tag:theconversation.com,2011:/fr/topics/election-2019-59482/articlesElection 2019 – The Conversation2020-03-09T13:13:03Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1329272020-03-09T13:13:03Z2020-03-09T13:13:03ZUniversities need to look outwards: their local economic and social impact really matters<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/318959/original/file-20200305-106568-o12dma.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">shutterstock</span> </figcaption></figure><p>The idea that universities should look outwards, and locally, is a key component of the modern university. But one that is often downplayed or even ignored.</p>
<p>The Conservatives’ 2019 election manifesto contained a rather surprising but welcome reference to the link between universities and the prosperity of <a href="https://theconversation.com/metro-mayors-and-devolution-breathing-new-life-into-our-neglected-town-centres-75875">local towns and communities</a>. It said “we will work with local universities to do more for the education, health and prosperity of their local area” and to “strengthen universities and colleges’ civic role”. </p>
<p>Of course, in many ways the principal impact of universities has always been local. <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-world-war-i-changed-british-universities-forever-106104">Many universities were created</a> as the explicit product of civic economic and social commitment. Though in recent decades their <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-internationalisation-matters-in-universities-72533">national and international roles</a> have tended to gain most focus. </p>
<p>Further thought now needs to be given to the positive role universities can play in contesting the <a href="https://theconversation.com/britain-fails-to-understand-the-nature-of-globalisation-at-its-peril-61392">negative effects of globalisation</a> and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/reality-of-poverty-in-newcastle-england-un-examines-effect-of-austerity-106098">widespread economic desolation</a> it has brought with it in some areas. Effects that have caused tens of millions of people to lose faith in the capacity of the economic and social system to address their day-to-day problems. </p>
<p>Such people have turned towards populist political leaders of both right and left, who speak against the status quo – as the 2016 <a href="https://theconversation.com/2016-the-year-the-establishment-met-its-match-68777">Brexit referendum and US presidential election</a> demonstrate. In 2019, this feeling led to the destruction of Labour’s “<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-labour-failed-to-connect-with-the-british-working-class-128082">red wall</a>” in England and <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-boris-johnsons-victory-means-for-britains-place-in-the-world-128738">Boris Johnson’s general election victory</a>. Indeed, <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-its-like-growing-up-as-a-working-class-girl-in-the-uk-93403">polarised societies</a> have become a real threat to economic and social stability.</p>
<h2>Global innovation</h2>
<p>Economic protection and trade barriers cannot regenerate areas <a href="https://theconversation.com/working-class-towns-are-becoming-dumping-grounds-for-waste-121153">desolated by the decline of traditional industries</a> such as coal, steel, shipbuilding and cars. Nor can state actions or welfare protections – save in the very short term. Instead, such areas need to rediscover their competitive advantage and prosperity. </p>
<p>Books like <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Smartest-Places-Earth-Rustbelts-Innovation-ebook/dp/B06XKY1CC7/ref=sr_1_3?keywords=The+Smartest+Places+on+Earth&qid=1557241098&s=digital-text&sr=1-3-catcorr">The Smartest Places on Earth: Why Rustbelts are the Emerging Hotspots of Global Innovation</a> by Antoine van Agtmael and Fred Bakker, show how so-called “rustbelt” cities are becoming new centres of global innovation. Cities once known for steel production and heavy industry – such as Akron, Ohio and Albany, New York in the US and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/jun/28/we-have-the-nerds-and-the-hippies-how-eindhoven-became-innovation-city">Eindhoven in the Netherlands</a> – are now creating new sources of economic strength.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/seven-ways-universities-benefit-society-81072">Seven ways universities benefit society</a>
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<p>The book emphasises the importance of a wide variety of initiatives to promote interdisciplinary collaboration. This includes working partnerships between universities and business to find new products – along with the education of workers and the “collaborations of local and regional politicians, entrepreneurs and scientists” who can come together to achieve this.</p>
<h2>The role of universities</h2>
<p>Universities, working locally with creativity and innovation, <a href="https://theconversation.com/university-education-makes-you-a-better-citizen-83373">offer the best hope</a> of creating the new economic competitive advantage these places need. With their associated schools and colleges they are also best placed to provide education and training to help sustain a modern workforce and support new economic activity.</p>
<p>In my recent book with Ed Byrne, <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/University-Challenge-Changing-universities-changing/dp/1292276517">The University Challenge</a>, we look at how universities can help economies and societies to adapt and respond to the grand challenges the world faces, from tackling climate change to harnessing artificial intelligence.</p>
<p>More systematic analysis of how best this can be achieved is now needed. And this means looking at places that are doing it right. Examples in the UK include places such as Derby, Lincoln, Northampton and Worcester – all of which have benefited from the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-value-universities-add-to-society-51161">impact of new universities</a>.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/318947/original/file-20200305-106573-urq343.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=15%2C15%2C3339%2C2218&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/318947/original/file-20200305-106573-urq343.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318947/original/file-20200305-106573-urq343.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318947/original/file-20200305-106573-urq343.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318947/original/file-20200305-106573-urq343.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318947/original/file-20200305-106573-urq343.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/318947/original/file-20200305-106573-urq343.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Eindhoven in the Netherlands is a great example of what can happen when a university really connects with the wider community.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/eindhoven-brabant-holland-21-july-2018-1143560387">LauraVI/Shutterstock</a></span>
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<p>Most of the local economic impact of universities has come as a result of the efforts of the institutions themselves. But a partnership with national and international government would help to recognise and encourage this contribution to local economic development.</p>
