie’s Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation, is rightly regarded as one of the architects of the creation of the Francophonie, alongside <a href="https://doi.org/10.17045/sthlmuni.12942311.v1">its founders</a> <a href="https://shs.hal.science/halshs-02973186">Léopold Sédar Senghor</a>, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Hamani-Diori">Hamani Diori</a>, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Norodom-Sihanouk">Prince Norodom Sihanouk</a> and <a href="https://www.britannica.com/biography/Habib-Bourguiba">Habib Bourguiba</a>. </p>
<p>Mulroney should undoubtedly be added to this list. The late prime minister was among them in transforming the organization into the substantive geopolitical entity that it is today.</p>
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<p><em>This is a corrected version of a story originally published on March 12, 2024. The earlier story incorrectly stated the Francophonie was celebrating its 26th anniversary on March 20, 2024. In fact, the Francophonie is celebrating the 26th anniversary of international French Language Day.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/225426/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christophe Premat received funding from the Nordic and Baltic Cooperation with the educational grant Nordplus for the years 2020-2022. With the help of this grant, he created an introductory online course on Canadian Studies.</span></em></p>As we celebrate the 26th International Day of La Francophonie, the most fitting tribute would be to remember the involvement of the late Brian Mulroney.Christophe Premat, Associate Professor in French Studies (cultural studies), head of the Centre for Canadian Studies, Stockholm UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2140102024-03-08T14:01:57Z2024-03-08T14:01:57ZHow we’re breathing new life into French forests through green corridors<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/573401/original/file-20240205-15-peliih.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=24%2C40%2C5439%2C3587&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A pine plantation and hedgerow as seen from an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV).</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Alexandre Changenet, 2023</span>, <span class="license">Fourni par l'auteur</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>In the summer of 2008, during a family holiday road trip, we passed by the Aquitaine region in southwestern France. As we drove through a sprawling woodland, a mesmerizing sight unfolded before my eyes: a meticulously ordered army of trees, standing tall and proud. It could have been an army regiment classified by age.</p>
<p>This uniformity – in stark contrast to the wild and varied Mediterranean forests I was accustomed to – left me utterly captivated. Beneath the leafy canopy, the undergrowth seemed sparse, with only the occasional glimpse of heather and its discreet flowers, repeating like an infinite copy-paste.</p>
<p>I immediately thought that if I were a wild animal, this forest might not be the most stimulating place to call home. There was little biomass to sustain life, and while the simplified food chain offered few competitors, there were no companions, either. The woods felt monotonous.</p>
<h2>A European plan to revive thousands of acres</h2>
<p>Fast forward to last April, I returned to the same location, this time accompanied by more than 100 experts from <a href="https://forest-restoration.eu/">SUPERB</a>, an ambitious 20 million euro project funded by the Horizon programme to restore thousands of hectares of forest landscape across Europe.</p>
<p>The initiative, which relies on 12 forests including the Aquitaine site, will go some way in making good on the EU’s Nature Restoration bill, which commits the bloc to restoring at least 30% of degraded habitats by 2030, 60% by 2040 and 90% by 2050. It will also provide policy-makers with critical insights into the continent’s wildlife, life support systems and carbon sequestration capacity.</p>
<p>Spanning <a href="https://nouvelle-aquitaine.cnpf.fr/sites/socle/files/cnpf-old/30_foret_landes_gascogne_1.pdf">1 million hectares of planted forests</a>, the Aquitaine site plays an important part in the local economy, with 90% of its plantations private. Historically, the landowners here had thrived on long-term thinking and patience. Trees took their time to grow, but the rewards were bountiful. In the harvest, the first trees to be cleared are typically used for the manufacture of pulp and paper. Small trees are for pallets and packaging, while bigger trees are exploited for structural wood, beams or panelling parquet.</p>
<p>For generations, locals had employed top-notch forest management techniques, yielding high returns. But the forest and its wood-based economy are now under threat. During my week there, I realised that what had once appeared orderly and disciplined had by then struck me as odd and unbalanced. With time, relentless production had depleted the soil and flora. The climate was also growing more arid by the day. Landowners complained of increasingly frequent natural calamities – wildfires, pest outbreaks, and destructive windstorms.</p>
<p>I was there with colleagues to check on the restoration progress and learn from local scientists’ restoration experience. In our conversations, one word echoed repeatedly: <em>resilience</em> – the ability to rebound after disturbances, regardless of their origin. Another word for it when it comes to forest management is <em>biodiversity</em>, the dry term we scientists use for thriving wildlife. Since December 2021, SUPERB has been on a mission to bring it back to the woods of Aquitaine.</p>
<h2>Life through green corridors</h2>
<p>To revive dull, homogeneous nature, one typically has to mess it up, or at least according to our human eyes. At several levels: that of the landscape, by ensuring that forests, pastures and agricultural land rotate and balance one another out; at the species level, so that a multitude of trees, shrubs, and herbs can provide shelter for wildlife; and at the population level, where even large numbers of trees of the same species can react differently to environmental challenges, thereby maximising their survival chances.</p>
<p>However, this poses economic and logistical challenges. Unevenly aged trees and different tree species can hardly be harvested simultaneously, and large machinery face access difficulties. This is where SUPERB’s hedgerows come in. Working across 20 000 hectares, our team has spent the past months planting 10 km-long hedgerows to connect pockets of existing broad-leaf species, such as oaks. The idea is to form a physical barrier to increase resilience to pests and diseases and potentially other threats that may increase with a warming planet such as winds, storms, wildfires and drought.</p>
<h2>Swaying resistant landlords</h2>
<p>While many landowners are already committed to planting mixed hedgerows around their pine plantations, others are more prudent, and will need strong evidence to adopt this practice that costs money and breaks with tradition.</p>
<p>Scientists from French partners, including INRAE and the European Institute of Planted Forests, did their best to reassure them. Throughout the week, they had three drones scan the landscape from above, revealing the contrast between homogeneous pine forests and diverse hedgerows. On the ground, our team encountered traps for insects, pitfall traps for snakes, microhabitats for lizards, tree caves for bats, and audio recording and camera traps for other organisms. Even the soil’s diversity was examined through DNA analysis of its hidden microorganisms.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580226/original/file-20240306-28-u8jo2s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580226/original/file-20240306-28-u8jo2s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580226/original/file-20240306-28-u8jo2s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580226/original/file-20240306-28-u8jo2s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580226/original/file-20240306-28-u8jo2s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=348&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580226/original/file-20240306-28-u8jo2s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580226/original/file-20240306-28-u8jo2s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580226/original/file-20240306-28-u8jo2s.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=437&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Upper panel: A natural forest. Middle panel: a forest intensively managed for wood production (far from its natural state). Bottom panel: A forest managed with ‘closer to nature’ methods.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://doi.org/10.36333/fs12">Larsen et al., 2022/European Forest Institute</a>, <span class="license">Fourni par l'auteur</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>In the pursuit of understanding ecosystem and bolstering resilience, much remains to be uncovered. While we await a complete understanding, the <a href="https://efi.int/publications-bank/closer-nature-forest-management">“closer to nature” management approach</a>, which seeks to “prioritize ecological integrity, biodiversity and sustainable practices over intensive human interventions” is gaining traction, emulating what nature does best. Yet translating this knowledge into actionable management plans for the forest managers is the other area that SUPERB is working on.</p>
<p>As the coordinator of the SUPERB project, I had the privilege of visiting all its demonstration sites, from woods in Castille in Leon to the alpine landscapes of the Vindelälven-Juhttatahkka biosphere in Sweden, down to the mountainous region of Vysočina and North Moravia in Czech Republic. Each forest brought its own set of challenges such as bark-beetle attacks, fragmented trees, wildfires, and abandoned lands. It became evident that customized approaches were necessary to address restoration, even when facing similar problems.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>This article is the result of The Conversation’s collaboration with <a href="https://ec.europa.eu/research-and-innovation/en/horizon-magazine">Horizon</a>, the EU research and innovation magazine. In June, the author published <a href="https://projects.research-and-innovation.ec.europa.eu/en/horizon-magazine/europe-seeks-flourishing-forests-through-restoration">an article</a> with the magazine.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214010/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Madga Bou Dagher a reçu des financements de Horizon Europe 2020 for SUPERB project. </span></em></p>The SUPERB project, part of the EU’s Horizon programme, aims to restore thousands of hectares of forest landscape across Europe.Madga Bou Dagher, Professor in Forest genetics, European Forest InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2235062024-03-08T13:35:33Z2024-03-08T13:35:33ZCenturies after Christine de Pizan wrote a book railing against misogyny, Taylor Swift is building her own ‘City of Ladies’<p>In her work, Taylor Swift has taken inspiration from women of the past, including actress <a href="https://www.billboard.com/music/lyrics/taylor-swift-tortured-poets-department-clara-bow-family-reacts-1235607902/">Clara Bow</a>, socialite <a href="https://www.vogue.com/article/the-outrageous-life-of-rebekah-harkness-taylor-swifts-high-society-muse">Rebekah Harkness</a> and her grandmother <a href="https://www.rollingstone.com/music/music-news/taylor-swift-marjorie-song-video-evermore-album-sheffield-1103100/">Marjorie Finlay</a>, who was an opera singer. </p>
<p>But sometimes I wonder what the 34-year-old pop star would think of the life and work of Italian-born French writer <a href="https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/eascfa/dinner_party/place_settings/christine_de_pisan">Christine de Pizan</a>. </p>
<p>Back in the 15th century, Christine – who scholars customarily refer to using her first name, because “de Pizan” simply reflects her place of birth, and she may not have had a last name – dealt with her share of “<a href="https://www.kansascity.com/news/local/article282745283.html">dads, Brads and Chads</a>,” just as Swift has in the 21st century. </p>
<p>Thought to be the first French woman to make a living as a writer, Christine compiled “<a href="https://www.loc.gov/item/2021667679/">The Book of the City of Ladies</a>” in 1405 to challenge the negative stereotypes of women in the Middle Ages. In it, she offers dozens of examples of accomplished women found throughout history, including queens, saints, warriors and poets. </p>
<p>Christine’s writings continue to resonate – especially with women – and are used widely in college courses on women and gender. I recently used excerpts from “The Book of the City of Ladies” in my course on women and gender in early modern Europe.</p>
<p>In reflecting on Christine’s writings from over 600 years ago, I am struck by how she recognized the pernicious effects of attacks on women’s intellect and accomplishments – the ways in which they could be internalized and accepted if women did not challenge the stereotypes. </p>
<h2>Building the ‘City of Ladies’</h2>
<p>Christine de Pizan was born in Italy but spent much of her life in the royal court of France during the rule of <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Valois-dynasty">the House of Valois</a>. </p>
<p>Her father, a court physician and astrologer, encouraged her education alongside her brothers. She had three children with her husband, a French royal secretary named Etienne de Castel, who died when Christine was just 25 years old.</p>
<p>Widowed and facing the prospect of raising and financially supporting children on her own, she turned to composing works that appealed to elites, resulting in commissions from patrons. She wrote on a variety of topics, including <a href="https://roseandchess.lib.uchicago.edu/rose.html">a poem celebrating Joan of Arc’s success on the battlefield</a>.</p>
<p>But her most ambitious and enduring work is “The Book of the City of Ladies.” </p>
<p>Discouraged by all the misogyny she had read, Christine whimsically claimed that she had received a vision from three ladies: Reason, Rectitude and Justice, who tasked her with the project.</p>
<p>By gathering stories about the accomplishments of women, Christine set out to build an allegorical city where women and their achievements would be safe from the insults and slander of men. </p>
<p>In “The City,” she specifically referenced “<a href="http://www.theabsolute.net/misogyny/matheol.html">The Lamentations of Matheolus</a>,” from 1295, a lengthy essay written in Latin by a cleric from Boulogne-sur-Mer, France. Its French translation from the late 1300s would have been the version Christine read. </p>
<p>It is full of hateful views of women, but Matheolus saves most of his ire for wives.</p>
<p>“Anyone who wishes to immolate himself on the altar of marriage will have a lot to put up with,” he writes, adding that the torture of marriage “is worse than the torments of hell.” He derides women as “always quarrelsome … cruel, and shrewish” – “terribly perverse” individuals who have “deceived all the greatest men in the world.”</p>
<p>Matheolus was not alone in his low views of women. Other popular writings of the time included Jean de Meun’s “<a href="https://roseandchess.lib.uchicago.edu/rose.html">The Romance of the Rose</a>,” which portrayed women as untrustworthy and jealous, and an anonymous treatise, “<a href="https://pius.slu.edu/special-collections/?p=4037">On the Secrets of Women</a>,” which offered misinformation about the biology of women. </p>
<p>With so much misogyny coming from so many sources, Christine acknowledged how easy it was for women to believe what was said about them: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>“It’s no wonder that women have been the losers in the war against them since the envious slanderers and vicious traitors who criticize them have been allowed to aim all manner of weapons at their defenseless targets.” </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Christine recognized the reasons behind this widespread misogyny: Women who were smarter and kinder than men were seen as a threat and a challenge to <a href="https://sites.udel.edu/britlitwiki/women-in-medieval-literature-and-society/">the established patriarchy</a> of Western society. </p>
<h2>Taylor Swift’s ‘big ole city’</h2>
<p>Like Christine, Swift is a gifted writer who began making a living with her pen when she was a teenager. </p>
<p>She has built her own city of sorts to protect her reputation, her music and her self-esteem.</p>
<p>In her 2020 documentary “<a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt11388580/">Miss Americana</a>,” Swift opens up about her struggles with media scrutiny, which contributed to an eating disorder. In it, she describes herself as “trying to deprogram the misogyny in my own brain.”</p>
<p>She <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/14/arts/music/taylor-swift-trial-jury-verdict.html">sued a DJ that groped her and won</a>, leading to her being featured as one of the “silence breakers” <a href="https://www.vox.com/culture/2017/12/6/16742166/taylor-swift-time-magazine-person-year-2017-silence-breaker-me-too">on the cover</a> of Time magazine in 2017 at the dawn of the #MeToo movement. And in 2021, she began reclaiming her words and music <a href="https://www.today.com/popculture/music/taylors-version-meaning-swift-rerecording-albums-rcna98513">by re-recording her older albums</a> as “Taylor’s Versions” after the original masters were sold by her first record label without her consent. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Tattooed arms peruse vinyl records featuring a young woman on the cover." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580547/original/file-20240307-18-oq6pk5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/580547/original/file-20240307-18-oq6pk5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580547/original/file-20240307-18-oq6pk5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580547/original/file-20240307-18-oq6pk5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580547/original/file-20240307-18-oq6pk5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580547/original/file-20240307-18-oq6pk5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/580547/original/file-20240307-18-oq6pk5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">An employee of an Ohio record store stocks a shelf with copies of ‘1989 (Taylor’s Version)’ in 2023.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://newsroom.ap.org/detail/OhioDailyLife/23ee9d50617546c092a62ec7a51c301f/photo?Query=taylor%27s%20version&mediaType=photo&sortBy=creationdatetime:desc&dateRange=Anytime&totalCount=138&currentItemNo=5">AP Photo/Aaron Doster</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In her songs, Swift also repeatedly confronts the men who have discounted her talent and intellect. Her song “<a href="https://genius.com/Taylor-swift-mean-lyrics">Mean</a>” is widely believed to be about the critics who questioned her talent, such as <a href="https://lefsetz.com/wordpress/2010/02/01/grammys/">Bob Lefsetz</a>, who wrote that Swift clearly couldn’t sing and had possibly destroyed her career after <a href="https://www.usmagazine.com/entertainment/news/taylor-swifts-out-of-tune-grammy-performance-defended-by-label-201042/">a shaky performance</a> at the 2010 Grammys.</p>
<p>“Someday, I’ll be livin’ in a big, ole city,” Swift retorts in the track, “And all you’re ever gonna be is mean.”</p>
<p>At the conclusion of “The Book of the City of Ladies,” her mission to record the achievements of women accomplished, Christine de Pizan invites her female readers to join her: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>“All of you who love virtue, glory and a fine reputation can now be lodged in great splendour inside its walls, not just women of the past but also those of the present and the future, for this has been founded and built to accommodate all deserving women.” </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Though the City of Ladies was built centuries ago, I have a feeling that Taylor Swift would be right at home in that big, ole city.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/223506/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jill R. Fehleison does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>By compiling stories about the accomplishments of women, Christine set out to build an allegorical city where women and their achievements would be safe from sexist insults and slander.Jill R. Fehleison, Professor of History and Interdisciplinary Studies, Quinnipiac UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2242092024-02-28T16:56:15Z2024-02-28T16:56:15ZEcowas: west African trade bloc shaken as three member states withdraw and form their own alliance<p>Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-68122947">announced</a> their immediate withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) on January 27. Ecowas, which was formed in 1975, is a regional political and economic union of 15 mainly former British and French colonies located in west Africa. </p>
<p>The withdrawals come as no surprise. Throughout west Africa, there is growing frustration with Ecowas over its struggle to <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/7/26/over-1800-terrorist-attacks-in-west-africa-in-2023-ecowas">ensure security</a> in the region. Coups have become commonplace and west Africa has seen a dramatic increase in terrorist activity over recent years. Two west African states, Mali and Burkina Faso, are now among the the world’s five countries <a href="https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/sahel-now-accounts-43-global-terrorism-deaths">most affected</a> by terrorism. </p>
<p>The bloc’s <a href="https://www.liberationnews.org/what-is-the-new-alliance-of-sahel-states-challenging-neo-colonialism-in-west-africa/">perceived support</a> for leaders aligned with former colonial powers is also seen as contributing to the persistent poverty experienced by their populations. The leaders of several Ecowas member states have been accused of being <a href="https://www.newarab.com/analysis/domino-effect-frances-disintegrating-influence-africa">“puppets”</a> under the influence of France, which critics <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/05/world/africa/niger-coup-france-west-africa.html">say</a> never really let go of its former colonies.</p>
<p>In Niger, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-66406137">allegations</a> that the country’s president, Mohamed Bazoum, was a puppet for French interests were used to legitimise his removal from power in a military coup in July 2023. French colonial rule (1895–1958) established political systems designed to extract natural resources from African states.</p>
<p>The response to the coup marked a significant political shift in the region. Ecowas imposed economic sanctions on Niger and issued a seven-day <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/08/08/niger-ecowas-bazoum-nigeria-tinubu-military-intervention/">ultimatum</a>, vowing to use force to dislodge the military junta (a government led by a council of military officers) should it not restore Bazoum to power. But the junta refused to back down and Burkina Faso, Mali and Guinea <a href="https://theconversation.com/niger-coup-west-african-union-has-pledged-to-intervene-but-some-members-support-the-plotters-210990">pledged</a> to counter any action by Ecowas troops in Niger.</p>
<p>The agreement of these leaders and their readiness to take military action against Ecowas revealed the extent of their animosity towards the organisation and its leaders. These three countries, which are also governed by military rulers who have ousted democratically elected leaders in recent years, have all been hit with punitive sanctions since 2021.</p>
<p>On September 16 2023, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger signed a new <a href="https://theconversation.com/burkina-faso-mali-and-niger-have-a-new-defence-alliance-an-expert-view-of-its-chances-of-success-215863">mutual defence pact</a> named the Alliance of Sahel States. Ecowas is encouraging these countries to return to the bloc by <a href="https://punchng.com/why-sanction-was-lifted-on-niger-mali-burkina-faso-ecowas/">lifting its sanctions</a>. But new partners like Russia, which is looking to <a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/02/28/russia-s-growing-footprint-in-africa-s-sahel-region-pub-89135">increase its influence</a> across the continent, are at the same time supporting their efforts to form a united front. </p>
<p>African governments have increasingly welcomed economic, diplomatic and security <a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/russias-growing-footprint-africa">ties</a> with Russia, facilitated in part by the state-backed <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/02/07/africa-corps-wagner-group-russia-africa-burkina-faso/">Wagner Group</a> (now called the “Expeditionary Corps”). The group is known for deploying paramilitary forces, running disinformation campaigns and propping up influential political leaders.</p>
<h2>The company of the old guards</h2>
<p>Ecowas has a patchy track record when it comes to ensuring cooperation and security across west Africa. In 1990, the military arm of Ecowas was deployed in a <a href="https://theconversation.com/niger-coup-west-african-union-has-pledged-to-intervene-but-some-members-support-the-plotters-210990">peacekeeping role</a> in Liberia. Despite some initial success, Ecowas was unable to prevent an escalation of hostilities that lasted for the best part of a decade. </p>
<p>Similarly, despite efforts by Ecowas to restore peace in Sierra Leone after a coup in 1997, a brutal civil war broke out, requiring the intervention of UN peacekeepers. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/niger-coup-west-african-union-has-pledged-to-intervene-but-some-members-support-the-plotters-210990">Niger coup: west African union has pledged to intervene – but some members support the plotters</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Ecowas has been instrumental in safeguarding democracy within the region as well. In 2016, Gambia’s incumbent leader, Yahya Jammeh, refused to leave office after losing a presidential vote to Adama Barrow. But, with Ecowas troops poised to march on the capital, Banjul, Jammeh <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/ousted-gambia-president-jammeh-to-stand-down-adama-barrow-takes-power/a-37217907">relinquished power</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/578259/original/file-20240227-22-ng0qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A map showing the 15 member states of Ecowas." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/578259/original/file-20240227-22-ng0qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/578259/original/file-20240227-22-ng0qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578259/original/file-20240227-22-ng0qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578259/original/file-20240227-22-ng0qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578259/original/file-20240227-22-ng0qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578259/original/file-20240227-22-ng0qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/578259/original/file-20240227-22-ng0qz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Ecowas is a regional political and economic union of 15 countries in west Africa.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-vector/ecowas-economic-community-west-african-states-2341602777">Peter Hermes Furian/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>However, Ecowas has been inconsistent in its condemnation of military and civilian coups. And it has also been criticised for overlooking unlawful term extensions, a common practice among many entrenched leaders in the region. </p>
<p>In 2015, Ecowas leaders <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-32808685">dropped a proposal</a> to limit west African presidents to a maximum of two terms in office. As a result, there is no established protocol for penalising leaders from member states who seek to remain in power indefinitely.</p>
<p>This paved the way for the presidents of both Ivory Coast and Guinea (<a href="https://www.france24.com/en/africa/20201103-ivory-coast-president-ouattara-wins-re-election-to-third-term">Alassane Ouattara</a> and <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-54657359">Alpha Condé</a> respectively) to secure controversial third terms in 2020. The failure of Ecowas to intervene resulted in Condé being <a href="https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2021/09/09/alpha-conde-the-president-of-guinea-is-ousted-in-a-coup">ousted from power</a> by a military coup one year later.</p>
<p>According to <a href="https://apnews.com/article/mali-niger-burkina-faso-ecowas-west-africa-5a5dc2180e39223c91b1820067db4011">Oge Onubogu</a>, the director of the Africa Program, a Washington-based think tank: “Ecowas is fast losing its effectiveness and support among citizens, who see it as representing only the interests of the leaders and not that of the masses.” </p>
<h2>The challenger group</h2>
<p>The loss of any member from Ecowas will affect <a href="https://theconversation.com/mali-burkina-faso-and-niger-want-to-leave-ecowas-a-political-scientist-explains-the-fallout-222388">trade</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/west-africa-trade-will-take-a-hit-as-mali-niger-and-burkina-faso-leave-ecowas-223098">economic development</a> and the movement of citizens within the bloc. But the decision by Ecowas to lift post-coup sanctions signals its readiness to negotiate and cultivate relationships with these countries, regardless of whether they rejoin the organisation. </p>
<p>Ecowas <a href="https://punchng.com/why-sanction-was-lifted-on-niger-mali-burkina-faso-ecowas/">says</a> that the decision to lift sanctions was based on considering their impact on citizens and the need to maintain regional unity and security. Ecowas also <a href="https://punchng.com/why-sanction-was-lifted-on-niger-mali-burkina-faso-ecowas/">noted</a> the period of Lent and the approaching month of Ramadan as factors influencing their decisions. </p>
<p>Millions of young Africans are being <a href="https://www.trtafrika.com/insight/ibrahim-traore-why-burkina-fasos-leader-attracts-attention-14479334">drawn</a> to the Alliance of Sahel States, signalling discontent with the ineffectiveness of Ecowas and disillusionment with the west. Russia has capitalised on this trend. The Wagner Group is reportedly <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2024/02/20/putin-wagner-mercenaries-regime-survival-package-africa/">offering</a> military support to willing African leaders in the form of “regime survival packages”.</p>
<p>A competitor to Ecowas appears to have emerged in west Africa, and this alliance is not backing down. Only time will tell whether the new alliance will favour the citizens of west Africa.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/224209/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Ecowas has a patchy track record when it comes to ensuring cooperation and security across west Africa – member states are now starting to leave.Olumba E. Ezenwa, Doctoral Research Fellow, Conflict, Violence, & Terrorism Research Centre, Royal Holloway University of LondonOlayinka Ajala, Senior lecturer in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2226902024-02-27T15:05:30Z2024-02-27T15:05:30ZGifts that live on, from best bodices to money for bridge repairs: Women’s wills in medieval France give a glimpse into their surprising independence<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577678/original/file-20240223-20-h7u1l8.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=17%2C1%2C949%2C949&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Women's wills and last testaments provide a more nuanced picture of life in the Middle Ages than medieval stereotypes allow, such as that depicted in "Death and the Prostitute" by Master of Philippe of Guelders.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://inpress.lib.uiowa.edu/feminae/DetailsPage.aspx?Feminae_ID=37729">Gallica/Bibliothèque nationale de France/Feminae</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In medieval Europe, views of women could often be summed up in two words: sinner or saint.</p>
<p>As <a href="https://web.uri.edu/history/meet/joelle-rollo-koster/">a historian of the Middle Ages</a>, I teach a course entitled Between Eve and Mary: the two biblical figures who sum up this binary view of half of humanity. In the Bible’s telling, Eve <a href="https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Genesis%203&version=KJV">got humans expelled from the Garden of Eden</a>, unable to resist biting into the forbidden fruit. Mary, meanwhile, <a href="https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Luke%201&version=KJV">conceived the Son of God</a> without human intercourse. </p>
<p>Either way, they’re daunting models – and either way, patriarchy considered women in need of protection and control. But how can we know what medieval women thought? Did they really accept this vision of themselves? </p>
<p>I do not believe that we can totally understand someone who lived and died hundreds of years ago. However, we can try to somewhat reconstruct their frame of mind with the resources we have available. </p>
<p>Few documents that survive from medieval Europe were written by women or even dictated by women. Those that do are often formulaic, full of legal and religious language. Yet the wills <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/363743">and censuses</a> that survive, and which I study, open a window into their lives and minds, even if not produced by women’s hands. These documents suggest that medieval women had at least some form of empowerment to define their lives – and deaths.</p>
<h2>A centuries-old census</h2>
<p>In 1371, the city of Avignon, in present-day France, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0480">organized a census</a>. The resulting document is ripe with the names of more than 3,820 heads of household. Of these, 563 were female – women who were in charge of their own household and did not shy away from declaring it publicly.</p>
<p>These were not women of high social status but individuals scarcely remembered by history, who left only traces in these administrative documents. One-fifth of them declared an occupation, including both single and married women: from unskilled laborer or handmaid to innkeeper, bookseller or stonecutter. </p>
<p>Nearly 50% of the women declared a place of origin. The majority came from around Avignon and other parts of southern France, but some 30% came from what is now northern France, southwest Germany and Italy. </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577715/original/file-20240224-24-qcjvza.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="An illustration of a blond woman in a pink dress carrying a wooden vessel on top of her head outside." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577715/original/file-20240224-24-qcjvza.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577715/original/file-20240224-24-qcjvza.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577715/original/file-20240224-24-qcjvza.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577715/original/file-20240224-24-qcjvza.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577715/original/file-20240224-24-qcjvza.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=948&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577715/original/file-20240224-24-qcjvza.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=948&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577715/original/file-20240224-24-qcjvza.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=948&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">An illustration from 11th-century physician Ibn Butlan’s text Tacuinum sanitatis.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b105072169/f186.image.r=%22Latin%209333%22?lang=EN#">Bibliothèque nationale de France</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The majority of ladies who arrived from faraway regions arrived alone, suggesting medieval women were not always necessarily “stuck” at home under the domination of a father, brother, cousin, uncle or husband. Even if they wound up that way, they seemed to show some guts by leaving in the first place. </p>
<h2>New cities, new lives</h2>
<p>In cities like Avignon, with a large proportion of immigrants, long-lasting lineages disappeared. As <a href="https://ehess.academia.edu/JacquesChiffoleau">historian Jacques Chiffoleau</a> <a href="https://search.worldcat.org/title/9196772">has suggested</a>, most late medieval Avignonese were “orphans” who lacked extended family networks in their new surroundings – <a href="https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203866085">and this was reflected in the culture</a>.</p>
<p>Since the 12th century, women in the south of France had been considered “sui iuris” – capable of managing their own legal affairs – if they were not under a father or husband’s control. They could dispose of their own possessions and distribute them at will, both <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Death-in-Medieval-Europe-Death-Scripted-and-Death-Choreographed/Rollo-Koster/p/book/9781138802131">before and after death</a>. Married daughters’ dowries often prevented them from inheriting parents’ property, but they could when no male descendants could be found.</p>
<p>In the late Middle Ages, women’s legal rights expanded as urbanization and immigration changed social relationships. They could become legal guardians of their children. What’s more, judging by women’s testaments, widows and older daughters did make legal decisions of their own without the “required” male guardianship.</p>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577717/original/file-20240224-20-gv83x8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="An old manuscript page with lines of font and a brightly colored illustration of men and women standing in a field while others climb trees." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577717/original/file-20240224-20-gv83x8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577717/original/file-20240224-20-gv83x8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=768&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577717/original/file-20240224-20-gv83x8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=768&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577717/original/file-20240224-20-gv83x8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=768&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577717/original/file-20240224-20-gv83x8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=965&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577717/original/file-20240224-20-gv83x8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=965&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577717/original/file-20240224-20-gv83x8.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=965&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A page from the Book of Hours by Master d'Alelaide of Savoia, a 15th-century artist, shows the harvesting of pears and apples.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/book-of-hours-by-master-dalelaide-of-savoia-detail-news-photo/1011961044?adppopup=true">PHAS/Universal Images Group via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In addition, married women could <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Across-the-Religious-Divide-Women-Property-and-Law-in-the-Wider-Mediterranean/Sperling-Wray/p/book/9780415807173">make legally binding decisions</a> as long as their husbands were present with them in front of a notary. Although husbands were technically considered their wives’ “guardians,” they could declare them legally free of guardianship. Wives would then be allowed to name their witnesses, appoint their universal heir and list donations and bequests to individuals and the church, which they hoped would save their soul.</p>
<h2>Speaking beyond the grave</h2>
<p>European archives literally overflow with legal documents that are awaiting discovery in musty boxes. What is lacking is a new generation of historians who can analyze them and paleographers who can read the handwriting.</p>
<p>Everyone high and low used notaries’ services for contractual forms, from an engagement and marriage to the sale of property, business transactions and donations. In this mass of documentation, <a href="https://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/handle/10023/3052">wills provide a refreshing perspective</a> into medieval women’s agency and emotions as they contemplated the end of their lives.</p>
<p>In the 60 or so <a href="https://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/handle/10023/3052">women’s testaments kept in Avignon</a>, women named where and with whom they wanted to be buried, often choosing their children or parents over their husbands. They named which charities, religious orders, hospitals for the poor, parishes and nunneries would benefit from their generosity, including bequests for repairs on Avignon’s famous bridge. </p>
<p>These women may have dictated their last wishes lying in bed, waiting for death, with the notary guiding their decisions. Still, given the things they dictated – donations for the dowries of poor girls, for their relatives and friends, to have their names remembered in Catholic Masses for the dead – I would argue that we are hearing their own voices. </p>
<h2>Rosaries, repairs and furs</h2>
<p>In 1354, Gassende Raynaud of Aix asked to be buried with her sister, Almuseta. She left a house to her friend Aysseline, while Douce Raynaud – who may have been another sister – received six dishes, six pitchers, two platters, a pewter jug, a cauldron, her best cooking pot, a cloak of fur with muslin, a big blanket, two large sheets, her best bodice, a little coffer, and all the mending thread and hemp that she possessed. She left a coffer, a copper warmer, the best trivet of the house and four new sheets to her friend Alasacia Boete.</p>
<p>Gassende’s generosity didn’t stop there. Jacobeta, Alasacia’s daughter, received a rosary of amber; Georgiana, Alasacia’s daughter-in-law, a bodice; and Marita, Alasacia’s granddaughter, a tunic. To her friend Alasacia Guillaume, Gassende left the unusual gift of a portable altar for prayers and an embroidered blanket. To Dulcie Marine, she bequeathed a choir book called an antiphonary and the best of her cloaks or furs.</p>
<p>In another Avignon will, written in 1317, Barthélemie Tortose made bequests to several Dominican friars, including her brother. She left funds to the prior of the order, her brother’s supervisor: perhaps rewarding the “boss” in order to keep her brother in his favor. She provided for charities and repairs for two bridges over the violent Rhône River, but also substantial support to provide food and clothing to all nuns’ convents of the city. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577716/original/file-20240224-22-2jvol2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="An illustration in shades of green and red showing two towns connected by a bridge over a river with a few small islands in it." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577716/original/file-20240224-22-2jvol2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/577716/original/file-20240224-22-2jvol2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=226&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577716/original/file-20240224-22-2jvol2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=226&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577716/original/file-20240224-22-2jvol2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=226&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577716/original/file-20240224-22-2jvol2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=284&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577716/original/file-20240224-22-2jvol2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=284&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/577716/original/file-20240224-22-2jvol2.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=284&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A 16th-century illustration of the Rhone River, with Avignon on the right.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Wikimedia</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>More especially, she supported her female kin, such as leaving rental income to her niece, a Benedictine nun. She then requested that her clothes be cut into habits for nuns and liturgical garments. </p>
<p>We can get a glimpse at <a href="https://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/10023/3052/WomenandWillsFrance2012Rollo-KosterandReyerson.pdf?sequence=7&isAllowed=y">just how personal these bequests were</a>: These women assumed that what they had touched, or what had touched their skin, would also touch another’s. Most of all, they expected that their possessions would transmit their memory, their existence, their identity. </p>
<p>What’s more, medieval women could be pretty radical.</p>
<p>At least 10 women whose wills I’ve read asked to be buried in monks’ cassocks, including Guimona Rubastenqui. Widow of an Avignon fishmonger – usually a profitable occupation – she requested that Carmelite brother Johannes Aymerici give her one of his old habits, for which she paid him six florins.</p>
<h2>Asserting their will</h2>
<p>So, what do we make of all this?</p>
<p>It is impossible to completely reconstruct how people lived, loved and died centuries ago. I have spent my adult life thinking “medieval,” yet know I will never get there. But we certainly have clues – and what I call an educated intuition.</p>
<p>By modern standards, these women faced real limits on their power and independence. However, I have argued that they “freed” themselves at death – their wills presenting a rare opportunity to make personal legal decisions and to live on in written records.</p>
<p>Medieval women could have agency. Not all of them, not all the time. But this small sample shows that they could choose whom they wanted to reward and whom they could help. </p>
<p>As for the burial in men’s garb, I have no way of knowing whether their wishes were followed. But from my perspective, there is something extremely satisfying in knowing that at least they tried.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/222690/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Joelle Rollo-Koster does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>European women’s rights expanded in early medieval cities, though they were still limited. Last wills and testaments were some of the few documents women could dictate themselves.Joelle Rollo-Koster, Professor of Medieval History, University of Rhode IslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2238272024-02-19T11:00:44Z2024-02-19T11:00:44ZDRC protests: expert explains why Congolese anger against the west is justified – and useful to the government<p>Since early February, the Democratic Republic of Congo’s capital, Kinshasa, has been rocked by <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-68273900">protests directed against western embassies</a>. Protests took place in front of the British and French embassies, and in front of United Nations buildings. Throughout the city, American and Belgian flags were burned. </p>
<p>The protesters are denouncing what they believed to be western complicity in the war in the east of the DRC. These protests were triggered by <a href="https://www.voaafrica.com/a/m23-rebels-continue-battle-in-drc/7487566.html">the renewed advance of the rebel movement M23</a>. </p>
<p>M23 is led by Congolese Tutsi, and is the latest in a history of Congolese rebel groups supported by Rwanda. It emerged in April 2012, took control of the eastern city of Goma in November 2012, and was defeated in 2013. In late 2021, the group reemerged, <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/why-congos-m23-crisis-lingers">fuelled</a> by longstanding geopolitical tensions between the DRC and Rwanda. It has since gained control over large parts of territory.</p>
<p>The movement <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2024/02/13/dans-l-est-de-la-rdc-l-etau-du-m23-se-resserre-autour-de-goma-faisant-craindre-une-deflagration-regionale_6216376_3212.html">now controls access to Goma</a>. The city of an estimated 2 million people is symbolically and strategically important as the biggest city of the northern Kivu province, bordering Rwanda. </p>
<p>The rebel group has now effectively surrounded the city, allowing it to cut off supplies or conquer the city. The possibility of this happening – as it did in 2012 – has led to widespread panic and more displacement.</p>
<p>I have <a href="https://kristoftiteca.be/research">studied</a> the DRC and its geopolitics for close to two decades. In this article, I’ll explain the reasons for, as well as the ambiguity of, the protests. </p>
<p>First, it is striking how <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/feb/14/why-us-and-uk-fund-rwanda-while-atrocities-mount-up-in-drc-vava-tampa">silent the international community remains towards Rwanda</a>. Multiple recent United Nations reports have <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2022/12/23/un-report-shows-rwandan-army-intervened-in-drcs-troubled-east/">extensively documented direct Rwandan military support for the M23 rebellion</a> – support that Kigali itself denies. </p>
<p>A number of countries, such as Belgium and France, have called on Rwanda to end its involvement. Most recently, on 17 February, the United States released a strong statement <a href="https://www.state.gov/escalation-of-hostilities-in-eastern-democratic-republic-of-the-congo/">condemning Rwanda’s support</a> for M23. Yet, <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/opinion/article/2022/12/16/drc-we-know-the-m23-is-backed-by-rwanda-but-france-has-looked-the-other-way_6007956_23.html">not much concrete action</a> has been taken: Rwanda remains a w<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/feb/14/why-us-and-uk-fund-rwanda-while-atrocities-mount-up-in-drc-vava-tampa">estern donor darling</a>.</p>
<p>Second, the current protests are an indictment of the lack of global attention to the Congolese crisis. The comparison with both Ukraine and Israel/Palestine is frequently made in the country: where is the attention to the Congolese crisis? </p>
<p>For Felix Tshisekedi, who recently began a second term as president of the DRC, the protests are convenient. They’re allowing the government to shift the blame to western countries. This is after five years of at best limited progress in resolving the crisis in the eastern part of the country.</p>
<h2>Failed policies</h2>
<p>The Congolese government has failed to solve the armed crisis in the east. The region continues to be plagued by a range of armed groups, including the M23 rebellion. </p>
<p>Since the <a href="https://www.easterncongo.org/about-drc/history-of-the-conflict/">Second Congo War (1998-2003)</a>, conflict has kept brewing in eastern Congo, driven by interests and grievances at local, national and regional levels. This has spawned a multitude of armed groups, estimated to be over 100 at the moment. Access to natural resources – which are plentiful in eastern Congo – is one, <a href="https://www.hurstpublishers.com/book/conflict-minerals-inc/">but not necessarily the most important</a>, driver of conflict. At the regional level, neighbouring countries such as Uganda and Rwanda have continued to protect their economic, political and security interests in eastern Congo. </p>
<p>When Tshisekedi first became president in 2019 he took measures to restore stability in the east.</p>
<p>But these had limited results. </p>
<p>First, he allowed some neighbouring countries, such as Uganda and Burundi, to once again operate militarily in the east. This was controversial for many Congolese, given the involvement of Uganda in the looting of Congolese natural resources during the Second Congo War. </p>
<p>This policy, and particularly the presence of Ugandan military on Congolese soil, has been <a href="https://www.ebuteli.org/publications/rapports/https-lh6-googleusercontent-com-b-wr-fq4j-bw-o-yap-fc-pyp4p1uv9-uc-6-rusd27hl6v-f-oo-p-wdls75l-z-umwgv-la-wn-cju-gd-ji-l-mj-bswu-9-y5-mzm-1-llz-azq7fvjtv-hxm-bg7y-rrs-43-j-dd-wa-e-aqr-xt5-q-i-i-ee3-v1c-f-poim-tuj4-mu-ua-n-qi">blamed</a> by the Congolese research group Ebuteli for rekindling the M23 rebellion in 2022. The presence of these foreign troops in the DRC was seen to threaten Rwandan interests.</p>
<p>Second, Tshisekedi declared “martial law” in the conflict-ridden provinces of North Kivu and Ituri, in which the military took over civilian authority. But this too was ineffective. Violence escalated. And, as <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/drc-stop-using-prolonged-state-siege-excuse-crush-protests">as shown by Amnesty International</a> and <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/03/22/dr-congo-martial-law-brings-crackdown-east">Human Rights Watch</a>, the military misused the martial law powers to deepen repression by targeting the opposition in these provinces. </p>
<p>Third was a series of other military interventions. But these too have had limited success. </p>
<p>They included:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>the deployment of <a href="https://www.africaintelligence.com/central-africa/2023/01/06/foreign-private-military-contractors-flood-into-north-kivu,109879278-eve">1,000 Romanian mercenaries</a>, led by a <a href="https://osintteam.blog/meet-the-romanian-ex-legionnaire-turned-businessman-part-1-3a5fd1f28726">Romanian ex-legionnaire</a> running his own private military company. They were specifically contracted to fight M23. </p></li>
<li><p>a collaboration with local vigilante groups and existing armed groups, many of which had been fought by the Congolese army. These fighters are referred to as <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2023/12/19/the-wazalendo-patriots-at-war-in-eastern-drc_6356363_4.html">Wazalendo</a> (patriots in Kiswahili). This too was specifically aimed at defeating M23.</p></li>
<li><p>the deployment of a force from the Southern African Development Community (SADC). In mid-February 2024 it was announced that <a href="http://www.reuters.com/world/africa/south-africa-deploy-2900-troops-fight-armed-groups-eastern-congo-2024-02-12/">South Africa would send another 2,900 soldiers to the country</a>. This is the latest of a range of regional organisations which have became involved in trying to resolve the conflict since Tshisekedi came to power. Others include the East African Community, International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and the African Union. </p></li>
</ul>
<p>On the whole, these initiatives and agreements have yielded limited results, and done little to change the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the country. </p>
<p>Since October last year, the number of internally displaced people in the country has risen to <a href="https://www.iom.int/news/record-high-displacement-drc-nearly-7-million">6.9 million</a> – the highest number recorded yet.</p>
<h2>The role of the west</h2>
<p>The recent protests are to some extent convenient for the Tshisekedi government, allowing it to shift the blame to the west.</p>
<p>It has not escaped notice that the government remained relatively tolerant towards the protests. Anti-west protests were allowed to continue for several days, with public mobilisation on social media. This is markedly different from the response to other recent public protests. Opposition demonstrations against the <a href="https://www.egmontinstitute.be/a-quoi-servent-les-elections-en-rdc/">disputed election results</a> in December <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/africa/20231226-dr-congo-s-government-bans-protests-against-election-irregularities">were banned</a> or rapidly stopped.</p>
<p>At the same time, there is merit in people’s anger over the west’s role in the region – both its protective attitude towards Rwanda and its apparent indifference to what’s happening in the DRC. </p>
<p>First, the protests build on longstanding frustrations with the United Nations peacekeeping force in the country, better known by its acronym Monusco. Monusco has historically had a major <a href="https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/opinion/2022/08/23/MONUSCO-Rwanda-Congo-M23">credibility problem</a> in the DRC due to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/aug/30/congo-un-peacekeepers-problem">its appalling record</a> in protecting the civilian population. This frustration has on a number of occasions <a href="https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/opinion/2022/08/23/MONUSCO-Rwanda-Congo-M23">led to violent protests</a> against the UN in the country.</p>
<p>Second, a number of western diplomatic initiatives helped to entrench the idea that western policy in the region did not have the interests of the Congolese at heart. In December 2022, the European Union <a href="https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/12/01/european-peace-facility-council-adopts-assistance-measures-in-support-of-the-armed-forces-of-five-countries/">announced its decision to give €20 million</a> (about US$21.6 million) to the Rwandan army for its military operations in Mozambique. By this time, there had been much evidence documenting Rwandan support to M23. The initiative was therefore understood by Congolese public opinion as direct European endorsement of M23. </p>
<p>Subsequent diplomatic initiatives to repair the damage, such as the <a href="https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/12/01/european-peace-facility-council-adopts-assistance-measures-in-support-of-the-armed-forces-of-five-countries/">same amount in European aid to the Congolese army</a>, did little to change this perception.</p>
<p>It is also true that there has been a lack of global – including western – attention to the Congolese crisis. A direct reason for the protests was that during the recent Africa Cup of Nations semi-final (which the DRC played against Côte d'Ivoire), anti-war <a href="https://nation.africa/kenya/sports/football/dr-congo-protest-censorship-during-afcon-semi-final-4520850">protests by Congolese supporters in the stadium were not broadcast</a>. Although it’s up to the Confederation of African Football to sanction such broadcasts, in the DRC the decision was understood to have been made by the French TV broadcasting channel Canal+. It was seen as another illustration of the western attitude to the Congo conflict. </p>
<p>This led to attacks on Canal+ distribution points and protests against the French embassy. </p>
<p>Similar to other crises in sub-Saharan Africa, such as those in Sudan or Ethiopia, the crisis in the DRC is particularly low in the hierarchy of global attention politics, particularly in the west. The protests against western symbols in Kinshasa can therefore also be seen as distress signals: “we’re here too”.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/223827/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kristof Titeca does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Protests in Kinshasa are an indictment of the lack of attention to the Congolese crisis.Kristof Titeca, Professor in International Development, University of AntwerpLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2196782024-02-13T15:39:24Z2024-02-13T15:39:24ZFinancial sanctions: banks’ reactions depend on their location, research reveals<p>Individual states and intergovernmental organisations increasingly use financial sanctions to punish or influence the behaviour of targeted entities. However, our <a href="https://academic.oup.com/rfs/article-abstract/36/11/4417/7160932">latest research</a> shows that even universally adopted sanctions can throw a spanner into the works of the global financial system for want of being enforced everywhere.</p>