<p>Governments also need to contribute to a university’s strategic thinking to maximise the impact of university research across government and the wider society. This is best done at a local or regional level, for example through a mayor, who will usually be better able to engage than national government. </p>
<h2>Engines for equality</h2>
<p>Universities also have a substantial local civic role to promote an intellectually engaging climate and culture. The importance of this has risen in the increasingly polarised post-globalisation society with its <a href="https://theconversation.com/sorry-michael-gove-we-really-do-need-experts-heres-why-62000">disdain for facts and realities</a> and their replacement by “<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-term-fake-news-is-doing-great-harm-100406">fake news</a>”. This “anti-science” culture is fundamentally harmful to the whole university ethic and is very dangerous to society.</p>
<p>There is no national template for this. Universities need to determine the best activity by <a href="https://theconversation.com/universities-have-the-power-to-create-exciting-connected-and-inclusive-cities-heres-how-81780">engaging directly with the priorities and concerns</a> of their local community.</p>
<p>But by engaging with local schools and colleges, helping communities become more sustainable with <a href="https://theconversation.com/festivals-can-transform-cities-by-making-space-for-overlooked-people-and-cultures-121013">high quality public services</a> and helping to build social cohesion and erode social divisions, universities can help to dismantle these divides.</p>
<p>Ultimately, universities need to choose between being “engines for equality” or “engines of inequality”. The choice should be clear.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/132927/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Charles Clarke is a member of the Labour Party and was previously Secretary of State for Education and Skills. He acts as a consultant for Cambridge Assessment International Education and Cambridge University Press, and is a member of the International Advisory Board of the Plus Alliance.He has previously worked for the Open University and INTO University Partnerships. He is member of the Board of the British University in Egypt.</span></em></p>A former education secretary says universities need to choose between being “engines for equality” or “engines of inequality”.Charles Clarke, Visiting Professor, King's College LondonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1307962020-01-30T10:44:59Z2020-01-30T10:44:59Z‘Sports rorts’ shows the government misunderstands the public service<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/312706/original/file-20200130-154314-1ix2kaw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=509%2C665%2C2929%2C1521&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Public servants are entirely accountable, ministerial advisers scarcely at all.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The government’s defence of Bridget McKenzie and the prime minister’s call for advice from the head of his department reveal a remarkable misunderstanding (or, less surprisingly, a remarkable misrepresentation) of the respective roles of ministers and administrators.</p>
<p>In defending the actions of his deputy, Bridget McKenzie, National Party leader Michael McCormack said:</p>
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<p>if we only ever do what bureaucrats tell us, we don’t need ministers.</p>
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<p>The Attorney-General Christian Porter backed him up:</p>
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<p>what I fundamentally don’t accept is that ministers should not be involved in final approval of projects. That’s their job.</p>
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<p>On Wednesday at the National Press Club, Prime Minister Scott Morrison spelled out what he saw as the strengths of ministers and politicians as decision-makers, saying that in contrast to public servants, </p>
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<p>at the end of the day politicians, members of parliament are elected. We face our electors. We are part of our communities. We live in them. We engage there every day.</p>
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<p>A former Coalition sports minister, Jackie Kelly, has been less diplomatic. She used an appearance on ABC’s The Drum to deride “unaccountable public servants” who she said had “their own axe to grind”, unlike elected members of parliament who understood community needs and were accountable to their electorates.</p>
<h2>Public servants are entirely accountable</h2>
<p>My fear is that these statements reflect misunderstanding – not just wilful misrepresentation – both of the respective roles of ministers and public servants and of respective accountability arrangements.</p>
<p>Of course ministers - if legally authorised to decide on grants - may exercise discretion and are not required to accept the recommendations of public servants.</p>
<p>However, their first role is setting the criteria for the allocation of the funds: sometimes by introducing legislation, and other times by articulating the objectives of programs which form the basis for public service decisions or advice. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-politicians-not-bureaucrats-are-the-ones-in-touch-morrison-claims-in-sports-affair-130795">View from The Hill: Politicians not bureaucrats are the ones in touch, Morrison claims in sports affair</a>
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<p>Having set up frameworks, ministers may be legally empowered to make final decisions (depending on the legislation involved), but can be expected to be constrained by those frameworks just as much as public servants. They will also be required to give reasons, consistent with the frameworks, for rejecting public service recommendations.</p>
<p>The public service is accountable for the advice it provides and the decisions it makes. The Audit Office would quickly highlight a finding that advice was not consistent with the framework the parliament or the government had established.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/scott-morrisons-resilience-speech-overshadowed-as-mckenzie-crisis-deepens-130700">Scott Morrison's 'resilience' speech overshadowed as McKenzie crisis deepens</a>
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<p>Where authority for decisions does lie with the public service, the public service is subject not only to the provisions of the Public Service Act (including impartiality) and those of the Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act (including value for money and performance management) but also to administrative law. </p>
<p>This includes the provisions in the Administrative Decisions (Judicial Review) Act (which effectively define “impartiality”), the capacity for decisions to be subject to legal review, and the requirements under the Freedom of Information Act that ensure (with identified exceptions) public access to documentation.</p>
<h2>Ministerial advisers, scarcely at all</h2>
<p>Under the Constitution, ministers are responsible for the administration of departments. But for a long time, perhaps since Federation, the convention has been not to hold them personally accountable for their department’s administrative failures unless they are personally involved.</p>