<p>Since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022, much ink has been spilled over the sanctions on Russia. Such economic sanctions – including arms embargoes and travel and trade restrictions – have been regularly used since World War II and have become indispensable foreign policy tools. And since the late 1980s, there has been a shift toward imposing financial sanctions, which involve freezing assets and investments.</p>
<p>The idea behind financial sanctions is to target key entities – such as decision-makers and major industries – to discourage the sanctioned country from breaking international law or acting aggressively, while at the same time limiting negative consequences for civilians. As a result, these so-called smart sanctions only ban some transactions with the target country, and financial institutions must thus scrutinise business opportunities to ensure they undertake only those that remain legal. Failing to comply can result in sizable penalties. In 2015, for example, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSKBN0NM41J/">BNP Paribas</a> was required to forfeit $8.83 billion and pay a $140 million fine after failing to comply with sanctions against Sudan, Cuba and Iran.</p>
<h2>How sanctions impact lending</h2>
<p>Sanctions will impose extra compliance costs on a bank, as it must fulfill reporting requirements and undertake due diligence checks to ensure its transactions are legal. The bank will also have to factor in the litigation costs and the reputational risk involved if its due diligence should fail. We wanted to understand how these costs and risks alter lending decisions. One possibility would be that the bank withdraws all business from the sanctioned country – but that would be an extreme position.</p>
<p>Instead, we assume that a bank’s decision to lend in sanctioned countries will depend on the trade-off between the expected profits and the costs of due diligence and possibly litigation. However, both the cost of compliance and the risks associated with non-compliance vary significantly across countries. In Germany, for example, labour costs are high, so hiring people to carry out due diligence is expensive. Strong data protection laws in Germany also increase the costs of carrying out checks. In some other countries, those costs may be lower, or the government may not have the resources to enforce compliance, making litigation less likely. Do those differences affect how banks respond to sanctions?</p>
<h2>Location, location, location</h2>
<p>Thanks to data provided by Germany’s central bank, the Deutsche Bundesbank, we were able to study the behaviour of German banks worldwide. The data show how much each bank in Germany was lending in foreign countries from 2002 to 2015. Importantly, German banks are also required to record how much their foreign affiliates (branches and subsidiaries outside Germany) are lending in each country.</p>
<p>Looking at this data, we see clear differences in how German banks in different countries responded to sanctions. Banks in Germany strongly reduced their positions in countries targeted by sanctions. But their foreign affiliates, on average, increased lending relative to their parent banks at home and, in some cases, also in absolute terms.</p>
<h2>The importance of the Financial Action Task Force</h2>
<p>There are variations in behaviour between affiliates in different countries, so we needed a way to categorise countries according to the sanctions-related costs they impose, which are related to the quality of the countries’ institutions and anti-crime policies.</p>
<p>Founded in 1989, the <a href="https://www.fatf-gafi.org/en/home.html">Financial Action Task Force</a> (FATF), also known by its French name, Groupe d’action financière (GAFI), is an intergovernmental organisation that sets international standards to allow national authorities to go after illicit funds linked to money laundering, terrorism and other related threats to the integrity of the international financial system. Our analysis showed that German bank affiliates located outside the FATF increased their positions in sanctioned countries by an average of 95% relative to German banks inside the FATF. That figure rises to 151% in countries blacklisted as noncompliant with FATF rules.</p>
<p>The fact that banks in Germany and within the FATF strongly <em>decreased</em> their lending in sanctioned countries, whereas banks outside the FATF <em>increased</em> their positions, suggests that lending decisions indeed depend on a trade-off between seizing profitable investment opportunities and the costs of due diligence and possibly litigation.</p>
<h2>Levelling the playing field</h2>
<p>One key takeaway from this is that, regardless of whether it is the litigation risks or compliance costs that ultimately drive the decision to lend in sanctioned countries (or not), you don’t have a level playing field. Banks in locations with weaker standards for the integrity of the financial system seem to find lending in sanctioned countries more attractive.</p>
<p>Regulators work together to harmonise rules and financial standards across countries, with a view to ironing out any regulatory irregularities for international banking competition. However, our analysis of financial sanctions and cross-border lending shows that this doesn’t go far enough. To guarantee a level playing field, it is also vital to make sure all countries effectively comply with these sanctions.</p>
<p>Such conclusions are probably valid beyond the realm of sanctions and may very well extend to other contexts of international regulation and globally integrated markets. Indeed policymakers typically won’t limit themselves to harmonising rules and standards in money laundering, sanctions, and terrorism financing (FATF) across countries, but also seek to harmonise the financial regulations of banks – such as in the area of leverage, for example.</p>
<p>This important finding applies as much to standards that regulate the litigation and compliance risk of banks (i.e., the FATF standards) as those that regulate financial risk-taking and <a href="https://www.investopedia.com/terms/b/basel_accord.asp">leverage</a>. Our work ultimately suggests that policymakers must pay equal attention that all countries enforce such financial regulations to the same degree.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/219678/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grant of EUR 5000 from the French National Research Agency (ANR), “Investissements d’Avenir” (LabEx
Ecodec/ANR-11-LABX-0047). Deutsche Bundesbank (German central bank) provided on-site access to the database External Position Report and free accommodation on the premises of the central bank during the author’s research visits.</span></em></p>German banks located outside of areas regulated by a key financial watchdog sharply increased business with sanctioned countries.Matthias Efing, Associate professor of finance, HEC Paris Business SchoolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2229492024-02-12T16:15:17Z2024-02-12T16:15:17ZEuropean farmers are angry: addressing root causes would overcome polarisation<p>On Thursday February 1, I stood side-by-side with the farmers who had taken over Place Luxembourg and the streets adjacent to the European Parliament in Brussels. On my way, long lines of tractors with Belgian, French and Dutch plates could be seen almost a kilometre away from the square. As I drew closer to the scene, the sound of their horns and the smell of burned tires saturated my ears and nose. </p>
<h2>Farmers’ multiple voices</h2>
<p>As a legal scholar who had spent the past years researching how EU and international economic law may undermine attempts at building sustainable food systems, I was keen to join that day’s ‘farmers’ protest’. However, once I entered the square the idea that I was participating to such an event became much more nuanced and complex. Behind the uniformity of tractors, the square revealed itself as an assemblage of different identities, each one maintaining their specificity while contributing to the action’s visibility. From above, the square would have looked like a patchwork of blue, yellow, and green jackets, shot through with yellow balloons and splattered, here and there, with copious piles of manure. Green and yellow banners of left-wing unions and groups, along with Belgian and Flemish flags crying out their nationalist aspirations.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575019/original/file-20240212-22-3jkw1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575019/original/file-20240212-22-3jkw1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575019/original/file-20240212-22-3jkw1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575019/original/file-20240212-22-3jkw1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575019/original/file-20240212-22-3jkw1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575019/original/file-20240212-22-3jkw1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575019/original/file-20240212-22-3jkw1c.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=425&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Some of the more progressive farmers take to the stage on February 1 in Brussels.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Tomaso Ferrando</span>, <span class="license">Fourni par l'auteur</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In truth, there were at least two squares in one. Close to the entrance, a banner cloaking the statue of English-born industrialist John Cockerill called on farmers to “Say no to despotism” and organize against environmental measures. Further down to the central garden, members of an Italian farmers’ confederation gave interviews on the need to liberalize New Genomic Technologies to boost productivity, and yet others discussed the limitations of animal welfare laws, while lining up to eat a sandwich with some grilled meat. </p>
<p>But there was also a second area that looked and sounded differently. Close to the Parliament fluttered flags of organic organisations such as La Via Campesina, La Confédération Paysanne and Boeren Forum alongside those of Extinction Rebellion and Grandparents for Climate. From the stage, speakers urged the public and policy-makers to address retailers’ power, market concentration, cheap prices and exploited labour. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575025/original/file-20240212-16-q3b7b5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575025/original/file-20240212-16-q3b7b5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575025/original/file-20240212-16-q3b7b5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575025/original/file-20240212-16-q3b7b5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575025/original/file-20240212-16-q3b7b5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575025/original/file-20240212-16-q3b7b5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575025/original/file-20240212-16-q3b7b5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A view of Place Luxembourg in Brussels on February 1.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Tomaso Ferrando</span>, <span class="license">Fourni par l'auteur</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Far from a mere matter of urban landscape, understanding the complexity of the struggles that day matters for politics. If we truly want to learn from what is happening and elaborate policy responses, it is essential we acknowledge that <a href="https://vientosur.info/el-enfado-en-el-shared">there was not one uniform square</a> but rather diverging visions for the future likely stemming from the same structural weaknesses. </p>
<h2>Farmers’ doppelgangers?</h2>
<p>In her latest book <em><a href="https://theconversation.com/in-doppelganger-naomi-klein-says-the-world-is-broken-conspiracy-theorists-get-the-facts-wrong-but-often-get-the-feelings-right-209990">Doppelganger</a></em>, Naomi Klein suggests that the Covid-19 crisis and its associated state of uncertainty led to exceptional manifestation of care and solidarity, but also to an entrenchment into individualism, competitiveness, and fear of the other. Although incompatible, both responses arose from a common sense of isolation, dissatisfaction, frustration, and realisation that society – and its economy – had failed many of us. According to Klein, the two reactions act as each other doppelganger, but we tend to look at our ‘double’ (the other) as different or separate, to the point of mocking them. Rather than confronting and identifying the common origin of our condition, we fight. And this can only lead to further divergence and conflict that favours the far right. </p>
<p>And yet, we are not doomed to polarisation, Klein tells us. If we recognise the shared origin of apparently opposite responses, we can begin to create a common space of understanding and thus, in this case, to carve out a long-term vision for the EU food system, away from quick fixes such as watered down <a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/agriculture-food/news/von-der-leyen-to-withdraw-the-contested-pesticide-regulation/">pesticide regulation</a> or l’<a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20240202IPR17320/new-genomic-techniques-meps-back-rules-to-support-green-transition-of-farmers">New Genomic Technologies</a>. In Place Luxembourg, I believed I could trace back the common origin of farmers’ grievances to one slogan above all: “Free Farmers! Stop Free Trade!”. </p>
<h2>‘Free Farmers! Stop Free Trade!’</h2>
<p>Regardless of their political leanings, most farmers appeared to agree that a food system that treats food like any other tradable commodity was at the root of all ills. Hence the renaming of the Mercosur trade agreement: “<a href="https://www.veblen-institute.org/The-draft-trade-agreement-between-the-EU-and-the-Mercosur-countries-remains-a.html">cars for cows</a>” deal. In agriculture, untrammelled free trade and the obsession with competitiveness have led to lower income, market concentration, dependency on powerful buyers, exploitation of nature, animals and labor, <a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/ATAG/2021/652241/IPOL_ATA(2021)652241_EN.pdf">and land abandonment</a>.</p>
<p>There are other reasons why the Covid pandemic mentioned by Klein may offer a useful blueprint for us to analyse the farmers’ crisis. At the outset of those months, farmers and food workers were recognized as essential and celebrated for their bravery and role in feeding Europe. In fact, essential often meant exploited, and they were highly exposed to the virus, to the fragility of the market and the lack of long-term strategies to consolidate their position and their livelihood. Time may have come to treat essential pillars of the our society in the way they deserve.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575054/original/file-20240212-18-jef0q3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/575054/original/file-20240212-18-jef0q3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=510&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575054/original/file-20240212-18-jef0q3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=510&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575054/original/file-20240212-18-jef0q3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=510&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575054/original/file-20240212-18-jef0q3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=641&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575054/original/file-20240212-18-jef0q3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=641&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/575054/original/file-20240212-18-jef0q3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=641&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Tractors line up in central Brussels.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Tomaso Ferrando</span>, <span class="license">Fourni par l'auteur</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Tangible policies to overcome polarisation</h2>
<p>If we want to overcome the current polarisation, it is key that we adopt policies that address the root causes of the problem. From 2020 to 2023, I led a research-action project <a href="https://fassfood.eu/">FASS-Food EU </a>, which brought together farmers, consumers, workers, environmental organizations and EU policy makers to unpack and improve the EU’s agri-food system. The aim was to collectively reflect on the regulatory and policy obstacles prevented the bloc from enjoying food chains that are Fair, Accessible, Sustainable and Short (FASS-Food). </p>
<p>The first lesson is that it is essential to recognise that it is not only farmers who are suffering, but the whole food system that lives in a state of permanent crisis and requires rapid transformation. How long can the EU accept a system that drives <a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/agriculture-food/news/meps-call-for-mental-health-initiative-in-farming/">farmers suicides</a>, food insecurity and unhealthy diets, environmental degradation, animal sufferance and precarious work conditions from farm to fork? The discussion around a <a href="https://foodpolicycoalition.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/SUSTAINABLE-FOOD-SYSTEMS-LAW-Recommendations-for-a-meaningful-transition.pdf">Sustainable Food Systems Framework Legislation</a> was a first attempt by the EU Commission to enrich the <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-is-the-eu-common-agricultural-policy-56329">Common Agricultural Policy</a> with a piece of legislation that would favour the sustainable transition of both production and consumption of food in the EU. However, following months of delays and frictions between different Directorate Generals, the proposal and the possibility of a systemic discussion around food systems lie forgotten in a drawer at <a href="https://commission.europa.eu/about-european-commission/departments-and-executive-agencies/health-and-food-safety_en">DG-Sante</a>. On the contrary, we are back to square one with a <a href="https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_24_417">Strategic Dialogue on the Future of EU Agriculture</a> that reinforces the separation between agriculture and food.</p>
<p>The research for FASS-Food project identified other starting points, some of which were mentioned on Place Luxembourg: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>Revising the 2019 <a href="https://agriculture.ec.europa.eu/common-agricultural-policy/agri-food-supply-chain/unfair-trading-practices_en">Unfair Trading Practices Directive</a> could give the EU and Member States the possibility of sanctioning large commercial players that purchase food at a price that does not guarantee living wage of farmers and workers.</p></li>
<li><p>Via competition law, EU and national authorities can break up the trade and distribution oligopolies, while trade law can also be deployed to rethink existing trade agreements and the impact of global competitiveness on food systems both in Europe and among trading partners. </p></li>
<li><p>Governments initiatives can help citizens to better feed themselves. Belgium’s <a href="https://www.fian.be/+-Sociale-Voedselzekerheid-+?lang=fr">Sécurité sociale de l'alimentation</a> is one such example: drawing from fiscal revenues, public administrations issue food vouchers for citizens, which can be used to purchase food that respects social and environmental standards.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>Whichever solutions we opt for, we will not find them in more of the same market dynamics or in another round of technological fixes. A vast toolbox exists, but unlocking it requires that we accept that food is not just like any another global commodity, with farmers’ protests just the tip of the iceberg.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/222949/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tomaso Ferrando ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>At the farmers’ protests in Brussels in February, there were some who demanded for authorities to cut back red tape, while others rallied against market concentration. But such a polarisation isn’t insurmountable.Tomaso Ferrando, Research Professor of Law, University of AntwerpLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2222122024-01-31T11:32:02Z2024-01-31T11:32:02ZFrench tractor protests are the latest rebellion of EU farmers against unfair competition and red tape – will their strategy pay off?<p>More than 500 tractors made their way to the motorways linking to Paris on Monday, as walls of hay rose here and there in the capital’s arteries. </p>
<p>French farmers have vowed to blockade the Paris region until their demands are met, keeping up the pressure ahead of an extraordinary European summit on 1 February. On Wednesday, over one hundred roads were blocked and 10,000 people demonstrating across the country, according to the <a href="https://www.bfmtv.com/societe/carte-rungis-lyon-toulouse-le-point-sur-les-blocages-des-agriculteurs-ce-mercredi_AN-202401310045.html">French interior ministry</a>. Prime Minister Gabriel Attal, just named to lead the government, is grappling with his first crisis, with grievances focused on new environmental norms, fuel taxes, free trade and wages. Formerly education minister, the 34-year-old has attempted to quell the unrest by granting emergency subsidies for organic farmers, cattle farmers hit by <a href="https://www.anses.fr/en/content/cases-epizootic-haemorrhagic-disease-france">epizootic hemorrhagic disease</a> and bad weather, and suspending a tax hike on tractor fuel. To the trade-unions steering the protests, however, this is too little, too late.</p>
<h2>The roots of discontent</h2>
<p>The demonstrations have been in the making for some time. In late 2023, farmers had already started <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/m-le-mag/article/2023/11/30/on-marche-sur-la-tete-l-operation-retournement-des-agriculteurs-en-colere_6203095_4500055.html">turning road signs upside down</a> to protest against governmental “red tape”. The name of the farmers’ initiative echoes the sentiment: “On marche sur la tête”, meaning “We’re walking on our heads”. It’s a common idiom that refers to an upside-down world. </p>
<p>Speaking to the TV channel TF1 on 22 January, Luc Smessaert, a cattle farmer in the Oise region north of Paris, <a href="https://www.tf1info.fr/societe/video-reportage-agriculteurs-en-colere-l-exemple-edifiant-du-millefeuille-des-normes-sur-les-haies-2283505.html">voiced such feelings</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Nowadays, [a] hedge is subject to 14 different European and French laws — the code on urbanism, heritage, and environment. Farmers don’t even want to plant hedges anymore”.</p>
</blockquote>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/0-zNqdRU9HM?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">The “On marche sur la tête” movement.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In 2021, organic farmers photographed themselves naked in their fields holding a sign <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ddM797AoXX0">“La Bio à Poil”</a> – the literal meaning in French is “in the nude”, but there’s also the sense of being exposed and vulnerable – to raise awareness over the <a href="https://theconversation.com/une-vraie-souverainete-alimentaire-pour-la-france-220560">political ambiguity</a> around agro-ecological practices.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/WgDxqdoffIw?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">In 2021, farmers in France stripped down to protest against a decrease in EU subsidies for organic agriculture (in French).</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Europe-wide grievances</h2>
<p>Unlike the “Gilets Jaunes” or pension-reform protests, the uproar isn’t unique to France. Since 2022, farmers in northern (<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2023/nov/16/nitrogen-wars-the-dutch-farmers-revolt-that-turned-a-nation-upside-down">the Netherlands</a>, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-67976889">Germany</a>), southern (<a href="https://crisis24.garda.com/alerts/2024/01/italy-farmers-protesting-on-major-roads-and-in-city-centers-nationwide-as-of-jan-30">Italy</a>) and eastern Europe (<a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/news/polish-farmers-rally-against-green-deal-ukrainian-food-imports/">Poland</a>, <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/romania-farmers-truckers-protests-ukraine-grain-government-fail/">Romania</a>, and <a href="https://www.lrt.lt/en/news-in-english/19/2178174/we-don-t-protest-unless-it-s-necessary-farmers-gather-in-vilnius-for-2-day-rally">Lithuania</a>) have been setting up shop outside government quarters and camping tractors and forestry trucks on main roads. Buoyed by the actions of their French peers across the border, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/belgian-farmers-block-zeebrugge-port-french-protests-spill-over-reports-2024-01-30/">Belgian farmers</a> had also blocked the roads to Zeebrugge port on 30 January. </p>
<p>The discontent takes place days after the European Commission launched its much-trumpeted <a href="https://www.brusselstimes.com/895691/european-commission-launches-strategic-dialogue-on-the-future-of-agriculture-in-europe">strategic dialogue on the future of agriculture</a> and just ahead of the European elections.</p>
<p>While these movements are not new, they are becoming <a href="https://www.liberation.fr/environnement/agriculture/colere-des-agriculteurs-la-mobilisation-actuelle-est-la-plus-musclee-de-ces-dernieres-annees-20240124_SB5TNAGGP5EW3PKIDTWA2LPC7E/">increasingly confrontational</a>.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
À lire aussi :
<a href="https://theconversation.com/pesticides-les-alternatives-existent-mais-les-acteurs-sont-ils-prets-a-se-remettre-en-cause-146648">Pesticides : les alternatives existent, mais les acteurs sont-ils prêts à se remettre en cause ?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>French farmers know they largely have the public’s support, and it’s relatively easy for them to gain the attention of politicians and the media. However, <a href="https://www.ouest-france.fr/economie/agriculture/colere-des-agriculteurs-anatomie-dune-crise-qui-couve-depuis-longtemps-54e61b72-b9c4-11ee-9ea4-b02fbeb9c343">past examples</a> show that such movements can be quickly forgotten once the heat of the protest past. So did earlier protest movements serve a purpose?</p>
<h2>What the tractor protests say about farming today</h2>
<p>Whatever farmers grow in France and however they do it, they are having to juggle an increasing number of competing demands. How to “feed France” while “caring for the environment” while complying with ever more regulatory standards? How to cope with the immediate impacts of frost, floods and drought, and also face up to new challenges such as an <a href="https://agriculture.gouv.fr/mhe-la-maladie-hemorragique-epizootique">epizootic outbreak</a>?</p>
<p>How to meet society’s expectations for <a href="https://www.agencebio.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Rapport-activite-2022_Agence-BIO.pdf">more organic farming</a>, even as <a href="https://www.lafranceagricole.fr/agriculture-biologique/article/841135/le-marche-des-produits-bio-s-essouffle">inflation rises and consumption declines</a>? Conversions agroecological methods are costly, after all, and often require <a href="https://www.agencebio.org/questions/a-quoi-correspond-la-mention-en-conversion-vers-lagriculture-biologique/">several years</a>. So how to live in the meantime? </p>
<p>Many farmers believe current economic conditions make it impossible to reconcile the demands of <a href="https://agriculture.gouv.fr/actifagri-transformations-des-emplois-et-des-activites-en-agriculture-analyse-ndeg145">sustainability</a> and <a href="https://www.ccomptes.fr/system/files/2023-04/20230412-Politique-installation-nouveaux-agriculteurs.pdf">development</a>, yet be able to pass their <a href="https://www.cairn.info/revue-pour-2022-3-page-40.htm">farms on to the next generation</a>. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
À lire aussi :
<a href="https://theconversation.com/une-vraie-souverainete-alimentaire-pour-la-france-220560">Une vraie souveraineté alimentaire pour la France</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>What protests have achieved in the past</h2>
<p>Juggling these contradictions place a considerable physical, psychological and emotional burden on farmers, culminating in the <a href="https://www.francebleu.fr/emissions/5-minutes-avec/les-agriculteurs-d-occitanie-sont-percutes-par-un-cumul-de-crises-pour-un-sociologue-toulousain-2780313">societal and moral crisis</a> we are experiencing today. A look at the responses to previous protest movements shows that farmers’ anger is generally heard, at least in part.</p>
<p>The “La Bio à poil” movement has helped farmers <a href="https://www.bio-provence.org/IMG/pdf/gains_syndicaux_fnab_2022.pdf">secure a number of wins</a>, including a 1-million euro promotion campaign for the sector and subsidies for pig farming. As part of the reforms of EU’s Common Agricultural Policy, the organic farmers’ union also clinched higher subsidies for its conservation practices. In 2022, they said they were happy with the progress made.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/WgDxqdoffIw?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">“La Bio à poil” movement at the Invalides, Paris (2 June 2021).</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Actions by the “On marche sur la tête” movement led to the government backing down on <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2023/12/06/taxes-sur-les-pesticides-et-l-irrigation-le-renoncement-du-gouvernement-a-les-augmenter-suscite-les-critiques_6204274_3244.html">tax hike on pesticides</a>, originally intended to spread the burden of depollution costs faced by water providers. Likewise, the <a href="https://www.francebleu.fr/infos/agriculture-peche/agriculture-la-fnsea-obtient-l-abandon-de-la-hausse-de-taxes-sur-les-pesticides-et-l-eau-4081485">head of the country’s mainstream agriculture trade union</a>, the FNSEA, said it was “satisfied” of its win on what they called a “major demand”.</p>