<p>This makes the idea of an “unaccountable” public service a figment of the imagination of some politicians and their advisers. If there is a group within the executive arm of government that is unaccountable, it is ministerial advisers, not the public service.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/312711/original/file-20200130-154327-1tzi4fo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/312711/original/file-20200130-154327-1tzi4fo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/312711/original/file-20200130-154327-1tzi4fo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=878&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/312711/original/file-20200130-154327-1tzi4fo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=878&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/312711/original/file-20200130-154327-1tzi4fo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=878&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/312711/original/file-20200130-154327-1tzi4fo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1103&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/312711/original/file-20200130-154327-1tzi4fo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1103&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/312711/original/file-20200130-154327-1tzi4fo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1103&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://pmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/publications/independent-review-aps_0.pdf">Thodey Review, December 2019</a></span>
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<p>A return to greater independence of the kind recommended in December by the <a href="https://pmc.gov.au/resource-centre/government/independent-review-australian-public-service">independent review</a> of the public service conducted by David Thodey, but <a href="https://pmc.gov.au/resource-centre/government/delivering-for-australians">dismissed by the government</a>, would in no respect reduce accountability. </p>
<p>Rather, it would clarify the respective roles of ministers and the public service and reinforce the values that underpin the distinct role of the public service. </p>
<p>Among these are the merit principle, impartiality and non-partisanship. </p>
<p>Alhough the Sports Commission does not come under the Public Service Act, it has articulated similar values, including “integrity”, and the parliament has given it even greater independence, requiring any directions its minister gives it to be in writing.</p>
<h2>Servants should not investigate masters</h2>
<p>This brings me to the question of whether the head of the department of prime minister’s department, in this case <a href="https://theconversation.com/scott-morrison-orders-probe-into-whether-bridget-mckenzie-breached-ministerial-code-130403">Philip Gaetjens</a>, is the appropriate person to advise whether a minister has behaved consistently with the prime minister’s guidelines on ministerial behaviour.</p>
<p>Malcolm Turnbull set the precedent by referring the behaviour of his ministers <a href="https://www.malcolmturnbull.com.au/media/statement-on-the-hon-stuart-robert-mp">Barnaby Joyce</a> and <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/malcolm-turnbull-seeks-advice-on-stuart-roberts-china-trip-20160208-gmojj5.html">Stuart Robert</a> to the head of his department for advice.</p>
<p>There seem to me two possible ways to apply the prime minister’s ministerial standards. </p>
<p>One is to regard them, to the extent they go beyond strict legal requirements, as essentially political, articulating the prime minister’s view of appropriate ethical behaviour. </p>
<h2>Investigations are a job for someone else</h2>
<p>Under this approach (which seems unlikely to pass the famous “pub test”), the prime minister really needs no independent advice but might choose to seek advice from a respected political ally to lend credibility to his decision. </p>
<p>A suitable source might be a former minister or his chief of staff, but certainly not the secretary of his department, who is required to be apolitical under the Public Service Act.</p>
<p>The second approach is to give the standards a firmer status, in which case a more independent assessment of possible breaches would be appropriate.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/so-the-government-gave-sports-grants-to-marginal-seats-what-happens-now-130057">So the government gave sports grants to marginal seats. What happens now?</a>
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<p>But again, the secretary of the prime minister’s department is not the appropriate person to undertake it. This is particularly so given the more recent practice of prime ministers personally appointing people to the role with whom they have personal relationships (most clearly the case with Gaetjens). </p>
<p>The most appropriate body under this second approach would be a parliamentary integrity officer or organisation, either an anti-corruption authority or a <a href="https://ciec-ccie.parl.gc.ca/en/Pages/default.aspx">conflict of interest and ethics commissioner</a> of the kind that exists in Canada.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/130796/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andrew Podger does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The government’s approach to Bridget McKenzie reveals a remarkable misunderstanding (or perhaps a remarkable misrepresentation) of the respective roles of ministers and administrators.Andrew Podger, Honorary Professor of Public Policy, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1287522019-12-18T14:49:20Z2019-12-18T14:49:20ZBoris Johnson’s British Christmas story – Love Actually in politics<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/306658/original/file-20191212-85386-1y8dx0c.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=4%2C0%2C2805%2C1289&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A still from the Conservatie party Love, Actually parody campaign video, Brexit, Actually</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Boris Johnson/Twitter</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Boris Johnson’s landslide election victory confirms, in case there was any doubt, that populist politics go <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/dec/06/johnsons-get-brexit-done-strategy-resonates-with-marginal-focus-groups">hand-in-hand with populist messaging</a>. The Conservatives kept their message <a href="https://time.com/5749478/get-brexit-done-slogan-uk-election/">simple, emotive and repetitive</a> and barely let the focus slip from the personality of their leader.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-boris-johnsons-conservatives-swept-to-election-victory-in-labour-heartlands-128684">How Boris Johnson's Conservatives swept to election victory in Labour heartlands</a>
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<p>But straightforward does not mean simplistic. The Conservative campaign revealed that its understanding of contemporary media extended beyond political messaging and included an awareness of a much broader landscape of cultural references. In particular, the power that comes from using some of the most emotive associations of popular culture. </p>
<p>This is exemplified in the video advert which, for all its apparent frivolity and jostling for space amongst the myriad of other short clips and ads online, epitomises the successful Conservative media strategy and its ability to “own” Labour. Released last week, as part of a late-campaign Google and YouTube blitz by both main parties, it was a parody of the infamous “card scene” in the 2003 movie Love Actually.</p>