<p>As far as the current upsurge of anger is concerned, measures and compensation will no doubt be announced. But will they be enough to solve the impossible equation facing agriculture in the long term? Not to mention the risk that new measures may increase perceived contradictions and <a href="https://www.cairn.info/revue-gouvernement-et-action-publique-2017-1-page-33.htm">paperwork</a>. </p>
<h2>The importance of today’s strategies</h2>
<p>Since 2019, we have been following 42 farmers from the Centre–Val de Loire region, to research <a href="https://hal.science/hal-04253918">how they navigate these tensions</a>. </p>
<p>We found that such political movements provide them with an important outlet, allowing them to express the anger they feel. In France, <a href="https://www.cairn.info/revue-sesame-2019-2-page-60.htm">suicide</a> has hit the <a href="https://statistiques.msa.fr/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Etude-mortalite-par-suicide_ok.pdf">farming world</a> more than the general population. Uniting with others in similar situations allows them to break free from the feeling of <a href="https://iaap-journals.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1464-0597.1993.tb00748.x">isolation</a>. They also allow farmers to <a href="https://hal.science/hal-04150078">define for themselves</a> of what a viable agricultural model for all would look like. For politicians and the rest of us, such protests provide us with an opportunity to show our attachment to the farming world as well as a <a href="https://www.cairn.info/revue-geographie-economie-societe-2013-1-page-67.htm">certain rural ideal</a>. </p>
<h2>Confronting our own contradictions</h2>
<p>If anything is to come out from these protests, politicians and citizens will also need to play their part in facing up to their own contradictions. A <a href="https://www.ifop.com/publication/barometre-dimage-des-agriculteurs-3">November 2023 survey</a> found that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“The French are asking for more financial support from the public authorities (56%), but there is still a high proportion in favour (25%) of maintaining aid to farmers as it is.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>So what is to be done? It could be a matter of empowering farmers in the face of <a href="https://www.francetvinfo.fr/economie/crise/blocus-des-agriculteurs/colere-des-agriculteurs-la-confederation-paysanne-demande-une-interdiction-du-prix-d-achat-des-produits-agricoles-en-dessous-du-prix-de-revient_6321894.html">supermarkets and retailers</a> pushing for cutthroat prices. It could also be a matter of consumers making an effort to consume locally and at the right price, and accepting a countryside in which farming is a <a href="https://hal.science/hal-03262804">profession</a> and not just <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tmw5qxcTFpM">landscapes</a>. And it might also be a question of providing greater support for R&D to ease the agro-ecological transition.</p>
<p>Next month’s International Agricultural Show in Paris will undoubtedly be a test of strength for the government, farmers and their unions, and a decisive stage alongside the European elections scheduled for June.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/222212/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sandrine Benoist ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>Why are French farmers blocking the roads? An academic who has been studying discontent within the farming world since 2019 provides some clues.Sandrine Benoist, Enseignante-chercheuse, Université d'Orléans, IAE OrléansLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2216962024-01-29T13:08:07Z2024-01-29T13:08:07ZNiger and Russia are forming military ties: 3 ways this could upset old allies<p>In July 2023, Niger’s military took over in <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-caused-the-coup-in-niger-an-expert-outlines-three-driving-factors-210721">a coup</a> just two years after the country’s first transition to civilian power. The coup has brought into sharp focus the role of foreign countries in Niger’s politics.</p>
<p>Before the coup, France and the US were the <a href="https://www.gmfus.org/news/coup-niger">main security allies</a> of Niger. But the coup leaders, led by General Abdourahamane Tchiani, were open about their antagonism to France, the country’s former colonial ruler, and <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2023/12/25/niger-suspends-cooperation-with-international-francophone-body">ordered the French military to leave</a>.</p>
<p>Now the attention of many people in Niger has shifted to Russia.</p>
<p>Since the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-caused-the-coup-in-niger-an-expert-outlines-three-driving-factors-210721">coup</a>, several analysts have <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/niger-russia-sahel/a-66494597">highlighted</a> the role of Russia. Some analysts and regional experts believe Russia might have played a role <a href="https://thehill.com/opinion/international/4135841-the-niger-coup-exposes-russias-grand-strategy-for-africa/">directly or indirectly</a> in the military takeover. </p>
<p>Others (including myself) <a href="https://theconversation.com/scramble-for-the-sahel-why-france-russia-china-and-the-united-states-are-interested-in-the-region-219130">argue</a> that Russia is increasing its grip on the country and actively seeking to benefit from the coup. This was evident when Russia and Niger recently <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/russia-niger-agree-develop-military-ties-moscow-says-2024-01-16/">agreed</a> to develop military ties. </p>
<p>Although the details of this partnership are still sketchy, Russia promised to increase the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/russia-niger-agree-develop-military-ties-moscow-says-2024-01-16/">“combat readiness”</a> of Niger’s military. In addition, there are discussions to partner in the areas of agriculture and energy. </p>
<p>I have been <a href="https://www.leedsbeckett.ac.uk/staff/dr-olayinka-ajala/">researching</a> the security dynamics of the region for over a decade. The Niger junta’s romance with Russia has potential implications for peace and security in the region and beyond. </p>
<p>I have identified three main potential implications for Niger and other allied countries:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>escalation of tensions between Niger and France</p></li>
<li><p>discontent between Niger and its regional allies</p></li>
<li><p>likely disruption of a <a href="https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/648851468123254494/pdf/957770PID0P1500Box391429B00PUBLIC0.pdf#page=3">US$13 billion</a> gas pipeline project from Nigeria to the European Union through Niger.</p></li>
</ul>
<h2>Russia in the region</h2>
<p>After the 2023 coup, France and the regional economic bloc Ecowas <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/ecowas-threatens-use-of-force-against-niger-junta/a-66398008">threatened</a> to use force to reinstate the deposed president. </p>
<p>Russia <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-66478430">warned</a> against such a move. </p>
<p>The military junta then expelled French soldiers. France responded by closing its embassy in Niger. </p>
<p>The US also reduced its military and economic cooperation. Washington cut aid to the country by more than <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20231010-france-turns-a-page-as-troops-begin-leaving-coup-hit-niger">US$500 million</a> and removed the country from its <a href="https://credendo.com/en/knowledge-hub/usas-removal-uganda-niger-gabon-and-central-african-republic-agoa-has-only-limited">duty free export</a> programme. </p>
<p>The European Union also <a href="https://sanctionsnews.bakermckenzie.com/eu-adopts-new-niger-sanctions-framework/">instituted sanctions</a>. Niger then cancelled its security and <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/africa/20231127-niger-junta-revokes-anti-migration-law-in-setback-to-eu-strategy">migration agreements</a> with the European bloc.</p>
<p>Ecowas <a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/west-african-bloc-maintains-sanctions-against-niger/3079035">sanctioned</a> Niger. Another major ally, Nigeria, <a href="https://www.channelstv.com/2023/08/03/coup-nigeria-cuts-off-power-supply-to-niger-republic/">cut electricity</a> and instituted further sanctions. </p>
<p>The sanctions, coupled with an increase in insecurity, weakened and isolated Niger. </p>
<p>Rather than budge, the junta looked for alternative partners – like Russia and China. It also recently joined Mali and Burkina Faso to <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-68122947">announce a withdrawal</a> from Ecowas. </p>
<p>For its part, Russia was positioning itself as a reliable ally. In December 2023, a <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2023/12/04/russian-officials-visit-niger-to-strengthen-military-ties/">Russian delegation visited Niger</a> and in January 2024, Niger’s Prime Minister Ali Mahamane Lamine Zeine <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/russia-niger-agree-develop-military-ties-moscow-says-2024-01-16/">visited Moscow</a> to discuss military and economic ties. </p>
<p>Russia is no stranger to the region. Over the last three years it has set up <a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/02/28/russia-s-growing-footprint-in-africa-s-sahel-region-pub-89135">security arrangements</a> with the juntas running Niger’s neighbours: Mali and Burkina Faso. This has been done through the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-60947877">Wagner group</a>, a private security company supported by Russia, whose operations in Africa were renamed <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/le-monde-africa/article/2023/12/17/africa-corps-russia-s-sahel-presence-rebranded_6352317_124.html">Africa Corps</a> in early 2024. </p>
<p>Russian military advisers have been operating in Mali since 2021. In addition, the <a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/02/28/russia-s-growing-footprint-in-africa-s-sahel-region-pub-89135">Wagner group has 400 mercenaries</a> in the country. Russia also <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2022/08/10/mali-gets-more-military-equipment-from-russia/">delivered military hardware</a> to the country in 2022. </p>
<h2>Implications</h2>
<p>There are three main potential implications for Niger and other allied countries. </p>
<p>First, a potential escalation of tensions between Niger and France. This will happen if Niger grants Russia uranium exploration rights that affect French companies with existing licences. Niger <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-01-24/top-uranium-producer-niger-launches-mining-sector-overhaul?leadSource=uverify%20wall&embedded-checkout=true">has suspended new mining licences</a> and is currently auditing existing ones. This could affect French companies. France has <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/france-emmanuel-macron-warn-attack-embassy-niger/">vowed</a> to protect its economic interests in Niger. </p>
<p>It depends on how the partnership between Russia and Niger develops, in particular how Niger intends to pay for its share of any military cooperation. If this involves the Wagner group, as is the case in security partnerships between Russia and Burkina Faso and Mali, the issue of <a href="https://www.fpri.org/article/2022/03/the-wagner-groups-playbook-in-africa-mali/">mining concessions</a> will come into play. Mali and Burkina Faso have paid for Wagner’s involvement by <a href="https://adf-magazine.com/2023/03/a-heavy-price-to-pay-2/">offering</a> mining concessions in return for arms, ammunition and mercenaries. </p>
<p>Second, any security tie involving the Wagner group would create further discontent between Niger and its regional allies, especially Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon. </p>
<p>Following the coup, Niger announced it was <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-67605967">leaving</a> the G5 Sahel, which was set up to coordinate security operations in the Sahel. This has turned attention to the country’s participation in the <a href="https://mnjtffmm.org/">Multinational Joint Task Force</a>. </p>
<p>Both institutions were set up to fight insurgency in the region and Niger has been an active contributor. The other countries in the joint task force, such as Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Benin Republic, will be wary of working with Niger if it is in active partnership with Wagner, which is <a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/massacres-executions-and-falsified-graves-wagner-groups-mounting-humanitarian-cost-mali">notorious</a> for human rights abuses.</p>
<p>The third likely major fallout from Russia’s involvement revolves around Niger’s relationship with the EU. The EU is currently constructing a <a href="https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/648851468123254494/pdf/957770PID0P1500Box391429B00PUBLIC0.pdf#page=3">US$13 billion</a> gas pipeline from Nigeria to the bloc through Niger. The pipeline project was designed to reduce the EU’s dependence on Russian gas.</p>
<p>Based on Russia’s animosity with the EU, I believe Russia could use the security alliance to disrupt the project in order to secure its gas delivery to the EU. </p>
<p>The junta can use the pipeline project as leverage against the EU by demanding major financial concessions, putting the delivery of the project at risk and strengthening Russia’s position. </p>
<p>Migration is another area of contention when it comes to the EU. Niger now <a href="https://www.ewn.co.za/2024/01/24/nigers-gateway-to-the-desert-open-again-for-migrants-1">allows</a> mass illegal migration through its territory for onward journey to Europe. This will create more problems for the EU. </p>
<p>The active presence of Russia in Niger could change the security and economic landscape of the region and affect all parties. </p>
<p>I maintain my <a href="https://theconversation.com/niger-coup-ecowas-must-do-these-3-things-to-break-the-stalemate-212403">initial position</a> that rather than use force, the Niger junta should be encouraged to restore democracy as soon as possible. At the same time, some of the sanctions should be lifted to encourage dialogue and reduce the influence of Russia.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221696/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Olayinka Ajala does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Niger’s recent military romance with Russia could escalate tensions with France, regional allies and the European Union.Olayinka Ajala, Senior lecturer in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2207252024-01-26T13:20:10Z2024-01-26T13:20:10ZFrance’s biggest Muslim school went from accolades to defunding – showing a key paradox in how the country treats Islam<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/569761/original/file-20240117-21-kh948e.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C1%2C1022%2C680&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Students attend a class at the Averroès school in Lille, France, in September 2023.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/students-attend-a-class-at-the-averroes-high-school-in-news-photo/1801185507?adppopup=true">Sameer Al-Doumy/AFP via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>France is famously strict on enforcing <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13310-7_6">what it calls “laïcité</a>”: keeping religion out of the public sphere. Yet more than <a href="https://www.vie-publique.fr/rapport/289657-lenseignement-prive-sous-contrat">7,500 private schools</a> receive government funding, and most are Catholic. In a country where about 1 in 10 people are Muslim, just three Muslim high schools receive state support – or did.</p>
<p>In December 2023, local authorities of the French Ministry of the Interior confirmed a decision to <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/International/frances-largest-muslim-school-threatened-closure-amid-scrutiny/story?id=105542824">revoke state funding from Lycée Averroès</a>, France’s largest and most acclaimed private Muslim high school. Authorities cited “<a href="https://www.la-croix.com/dissensions-autour-du-lycee-musulman-averroes-prive-de-subventions-publiques-20231211">serious breaches of the fundamental principles of the Republic</a>,” <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2023/11/27/lycee-prive-musulman-averroes-avis-consultatif-favorable-a-la-resiliation-du-contrat-avec-l-etat_6202633_3224.html">raised concerns over certain texts in religious education classes</a>, and accused administrators of opaque financial management, among various alleged infractions. </p>
<p>None of these claims are supported by previous inspection reports, and <a href="https://france3-regions.francetvinfo.fr/hauts-de-france/nord-0/lille/lycee-musulman-averroes-syndicats-politiques-directeur-de-grande-ecole-tour-d-horizon-des-soutiens-affiches-2884994.html">many French scholars and activists have denounced the decision as politically motivated</a>, setting off a political firestorm.</p>
<p>Lycée Averroès, located in the suburbs of Lille, opened in 2003 and was granted state funding in 2008. In 2013, it was named the best high school in France, <a href="https://www.la-croix.com/Urbi-et-Orbi/Actualite/France/Le-lycee-musulman-Averroes-de-Lille-meilleur-lycee-de-France-2013-03-28-926203">according to the Parisien newspaper’s rankings</a>, and has consistently <a href="https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/1309270/article/2023-03-29/lille-averroes-et-faidherbe-dans-le-top-3-des-lycees-de-la-region">ranked among the region’s best</a> in recent years. Teachers and administrators <a href="https://www.lycee-averroes.com/">pride themselves</a> on being dedicated to both French Republican and Islamic values. As <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00344087.2017.1303768">our research</a> has shown, the school often goes above and beyond to teach civic values such as equality and laïcité.</p>
<p>In many French Muslim communities, the school is seen as a beacon – an example of a Muslim institution that succeeded <a href="https://ballardbrief.byu.edu/issue-briefs/religious-discrimination-against-muslims-in-france#:">despite discrimination</a>, <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/islam-and-the-governing-of-muslims-in-france-9781350214538/">political tensions around Islam</a>, and the French Republic’s <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/122/article/843095">strict secularism</a>.</p>
<p>The defunding decision represents a common paradox in contemporary France: Many of the steps its government takes to supposedly protect “<a href="https://www.institutmontaigne.org/en/expressions/french-brief-reinforcing-principles-republic-french-paradox">French Republican values</a>,” better “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12942">integrate” Muslim minorities</a> or prevent radicalization have the potential <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/france-terrorism-muslims-confusion/2020/11/13/e40332be-2042-11eb-ad53-4c1fda49907d_story.html">to do the opposite</a>.</p>
<h2>High scores, high scrutiny</h2>
<p>Private schools in France <a href="https://books.openedition.org/pur/109889?lang=en">can receive state funding</a> for up to <a href="https://www.cafepedagogique.net/2023/06/02/enseignement-prive-8-milliards-de-fonds-publics-et-pas-de-controles/">about three-quarters of their operating budgets</a> if they agree to certain stipulations. Teachers can provide optional religious education, but otherwise must follow the national curriculum and admit students of any religious background, based on merit alone. </p>
<p>The first Muslim schools opened in 2001, and <a href="https://www.theses.fr/2021UPSLP080">dozens more have been established</a> since. But <a href="https://books.openedition.org/pur/109988?lang=en">as the first one to be granted state funding</a>, Averroès has been under <a href="https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/973367/article/2021-04-01/suspension-des-subventions-du-lycee-averroes-le-tribunal-administratif-rappelle">particularly close scrutiny</a> since its inception. The school has previously faced controversies related to <a href="https://www.leparisien.fr/societe/lycee-musulman-averroes-a-lille-la-region-sommee-de-verser-500-000-euros-a-letablissement-12-10-2022-LMTHICKKVNCR7PXBLWSUY4D6JQ.php">funding it received from an organization in Qatar</a>, and a former teacher’s claims, made a decade ago, that Averroès was <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/20150206-teacher-quits-french-muslim-school-over-insidious-islamism">teaching “Islamism</a>.”</p>
<p>According to an <a href="https://static.blast-info.fr/attachments/stories/2023/gS9HjS-QQnumCrLXl7NLOw/attachment-kaCAkdjcQz2hkp2n1H3ixA.pdf">official 2020 report</a>, from 2015 through 2020 Averroès was inspected 13 times, making it “the most inspected school” in the region. Notably, it stated that “nothing in the observations … allows (us) to think teaching practices don’t respect republican values.”</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570988/original/file-20240123-29-tsqi0u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A statue of a seated man in robes on a pedestal, in front of a brightly lit stone wall at night." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570988/original/file-20240123-29-tsqi0u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570988/original/file-20240123-29-tsqi0u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=758&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570988/original/file-20240123-29-tsqi0u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=758&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570988/original/file-20240123-29-tsqi0u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=758&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570988/original/file-20240123-29-tsqi0u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=953&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570988/original/file-20240123-29-tsqi0u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=953&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570988/original/file-20240123-29-tsqi0u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=953&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A statue of the medieval Muslim philosopher Averroes in Cordoba, Spain.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/wall-and-averroes-memorial-royalty-free-image/500351883?phrase=averroes&adppopup=true">Domingo Leiva/Moment Open via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Several public figures have argued that the decision to defund Averroès is representative of “<a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2023/12/16/la-decision-de-deconventionner-le-lycee-averroes-a-lille-est-inequitable-et-disproportionnee_6206186_3232.html">inequitable and disproportionate” treatment</a> that <a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2020.105022">French Muslims often face</a> compared to their non-Muslim peers. As our research has shown, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/01416200.2022.2131735">many Muslim schools undergo more</a> surveillance and criticism <a href="https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/090223/homophobie-au-lycee-stanislas-six-mois-de-silence-du-ministre-qui-confinent-la-lachete">compared to their Catholic</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199359479.001.0001">Jewish</a> counterparts. </p>
<p>These double standards largely stem from a political environment rife with <a href="https://www.senat.fr/rap/r19-595-1/r19-595-12.html">fears over Islamic extremism</a> after <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/france/20210905-how-the-november-2015-attacks-marked-a-turning-point-in-french-terror-laws">numerous high-profile attacks on French soil</a>. </p>
<p>However, policies intended to <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/politique/article/2020/11/18/le-projet-de-loi-contre-l-islam-radical-et-les-separatismes-finalise-et-transmis-aux-deputes-et-senateurs_6060131_823448.html">save French Muslim youth from radicalization</a> can have an adverse effect, making young Muslims feel that they are <a href="https://doi.org/10.3917/scpo.broua.2005.01">not seen as fully French</a>, and further alienating them. </p>
<p>For some, this sense of unequal treatment manifests in <a href="https://apnews.com/article/religion-paris-radicalism-secularism-france-951fe2ff0b42e8954193f6f9293b0803">frequent protests</a> and other <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2018.1440197">demands for justice</a>. But it has sometimes fueled riots, vandalism and <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2024/01/17/les-emeutes-de-juillet-2023-dernier-episode-d-une-crise-politique-sans-fin_6211398_3224.html">social unrest</a>.</p>
<h2>Security and separatism</h2>
<p>Other policies that affect education and were made in the name of French secularism have also drawn controversy for potentially discriminating against Islam.</p>
<p>For example, a broad 2021 measure often referred to as <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/2/15/frances-controversial-separatism-bill-explained#:%7E:text=Under%20a%20so%2Dcalled%20%E2%80%9Cseparatism,be%20banned%20from%20French%20territory.">the “separatism law</a>” aimed <a href="https://www.vie-publique.fr/en-bref/283224-loi-separatisme-entree-en-vigueur-des-premieres-dispositions">to combat perceived nonallegiance to French values</a>. Among many requirements, the law made independent schools harder to open and easier for the state to close. </p>
<p>Although the text of the <a href="https://journals.openedition.org/rdr/1749">law does not explicitly mention Muslims</a>, the <a href="https://doi.org/10.3917/migra.183.0003">political discourse surrounding the law</a> clearly targeted Islam. In an October 2020 speech defending the legislation, President Emmanuel Macron stated, “What we must tackle is Islamist separatism,” which he accused of “<a href="https://www.elysee.fr/en/emmanuel-macron/2020/10/02/fight-against-separatism-the-republic-in-action-speech-by-emmanuel-macron-president-of-the-republic-on-the-fight-against-separatism">repeated deviations from the Republic’s values</a>.” </p>
<p>Yet there is <a href="https://theconversation.com/separatisme-et-si-la-politique-antiterroriste-faisait-fausse-route-149078?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=bylinetwitterbutton">little evidence of such alleged “separatism</a>.” Rather, studies have <a href="https://www.ined.fr/en/publications/editions/document-travail/trajectories-and-origines-survey-on-population-diversity-in-france-initial-findings-en/">consistently shown</a> that Muslim support for French institutions mirrors that of the larger population.</p>
<p>Other examples of policies that purport to rein in radicalization, but may further fuel Muslims’ isolation, include the 2023 <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/france/article/2023/09/05/france-s-century-long-crusade-against-religious-symbols-at-school-from-the-crucifix-to-the-abaya_6124828_7.html">ban on abayas in public schools</a> and the <a href="https://www.editions-harmattan.fr/livre-la_politisation_du_voile_en_france_en_europe_et_dans_le_monde_arabe-9782747578875-18971.html">2004 “headscarf” law</a> that banned “ostentatious” <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691147987/the-politics-of-the-veil">religious symbols from public schools</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570989/original/file-20240123-17-fcypz4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="About half a dozen women in headscarves look frustrated as they hold signs on the street." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570989/original/file-20240123-17-fcypz4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/570989/original/file-20240123-17-fcypz4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570989/original/file-20240123-17-fcypz4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570989/original/file-20240123-17-fcypz4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570989/original/file-20240123-17-fcypz4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570989/original/file-20240123-17-fcypz4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/570989/original/file-20240123-17-fcypz4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">‘Veiled or not veiled, we want equality’: Parents and supporters protest in 2019 against a proposal to ban mothers who wear headscarves from school trips.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/parents-and-members-of-le-collectif-66-des-mamans-en-colere-news-photo/1146681939?adppopup=true">Raymond Roig/AFP via Getty Images</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>One study argues the 2004 ban <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055420000106">harmed Muslim girls’ graduation rates</a>, subsequently affecting their employment opportunities. Similarly, the <a href="https://theconversation.com/french-schools-ban-on-abayas-and-headscarves-is-supposedly-about-secularism-but-it-sends-a-powerful-message-about-who-belongs-in-french-culture-213543">abaya ban</a> has been <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/9/27/how-do-you-distinguish-between-an-abaya-and-a-maxi-dress">criticized by human rights activists</a>, <a href="https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20230830-un-criticises-france-for-banning-abaya-in-schools/">the United Nations</a> and the <a href="https://www.uscirf.gov/news-room/releases-statements/uscirf-concerned-frances-expanding-interpretation-ban-religious">U.S. Commission for Religious Freedom</a> for unduly restricting freedom of religious expression and potentially fueling discrimination. </p>