<p>In the original, the character Mark tells Juliet he loves her in secret by showing her statements written on cards on her doorstep. while her husband, Peter, stays inside, unaware. The parody featured Johnson in the role of silent seducer, using the cards to persuade a woman on her doorstep to stick with him and his determination to “get Brexit done”. Johnson’s version wasn’t without a characteristic whiff of disrepute, as it echoed an earlier parody of the same scene released a few weeks earlier by <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/boris-johnson-love-actually-election-campaign-video-rosena-allin-khan-labour-a9240146.html">the Labour MP Dr Rosena Allin-Khan</a>.</p>
<p>But despite this – and despite the original clip’s rather dubious ethics – closer examination of the Love Actually associations used by the advert, demonstrate the daring willingness of the campaign to sweep up even negative perceptions of Johnson into a portrait of someone who could be relied on. </p>
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<h2>Love and fidelity</h2>
<p>Besides the obvious association with Christmas, Love Actually stands for two main things in the British cultural imagination. Firstly, it signifies Britishness, or at least one particular variety of Britishness. This is affluent, metropolitan Britain, as <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/film/2003/nov/13/britishidentity.uk">celebrated in many of Curtis’s films</a>.</p>
<p>Johnson was in fact the third prime minister to be linked with the film’s positive affirmation of Britishness. Both <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/personal-view/3617425/Blair-and-Bush-will-find-little-to-agree-on-at-Gleneagles-.html">Gordon Brown</a> (in 2006) and <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/russia/10290835/David-Camerons-Love-Actually-moment-as-he-defends-Britain-against-small-island-jibe.html">David Cameron</a> (in 2013) had their own “Love Actually moment” – referencing <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5mc2IWZOWXA">the speech</a> that the film’s prime minister (played by Hugh Grant) gives about UK/US relations – when standing up for Britain’s significance compared to other countries.</p>
<p>Secondly, the film is a warmhearted portrayal of what is genuine about relationships. It affirms that love is the force uniting people in the UK, both as human beings and as British people. Its title is subtly double, bringing both these features together. Love Actually is about the actuality of love, in all its forms. But the film gives us real love as seen through a British lens. This is indicated by its title phrase, which somewhat ironically evokes the speech patterns of the very <a href="https://inews.co.uk/opinion/defence-theresa-mays-hated-liberal-metropolitan-elite-534074">“liberal metropolitan elite”</a> scorned by Brexiteers. </p>
<p>By selecting the card scene for a Christmas election campaign, both the Allin-Khan and the Johnson versions were able to clothe themselves in the film’s overall connotations of warm, humorous, reasonable Britishness. It was an association which lent itself to promoting an approach to Brexit: To remain, in Allin-Khan’s case – to leave, in Johnson’s.</p>
<p>Yet, while Love Actually is about love, its most famous scene is actually about fidelity. Mark’s actions express his desire for Juliet but also the fact he covets another man’s wife. His silent declaration makes her complicit in the deceit by commanding her to tell Peter she has answered the door to carol singers. Her response is ambivalent as she returns to Peter, but only after giving Mark a consoling or encouraging (depending on your personal interpretation) kiss.</p>
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<p>In the same spirit, Allin-Khan’s suggested people secretly wanted to vote for another party, those that comprise the ruling class (one of her cards included unflattering photos of Johnson, Rees-Mogg, and Nigel Farage, among others). Her campaign was ultimately successful, resulting in her comfortably holding her <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/politics/constituencies/E14000998">Tooting seat with 52% of the vote share</a>. </p>
<p>Yet on a nationwide scale, the idea of persuading voters to ignore what many saw as an inviolable commitment to leaving the EU, as rubber-stamped by the 2016 referendum, proved much less effective. In contrast – and rather ironically for a man associated with lies and infidelity – Johnson’s video conveyed the values of loyalty, of sticking to one’s principles.</p>
<p>This double message, the acknowledgement of Johnson’s dishonesty and the assurance that he can be trusted, is what made his Love Actually parody so effective. It subtly referred to his reputation as a man who is not <a href="https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/politics/boris-johnson-shameless-pathological-liar-21077915">necessarily as good as his word</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/we-should-look-closely-at-britains-decision-to-elect-a-man-so-renowned-for-his-untrustworthiness-128733">We should look closely at Britain's decision to elect a man so renowned for his untrustworthiness</a>
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<p>One of the cards he holds up referred to the fact that he may, once again, be unable to keep his promise to get Brexit done: “If parliament doesn’t block it again.” Even more daringly, by presenting an image of Johnson creeping around London after dark, trying to keep things secret, the clip even evoked the recent speculation surrounding his relationships – notably with US businesswoman <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/oct/08/boris-johnson-failed-to-disclose-meetings-with-jennifer-arcuri-in-diary">Jennifer Arcuri</a> and his girlfriend <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/jun/21/police-called-to-loud-altercation-at-boris-johnsons-home">Carrie Symonds</a>.</p>
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<p>Relaying a message about Brexit quietly, after dark, traded on the idea of it being a radical force – something discussed knowingly by like-minded groups of people, and perpetrated by the kind of “<a href="https://badboysofbrexit.com/">bad boys</a>” who conspire in the night, rather than a responsible governing power. It acknowledged that Brexit might not make logical sense – a message Allin-Khan conveys outright in her video – but is a choice to be made from the heart not the head.</p>
<p>The advert’s overall impression was of Johnson speaking directly to his supporters, bypassing – as was his tendency throughout <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/boris-johnson-speech-cancelled-protest-police-general-election-rochester-a9235821.html">the campaign</a>) – conventional public declarations. <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/boris-johnson-love-actually-hugh-grant_uk_5def8252e4b00563b8576155?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAAA4T5c1uELiioYPyqsqWzxEpjSU94pTDGKgaIjfPSIxrDY_cTg74ogvV8LKVnlvqelrOJhUz_gur8YlnCsbeZaJtQYFmXkwT52dX2CbymdqnsyKpYZIFnf0Mw5gJCcy9E0saeSqlSPaendI0Ih_lpux-GtQsDIjVB4Ia0HvX-KGb">Hugh Grant responded to Johnson’s advert</a> by noting that in the original, one of Mark’s cards stated: “Because at Christmas you tell the truth.” </p>
<p>The Johnson who appeared in the video may not be being fully honest. But for all his slipperiness, its success, like that of the Conservative campaign as a whole, was because – actually – it did not shy from the truth about Johnson and Brexit at a deeper level, while still persuading voters that Johnson was committed to doing what he says in private and public. That is, he will “get Brexit done”.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/128752/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bran Nicol does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The “card scene” from the much-loved Christmas film was parodied by both parties. Boris’ use of it of it showed a keen awareness of the allure of an awkward British bad boyBran Nicol, Professor of English, University of SurreyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1273702019-12-04T16:04:01Z2019-12-04T16:04:01ZUK election 2019: how the main parties compare on immigration<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/304914/original/file-20191203-67011-pllmnk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C0%2C2995%2C1684&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/london-uk-march-14-2017-air-609397571?src=e0a22f19-850a-43d7-9054-b1a070e41ace-1-15">shutterstock/1000 Words</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Britain is heading to the polls for the fourth time in four years. Immigration dominated much of the <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/election-2015-31422193">2015 general election</a> and was at the <a href="https://ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Public-Opinion-2019-report.pdf">heart of the referendum debate</a>. With the manifestos out, it’s time to reflect on what the parties propose on immigration. </p>
<p>In essence, <a href="https://vote.conservatives.com/our-plan">the Conservatives</a> want to “fix” the system they’ve been running for the past nine years but are vague about how that might look. <a href="https://labour.org.uk/manifesto/">Labour</a> has again struggled to reconcile its two halves. But where Labour fails to be radical on immigration, the <a href="https://www.libdems.org.uk/plan">Liberal Democrats</a> have stepped up – though perhaps the luxury of knowing you won’t take charge at Number 10 always lends to creative if fanciful thinking.</p>
<p>Public concern about immigration may have dominated party debates, but the tide is shifting. The public are more open to immigration, and <a href="https://ukandeu.ac.uk/immigration-is-public-opinion-changing/">it is less important as a voting issue</a>. With that, both the Lib Dems and Labour show that advocating for migrant rights is no longer political suicide. But those seeking clarity on immigration from the main parties before voting will be left wanting. </p>
<h2>Conservatives: a points based system</h2>
<p>The government of the day’s manifesto, headlined with “<a href="https://vote.conservatives.com/our-plan">getting Brexit done</a>”, sets out its intention to end free movement and, with that, to have “fewer low-skilled migrants”. Plans to establish a <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/766465/The-UKs-future-skills-based-immigration-system-print-ready.pdf">temporary youth mobility scheme for EU nationals</a> seem to have been abandoned. </p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/whats-happened-to-uk-migration-since-the-eu-referendum-in-four-graphs-127891">The net migration target</a> would also be officially abandoned, replaced with the rather vague: “overall numbers will come down”. There’s no mention of scrapping the <a href="https://theconversation.com/hostile-environment-the-uk-governments-draconian-immigration-policy-explained-95460">hostile environment</a>, so that would presumably continue despite <a href="https://researchbriefings.parliament.uk/ResearchBriefing/Summary/LLN-2018-0064">criticism</a>. </p>
<p>The Conservatives pledge a “fair and firm” system and would introduce a fast-track NHS visa for those with job offers, while also increasing <a href="https://fullfact.org/election-2019/nhs-surcharge-tax-contributions/">NHS surcharges</a> for immigrants. Technology and science gradates who “win top scientific prizes” would also be offered fast track entry to the UK. The proposal of introducing a “start-up visa” is also touted.</p>
<p>But the pillar of the plan is the coveted if obscure “<a href="https://theconversation.com/immigration-after-brexit-what-are-the-alternatives-to-a-points-based-system-65067">points-based system</a>” (PBS). Inspired by Australia’s approach, this would be a way of selecting who is able to come to the UK based on various characteristics – such as their educational qualifications, language proficiency, work experience and occupation.</p>
<p>This manifesto offers no clarity on how the new PBS would work. All that is promised is that migrants would have a “good grasp of English”, be law-abiding and have “good education and qualifications”, but no details on what standard those would be assessed at. Would different attributes receive points in a flexible way? Would a job offer be the prerequisite before all other attributes? Would this job offer need to be at a particular salary? The vagueness here makes the Lib Dems and Labour’s plans look positively meticulous. </p>
<h2>Labour: tackle the labour market</h2>
<p>Immigration is an issue <a href="https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783319646916">Labour struggles to “win”</a> as it somewhat splits its voters -– between the cosmopolitan internationalists at ease with diversity and the protectionists wanting less immigration. This division has been palpable in Labour’s ambiguous stance on Brexit until recently.</p>
<p>Party members voted at conference this year to move to a much more open borders policy, pledging to “<a href="https://labourlist.org/2019/09/labour-conference-approves-motion-to-extend-free-movement/">maintain and extend free movement rights</a>”. But that has disappeared from this manifesto. </p>
<p>Instead, Labour says it would negotiate a new Brexit deal and free movement will be “<a href="https://labour.org.uk/manifesto/tackle-poverty-and-inequality/">subject to negotiation</a>” – although it would also seek to “protect those rights”. But if the right to move and work in another state is being negotiated then it’s surely not being protected. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/304912/original/file-20191203-66990-17g018v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/304912/original/file-20191203-66990-17g018v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=222&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304912/original/file-20191203-66990-17g018v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=222&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304912/original/file-20191203-66990-17g018v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=222&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304912/original/file-20191203-66990-17g018v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=279&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304912/original/file-20191203-66990-17g018v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=279&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304912/original/file-20191203-66990-17g018v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=279&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">The main parties all have radically different approaches to handling the number of people that move to the UK.</span>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/whats-happened-to-uk-migration-since-the-eu-referendum-in-four-graphs-127891">What's happened to UK migration since the EU referendum – in four graphs</a>