<h2>The future of pluralism</h2>
<p>Based on <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/muslim-and-catholic-experiences-of-national-belonging-in-france-9781350380448/">our fieldwork</a>, we believe France’s Muslim schools <a href="https://theconversation.com/muslim-schools-are-allies-in-frances-fight-against-radicalization-not-the-cause-149802">may help reduce radicalization</a> and one of its causes: young people’s sense that being both fully French and fully Muslim <a href="https://www.europe1.fr/societe/selon-un-sondage-ifop-pour-le-journal-du-dimanche-78-des-francais-jugent-la-laicite-menacee-3927717">is incompatible</a>.</p>
<p>As one young French Muslim told us, “I’ve always been made to feel as though I’m not ‘une vraie française’ (a real French person).” Such “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2017.1323199">everyday exclusion</a>” can fuel <a href="https://www.cairn.info/revue-migrations-societe-2023-4-page-3.htm">alienation</a>, <a href="https://arcade.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/article_pdfs/Occasion_v09_hargreaves_final.pdf">resentment</a> or even <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2022.2147913">emmigration</a>.</p>
<p>Institutions like Averroès, however, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00344087.2017.1303768">offer a haven</a> from the <a href="https://iupress.org/9780253218346/muslim-girls-and-the-other-france/">discrimination students may experience in public schools</a>, and create a space for pupils who want to wear a headscarf or abaya. In addition, they actively <a href="https://france3-regions.francetvinfo.fr/provence-alpes-cote-d-azur/bouches-du-rhone/marseille/rentree-marseille-eleves-musulmans-catholiques-se-rassemblent-hommage-samuel-paty-1890562.html">denounce terrorism</a> and <a href="https://www.20minutes.fr/lille/1512739-20150108-lille-hommage-charlie-hebdo-lycee-musulman-averroes">radicalization</a>.</p>
<p>But recent actions suggest that the French government may have <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/france-closes-mosques-with-powers-that-some-critics-say-use-secretive-evidence-2022-04-05/">lost confidence in Muslim institutions</a> as a way to foster French values. France shut down <a href="https://www.state.gov/reports/2021-report-on-international-religious-freedom/france/#:%7E:text=The%20government%20dissolved%20by%20decree,21%20mosques%20since%20November%202020.">672 Muslim establishments between 2018 and 2021</a>, including mosques and <a href="https://www.newarab.com/news/france-has-shut-down-dozens-mosques-islamic-schools">independent Muslim schools</a>.</p>
<p>Most immediately, the decision to defund Averroès will impact its students and staff. The school offers scholarships to <a href="https://static.blast-info.fr/attachments/stories/2023/gS9HjS-QQnumCrLXl7NLOw/attachment-kaCAkdjcQz2hkp2n1H3ixA.pdf">approximately 62% of its student body</a>, including its nonstate-funded middle school – a number which will likely prove untenable without funding.</p>
<p>More broadly, such steps may intensify challenges to French Muslims’ sense of value and belonging, obstructing the path toward peaceful pluralism and paradoxically <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/31/opinion/france-terrorism-muslims.html">increasing the risk of radicalization and separatism</a>.</p>
<p>Yet we believe there is a third risk, as well. The French Republic considers secular neutrality and equality <a href="https://editionsdelaube.fr/catalogue_de_livres/etre-francais/">core pillars of French identity</a>, but many critics view its policies on Islam as prime examples of inequality and bias. Such discord may <a href="https://www.ldh-france.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/HL195-Idees-en-debat-Loi-sur-le-separatisme-la-liberte-de-culte-entravee.pdf">undermine these values’ legitimacy</a>, if not their very essence.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220725/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Vincent Geisser is affiliated with organization
President of the Center for Information and Studies on International Migration (CIEMI, Paris)</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Carol Ferrara and Françoise Lorcerie do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Some of the measures the French government has taken to fight radicalization can do the opposite, three social scientists argue.Carol Ferrara, Anthropologist & Assistant Professor, Department of Marketing Communication, Emerson CollegeFrançoise Lorcerie, Professeure, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU)Vincent Geisser, Sociologue, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2180172024-01-21T12:59:10Z2024-01-21T12:59:10ZAnti-racist, culturally responsive French immersion: Listening to racialized students is an important step towards equitable education<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/562480/original/file-20231129-19-xh48rb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C12%2C4256%2C2765&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A study saw racialized students in Ontario French immersion programs write monologues and stories about their experiences, and also invited immersion stakeholders like teachers and parents to give feedback on
race and racism in Ontario immersion programs. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(CDC)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/anti-racist-culturally-responsive-french-immersion-listening-to-racialized-students-is-an-important-step-towards-equitable-education" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p><a href="https://education.macleans.ca/feature/just-say-non-the-problem-with-french-immersion/">Debates among researchers, educators and parents</a> continue about the successes and challenges with French immersion programs across English-speaking parts of Canada.</p>
<p>Programs are criticized for being elitist by some and praised for being exceptional by others. </p>
<p>My master’s research <a href="https://doi.org/10.37213/cjal.2023.32817">showed how Ontario and Toronto French immersion policies exacerbate inequities</a>, finding that program locations favoured middle-class students, curricula demonstrated a Eurocentric focus and colonial lens and program entry-points favoured established residents over newcomers.</p>
<p>My PhD work research has relied upon a collective creation research method known <a href="https://learninglandscapes.ca/index.php/learnland/article/view/1024/1040">as “playbuilding”</a> to propose ways French immersion programs can be more culturally responsive and anti-racist.</p>
<h2>Issues in French immersion</h2>
<p><a href="https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781793612731/French-Immersion-Ideologies-in-Canada">Research about students in Alberta has shown</a> that language levels of French immersion graduates are low and many lack confidence in their French skills.</p>
<p>French immersion programs have been known to exclude many students, particularly those with <a href="https://www.tdsb.on.ca/Portals/0/docs/TDSB%20French%20Programs%20Review%20Mar082019.pdf">special education needs, multilingual learners, immigrants and lower-income students</a>. In the past, some immersion programs even <a href="https://www.peelschools.org/documents/Elementary-FI-Program-Review.pdf/Elementary-FI-Program-Review.pdf">required IQ testing for admission</a>. </p>
<p>With <a href="https://doi.org/10.37213/cjal.2023.32817">immersion programs in Toronto mainly found in white, middle-class areas</a>, it is unsurprising that white, middle-class students are the most present in Toronto programs.</p>
<p>In the Toronto District School Board, research about French immersion enrolment shows inequitable demographics have been <a href="https://www.tdsb.on.ca/Portals/0/docs/TDSB%20French%20Programs%20Review%20Mar082019.pdf">improving in terms of racial and multilingual representation of enrolled students</a>. However, it also shows programs remain dominated by white, middle-class, anglophone students with few learning exceptionalities. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A Black student seen sitting and reading between two white students." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566494/original/file-20231219-29-8mt8ha.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566494/original/file-20231219-29-8mt8ha.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=462&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566494/original/file-20231219-29-8mt8ha.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=462&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566494/original/file-20231219-29-8mt8ha.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=462&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566494/original/file-20231219-29-8mt8ha.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=581&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566494/original/file-20231219-29-8mt8ha.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=581&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566494/original/file-20231219-29-8mt8ha.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=581&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">French immersion programs in the Toronto District School Board are still dominated by white students with few learning exceptionalities.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Allison Shelley for EDUimages)</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Documenting student experiences</h2>
<p>French immersion is a heavily researched program; however, <a href="https://doi.org/10.4000/glottopol.4039">research has largely ignored racial identity and racism</a>. </p>
<p>I invited French immersion stakeholders (like teachers, parents, staff and professors in teacher education programs) to engage with stories of racial minority students in Ontario French immersion programs, and my own experiences as a racialized French immersion teacher.</p>
<p>Firstly, my online study recruited two Black and one South Asian French immersion students from Ontario, aged 16–20. Over the course of two weeks, participants created monologues and wrote stories about their experiences as racial minority students in French immersion programs. Stories and monologues are <a href="https://mkunnas.wixsite.com/race-in-fi">available on our website</a>.</p>
<p>In the second stage of research, 39 French immersion stakeholders (students, teachers, parents, staff and professors in teacher education programs) viewed our website and responded to an online survey reacting to stories and suggestions for improving immersion. The findings from stage two support the findings from stage one.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A brown girl teen seen in discussion." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566682/original/file-20231219-29-bpakcv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566682/original/file-20231219-29-bpakcv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566682/original/file-20231219-29-bpakcv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566682/original/file-20231219-29-bpakcv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566682/original/file-20231219-29-bpakcv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566682/original/file-20231219-29-bpakcv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566682/original/file-20231219-29-bpakcv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Students wrote stories about their experiences as racial minority students in French immersion programs.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Allison Shelley for EDU images)</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Cultural learning and representation</h2>
<p>Cultural learning is required by the <a href="https://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/curriculum/elementary/fsl18-2013curr.pdf">French as a second language (including French immersion) curriculum</a>. Each grade focuses on different local or global cultures to help develop students’ intercultural competence. </p>
<p>For example, Grade 1 French immersion focuses on local francophone communities, Grade 8 focuses on France and Grade 10 focuses on French-speaking Africa and Asia. No matter the cultural focus, the curriculum calls for the inclusion of “diverse French speaking communities” in every grade.</p>
<p>Students in my study recounted that they did not learn about diverse French cultures. In some cases, they were not discussing culture at all. Students’ own cultures and races were also absent from their learning. </p>
<p>The representation in students’ learning was overwhelmingly white and European or Québécois. The lack of diversity is not representative of the curriculum or the reality of the French speaking world, which is <a href="http://observatoire.francophonie.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/LFDM-Synthese-Anglais.pdf">over 50 per cent people of colour</a>. </p>
<h2>Unchecked racism</h2>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-does-critical-race-theory-make-people-so-uncomfortable-176125">In a racially structured and racist society</a>, the presence of racism in immersion programs is hardly shocking. However, the participants revealed many instances where racism could have been interrupted and was not.</p>
<p>In general, participants’ schools had a culture of racism where racist acts and speech (committed by students, teachers and administrators) were allowed to continue unchecked. </p>
<p>In many cases, teachers were not willing to intervene when racist incidents occurred in their French classes. In one case, a teacher even let a student use a racist French term repeatedly. </p>
<p>A few participants expressed that some teachers and administrators interrupt racism. However, even these teachers were not integrating anti-racist teaching (that is, integrating diverse racial representations and empowering students to combat racism and oppression).</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/black-youth-yearn-for-black-teachers-to-disrupt-the-daily-silencing-of-their-experiences-177279">Black youth yearn for Black teachers to disrupt the daily silencing of their experiences</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566505/original/file-20231219-27-w516e5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/566505/original/file-20231219-27-w516e5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=321&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566505/original/file-20231219-27-w516e5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=321&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566505/original/file-20231219-27-w516e5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=321&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566505/original/file-20231219-27-w516e5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566505/original/file-20231219-27-w516e5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/566505/original/file-20231219-27-w516e5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Educators have important roles in integrating diverse racial representations and empowering students to combat racism and oppression.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Allison Shelley for EDU Images)</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/">CC BY-NC</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Call for change</h2>
<p>Students should not be subjected to racism and should be learning about the diverse realities of the French-speaking world so they can see themselves as legitimate French speakers. </p>
<p>Listening to the voices of racial minority students in French immersion programs in dialogue with research documenting program inequities is an important step towards creating more inclusive French immersion programs and schools. </p>
<p>The preliminary findings of my study, in conjunction with earlier research documenting a Eurocentric focus and colonial lens in Ontario and Toronto immersion programs, point to the need for <a href="https://omlta.org/how-to-be-an-anti-racist-educator-series">supporting anti-racist</a> and <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FikFP9lnIcQ">culturally responsive teaching and intercultural awareness</a> to make programs more welcoming to all students.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/218017/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marika Kunnas receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. </span></em></p>Listening to voices of racialized students in French immersion matters for creating more inclusive schooling.Marika Kunnas, PhD Candidate, Faculty of Education, York University, CanadaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2209052024-01-16T21:56:17Z2024-01-16T21:56:17ZBeyond youth and LGBTQ credentials, France’s new prime minister Gabriel Attal reveals Macron’s managerial approach to politics<p>For the last six years, President Emmanuel Macron of France has taken full advantage of institutional mechanisms to impose his hyper-presidential approach on executive power. But the absence of an absolute parliamentary majority has disrupted the smooth running of his system.</p>
<p>A fourth prime minister in six years is an example of this. And the choice of Gabriel Attal does not guarantee an exit from this political impasse. But at least he has a similar political approach to his mentor.</p>
<h2>Majority rule, a pillar of the presidential system</h2>
<p>Since 1962, the Fifth Republic has rested on a solid base: “majority rule”. Here, the head of the executive, elected by direct universal suffrage, disposes of a large parliamentary majority to pass laws in service of <a href="https://theses.hal.science/tel-03709759/file/LECOMTE.pdf">their political programme</a>. And if the parliamentary majority is uncooperative, special constitutional powers (<a href="https://theconversation.com/french-governments-long-record-of-bypassing-parliament-a-brief-history-of-article-49-3-202185">Article 49.3</a>, allowing for the adoption of a law without a vote) can bypass anyone resisting the power of the presidential majority.</p>
<p>It was said that the institutions of the Fifth Republic would be weakened the day that the presidential and the parliamentary majority clashed. Yet, the three “cohabitations” (1986-88, 1993-95, 1997-2002) have proved that France could be ruled in this way, with each head of the executive taking on all their various functions.</p>
<h2>The weakening of the prime ministerial function</h2>
<p>Nevertheless, in 2000 the political class reduced the presidential mandate to five years and inversed the electoral calendar. The aim was to ensure that the legislative elections followed the election of a new president and would thus become a sort of ratification of the president by the people; opposition voters would have lost momentum while the president’s supporters would be more than ready to campaign. This would leave the president with an absolute majority to govern and apply their programme.</p>
<p>Majority rule is thus strengthened: the presidential programme de facto becomes the legislative agenda and the prime minister is demoted to the rank of presidential collaborator, tasked with loyally applying directives from the Elysée. This dynamic was possible before the reform of term limits, but it has become even more blatant since Nicolas Sarkozy and Emmanuel Macron embody – to excess, some might say – this presidential tendency even if the latter promised he would change for the second act of his mandate.</p>
<h2>Emmanuel Macron’s style of political management</h2>
<p>Since then, Emmanuel Macron has managed the country like a CEO. He surrounds himself with a close-knit guard, acting as a board of directors, in a way that appears shadowy to French voters. There are frequent changes of the managing director – in this case, the prime minister – to reinvigorate the team – the government – tasked with fulfilling the objectives drawn up by the CEO. As a result, we are already onto the fourth in six and a half years compared to the Fifth Republic when prime ministers remained in their role on average for two years and 10 months. Moreover, the Parliament strongly resembles a general assembly of stakeholders who only serve to rubberstamp laws. That is to say, as long as the presidential team control the voting rights of more than 50% of stakeholders.</p>
<p>These intricate mechanisms grind to a halt as soon as there is no parliamentary majority. For the last year, the executive has struggled to find a majority to vote through essential legislation. The presidential executive used and abused the electoral system with Article 49.3 and conceded ground ideologically to the far right to pass the law on immigration. This was forced through by twisting the defences of “the left-wing flank” of the Renaissance party and by turning away from Macron’s positioning as a candidate. Macron himself can credit his victory to an attempt to block Marine Le Pen, having declared to left-wing voters who rallied to him (by default) that the vote put him in their debt.</p>
<p>And thus, Macron can boast of passing the law but the victory is Pyrrhic. Rather than displaying Emmanuel Macron’s ability to get a result without a stable parliamentary majority, the law’s forced parturition has in fact exposed his weakness. </p>
<h2>The undeserved disgrace of Elisabeth Borne</h2>
<p>Thus, far from recompensing a loyal prime minister who knew how to pass laws using ill-thought parliamentary procedures, Macron seems to be making her pay for her divergent opinions during the debacle of the immigration law (and for not silencing certain ministers and other Macronians).</p>
<p>In the same way, we can understand a somewhat unexpected outburst of the president when he celebrated the talents of Gérard Depardieu by asserting – unconvincingly – that the Légion d’honneur has nothing to do with morality, regardless of the Académie Française’s definition of it as “the sentiment of a moral dignity”. The president also found himself spreading fake news by implying that journalists from France 2 had edited his remarks. This failure of political communication, which was very worrying for feminists, could be seen as a way of putting down the Minister of Culture as he himself had criticised Depardieu’s remarks and had repudiated the law on immigration.</p>
<h2>Same challenges, new prime minister</h2>
<p>The arrival of a new figure to symbolise the next stage of the mandate will not change the political situation. The search for new voices is limited: which dead end will they choose?</p>
<p>Whomever he chooses, Emmanuel Macron will remain the only decision maker, a hyper president who decides everything and who is accountable only to voters. He will continue to be confronted by the heavy challenge of coming up with a credible narrative to justify his second term to the French. The question will remain, as he tries to leave his mark on history, of what he embodies and whether “Macronism” has an ideological backbone or not. Because the bright idea that got him elected in 2017 of bypassing the right/left divide has mostly turned into an opportunist-type of pragmatism. His positioning is so unclear that his actions can appear to be on the right, in the mode of Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, with very pro-business economic policies.</p>
<h2>The ‘Attali’ report: a Macronian bible</h2>
<p>There is a document that acts as a directive for Emmanuel Macron, even though he doesn’t shout about it from the roof tops: the <a href="https://medias.vie-publique.fr/data_storage_s3/rapport/pdf/084000041.pdf">“Attali” report</a> from the Commission for the liberation of French growth. Ordered by Nicolas Sarkozy – who was then president – the rapporteur was a young ambitious graduate of France’s prestigious grande ecole_, a certain… Emmanuel Macron.</p>
<p>Re-read the 2008 report and you will find all the mantras of Macronism.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Foster the flourishing of key new sectors”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>(that is to say the infamous <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/france/article/2023/06/13/macron-s-shift-from-start-up-nation-to-reindustrialization_6031051_7.html">start-up nation</a>).</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Facilitate competition, business creation and growth by implementing modern ways of financing, reducing business costs, and cutting red tape.”</p>
<p>“Create the conditions for competition, social mobility and geographic mobility. Allow everyone to work better and harder and to change job more easily.”</p>
<p>“The State and other public bodies need extensive reform. Their slice of the common wealth must be reduced […] to make way for differentiation and experimentation.”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>(Removal of certain statuses in the civil service; the multiplication of exemptions; and experimentation in terms of hiring civil servants…)</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Encourage international mobility (significantly with smoother delivery of visas to student, researchers, artists, foreign workers, particularly for those sectors in need).”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The implementation of these measures, listed in 2008, is starting to slow down, either because they have been achieved, or because there are political roadblocks resulting from the lack of a parliamentary majority (like the law on immigration), or because they are no longer feasible given current global realities.</p>
<h2>Attal, Macronien style at Matignon</h2>
<p>A final extract from this 16-year-old report serves as a herald of Macronism:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“Before throwing oneself into action, one must not hesitate. Political power knows that the French want reform, that they believe in reform if it is socially just and economically efficient, and they expect it to be implemented with a fanfare.”</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Emmanuel Macron cannot stop repeating that one must not yield when reforms meet massive protests, <a href="https://theconversation.com/pension-reform-in-france-macron-and-demonstrators-resume-epic-tussle-begun-over-30-years-ago-198354">as we saw during the pension reform</a>. And that’s where the appointment of Gabriel Attal makes sense, compared with Elisabeth Borne and her style of restraint; she is details oriented, and eschews political posturing for the attitude of a slightly rough technocrat.</p>
<p>During his brief time as education minister, Gabriel Attal showed that he was an excellent communicator; able to present himself as decisive and ready to take strong and symbolic decisions quickly. He is a confident and clear speaker, apt at drawing from nostalgic ideals but deploying a right-wing discourse (he advocates for a return to a style of education of the far-distant past, and one that is mostly mythical). The skills of a smooth operator largely explain his appointment.</p>
<p>Gabriel Attal has the two-pronged mission of spearheading the campaign for the European elections – expected to be rocky – and of spreading the message that Macronism’s reformist ambition remains intact and its attainments possible. Loyal from the outset, he owes his entre political career to Emmanuel Macron and embodies the youth like his mentor did before him. Gabriel Attal is the Director General but he is also the Director of Communications of the business and of brand “Macron”. But for how long? In the context of no parliamentary majority and of social discontent, and when the hyper-presidential approach is put into practice alongside a managerial rationale, where each minister has contract objectives, the turn-over accelerates.</p>
<hr>
<p><em>Translation from French into English by <a href="https://www.fleurmacdonald.co.uk/">Fleur Macdonald</a></em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/220905/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Arnaud Mercier ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>Four different prime minister in six years is unusual under France’s Fifth Republic. Managerial mechanics, absence of a majority and hyper-presidency: focus on the appointment of Gabriel Attal.Arnaud Mercier, Professeur en Information-Communication à l’Institut Français de presse (Université Paris-Panthéon-Assas), Université Paris-Panthéon-AssasLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2181612024-01-16T16:15:39Z2024-01-16T16:15:39ZDomestic violence: criminalising coercive control in France could bring more justice to victims<p>Over the last decade in many European countries, legislators, magistrates, government ministers, law enforcement agencies, lawyers and service providers have recognised that prevailing approaches to domestic violence were failing and have adopted the new model of “coercive control” to reframe domestic violence as a crime against rights and resources rather than as an assault.</p>
<h2>Criminalising coercive control</h2>
<p>In 2021, the <a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/fre#%7B%22itemid%22:%5B%22001-213869%22%5D%7D">European Court of Human Rights</a> instructed authorities to “promptly” revise the legal definition of domestic violence so that it covers “manifestations of controlling and coercive behaviour”.</p>
<p>Drawing on interviews with several hundred French professionals, victims, service providers and academics, the <a href="https://medias.vie-publique.fr/data_storage_s3/rapport/pdf/289498.pdf">Chandler-Vérien French parliamentary mission on domestic violence</a> tasked by Prime Minister Borne with improving the judicial treatment of domestic violence stressed the urgency of translating coercive control into law and called on coercive control to be at the core of future information campaigns and professional training.</p>