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<p>But under a Labour government EU nationals would be granted voting rights and the current settlement scheme would be replaced with a <a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2019/09/09/long-read-eu-settlement-scheme-needs-to-be-a-declaratory-registration-system/">non-mandatory declaratory scheme</a>. In this scheme EU nationals would automatically be granted the right to continue living and working in the UK and would voluntarily register to gain proof of their status. </p>
<p>At the heart of Labour’s immigration offering is enhancing the rights of migrants. Ending the hostile environment, indefinite detention and minimum income thresholds for spouses are all positive measures. But the Liberal Democrats have made bolder promises here. </p>
<p>Like the previous <a href="https://action.labour.org.uk/page/-/A4%20BIG%20_PRINT_ENG_LABOUR%20MANIFESTO_TEXT%20LAYOUT.pdf">two manifestos</a>, the emphasis on tackling unscrupulous employers, exploitation and undercutting is all here. But there’s curiously less detail. Strengthening labour standards enforcement, such as the <a href="https://www.gla.gov.uk">The Gangmasters and Labour Abuse Authority</a>, which investigates all aspects of labour exploitation in England and Wales, is absent for instance. </p>
<p>While there’s little substance in the immigration chapter, clues can be found in Labour’s work proposals. The thread of this manifesto lies in “the biggest extension of workers rights in history” and radical changes to the labour market. The manifesto proposes to push for a higher living wage, ban overseas-only recruitment, scrap the gig economy and bring collective bargaining to the fore. The implication is a decrease in labour market flexibility, in turn reducing the demand for migrant labour. So while the plans for immigration appear to lack ambition, significant change would come about as a result of radical proposals for the wider economy. </p>
<h2>Liberal Democrats: away from the Home Office</h2>
<p>The Lib Dems have a much clearer and simpler plan on the free movement conundrum – simply to revoke Article 50. </p>
<p>There’s a lot of consistency with Labour here on migrant rights. But the Lib Dems go further on their humanitarian commitments than Labour, and would bring in a 28-day limit on immigration detention and a long overdue pledge of <a href="https://www.refugee-action.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Lift-the-Ban-report.pdf">granting asylum seekers the right to work</a>. That said, even they couldn’t resist the stale proposals of “investing in officers, training and technology to prevent illegal entry at Britain’s borders”. </p>
<p>But the big story here, and where the Liberal Democrats have been far more radical than their Labour counterparts, is a major restructure of how the government runs its immigration policy. Immigration wouldn’t be in the Home Office’s remit anymore and would be separated to the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/organisations/department-for-business-energy-and-industrial-strategy">Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy</a> , the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/organisations/department-for-international-development">Department for International Development</a> and the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/organisations/department-for-education">Department for Education</a>. </p>
<p>The logic for this is understandable. The Home Office has long had a reputation of incompetence underpinned by a <a href="https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783319646916">culture of caution</a> – epitomised with the <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/home-affairs-committee/news-parliament-2017/the-windrush-generation-report-published-17-19/">Windrush Scandal</a> and problems with the <a href="https://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/home-affairs-committee/news-parliament-2017/eu-settlement-scheme-report-published-17-19/">EU settlement scheme</a>.</p>
<p>These proposals are bold and grounded in a rational and astute logic that different types of immigration are better managed by the departments affected. But with rational policy-making comes a cost. Spreading the same operative immigration functions across departments would be very challenging. The scope of discretion and thus inconsistent decision-making would be huge, and the level of effective joined up government -– something <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/sites/default/files/publications/Policy%20making%20in%20the%20real%20world.pdf">Whitehall has always struggled with</a> – seems improbable. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/newsletters/the-daily-newsletter-2?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKGE2019&utm_content=GEBannerB">Click here to subscribe to our newsletter if you believe this election should be all about the facts.</a></em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/127370/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Erica Consterdine received funding from the ESRC (2010-2014) </span></em></p>What the main parties propose to do about immigration.Erica Consterdine, Lecturer Public Policy, Lancaster UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1280322019-12-03T10:34:24Z2019-12-03T10:34:24ZUK election 2019: why the BBC’s approach to the IFS is a threat to its impartiality<p>During the 2015 election campaign, the BBC Reality Check page asked: <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/election-2015-32433408">Why should we trust the Institute for Fiscal Studies</a> (IFS)? It’s a pertinent question in this election, too, as it has become almost a ritual for the BBC to ask the IFS to assess the various manifesto spending pledges and tax projections underpinning those commitments.</p>
<p>In 2015, the BBC concluded that “the IFS has managed to maintain a generally solid reputation for impartiality among commentators of different political colours” – and indeed the corporation’s former economics editor <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/2016/mar/15/british-umpire-how-institute-fiscal-studies-became-most-influential-voice-in-uk-economic-debate">Robert Peston</a>, now political editor of ITV news, said that the IFS “is regarded as the ultimate authority … basically, when the IFS has pronounced, there’s no other argument. It is the word of God.” </p>
<p>But, while its microeconomic analysis is uncontroversial, its views on public investment and taxation <a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/oureconomy/when-it-comes-economics-there-no-infallible-voice-authority/">are</a> <a href="https://tribunemag.co.uk/2019/11/the-ifs-is-wrong-about-labours-economics">contested</a>.</p>
<h2>IFS and the ‘deficit crisis’</h2>
<p>This was evident after the 2008 banking crisis, as I discuss <a href="https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9781137499721">in my book</a> The Media the Public and the Great Financial Crisis, which explores how the media were central to the selling of austerity. In a 2009 sample of the BBC’s flagship News at Ten bulletins, the IFS was the most cited non-party political source and a key voice advocating deficit reduction through public spending cuts and tax increases.</p>
<p>For instance, on January 28, 2009, a BBC journalist stated that the “IFS warns that more tax increases may be needed. It suggests that VAT may have to be imposed on children’s clothes and other items where there is currently no VAT payable.” In June the same year, the BBC reported that IFS “economists have already warned there will have to be what they call <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/a6d838ce-305a-11de-88e3-00144feabdc0">two parliaments of pain</a> before the public finances enter a healthier phase”.</p>
<p>This approach was opposed by <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/28/opinion/us-budget-deficit.html">Keynesian</a> <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2009/aug/31/us-uk-economy-deficit-debt">economists</a> who didn’t feature in BBC reports, but correctly predicted that deficit reduction – as opposed to stimulus – would be economically and socially damaging.</p>
<p>The IFS prescription of addressing the deficit by spending cuts and taxing average citizens was also contested by those who advocated <a href="http://www.compassonline.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/Compass-in-place-of-cuts-WEB2.pdf">taxing</a> <a href="https://www.ippr.org/files/images/media/files/publication/2011/05/peoples_budget_1687.pdf">the</a> <a href="http://classonline.org.uk/docs/austerity_isn_t_working_-_there_is_an_alternative1.pdf">rich</a> or a <a href="https://neweconomics.org/2008/07/green-new-deal">programme of green public investment</a> – again perspectives not featured in BBC prime time coverage.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/304904/original/file-20191203-66990-1ou5i6q.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/304904/original/file-20191203-66990-1ou5i6q.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=260&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304904/original/file-20191203-66990-1ou5i6q.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=260&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304904/original/file-20191203-66990-1ou5i6q.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=260&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304904/original/file-20191203-66990-1ou5i6q.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=327&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304904/original/file-20191203-66990-1ou5i6q.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=327&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/304904/original/file-20191203-66990-1ou5i6q.PNG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=327&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Trusted source: BBC 10pm news bulletin, November 21, 2019.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">BBC</span></span>
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<p>In this election, the IFS’s view on the manifestos predominated on the BBC’s mass audience (6pm and 10pm) television bulletins where, according to my analysis of these bulletins, they have been the only external source.</p>
<h2>Problems with Labour</h2>
<p>The IFS has made <a href="https://www.ifs.org.uk/election/2019/article/labour-manifesto-an-initial-reaction-from-ifs-researchers">three key criticisms</a> of Labour’s 2019 manifesto. First, it said that increasing corporation tax would not just affect “the rich” but instead “much of the burden will be passed on to companies, employees through lower wages, and customers through higher prices”. It also said increasing corporation tax would not bring in the projected sums in the “long run” because “a less competitive rate would reduce investment, and therefore productivity and wages”. And third, it said that Labour had overestimated how much money can be extracted from high earners. </p>
<p>These views reflect the IFS’s <a href="https://www.ifs.org.uk/publications/7723">belief</a> that raising taxes on the better off and companies risked “chasing away wealth creation and increasing poverty”.</p>
<p>But again these views <a href="https://medium.com/@mpknowles/some-concerns-about-the-ifs-analysis-of-labours-economic-proposals-100ec49a7b3b">are</a> <a href="https://leftfootforward.org/2019/11/criticisms-of-labours-economic-plans-debunked-by-accounting-professor/">contested</a>. Who ultimately pays corporation tax is disputed, with <a href="https://www.ippr.org/research/publications/fair-dues">some</a> <a href="https://www.nber.org/papers/w11686.pdf">studies</a> finding that it is primarily born by shareholders – <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/economy/investmentspensionsandtrusts/bulletins/ownershipofukquotedshares/2016#rise-in-uk-shares-owned-outside-of-the-country-continues">the bulk (54%)</a> of whom in the UK are foreign investors, with only <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/economy/investmentspensionsandtrusts/bulletins/ownershipofukquotedshares/2016#rise-in-uk-shares-owned-outside-of-the-country-continues">3% of UK shares owned by pension funds</a>. </p>
<p>How much headroom there is to tax high earners is also controversial with Thomas Piketty arguing that <a href="https://voxeu.org/article/taxing-1-why-top-tax-rate-could-be-over-80">income</a>, <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.3982/ECTA10712">inheritance</a> and <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/0b362d6a-df2a-11e9-9743-db5a370481bc">wealth taxes</a> could be substantially increased without damaging economic growth. </p>
<p>Finally, it has been <a href="https://mainlymacro.blogspot.com/2019/11/is-labours-economic-plan-credible.html">argued</a> that the impact on investment of raising corporation tax would be small and likely outweighed by the economic stimulus created by Labour’s plans for public investment and the potential termination of Brexit.</p>
<p>This brings us to the most serious criticism of the IFS’s approach – that the organisation “doesn’t do macro”. The Oxford University economist <a href="https://mainlymacro.blogspot.com/2017/05/but-do-numbers-add-up.html">Simon Wren-Lewis argues</a> that this means its analyses don’t consider how public investment – especially when interest rates are low – will raise aggregate demand, investment, productivity and taxation.</p>
<p>Wren-Lewis also <a href="https://mainlymacro.blogspot.com/2019/11/in-defence-of-ifs-and-why-it-cannot.html">suggests</a> its neglect of macroeconomics means the IFS misses “key issues influencing people’s welfare” such as “stagnant productivity, lack of real wage growth, regional inequalities, the state of public services and the need for a green transformation of the economy”. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1199338813400571904"}"></div></p>
<p>These issues were raised in a <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/d6f56834-0f78-11ea-a225-db2f231cfeae">letter</a> published in the Financial Times and signed by 163 leading economists – but the letter was not reported on any of BBC1’s television bulletins.</p>
<h2>Impartiality under threat</h2>
<p>BBC coverage has provided opportunities in its non-prime time bulletins for Keynesian economists such as <a href="https://www.annpettifor.com/">Ann Pettifor</a> and <a href="https://marianamazzucato.com/">Mariana Mazzucato</a> to argue for the state-led investment proposed by the Labour manifesto. This shows the BBC is aware that the IFS approach – particularly its aversion to state-led investment – is contested. </p>
<p>But on the day of the manifesto launch, the BBC’s mass audience television bulletins – which have the <a href="https://www.statista.com/statistics/376386/ranking-of-news-sources-by-reach-in-england/">largest audiences</a> and hence influence – used the IFS as the only external source, aside from vox pops.</p>