<p>The French Ministers for Equality between Women and Men <a href="https://twitter.com/BCouillard33/status/1705252762450079761">Bérangère Couillard</a> and <a href="https://www.librairie-des-femmes.fr/livre/9782234096677-la-fin-de-l-impunite-pour-une-revolution-judiciaire-et-juridique-en-matiere-de-violences-faites-aux-femmes-isabelle-rome/">Isabelle Rome</a>, an experienced magistrate, have stated their will to move forward with this approach to domestic violence. In a groundbreaking criminal hearing at the Poitiers Court of Appeal held in November 2023, First President <a href="https://www.librairiedalloz.fr/livre/9782369450900-elle-l-a-bien-cherche-la-justice-et-la-lutte-contre-les-violences-faites-aux-femmes-gwenola-joly-coz/">Gwenola Joly-Coz</a> and Attorney General <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/posts/ec-eric-corbaux-78a3a8a6_le-13-d%C3%A9cembre-jai-eu-le-plaisir-d%C3%AAtre-activity-7140963261486714882-apXl/?originalSubdomain=fr">Eric Corbaux</a> used the framework of coercive control in all the domestic violence cases. The court’s decisions are expected in January 2024.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Ujk27hrL1JY?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Isabelle Lonvis-Rome, former Minister Delegate for Equality between Women and Men, wants the concept of ‘coercive control’, which covers predatory behaviour deployed by a man to subjugate his spouse, to be better taken into account by the justice system (Public Sénat).</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>We believe that enacting a coercive control offence in France would be a significant advance in the equality agenda. Criminalising such behaviour would help protect <a href="https://arretonslesviolences.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/2020-11/Lettre%20n%C2%B016%20-%20Les%20violences%20au%20sein%20du%20couple%20et%20les%20violences%20sexuelles%20en%202019.pdf">213,000 women</a>, <a href="https://www.ihemi.fr/sites/default/files/publications/files/2019-12/flash_21_violences_au_sein_du_couple_.pdf">82% of whom are mothers</a>, and their <a href="https://www.haut-conseil-egalite.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/hce_-_tableau_de_bord_d_indicateurs_-_politique_de_lutte_contre_les_violences_conjugales.pdf">398,310 children, who are also victims of domestic violence</a>, and so prevent the deaths of hundreds of partners, ex-partners and children every year.</p>
<h2>Coercive control: a “liberty crime”</h2>
<p>Coercive control has been referred to as a <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/coercive-control-9780195384048">“liberty crime”</a> because of the experience of entrapment it produces, analogous to being held hostage. The rights infringed upon include autonomy, dignity and self-determination, even more so when victims have a disability. Unless the perpetrators’ range of actions are framed as a single malevolent course of conduct and stopped, this pattern of abuse and exploitation may continue for years, undetected.</p>
<p>The French and international situation described by one of us in the 2023 book <a href="https://www.dunod.com/sciences-humaines-et-sociales/controle-coercitif-au-coeur-violence-conjugale"><em>Coercive Control: At the Heart of Domestic Violence</em></a> (<em>Le Contrôle coercitif au cœur de la violence conjugale</em>) reflects three bodies of evidence : </p>
<ul>
<li><p>current domestic-violence laws have failed to hold perpetrators accountable and to protect victims, mainly women and children; </p></li>
<li><p>the lack of social control and legal sanctions encourages aggravation and recidivism, creating a revolving door in French courts and prisons; </p></li>
<li><p>victims confront situations that more closely resemble captivity than an assault.</p></li>
</ul>
<h2>A system of impunity</h2>
<p>The French state’s High Council for Equality has found that the conviction rate for perpetrators of domestic violence amounted to a <a href="https://www.haut-conseil-egalite.gouv.fr/IMG/pdf/hce_-_indicateurs_violences_conjugales_-_2019-2.pdf">“true system of impunity”</a>. The gap between the current criminalisation of domestic violence and its reality as <a href="https://www.ciivise.fr/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Avis-meres-en-lutte.pdf">experienced by victims</a> can <a href="https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/181119/justice-la-perte-de-confiance">erode trust in the justice system</a>.</p>
<p>The conviction rate of perpetrators and the number of domestic homicides in France reflect the perpetrators’ lack of accountability. In 2022, <a href="https://mobile.interieur.gouv.fr/Publications/Securite-interieure/Etude-nationale-sur-les-morts-violentes-au-sein-du-couple-pour-l-annee-2022">118 women, 29 men and 12 children were killed</a>. In 2021, <a href="https://www.interieur.gouv.fr/actualites/actualites-du-ministere/etude-nationale-sur-morts-violentes-au-sein-du-couple-2021">121 feminicides</a> were officially recorded, a situation that is even more alarming if we add the <a href="https://arretonslesviolences.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/2022-11/Lettre%20n%C2%B018%20-%20Les%20violences%20au%20sein%20du%20couple%20et%20les%20violences%20sexuelles%20en%202021.pdf">684 women who attempted suicide or committed suicide</a> as a result of “domestic harassment”. This failure, which takes place despite the <a href="https://www.ccomptes.fr/fr/publications/la-politique-degalite-entre-les-femmes-et-les-hommes-menee-par-letat">efforts made</a>, highlights the link between the ineffectiveness of the current understanding and criminalisation of domestic violence and its focus on acts that are poor markers of its most dangerous forms.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Andreea-Gruev-Vintila/publication/360756577_Violences_au_sein_du_couple_pour_une_consecration_penale_du_controle_coercitif/links/6289e95c6e41e5002d3a6107/Violences-au-sein-du-couple-pour-une-consecration-penale-du-controle-coercitif.pdf">situation in France</a> is not unique. In 2016, when the Home Secretary discovered that England was spending more on policing domestic violence than on National Defense, but that neither domestic homicides nor reports of partner violence to police had declined, she called for an <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-to-create-new-domestic-abuse-offence">entirely new approach</a> and adopted “coercive control” to replace all 14 definitions of domestic violence in use by health and social services in Britain. Similarly, in 2018 the Scottish parliament unanimously adopted <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/asp/2018/5/contents/enacted">Domestic Abuse Act</a>, a crime built around elements of coercive control that carried a maximum 14-year prison sentence, the same as murder.</p>
<h2>Surveillance, isolation, intimidation, control, personalised credible threats</h2>
<p>Since one of us published <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/coercive-control-9780195384048"><em>Coercive Control: How Men Entrap Women in Personal Life</em></a> in 2007, in 2007, more than 1,000 monographs and countless survivor testimonials support the view that coercive control should be the primary focus of state intervention in abuse cases, not domestic violence, including the arrest and prosecution of perpetrators, protection, support and empowerment services for victims and protections for children.</p>
<p>The book presents evidence that 75% of the domestic violence incidents that currently lead to arrest are repeated assaults committed by a small proportion of offenders in the context of complimentary abusive behaviours, including sexual assaults, stalking, and other attempts to intimidate victims, and tactics to isolate and control them by taking their money, depriving them of resources and regulating their lives as well as those of their children.</p>
<p>In most cases, violence and/or sexual abuse is accompanied by intimidation, isolation, control tactics, and personalised credible threats. These begin in the house and can extend to every activity, including work, and involve children, other family members and unrelated others, including professionals, as spies, informants or co-victims.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/569518/original/file-20240116-27-nw69v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/569518/original/file-20240116-27-nw69v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569518/original/file-20240116-27-nw69v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569518/original/file-20240116-27-nw69v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569518/original/file-20240116-27-nw69v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569518/original/file-20240116-27-nw69v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/569518/original/file-20240116-27-nw69v7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The coercive control of women by men is the most important cause and context of violence against children and child homicide outside war zones.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">iStock</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Because perpetrators aim to monopolise all the resources and privileges available in a relationship or family space, their adult partner is usually their primary target. But any person who is seen as obstructing this monopoly is likely to be targeted as a secondary victim, including children, grandparents, siblings, friends, neighbours, coworkers, as well as law and social services professionals. <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.uk/asp/2018/5/contents/enacted">Scotland’s inclusion of “child abuse”</a> as one element of the crime of coercive control highlights how easy it is for police, courts and child protection professionals to miss the frequency with children of all ages are “weaponised”, enlisted as confederates or made into “adjoined victims” by perpetrators who want to use them to hurt or control their mothers.</p>
<p>The effects of these tactics on the adult victims and their <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1162908823000373">children</a> range from paralysing fear, psychological dependence, <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/coercive-control-in-childrens-and-mothers-lives-9780190922214">child and mother sabotage</a>, <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/376515993_'Swim_swim_and_die_at_the_beach'_family_court_and_perpetrator_induced_trauma_CPIT_experiences_of_mothers_in_Brazil">court and perpetrator-induced trauma</a>, and impoverishment to “the death from a thousand cuts”, suicidality and fatality.</p>
<h2>What about the children?</h2>
<p>Coercive control of women by men is the most important cause of <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-coercive-control-of-children-9780197587096">violence against children and child homicide outside war zones</a>. This often occurs after a separation, in the context of legal proceedings relating to the child’s custody and parental rights or during visiting rights. The aggressor can feel that the only way to punish his partner is to <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/coercive-control-in-childrens-and-mothers-lives-9780190922214">sabotage her relationship with the children</a> or injure or kill them, as we tragically experienced in France this year with <a href="https://www.leparisien.fr/hauts-de-seine-92/courbevoie-92400/infanticide-dans-les-hauts-de-seine-une-petite-fille-de-3-ans-succombe-a-ses-blessures-12-05-2023-UDIZS7ZYLBCS7JN2V5MVUN4JEE.php">the homicide of little Chloé, aged 5, by her father</a> whose mother had filed for divorce and against whom she had obtained a protection order.</p>
<p>The child is an <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/09646639221089252">adjoined victim</a> in these cases, where the risk can only be deciphered in terms of the coercive control over the mother. The importance of extending protection to children in a law on coercive control was highlighted by a <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/366393524_Contribution_au_Rapport_UNSRVAW_violence_a_l%27egard_des_femmes_et_des_enfants_dans_les_affaires_concernant_la_residence_des_enfants_les_droits_de_visite_l%27autorite_parentale_-_France">French contribution</a> to a <a href="https://undocs.org/Home/Mobile">UN report</a> on violence against women and girls, judges’ request to <a href="https://www.dalloz-actualite.fr/node/comment-mieux-lutter-contre-feminicides-libres-propos-sur-controle-coercitif">include coercive control in French family law</a>, and recent <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/posts/fran%C3%A7oise-fericelli-13b273147_violences-intrafamiliales-et-protection-des-activity-7097855544564047872-RIo3/">family law jurisprudence</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/218161/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>The concept of “coercive control” reframes domestic violence as an attack on human rights and resources rather than an assault.Evan Stark, Professeur émérite, sociologue, Rutgers UniversityAndreea Gruev-Vintila, Maîtresse de conférences HDR en psychologie sociale, Université Paris Nanterre – Université Paris LumièresLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2197622024-01-11T21:05:09Z2024-01-11T21:05:09ZNapoleon the lawmaker: What Ridley Scott’s film leaves out<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/568089/original/file-20240105-27-wtm75j.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=177%2C262%2C3633%2C2662&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Joaquin Phoenix in Ridley Scott’s ‘Napoleon.’ Napoleon was a prolific legislator who sponsored the Civil Code, later known as the Napoleonic Code.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Apple TV+)</span></span></figcaption></figure><iframe style="width: 100%; height: 100px; border: none; position: relative; z-index: 1;" allowtransparency="" allow="clipboard-read; clipboard-write" src="https://narrations.ad-auris.com/widget/the-conversation-canada/napoleon-the-lawmaker-what-ridley-scotts-film-leaves-out" width="100%" height="400"></iframe>
<p>Ridley Scott’s biopic <em>Napoleon</em> veers from battlefield to boudoir, portraying Bonaparte <a href="https://www.wsj.com/arts-culture/film/napoleon-review-ridley-scott-joaquin-phoenix-france-bonaparte-vanessa-kirby-c9547205">as a caricature</a> of masculine excess. </p>
<p>Such <a href="https://deadline.com/2023/12/napoleon-global-box-office-milestone-ridley-scott-sony-apple-1235682382">sensationalism might sell</a>, but critics maintain it comes at the cost of <a href="https://www.kcl.ac.uk/disjointed-rushed-inaccurate-historian-reviews-ridley-scotts-napoleon">narrative coherence</a> and <a href="https://variety.com/2023/film/news/napoleon-inaccuracies-french-historians-pyramids-1235823975">historical accuracy</a>.</p>
<p>As a historian who <a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9780367808471-31/fugitives-france-kelly-summers?context=ubx&refId=f0b06c28-a29a-49b5-a5ba-d37bee069054">specializes</a> in the <a href="https://ageofrevolutions.com/2021/01/25/a-cross-channel-marriage-in-limbo-alexandre-darblay-frances-burney-and-the-risks-of-revolutionary-migration/">French Revolution</a>, my main reservation about the film is not what it makes up, but what it leaves out. </p>
<p>Scott’s focus on Napoleon’s tactical triumphs, reckless miscalculations and sexual entanglements neglects his most paradoxical legacy: as a visionary, albeit self-serving, lawmaker. </p>
<p>A product of the Revolution’s decade-long experiment with “<a href="https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/coming-to-france/france-facts/symbols-of-the-republic/article/liberty-equality-fraternity#:%7E:text=A%20legacy%20of%20the%20Age,of%20the%20French%20national%20heritage.">liberty, equality and fraternity</a>,” Napoleon enacted egalitarian reforms that eroded the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/ancien-regime">social</a>, <a href="https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/napoleon-bonaparte">religious</a> and feudal hierarchies that pervaded Europe at the turn of the 19th century. </p>
<p>Yet at home and across France’s <a href="https://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/digital/collection/Civilization/id/591/">continental empire</a> and overseas colonies, he proved willing to sacrifice core revolutionary principles whenever they conflicted with his insatiable ambitions. </p>
<h2>Completing the French Revolution in law</h2>
<p>To its credit, the film’s moments of unexpected levity challenge both the hagiographic and anti-Bonapartist strands of Napoleonic mythology. In Joaquin Phoenix’s guttural rendering, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.4000/chrhc.5133">Little Boney</a>” comes off less Corsican ogre than oaf. </p>
<p>But this portrait of a socially awkward warrior neglects Napoleon’s greatest accomplishments and failures as a prolific legislator.</p>
<p>Just as impactful as the dramatic <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-napoleonic-wars-9780199951062?cc=ca&lang=en&">military</a> and <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27435-1_11">political</a> feats that fuelled Bonaparte’s meteoric rise were the sweeping civil reforms he undertook after seizing power in 1799. </p>
<p>The young soldier-turned-statesman made an indelible mark as the energetic sponsor of new institutions and procedures. </p>
<p>These included a <a href="https://www.napoleon-series.org/research/society/c_education.html">secular education system</a> to staff his growing bureaucracy, ambitious <a href="https://www.napoleon.org/en/history-of-the-two-empires/articles/bullet-point-30-did-napoleon-transform-paris/">public-works</a> projects, and above all, a uniform system of laws.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/OAZWXUkrjPc?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">A trailer for Ridley Scott’s film ‘Napoleon.’</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Converting feudal assets into property</h2>
<p>Back in the euphoric summer of 1789, deputies pledged to abolish the medieval land management system known as feudalism. They quickly swept away the mandatory fees, labour obligations and tithes that had, for centuries, bound peasants to their lords and priests. </p>
<p>But as historian Rafe Blaufarb has shown, successive governments would struggle with a thornier problem: <a href="https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230236738_8">converting feudal assets into modern property</a>. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Napoleonic-Code">1804 Civil Code</a> (soon dubbed the Napoleonic Code) aided the process by instituting a transparent system of <a href="https://www.crf-usa.org/bill-of-rights-in-action/bria-15-2-a-the-code-napoleon">property</a> and family law. </p>
<p>Napoleon did not stop there, however. His tireless <a href="https://archive.org/details/napoleonhiscolla0000wolo">collaborators</a> churned out complementary commercial, criminal, rural and <a href="https://www.napoleon-series.org/military-info/organization/France/Miscellaneous/c_FrenchMilitaryCode.html">military</a> codes. Together, they supplanted the Old Regime’s morass of feudal privileges and royal ordinances, as well as Roman, customary <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/canon-law">and canonical laws</a>.</p>
<h2>New law had didactic purpose</h2>
<p>Napoleon cast the Civil Code as an Enlightenment project par excellence: both a practical necessity and a tool to solidify revolutionary reforms. </p>
<p>Its straightforward prose and rational organization also served a didactic purpose, informing each citizen of the “<a href="https://www.napoleon-series.org/research/government/code/c_code2.html">principles of his conduct</a>” and reconciling France’s fractured populace as equal citizens before the law. </p>
<p>As his Empire grew, Napoleon’s zeal for standardisation anticipated many of the <a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/enlightened-elitist-undemocratic/">political and economic aims</a> of the <a href="https://www.cairn.info/revue-napoleonica-la-revue-2021-1-page-35.htm">European Union</a>. He envisioned a continent bound by a “<a href="https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k109845d/f279.image.r=216">supreme court, a single currency, the same [metric] weights and measures,” and, most importantly, “the same laws</a>.”</p>
<h2>Entrenched, exported, betrayed Napoleonic law</h2>
<p>If Napoleon exported an egalitarian legal framework across Europe, however, it was often imposed at gunpoint. </p>
<p>The man who transformed France’s hard-won First Republic into an imperial “<a href="https://www.upress.virginia.edu/title/3424/">security state</a>” did not deliver “Enlightenment on horseback,” whatever his <a href="https://www.napoleon.org/en/history-of-the-two-empires/articles/napoleon-hegelian-hero/">admirers</a> <a href="https://www.andrew-roberts.net/books/napoleon-a-life/">contend</a>. </p>
<p>While championing <a href="https://revolution.chnm.org/exhibits/show/liberty--equality--fraternity/item/277">freedom of conscience</a>, national sovereignty and representative government, Napoleon imprisoned a pope, rigged <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/plebiscite">plebiscites</a>, re-established hereditary monarchy and enlarged his empire through endless wars.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A man wearing a bicorne hat and a single-breasted blue coat with gold detailing in front of a desert landscape" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/568736/original/file-20240110-15-9uvact.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/568736/original/file-20240110-15-9uvact.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=376&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568736/original/file-20240110-15-9uvact.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=376&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568736/original/file-20240110-15-9uvact.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=376&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568736/original/file-20240110-15-9uvact.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=472&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568736/original/file-20240110-15-9uvact.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=472&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/568736/original/file-20240110-15-9uvact.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=472&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Joaquin Phoenix in Ridley Scott’s ‘Napoleon.’ Napoleon and his collaborators replaced the Old Regime with new commercial, criminal, rural and military codes.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">(Apple TV+)</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Whatever its merits, the Civil Code reversed the revolutionary gains of workers and women — especially adulterous wives, who risked “<a href="https://archive.org/details/frenchrevolution00phil/page/156/mode/2up?q=civil+code">confinement in a house of correction</a>.” A cheating husband, on the other hand, was merely barred from receiving his “concubine” in the marital home. </p>
<p>The code’s free-speech provisions were compromised by its namesake’s paradoxical belief that, “<a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/enlightened-elitist-undemocratic/">controlled by the government, a free press may become a strong ally</a>.” Napoleon’s agents increasingly turned to preventive detention, <a href="https://revolution.chnm.org/d/530">exile</a> and censorship to suppress dissent. </p>
<p>In Scott’s rendering, major figures associated with these policies flit across the screen without uttering a word. These include Joseph Fouché, Napoleon’s wily Minister of Police who oversaw his vast surveillance operations, and Jean-Jacques-Régis de Cambacérès, the “<a href="https://archive.org/details/napoleonhiscolla0000wolo/mode/2up">second most important man in Napoleonic France</a>,” whose portfolio included drafting the Civil Code.</p>
<h2>Attempted to restore slavery</h2>
<p>As noted by <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-napoleon-that-ridley-scott-and-hollywood-wont-let-you-see-218878">historian Marlene Daut</a>, the film is also silent on Napoleon’s most egregious violation of revolutionary values: his attempt to restore “order,” and with it slavery, in France’s plantation colonies in 1802.</p>
<p>This included Napoleon’s <a href="https://www.historytoday.com/archive/feature/wrongful-death-toussaint-louverture">dastardly betrayal of Toussaint Louverture</a>, the Saint-Dominguan leader every bit as <a href="https://us.macmillan.com/books/9781250800053/blackspartacus">complex, consequential and worthy</a> of a Hollywood blockbuster as his captor. </p>
<p>Coupled with <a href="https://doi.org/10.1353/fch.2005.0007">yellow fever</a>, the <a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/00313220500106196">genocidal</a> violence in Saint-Domingue claimed <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/20/world/americas/haiti-aristide-reparations-france.html">more French soldiers than Waterloo</a>.</p>
<p>Along with its most profitable colony, the quagmire cost France its moral standing as the first European empire to abolish slavery. With the <a href="https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/how-the-louisiana-purchase-changed-the-world-79715124/">sale of Louisiana</a>, France’s dreams of a North American empire were quashed.</p>
<h2>Legacy of global legal code</h2>
<p>On remote <a href="https://www.smithsonianmag.com/travel/journey-st-helen-home-napoleon-last-days-180971638/">Saint Helena</a>, Scott captures the angst of an authoritarian deprived of authority, hobbled by hubris but still incapable of accepting responsibility for his errors and crimes.</p>
<p>What the movie does not show, however, is Napoleon’s clear-sighted appraisal of his most enduring legacy.</p>
<p>While in captivity, he told his entourage that his “real glory” was attained off the battlefield. If his final defeat would “destroy the memory” of his forty military victories, he took solace in the belief that “<a href="https://lasc.libguides.com/c.php?g=259216&p=1741864">nothing will destroy…my Civil Code</a>.” </p>
<p>This has proven true not only in countries that were occupied or colonized by France, but as far afield as Meiji-era Japan and pre-revolutionary Iran, which used the Napoleonic template for their own codification projects. Versions of the code are still in effect in <a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/Napoleonic-Code">multiple countries today</a>.</p>
<p>If Napoleonic tactics faltered at <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Battle-of-Trafalgar-European-history">Trafalgar</a>, <a href="https://ageofrevolution.org/200-object/the-battle-of-vertieres">Vertières</a> and <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Battle-of-Waterloo">Waterloo</a>, the precedent set by the Civil Code has proven unconquerable. </p>
<p>Michael Broers, the <a href="https://www.napoleon.org/en/magazine/publications/napoleon-soldier-of-destiny-volume-i/">accomplished</a> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/ca/europe-under-napoleon-9781350157675/">scholar</a> who advised Scott, has said legal intricacies “<a href="https://bigthink.com/high-culture/napoleon-ridley-scott/">don’t make for good cinema</a>.” </p>
<p>It has been <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0472027/">done</a>, <a href="https://www.stlouisfed.org/on-the-economy/2020/november/unleasing-hamilton-financial-revolution">however</a>. Perhaps Scott’s much-anticipated <a href="https://www.thedailybeast.com/obsessed/ridley-scotts-4-hour-napoleon-cut-why-i-cant-wait-to-see-it">director’s cut</a> will defy expectations by exploring some of these conundrums when it streams this spring.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/219762/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kelly Summers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Ridley Scott’s focus on Napoleon’s tactical triumphs, reckless miscalculations and sexual entanglements neglects his paradoxical legacy as a lawmaker.Kelly Summers, Assistant Professor of History, Department of Humanities, MacEwan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2191302024-01-08T13:58:09Z2024-01-08T13:58:09ZScramble for the Sahel – why France, Russia, China and the United States are interested in the region<p>The Sahel, a region <a href="https://theconversation.com/sahel-region-africa-72569">3,860km wide located south of the Sahara Desert</a> and stretching east-west across the African continent, has been a focus of attention around the world recently. </p>
<p>In the last decade, issues such as <a href="https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15365.doc.htm#:%7E:text=drivers%20of%20insecurity.-,From%201%20January%20to%2030%20June%202023%2C%20the%20region%20recorded,displaced%20persons%20exceeding%206%20million.">terrorism</a>, <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/01/1132332#:%7E:text=%E2%80%9CIndeed%2C%20the%20central%20Sahel%20continues,in%20Ukraine%2C%E2%80%9D%20she%20added.">insecurity</a> and <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/06/1137072">trafficking</a> have characterised the region. </p>
<p>Military takeovers have been a major source of concern in the region and beyond in the last few years. Since 2020, the region has had <a href="https://www.gcsp.ch/publications/understanding-crisis-democracy-west-africa-and-sahel">four successful coup d’états</a> and three failed ones. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://acleddata.com/2023/08/03/fact-sheet-military-coup-in-niger/">coup in Niger</a> particularly attracted attention. This is because Niger was seen as a “<a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/west-africa/nigers-coup-and-americas-choice">darling of the west</a>” and a model for democratic governance in the region. </p>
<p>Despite the challenges facing the region, the scramble for the Sahel remains intense. </p>
<p>The main actors in this scramble are the <a href="https://european-union.europa.eu/index_en">European Union</a>, France, Russia, China and the United States.</p>
<p>The EU relies on Sahelian countries, especially Niger, to stop mass illegal immigration into the bloc. Niger is a major transit country in the region. Niger had security and defence partnerships with the EU until recently when the <a href="https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/niger-ends-security-and-defence-partnerships-with-the-eu/">country unilaterally cancelled the deals</a>. This is a source of concern to the EU. </p>
<p>Why are these foreign powers interested in the Sahel?</p>
<p>As a <a href="https://www.leedsbeckett.ac.uk/staff/dr-olayinka-ajala/">scholar</a> in international relations and having <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/scientific-contributions/Olayinka-Ajala-2181806326">researched</a> the region for over a decade, I see the main reasons as follows: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>availability of natural resources</p></li>
<li><p>strategic location of the region in Africa</p></li>
<li><p>economic interests of the countries involved in the scramble</p></li>
<li><p>defence and security cooperation in the form of arms sales.</p></li>
</ul>
<p>Foreign powers all have their reasons to be involved in the scramble for the Sahel.</p>
<h2>France</h2>
<p>Most of the countries in the Sahel region were colonised by France. Unlike Britain, France has maintained strong links with former colonies. They cooperate in the economy, defence and resource extraction, to mention a few areas. </p>
<p>France has the <a href="https://www.ieri.be/en/publications/wp/2019/f-vrier/france-still-exploiting-africa">first right</a> to buy any natural resources discovered in all its former colonies. Although the relationship between France and its former colonies appeared cordial, recent coups in Francophone countries and <a href="https://theconversation.com/france-in-africa-why-macrons-policies-increased-distrust-and-anger-212022">anti-France sentiments</a> across Africa have revealed the opposite. </p>
<p>The coups have been followed by <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/huge-protests-niger-call-french-forces-leave-after-coup-2023-09-02/">large demonstrations</a> against France and in support of the putschists. </p>
<p>Despite these cracks, France is keen to maintain its grip on these countries, especially pertaining to military cooperation and resource extraction. France was reluctant to pull its military out of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger despite the countries severing military partnerships. It continues to extract natural resources in these countries.</p>
<h2>Russia</h2>
<p>The relationships between Russia and many Sahelian countries were established during the cold war and colonial era. More recently, the emphasis by western countries on <a href="https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-report-72-the-impact-of-counter-terrorism-measures-on-muslim-communities.pdf">human rights</a>, especially during counterterrorism operations, has pushed Sahelian countries closer to Russia.</p>
<p>While western allies demand the rule of law, democracy, and human rights in return for security and economic support, Russia portrays itself differently. The <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/2022-Russian-invasion-of-Ukraine">invasion</a> of Ukraine by Russia in 2022 also increased Russia’s interest in the Sahel because it is keen to maintain allies in Africa. </p>
<p>Russia has <a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/02/28/russia-s-growing-footprint-in-africa-s-sahel-region-pub-89135">openly backed</a> military regimes in Mali and Burkina Faso and <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-66478430">warned</a> against any military intervention in Niger when the military took power. Furthermore, the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-60947877">Wagner group</a>, the controversial private military company which is controlled by Russia, cooperates with some countries in the Sahel. Niger has <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/africa/20231204-niger-s-junta-ends-key-security-agreements-with-eu-turns-to-russia-for-defence-deal">cancelled defence agreement with the EU</a> and switched to Russia. All of these factors explain Russia’s interest in the Sahel. </p>
<h2>China</h2>
<p>Like Russia, China portrays itself as an alternative to the traditional ally (France) of Sahelian countries. With a mantra of “<a href="https://www.scirp.org/journal/paperinformation.aspx?paperid=94683">non-interference</a>” and “<a href="https://sites.tufts.edu/praxis/files/2020/05/1.-Condon.pdf">respecting sovereignty</a>”, China has entrenched itself as a “partner” of countries in the Sahel. </p>
<p>The Sahel region is rich in natural resources such as oil, uranium, natural gas and lithium. Chinese state-owned enterprises <a href="https://faoajournal.substack.com/p/the-future-of-strategic-competition">operate</a> in Niger, Chad, Mali and Burkina Faso. </p>
<p>For instance, Mali potentially has <a href="https://www.mining-technology.com/features/top-ten-biggest-lithium-mines/?cf-view">one of the largest</a> lithium reserves in the world and China’s Ganfeng Lithium has <a href="https://faoajournal.substack.com/p/the-future-of-strategic-competition">invested</a> heavily in the country. In addition, despite China’s development in military hardware, most of the weapons are untested. China is keen to use the conflicts in the Sahel to <a href="https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/Portals/10/AUPress/Papers/WF_93_Rajosefa_The_Future_of_Strategic_Competition_in_the_Sahel_Region.pdf">test</a> its arms products. </p>
<h2>The United States</h2>
<p>In 2019, the US opened its <a href="https://intellinews.com/us-in-danger-of-losing-control-of-its-extensive-drone-base-in-niger-289069/#:%7E:text=The%20Agadez%20drone%20base%2C%20officially,by%20the%20US%20Air%20Force.">largest drone base</a> in Africa in Agadez-Niger. A year before that, I had <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03071847.2018.1552452">written</a> about the security implications of the base for the region. </p>
<p>Unlike France and China, which both have extensive economic interests in the Sahel, the US has a strong military interest. Niger, in particular, is strategically located and the US can easily fly surveillance and reconnaissance drones from the country to cover the Sahel, west and central Africa. </p>
<p>As France is being militarily dislodged by its former colonies in the region, the US has been trying to fill the void to prevent Russia and China from establishing further military presence. </p>
<p>The US took several months to label the military takeover in Niger a coup so as not to lose strategic military cooperation and dominance. </p>
<p>The year 2023 has been particularly challenging for the countries in the Sahel. With issues ranging from economic instability to insecurity, the region remains fragile. Despite the instability and fragility, the scramble for the region remains intense with traditional allies such as France losing its grip and other powers stepping up. </p>
<p>The Sahel is one to keep an eye on in 2024 and beyond.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/219130/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Olayinka Ajala does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Foreign powers’ interest in the Sahel is driven by its natural resources and strategic location for security and illegal migration control.Olayinka Ajala, Senior lecturer in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2188782023-12-11T13:13:40Z2023-12-11T13:13:40ZThe Napoléon that Ridley Scott and Hollywood won’t let you see<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564552/original/file-20231208-29-g15j8g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=4%2C6%2C1388%2C1023&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The 1802 Battle of Crête-à-Pierrot was part of Napoléon's effort to retake Haiti − then known as Saint-Domingue − and reestablish slavery in the colony.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c0/Haitian_Revolution.jpg">Wikimedia Commons</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Critics have been raking Ridley Scott’s new movie about Napoléon Bonaparte over the coals for its many <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/us/heres-why-historians-are-not-a-fan-of-ridley-scotts-napoleon/articleshow/105540885.cms">historical inaccuracies</a>.</p>
<p>As a scholar of French colonialism and slavery who studies <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/tropics-of-haiti-9781781381854">historical fiction</a>, or the fictionalization of real events, I was much less bothered by most of the liberties taken in “Napoleon” – although shooting cannons at the pyramids <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/22/science/napoleon-movie-ridley-scott-egypt-pyramid.html">did seem like one indulgence too far</a>. </p>
<p>I have <a href="https://www.upress.virginia.edu/title/5292/">argued elsewhere</a> that historical fictions need not necessarily be judged by adherence to facts. Instead, inventiveness, creativity, ideology and, ultimately, storytelling power are what matter most.</p>
<p>But in lieu of offering a fresh and imaginative take on Napoléon, Scott’s film rehearsed the well-known <a href="https://www.euronews.com/culture/2023/12/04/battle-of-austerlitz-reenactment-draws-record-numbers-of-participants">battles of Austerlitz</a>, <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Battle-of-Wagram">Wagram</a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/24/world/europe/200-years-after-battle-some-hard-feelings-remain.html">Waterloo</a>, while erasing perhaps the most momentous – and consequential – of Bonaparte’s military campaigns. </p>
<p>As with <a href="https://collider.com/great-napoleon-movies/#39-love-and-death-39-1975">every other Napoléon movie</a>, Scott’s version will leave viewers with no understanding of the <a href="https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/roundtable/all-devils-are-here">genocidal war to restore slavery</a> that Bonaparte waged against Black revolutionaries in the French colony of Saint-Domingue – what’s known as Haiti today. </p>
<p>To me, leaving out this history is akin to making a movie about Hitler without mentioning the Holocaust. </p>
<h2>‘I am for the whites, because I am white’</h2>
<p>France’s seemingly eternal on-again, off-again war with Great Britain did not change the immediate boundaries of either country. These wars were often fought over land in the American hemisphere and included a historic contest over Martinique, a small island in the Caribbean, whose fate had far-reaching repercussions for slavery.</p>
<p>In 1794, following three years of slave rebellions in Saint-Domingue – events now known as <a href="https://theconversation.com/inside-the-kingdom-of-haiti-the-wakanda-of-the-western-hemisphere-108250">the Haitian Revolution</a> – the French government <a href="https://revolution.chnm.org/d/291">abolished slavery</a> in all French overseas territories. </p>
<p>Martinique, however, was not included: The French had recently lost the island to the British <a href="https://www.historytoday.com/archive/martinique-british-occupation-1794-1802">in battle</a>.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://www.google.com/books/edition/L_Europe_pendant_le_consulat_et_l_empire/9MROAQAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&pg=RA1-PA234&printsec=frontcover">a 1799 speech to the French government</a>, Bonaparte explained that if he had been in Martinique at the time the French lost the colony, he would have been on the side of the British – because they never dared to abolish slavery. </p>
<p>“I am for the whites, because I am white,” Bonaparte said. “I have no other reason, and this is the right one. How could anyone have granted freedom to Africans, to men who had no civilization.” </p>
<p>Once he rose to power, Bonaparte signed the 1802 <a href="https://www.historytoday.com/archive/months-past/treaty-amiens">Treaty of Amiens</a> with the British, which returned Martinique to French rule. Afterward, he passed a law permitting slavery to continue in Martinique. And in <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/R%C3%A9tablissement_de_l%27esclavage_par_Napol%C3%A9on_Bonaparte">July 1802</a>, Bonaparte formally reinstated slavery on Guadeloupe, another French colony in the Caribbean. Slavery then persisted in France’s overseas empire until 1848, long after his death in 1821.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, in Saint-Domingue, Bonaparte <a href="https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k62963447/f210.item">authorized</a> his <a href="https://unsansculotte.files.wordpress.com/2019/11/repression_revolt_and_racial_politics_ma.pdf">generals</a> to <a href="http://www.manioc.org/gsdl/collect/patrimon/tmp/NAN13043.html">eliminate the majority</a> of the adult Black population, and he signed a law to <a href="https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k62963462/f457.image">reinstate the slave trade</a> to the island.</p>
<h2>A Black general’s rise</h2>
<p>For the mission to succeed, Bonaparte’s troops would have to contend with a formerly enslaved man called <a href="https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/loverture-toussaint-1743-1803/">Toussaint Louverture</a>, who had become a prominent leader during the early years of the Haitian Revolution. </p>
<p>After general emancipation, when the Black population had become citizens – rather than slaves – of France, Louverture joined the French army. He went on to play a key role in helping France combat and eventually defeat Spanish and British forces, who had since invaded the colony in an attempt to take it over.</p>
<p>Recognizing his military prowess, the French consistently promoted Louverture until he became the second Black general in a French army – after <a href="https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/people-global-african-history/dumas-thomas-alexandre-1762-1806/">General Thomas-Alexandre Dumas</a>, father of the famous French novelist Alexandre Dumas. (Thomas-Alexandre Dumas incidentally appears in the film as a character with a nonspeaking part.) </p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564546/original/file-20231208-18-oomc5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Illustration of Black man dressed in military regalia opposite a man in religious garb. They are surrounded by soldiers and citizens, and a god-like figure looks over them from the clouds." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564546/original/file-20231208-18-oomc5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564546/original/file-20231208-18-oomc5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=779&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564546/original/file-20231208-18-oomc5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=779&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564546/original/file-20231208-18-oomc5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=779&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564546/original/file-20231208-18-oomc5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=979&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564546/original/file-20231208-18-oomc5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=979&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564546/original/file-20231208-18-oomc5h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=979&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A print of Toussaint Louverture holding a copy of the Constitution of 1801.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.loc.gov/resource/ppmsca.31021/">Library of Congress</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In 1801, as a testament to his growing authority, Louverture issued a <a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/haiti/1801/constitution.htm">famous constitution</a> that appointed him governor-general of the whole island. Yet he still professed fealty to France even as the colony became semi-autonomous. </p>
<p>By then, however, Bonaparte had assumed power as first consul of France – and had made it his mission to “<a href="https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k62963462/f330.image">annihilate the government of the Blacks</a>” in Saint-Domingue so he could bring back slavery.</p>
<p>In January 1802, Bonaparte sent his brother-in-law Charles Victor Emmanuel Leclerc to Saint-Domingue with tens of thousands of French troops. </p>
<p><a href="https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k62963462/f424.image">Bonaparte’s instructions</a>? </p>
<p>Arrest Louverture and reinstate slavery. </p>
<h2>The fall of Louverture</h2>
<p>One of the film’s writers, <a href="https://www.indiewire.com/awards/consider-this/ridley-scott-napoleon-writer-david-scarpa-true-false-1234931486/#:%7E:text=There's%20a%20dangerous%20allure%20to,affair%20with%20his%20wife%2C%20right%3F">David Scarpa</a>, said Napoléon represents for him “the classic example of the benevolent dictator.” </p>
<p>If that Napoléon ever did exist, Louverture never met him.</p>
<p>In June 1802, Napoléon’s army arrested Louverture and deported him to France. As Louverture wasted away in a French prison, Bonaparte refused to put Louverture on trial. Throughout his incarceration, the guards at the jail denied Louverture food, water, heat and medical care. Louverture subsequently <a href="https://www.historytoday.com/archive/feature/wrongful-death-toussaint-louverture#:%7E:text=On%20the%20morning%20of%207,captive%20for%20nearly%20eight%20months.">starved and froze to death</a>.</p>
<p>With Louverture gone, Napoléon’s army operated with more bloodlust than ever before. In addition to conventional weapons, his troops fought the freedom fighters with <a href="https://www.google.com/books/edition/An_Historical_Account_of_the_Black_Empir/CTpAAAAAcAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22assumed+a+complexion+more+sanguinary+and+terrible+than+can+be+conceived+among+civilized+people%22&pg=PA326&printsec=frontcover">floating gas chambers</a>, <a href="https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Literary_Magazine_and_American_Regis/9BwAAAAAYAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%E2%80%9CSeven+or+eight+hundred+blacks,+and+men+of+colour,+were+seized+upon+in+the+streets,+in+the+public+places,+in+the+very+houses%22&pg=PA447&printsec=frontcover">mass drownings</a> and <a href="https://www.sas.upenn.edu/%7Ecavitch/pdf-library/Johnson_dogs_and_torture.pdf">dog attacks</a> – all in the name of restoring slavery.</p>
<p>The Black freedom fighters, now calling themselves the armée indigène, led by Haiti’s founder <a href="https://theconversation.com/meet-haitis-founding-father-whose-black-revolution-was-too-radical-for-thomas-jefferson-101963">General Jean-Jacques Dessalines</a>, definitively defeated French forces in the historic <a href="https://ageofrevolution.org/200-object/the-battle-of-vertieres/">Battle of Vertières</a> on Nov. 18, 1803. On Jan. 1, 1804, they <a href="https://haitidoi.com/doi/#:%7E:text=IT%20is%20not%20enough%20to,act%20of%20national%20authority%2C%20to">officially declared independence</a> from France and changed the name of the island to Haiti.</p>
<h2>‘A fatal move’</h2>
<p>If the filmmakers had included Napoléon’s failed mission to restore slavery in Saint-Domingue, it could have served as a propitious moment to tie the movie back to one of its only coherent arcs: Napoléon’s undying love for <a href="https://www.history.com/news/napoleon-josephine-bonaparte-love-story-marriage-divorce">Joséphine de Beauharnais</a>, his first wife.</p>
<p>In one memorable scene in the film, Joséphine tells Bonaparte that he is nothing without her, and he agrees.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="Painting of woman with short brown hair wearing two necklackes and a white ruffled blouse." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564547/original/file-20231208-29-3a2n46.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/564547/original/file-20231208-29-3a2n46.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564547/original/file-20231208-29-3a2n46.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564547/original/file-20231208-29-3a2n46.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=738&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564547/original/file-20231208-29-3a2n46.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=928&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564547/original/file-20231208-29-3a2n46.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=928&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/564547/original/file-20231208-29-3a2n46.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=928&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Joséphine de Beauharnais advised Napoléon to let Saint-Domingue operate as a semi-autonomous colony.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/51/Jos%C3%A9phine_de_Beauharnais_vers_1809_Gros.jpg">Wikimedia Commons</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>However, Joséphine’s posthumously published memoir suggests that Bonaparte disregarded his wife’s most prescient counsel. Joséphine wrote that she urged her husband not to send an expedition to Saint-Domingue, prophesying this as a “fatal move” that “would forever take this beautiful colony away from France.” She <a href="https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k9636609r/f112.image">advised Bonaparte</a>, alternatively, to “keep Toussaint Louverture there. That is the man required to govern the Blacks.” </p>
<p>She subsequently asked him, “What complaints could you have against this leader of the Blacks? He has always maintained correspondence with you; he has done even more, he has given you, in some sense, his children for hostages.” </p>
<p>Louverture’s children had attended Paris’ storied <a href="https://www.persee.fr/doc/dhs_0070-6760_2000_num_32_1_2364">Collège de la Marche</a>, alongside the children of other prominent Black Saint-Domingue officials. Although Bonaparte ended up sending Louverture’s children back to the colony with Leclerc, another Black general from Saint-Domingue who fought to oppose slavery’s reinstatement was not so lucky. </p>
<p>Just before Bonaparte’s troops began their genocidal war in the name of restoring slavery, Haiti’s future king, <a href="https://aeon.co/essays/the-king-of-haiti-and-the-dilemmas-of-freedom-in-a-colonised-world">General Henry Christophe</a>, sent his son, François Ferdinand, to the Collège de la Marche. </p>
<p>After the Haitian revolutionaries defeated France and declared the island independent in 1804, Bonaparte ordered the school closed. Many of its Black students, like young Ferdinand, were then thrown into orphanages. The abandoned child <a href="https://archive.org/details/rflexionspolitiq00vast/page/6/mode/2up?q=Ferdinand">died alone in July 1805</a> at the age of 11.</p>
<p>Only at the end of his life, during his second exile on the remote island of St. Helena, did Napoléon express remorse for any of this. </p>
<p>“I can only reproach myself for the attempt on that colony,” the <a href="https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc1.b4710580&seq=533&q1=Toussaint">defunct emperor</a> said. “I should have contented myself with governing it through Toussaint.”</p>
<h2>A missed opportunity</h2>
<p>By including some of this rich material, Ridley Scott could have made a truly original film with historical and contemporary relevance. </p>
<p>After all, Napoléon’s history of trying to stop the Haitian Revolution – the most significant revolution for freedom the modern world has ever seen – has never been depicted on a Hollywood screen.</p>
<p>Instead, hiding behind beautiful cinematography, magnificent costuming and Vanessa Kirby’s masterful portrayal of Joséphine, Scott ultimately produced an unimaginative film about the already well-trodden military successes and failures of the man depicted as having literally crowned himself France’s emperor.</p>
<p>If “Napoleon” doesn’t exactly glorify its main subject, its creators certainly seemed to sympathize with the man whose wars were responsible for more than 3,000,000 deaths, as the film’s final caption reads. </p>
<p>The film did not say whether that number includes the tens of thousands of Black people Napoléon’s army killed in Saint-Domingue.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/218878/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marlene Daut does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Leaving out the history of Napoléon’s brutal subjugation of Haiti is akin to making a movie about Hitler without mentioning the Holocaust.Marlene Daut, Professor of French and African American Studies, Yale UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2129402023-12-11T10:16:12Z2023-12-11T10:16:12ZHow 1930s American scientists came to think about the impact of climate on wine<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/553527/original/file-20231012-21-jbnzzm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C29%2C4912%2C3228&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Depending on the region, rising temperatures can have negative or positive effects on wine quality. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">David Kohler/Unsplash</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>In Europe and beyond, the notion of <a href="https://www.brgm.fr/en/news/article/good-land-wine-how-geology-can-influence-quality-wine"><em>terroir</em></a> dominates ideas about the origins of the taste and quality of wine. While there’s intense debate over the term, generally it refers to the specific place where grapes are grown. The concept is largely focused on soil, but also includes the layout of the land and the elements to which it is regularly exposed – sun, rain, wind, seasons, and more. And although climate is seen as being part of the equation, the land upon which grapes are grown is its foundation. As such thinking took root over centuries, it was eventually codified into Europe’s <a href="https://www.inao.gouv.fr/Les-signes-officiels-de-la-qualite-et-de-l-origine-SIQO/Appellation-d-origine-protegee-controlee-AOP-AOC"><em>appellation d’origine contrôlée</em></a> (AOC) system, meaning “registered designation of origin”.</p>
<p>While European immigrants have long grown grapes and made wine around the world, the traditional regions were an ocean away, literally. So what could be done to improve wine quality in these new vineyards and wineries? The situation was particularly dire in the United States after the Prohibition forced many of its winemakers out of business.</p>
<h2>A world away</h2>
<p>After the Prohibition repealed in 1933, two scientists, Albert “Wink” Winkler and Maynard Amerine, launched an effort to revitalise California’s wine industry. Winkler was more of the viticulturalist and Amerine the oenologist, but both shared a passion for grapes, wine, and believed that the state could produce wines that rivalled the best of Europe. Their journey led them to collect vine samples from Fresno in the south to Ukiah in the north and westward to the coast. They planted many of these vines in test vineyards to see how they fared in different climatic regions, in order to advise growers on the best grapes for their plot of land. But vines were not the only bounty they sought.</p>
<p>Winkler and Amerine also collected grapes from willing viticulturalists turning them into a library of more than 500 site-specific wines over a decade. By 1943, they had observed enough seasonal variation in the hundreds of small batches of wines that Winkler and Amerine made and tasted every year to recommend specific grape varieties for specific regions. By expanding the vineyards where they collected grapes, they could both measure and taste the difference between vineyards in regions across California.</p>
<p>Winkler came to an epiphany from their sojourns in California’s vineyards and by analysing the wines these fields produce. The research let him to conclude that climate and regional differences were the most important factors in selecting varietals to produce high-quality wines. He came to this conclusion counter-intuitively.</p>
<p>By thinking about Europe and the idea of a “vintage” versus a “non-vintage” year, he realised the only thing that changed in the vineyard (not the vines, not soil type, not soil quality, not soil drainage) was the weather and, in particular, a vintage year was warmer in places like Bordeaux and Burgundy. He applied this same logic to California as he tasted the same grape in different regions and found some varieties like Zinfandel produced better wines in cooler climates in northern and coastal California while others like Alicante bouchés, which produced sweet wines, fared better in warmer, arguably hot, climates inland and in southern California. This observation had global impact.</p>
<h2>Knowing what to grow</h2>
<p>With Winkler’s development of a heat-based index, he and Amerine advised would-be California wine makers – from Gallo to Mondavi – not just on the varieties they should plant (or pull out) but also which ones would produce the best wines in their particular locations. The <a href="https://winedataresearcher.com/why-the-winkler-index-matters-to-the-wine-world/">Winker Index</a> rapidly transformed not just California vineyards but vineyards across the world as viticulturalists and oenologists paid more attention to the climate. In New World regions, it allowed them to choose varieties that produced wines best suited to the climate, thus improving the overall quality of wine.</p>
<p>But their research had an even deeper impact on varietal selection. Although the Winkler Index measured the temperature across the growing season, it was the taste and aroma of the wines in their wine library that was at the heart of their conclusions. In measuring the <a href="https://oeno-one.eu/article/view/7399">acid/sugar ratio</a> among other compounds in their wines, Amerine and Winkler judged how climate was reflected in the wines they swirled and sipped and how their wines changed over time, especially in years when the weather deviated from the norm.</p>
<p>These early observations on heat and its influence on wine quality allow historians, wine makers, and climate researchers to conclude that not only is the climate warming, but how a warming climate is changing the taste of wine based not just on acid/sugar ratios – though they are – but how hotter, sunnier growing season are increasing sugar in grapes, the alcohol in wine and reducing acidity, throwing wines out of balance. A vineyard that may have consistently produced high-quality wines from the 1930s through the 1990s now produced inconsistent wine.</p>
<p>The opposite can also be true: A region like Bordeaux, which was historically plagued by erratic weather, sometimes losing entire vintages to hail, frost or cold summers, <a href="https://www.nationalgeographic.com/environment/article/climate-change-french-wine-taste-better">now had more consistent yields</a>, smoothing the difference between a vintage and a non-vintage year. Even inexpensive wines in Bordeaux benefited from warmer growing seasons because more grapes fully ripened.</p>
<p>Of course, as the climate warms, that impact has other negative consequences. Hotter weather reduces the acidity of wines making them flat, flabby, or turgid. An example of mitigating low acidity is Bordeaux’s experiment allowing new varieties to be blended into their iconic – and legislated – varieties of reds and whites to increase acidity and rebalance overripe wines.</p>
<h2>Where there’s fire there’s smoke</h2>
<p>An even more difficult and frightening consequence of a warming climate are wildfires. While fires do not always destroy vineyards (grapes are just spheres of water, after all), the smoke can contaminate wine made near wildfires, resulting in <a href="https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2113327118">smoke-tainted wine</a> – it tastes something like burnt rubber, cigarette ash or other unpleasant flavours. Once smoke has wafted into the vineyard and engulfed ripening grapes, it is impossible to remove. Worse, winemakers cannot tell if the wine will be smoke tainted by tasting the grapes themselves, as fermentation also affects how foul a wine will taste.</p>
<p>Though scientists around the world are trying to find a solution, they still do not understand exactly what makes a wine taste smoke tainted or how to mitigate it. It’s become a growing concern given the rising number of fires in wine-growing regions, including <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2020/10/11/us/california-wildfires-wineries/index.html">California</a> in 2020, <a href="https://www.rfi.fr/en/france/20210824-provence-wine-producers-weigh-up-losses-after-deadly-wildfires-in-france-ros%C3%A9-french-riviera">France</a> in 2021, and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/wildfire-leaves-sense-total-destruction-spanish-winemaker-says-2022-07-21/">Spain</a> in 2022. The same year two wildfires burned more than <a href="https://www.icare.univ-lille.fr/wildfires-in-southwest-france-july-2022/">20,000 hectares of forest</a> in France’s Bordeaux region. Tests indicated that that year’s harvest <a href="https://www.rfi.fr/en/france/20220831-bordeaux-wine-harvest-will-not-have-a-smoky-taste-after-summer-wildfires-winemakers-say">shouldn’t be affected</a>, but the coming years promise to be difficult for winemakers.</p>
<h2>Adapting to a changing world</h2>
<p>It is only because Winkler severed the link between wine and terroir that wine growers had the vision to plant and produce world-renowned wine made in places like <a href="https://visitcanberra.com.au/things-to-do/canberras-wine-region">Canberra</a>, Australia; <a href="https://www.winetourism.com/wine-region/mendoza/">Mendoza</a>, Argentina; <a href="https://www.wine-searcher.com/regions-sussex">Sussex</a>, England; and <a href="https://www.wineningxia.com/">Ningxia</a>, China.</p>
<p>Given that climate change is already changing the weather in Europe’s wine-growing regions – the ones whose methods and very identity are most closely linked to traditional notions of <em>terroir</em> – research is also seeking to help wine makers adapt to a changing world. It’s a process that’s already taking place, not only in the <a href="https://www.terraview.co/gdd-and-winkler-index-update/">Winkler Index itself</a>, but even in the <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/lifestyle/france-changes-aoc-rules-allow-153919195.html">venerable AOC system</a>. <em>Plus ça change</em>…</p>
<hr>
<p><em>This article is the result of The Conversation’s collaboration with <a href="https://ec.europa.eu/research-and-innovation/en/horizon-magazine">Horizon</a>, the EU research and innovation magazine. In February, the authors published an <a href="https://projects.research-and-innovation.ec.europa.eu/en/horizon-magazine/wine-connoisseurs-face-testing-times-climate-change-alters-flavours">interview with the magazine</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/212940/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gabriella Maria Petrick a reçu des financements de EU Horizon 2020 MSCA project number 896298. </span></em></p>While the notion of terroir has long been the foundation of European wine, research in the 1930s in the US began to reveal the link between climate and wine.Gabriella Maria Petrick, Research Fellow Ruhr University Bochum, University of StavangerLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2158442023-11-16T10:40:17Z2023-11-16T10:40:17ZWhy the Pyrenees’ mountain lakes are turning green<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/554285/original/file-20230921-21-xzmfew.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=39%2C63%2C5232%2C3880&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Ayès lake, in the Ariège region of the Pyrenees.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Dirk S. Schmeller</span>, <span class="license">Fourni par l'auteur</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>I first set foot <a href="https://theconversation.com/pourquoi-le-rechauffement-climatique-saccelere-dans-les-pyrenees-173362">in the Pyrenees</a> in 2006. Two years later, I began a large-scale survey of mountain lakes and amphibian populations: from east to west, I covered more than 100 mountain lakes located in the eastern Pyrenees to the Béarn region (Pyrénées-Atlantiques).</p>
<p>For our various projects, we came back to sample the same lakes at least once a year. Over time, we noticed changes, in particular the increased growth of algae <a href="https://theconversation.com/dans-les-eaux-de-baignade-les-cyanobacteries-amies-ou-ennemies-204352">cyanobacteria</a> and sometimes dinoflagellates, the blue-green algae that turn many lakes green. Back in 2012, we informed the Pyrenees National Park (PNP) about our observations.</p>
<p>Over the years, I’ve seen many of these lakes change colour. Some have lost the clarity and blue we’ve all come to expect from a mountain lake, while others have started to take on a greenish hue or even a bright green, particularly at the end of summer.</p>
<p>This trend does not affect any one region more than another: it can be found in the Ariège Pyrenees, the central mountains of the Pyrenees, as well as the western Béarn region. This is not a rare, localised phenomenon, but a large-scale event that is set to spread over the coming years. We’re also seeing it on the other side of the border, in the Catalan Pyrenees, where my colleague Marc Ventura has been leading the <a href="http://www.lifelimnopirineus.eu/es/inicio">European Limnopirineus project</a>.</p>
<p>In the Alps, colleagues at the research centre for high-altitude ecosystems (<a href="https://creamontblanc.org/">in French: Centre de recherche des écosystèmes d’altitude, Crea</a>) have made a similar observation. Even in the <a href="https://www.nps.gov/articles/algal-booms-mountain-lakes.htm">Canadian Rockies</a>, a clear growth in algae has been observed.</p>
<p>We have identified four main causes of this greening of the lakes.</p>
<h2>1. More fish and algae, fewer crustaceans</h2>
<p>On the Catalan side, Marc Ventura first noticed that the presence of fish was contributing to the phenomenon, and that their eradication was turning the lakes back to a bluish hue. For those of you who might have a problem with the idea of “eradication”, it should be pointed out that the presence of fish in mountain lakes is not natural: it is the result of fish stocking carried out to promote recreational fishing.</p>
<p>To better understand the mechanisms at work, it is important to realise that the species present in mountain lake communities form a highly complex system, with a bewildering number of interactions. The disappearance of one species or a group of species from an aquatic system can lead to radical changes of the overall ecosystem (in this case, a mountain lake).</p>
<p>In the lakes studied, for example, it was observed that crustaceans were much less numerous or even absent in the presence of fish, particularly minnows, a very commonly introduced species in mountain lakes. Microcrustaceans in aquatic ecosystems filter water to ingest food, which is essentially made up of algae: in their absence, this imbalance allows algae to proliferate.</p>
<h2>2. Insecticides that kill crustaceans</h2>
<p>According to our <a href="https://theconversation.com/pyrenees-francaises-un-cocktail-toxique-impressionnant-detecte-dans-les-lacs-de-montagne-181860">own work</a> carried out in certain lakes, the absence or sharp reduction in crustaceans is also due to pollution. It is thought two insecticides in particular shoulder the blame: <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0048969722015492">permethrin and diazinon</a>, which are either used on livestock to protect them from stinging insects or are present in insect repellents used by tourists.</p>
<p>We have identified many other chemical molecules in lake water – <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0048969722015492">141 in total</a> – and the effect of this cocktail on aquatic food webs is currently unknown. It should be noted, however, that we are currently only able to detect a small proportion of the organic molecules, due to methodological limitations. The cumulative toxicity of all the pollutants emitted by humans in these environments therefore remains a mystery.</p>
<p>It is therefore likely that we are underestimating the overall impact of the large number of organic molecules on aquatic ecosystems in the mountains and elsewhere. But there is no doubt that, in the lakes we are studying, the increase in pollution is encouraging the disappearance of microcrustaceans and therefore the proliferation of algae.</p>
<h2>3. Livestock waste, nutrients for algae</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0048969722015492">Research</a> has indicated pollutants may come from livestock, which are treated against biting insects with Butox or similar veterinary treatments containing deltamethrin or permethrin. Applied to the skin, these insecticides penetrate the animal’s bloodstream before being excreted in urine and faeces.</p>
<p>The active molecule remains largely unchanged and enters the water, even though it is <a href="https://enveurope.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s12302-022-00710-3">highly toxic to crustaceans in mountain lakes</a> starting from a concentration of the order of a few nanograms per litre, which is tiny. By killing crustaceans, these insecticides profoundly alter the aquatic food web.</p>
<p>But that’s not all. Algae also need nutrients to grow. Cattle provide them by drinking from lakes before urinating and defecating in the water: these discharges contain a high concentration of nutrients (nitrates and phosphates, among others), and especially phosphates are needed by cyanobacteria, filamentous algae.</p>
<h2>4. Climate change</h2>
<p>Finally, algae appreciate the heat: they multiply with high growth rates during the summer months, particularly when the water temperature exceeds 20°C. The rise in temperature caused by climate change is therefore adding to the other factors. In 2022, the edge of Lake Lhurs, in the Béarn region of France, reached over 25°C at an altitude of almost 1,800 metres – a blessing for algae.</p>
<p>These are the main factors, but my research could uncover more in the future. The most important thing is to understand that they act in synergy: we kill crustaceans by introducing fish, we pollute by treating livestock and then, once the mountain aquatic ecosystems have been weakened, we contribute through our activities to increasing the temperature of the lakes: algae then find the ideal conditions for growth. Some of these <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0043135423009879">algae are toxic</a> and therefore present a health risk.</p>
<p>Our lakes thus change from blue to greenish, from greenish to bright green: no mystery to this, their colour simply reveals what we are inflicting on our mountain lakes, our water resources, wildlife, livestock and ourselves.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/TKaW25EPSk8?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">Mountain lake ecosystem health indicators (“Mountains, a fragile source of life”, 21 September 2023).</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>How to get clear, blue lakes back</h2>
<p>Fortunately, all is not lost. The work of <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/361705726_Non-native_minnows_cause_much_larger_negative_effects_than_trout_on_littoral_macroinvertebrates_of_high_mountain_lakes">Marc Ventura</a> highlights that it is still possible to turn back the clock and return lakes to a blue colour and healthy ecosystems. But this means changing the management of all the mountain lakes.</p>
<p>First, it is essential to limit fish stocking to certain large lakes and ban it in the others, so that they are reserved for local flora and fauna. Even in the large lakes, areas that are inaccessible to fish can be created to encourage invertebrates, amphibians and other aquatic and semi-aquatic species.</p>
<p>The next step is to reduce the pollution caused by tourists, livestock and industry. In particular, by communicating and discussing with the various stakeholders, alerting them to the risks and working with them to find real solutions rather than unsatisfactory compromises.</p>
<p>For example, the Ariège Pyrenees Regional Nature Park has begun to raise awareness among tourists, at least about the use of sun creams. This is a first step, albeit an insufficient one given the range of problems explained here. Another step forward would be to limit cattle access to mountain lakes, which would also help to restore the ecosystems. Finally, on a larger scale, the phenomenon is yet another reminder of the urgent need to combat climate change…</p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308798/original/file-20200107-123373-wmivra.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/308798/original/file-20200107-123373-wmivra.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308798/original/file-20200107-123373-wmivra.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308798/original/file-20200107-123373-wmivra.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=337&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308798/original/file-20200107-123373-wmivra.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308798/original/file-20200107-123373-wmivra.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/308798/original/file-20200107-123373-wmivra.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<p><em>Created in 2007 to help accelerate and share scientific knowledge on key societal issues, the Axa Research Fund has supported nearly 700 projects around the world conducted by researchers in 38 countries. To learn more, visit the site of the Axa Research Fund or follow on Twitter @AXAResearchFund.</em></p>
<hr>
<p><em>The <a href="https://anr.fr/Projet-ANR-21-BIRE-0002">BiodivRestore</a> project is supported by the French National Research Agency (ANR), which funds project-based research in France. Its mission is to support and promote the development of fundamental and applied research in all disciplines, and to strengthen the dialogue between science and society. For more information, visit the <a href="https://anr.fr/">ANR website</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/215844/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dirk S. Schmeller has received funding from the ANR and AXA Research Fund.</span></em></p>Many mountain lakes in the Pyrenees have turned green, a phenomenon that is a warning about the multiple pressures on ecosystems.Dirk S. Schmeller, Directeur de recherche CNRS, Expert for Conservation Biology, Axa Chair for Functional Mountain Ecology at the École Nationale Supérieure Agronomique de Toulouse, Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2147812023-11-09T08:31:14Z2023-11-09T08:31:14ZHow Balzac created the myth of the spinster<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/551421/original/file-20230914-29-r0x6k9.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=2%2C0%2C1994%2C1497&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Dans cette édition illustrée de _La cousine Bette_ (1948), l'héroïne célibataire a les traits durs, la mine sévère et triste. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.edition-originale.com/fr/litterature/livres-illustres/balzac-la-cousine-bette-1948-39977">Editions Albert Guillot, Paris 1948.</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>You only have to hear the word <em>spinster</em> to conjure up the age-old <a href="https://www.editionsladecouverte.fr/vieille_fille-9782348072765">stereotype</a> of a woman in her forties, single and sexually inactive, living alone or with a few cats. Ideally, she will be quite ugly, a little bitter, if not downright nasty, recalling our representations of <a href="https://www.editionsladecouverte.fr/sorcieres-9782355221224">witches</a>. Feminist theorists have been questioning and criticising this figure for decades, whose presence in our collective imagination serves above all as a <a href="https://www.illustre.ch/magazine/feministe-ou-anticonformiste-la-revanche-de-la-vieille-fille-539866">threat to women who decide not to marry or refuse to become mothers</a>.</p>
<p>When we look at the history of <a href="https://theconversation.com/feminisme-dans-la-fiction-quand-bechdel-regarde-moliere-198252">these representations</a>, it’s hard to avoid Balzac and his colossal <em>Human Comedy</em> (in French: <em>La Comédie Humaine</em>), in which portraits of old maids intersect and resemble each other to the point of constituting a <a href="https://www.maisondebalzac.paris.fr/sites/default/files/dossier_portraits_enseignants.pdf">social type</a>. And were those patterns not incriminating enough, one of his novels is entitled <em>Spinster</em> (<em>Vieille fille</em>).</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548337/original/file-20230914-1223-y31aks.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548337/original/file-20230914-1223-y31aks.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=413&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548337/original/file-20230914-1223-y31aks.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=413&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548337/original/file-20230914-1223-y31aks.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=413&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548337/original/file-20230914-1223-y31aks.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=518&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548337/original/file-20230914-1223-y31aks.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=518&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548337/original/file-20230914-1223-y31aks.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=518&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Johann Heinrich Füssli, <em>The Three Witches</em>, 1783.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier:Johann_Heinrich_F%C3%BCssli_019.jpg">Wikimedia</a></span>
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<h2>The spinster, public enemy number one</h2>
<p>Why did Balzac create a stigmatising “type” for unmarried middle-aged women? It would seem that the starting point was his pure and simple detestation of celibacy, a state he considered “unproductive” and “contrary to society”. He writes</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“By remaining unmarried, a creature of the female sex becomes void of meaning; selfish and cold, she creates repulsion. This implacable judgment of the world is unfortunately too just to leave old maids in ignorance of its causes. ” (Balzac, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/7927/pg7927.html">The Celibates: The Vicar of Tours</a>; in French:’Les Célibataires – Le Curé de Tours’).</p>
</blockquote>
<p>In the preface to his novel <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierrette_(novel)"><em>Pierrette</em></a>, he goes so far as to recommend reviving a bill dating back to the Revolution that sought to impose an additional tax on unmarried people. Although he denies suffering from “singlephobia”, Balzac’s deep aversion toward those who were unable to found a family, and above all give birth, is striking. Also bear in mind that both men and women are targeted by his reproaches – and while the portraits of <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Le_Cur%C3%A9_de_Tours">effeminate and ridiculous churchmen</a> or <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Rabouilleuse">bachelors driving their families to ruin</a>, are beyond the scope of this article, they are very much present in <em>The Human Comedy</em>.</p>
<p>But the figure of the old maid receives special satirical attention. Indeed, it appears that the deep empathy that the <a href="https://www.revuedesdeuxmondes.fr/balzac-feministe/">“women’s novelist”</a> usually shows toward women stops at those who do not fulfil themselves in marriage and motherhood.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
À lire aussi :
<a href="https://theconversation.com/relire-balzac-a-lere-des-humanites-numeriques-131090">Relire Balzac à l’ère des humanités numériques</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Of course, this rejection didn’t come out of nowhere, and the stigmatisation of celibacy wasn’t invented by Balzac, with the idea of an additional tax dating back to <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Imp%C3%B4t_sur_le_c%C3%A9libat">antiquity</a>. However, it was Balzac who gave the figure of the old maid its letters of nobility – so to speak – through a series of portraits that show us several variations of characters linked to the stereotype of the single woman. In <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Vieille_Fille_(Balzac)"><em>The Spinster</em></a>, he light-heartedly pokes fun at the naivety of a woman so uneducated in the ways of love that she fails to marry; in <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Cousine_Bette"><em>Cousin Bette</em></a> (<em>La cousine Bette</em>), he describes the manipulations of an old maid prepared to do anything to ruin her own family, drawing from the aesthetics of the witch in no uncertain terms. Finally, in <em>The Vicar of Tours</em> and <em>Pierrette</em>, he paints an almost identical double portrait of two embittered, penny-pinching and ugly spinsteresses conducting those around them to their ruin. In the course of the novellas, the figure of the spinster as we know it today emerges as a woman who suffers from a laughable ignorance in all things sexual, a boring existence, and ultimately, vicious nature.</p>
<p>It is important to note there is a certain paradox in the way Balzac characterises these characters. On the one hand, he criticises celibacy as an unproductive and unnatural lifestyle choice. On the other, he seems intent on showing that this celibacy is not a choice, but stems from the profound nature of his protagonists, for whom celibacy is an absolute inevitability from which they will never escape. Here, celibacy appears less as a free choice than as a state of affairs <a href="https://theconversation.com/tout-le-monde-naime-pas-le-sexe-comment-lasexualite-devient-un-objet-detudes-184801">almost tantamount to asexuality</a>.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
À lire aussi :
<a href="https://theconversation.com/le-feminist-gaze-quand-les-femmes-ecrivent-en-feministes-212586">Le « feminist gaze » : quand les femmes écrivent en féministes</a>
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<p>Now if Balzac detests celibacy, he equally detests the idea of a forced or unhappy marriage, whose disastrous effect on women’s health and psyche he denounces in his novel <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Femme_de_trente_ans"><em>The 30-Year-Old Woman</em></a> (<em>La femme de 30 ans</em>). It therefore appears strange to point the finger at celibacy, which is perhaps the only alternative to undesired marriage.</p>
<p>So why does the 19th-century writer view single women so harshly, framing them in parasitic terms? First of all, non-maternity is at issue:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>“They grow sharp and peevish because all human beings who miss their vocation are unhappy; they suffer, and suffering gives birth to the bitterness of ill will” (Balzac, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/1345/1345-h/1345-h.htm">The Celibates: The Vicar of Tours</a>)</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The absence of desire and love is also singled out, especially as Balzac sees desire as a powerful driving force in his novels, pushing his characters to fulfil their role as heroes. It is a lack of love in the broadest sense that characterises Balzac’s spinster daughters. Deprived of romantic or marital affection, they are also incapable of developing family love: Sylvie Rogron tortures her young cousin to death, Cousin Bette manipulates her entire family to plunge them into misery and achieve her ends. The message is clear: the single woman is a danger to the family, the structure underpinning traditional society. She is thus transformed into a terrifying, even monstrous figure, and often bestialised. What is most frightening about the spinster is her independence, her profound inability to be subject to a man.</p>
<h2>A disturbing absence of sex life</h2>
<p>It is this freedom, so unsuited to women as they were thought of in the 19th century, that Balzac demonises. Under his pen, old maids lose their femininity and almost systematically acquire a form of androgyny.</p>
<p>So a woman without a man or children, without the desire to be desired, appears to Balzac to cease to be a woman at all. The debate is far from over: in France, we think of Marie Kock’s essay, <em>Spinster</em> (<em>Vieille fille</em>) published in 2022, or the essay by the writer and former porn actress Ovidie, <em>Alas, the flesh is sad</em> (<em>La chair est triste hélas</em>) or <a href="https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/lsd-la-serie-documentaire-sur-vivre-sans-sexe-du-12-au-15-avril-sur-france-culture-2161159">her documentary series on national radio France Culture</a> on her life without sex. Not having a sex life, or even claiming it, for a short period or throughout one’s life, continues to disturb society.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548342/original/file-20230914-8719-zf28te.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548342/original/file-20230914-8719-zf28te.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/548342/original/file-20230914-8719-zf28te.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=961&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548342/original/file-20230914-8719-zf28te.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=961&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548342/original/file-20230914-8719-zf28te.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=961&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548342/original/file-20230914-8719-zf28te.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1208&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548342/original/file-20230914-8719-zf28te.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1208&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/548342/original/file-20230914-8719-zf28te.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1208&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Embittered, ugly, dry, sickly jealous of her cousin Adeline and her beauty, Cousin Bette sets out to make her unhappy.</span>
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<p>When the Balzacian heroine is not possessed by a husband or lover, the forces are reversed, with male domination turned upside down. Mademoiselle Gamard, Sylvie Rogron and Cousin Bette subjugate the men around them in an unnatural ascension. Seen from this angle, the female celibacy portrayed in <em>La Comédie Humaine</em> takes on an anarchic, almost revolutionary quality, capable of threatening age-old institutions.</p>
<p>And while Balzac is at pains to show us his deep detestation of these dangers, we also sense a certain fascination with the profound immorality of his terrible bachelors. After all, one of his most delightful novels, <em>Cousin Bette</em>, is driven by its vicious, sapphic anti-heroine and her Machiavellian schemes, which he describes with obvious glee, making her, more or less in spite of himself, far more charismatic and memorable than her “respectable” peers.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214781/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Loup Belliard ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d'une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n'a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.</span></em></p>In his collection of stories, “The Human Comedy”, the French 19th-century writer Honoré de Balzac turned the shaming of single women into an art.Loup Belliard, Doctorante en littérature du XIXe siècle et gender studies, Université Grenoble Alpes (UGA)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.