<p>The BBC could easily feature the opinions of both the IFS and Keynesian economists in its prime time election coverage. Its reluctance to do so disadvantages the Labour party and I believe represents a breach of its balance and impartiality requirements.</p>
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<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/newsletters/the-daily-newsletter-2?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKGE2019&utm_content=GEBannerA">Click here to subscribe to our newsletter if you believe this election should be all about the facts.</a></em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/128032/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mike Berry is a member of the Labour party</span></em></p>The BBC relies for too much of its analysis on one think tank in particular.Mike Berry, Lecturer, Cardiff UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1275482019-11-27T14:54:06Z2019-11-27T14:54:06ZUK Election 2019: Tory and Labour cultural policies leave arts organisations squeezed<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/303971/original/file-20191127-112512-18skz5i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Both parties have placed museums at the heart of their cultural policies, renewing commitment to free entry.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Wutthikrai Busayaporn/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Amid a flurry of manifesto promises over the past week, the UK’s two main parties have both made various pledges to invest in arts and culture. Labour has promised to invest in a <a href="https://www.theartnewspaper.com/news/uk-election-manifesto-2019">£1 billion Cultural Capital Fund</a> to transform institutions in towns that have been “neglected for too long”. Meanwhile the Conservatives have pledged to fund an “<a href="https://www.thestage.co.uk/news/2019/conservative-party-manifesto-arts-premium-secondary-schools/">arts premium</a>” in secondary schools and offer business rates relief for music venues and cinemas.</p>
<p>It’s fair to say that Labour’s promise has grabbed the headlines more than that of the Conservatives. Their so-called Charter for the Arts has also won the PR war, garnering the support of <a href="https://tribunemag.co.uk/2019/11/culture-for-labour">hundreds of artists</a>, including celebrities such as Maxine Peake, Lily Allen and Ken Loach.</p>
<p>The Conservatives perceive the arts as “nice to have”, the peripheral tinsel on the tree of learning. This is despite growing evidence from the likes of the <a href="https://culturallearningalliance.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/CLA-key-findings-2017.pdf">Cultural Learning Alliance</a> and the recent <a href="https://www.dur.ac.uk/resources/creativitycommission/DurhamReport.pdf">Durham Commission</a> that effective arts education can foster creativity, innovation, empathy and resilience. It can also make children happier and healthier. Labour also backs a £160 million annual “arts pupil premium”, designed to fund arts education for every primary school child and ensure that arts and creativity are embedded in the curriculum. </p>
<p>It’s interesting to note that alongside schools, both main parties have placed local libraries and museums at the heart of their cultural policies. Before releasing their manifesto, the Conservatives had already announced a <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-250-million-culture-investment-fund-launched">£250 million Culture Investment Fund</a> to support Coventry and the UK City of Culture programme, York’s National Railway Museum, the Cultural Development Fund, and upgrades to museums and libraries. </p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/arts-education-helps-school-students-learn-and-socialise-we-must-invest-in-it-122199">Arts education helps school students learn and socialise. We must invest in it</a>
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<h2>Renewed pledges to favourites</h2>
<p>Alongside its own Cultural Capital Fund, Labour is also committing to a UK City of Culture programme, championed recently by both <a href="https://www.artsprofessional.co.uk/news/labour-could-bring-tourist-tax-says-tom-watson">Tom Watson</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2018/dec/29/yvette-cooper-leads-call-for-town-of-culture-award-regeneration">Yvette Cooper</a>. Supporters of this policy cite the apparent successes of <a href="https://www.irishnews.com/news/northernirelandnews/2018/01/02/news/derry-transformed-five-years-on-from-city-of-culture-1222901/">Derry/Londonderry</a> in 2013 and <a href="https://www.hull.ac.uk/work-with-us/more/media-centre/news/2018/city-of-culture-evaluation.aspx">Hull</a> in 2017 as UK Cities of Culture. Detractors, however, critique the flawed economic impact methods used to justify such investment and the potentially damaging nature of what could be considered a costly urban beauty contest.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/303977/original/file-20191127-112499-1iaut4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/303977/original/file-20191127-112499-1iaut4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303977/original/file-20191127-112499-1iaut4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303977/original/file-20191127-112499-1iaut4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303977/original/file-20191127-112499-1iaut4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303977/original/file-20191127-112499-1iaut4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/303977/original/file-20191127-112499-1iaut4x.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Coventry is set to be the UK City of Culture in 2021.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Chris Dorney/Shutterstock</span></span>
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<p>In what appears to be an excellent week for the UK’s museums, both main parties have pledged to maintain support for free entry to national museums. This remains a <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/travel/destinations/europe/uk/london/weekly-poll/8938699/Should-Londons-free-museums-and-galleries-start-charging.html">controversial issue</a>, which divides both cultural practitioners and academics. </p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-hull-went-from-crap-town-to-city-of-culture-and-what-it-says-about-brexit-britain-86818">How Hull went from crap town to City of Culture – and what it says about Brexit Britain</a>
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<p>Perhaps counter-intuitively, there is no solid evidence that free entry has shifted the demographics of museum and gallery audiences. There is, however, a compelling argument to introduce either a “<a href="https://www.artsprofessional.co.uk/magazine/303/case-study/trial-and-error">pay-what-you-decide</a>” system and/or an entry charge for international visitors. </p>
<p>Labour’s promise to redistribute National Lottery funding to more closely reflect ticket sales is much more likely to address the age-old problem of regressive taxation of the arts. It has justifiably won favour amongst supporters of <a href="https://64millionartists.com/our-work/cultural-democracy/#:%7E:targetText=The%20term%20Cultural%20Democracy%20describes,focus%20across%20arts%20and%20culture.">cultural democracy</a> – not least because it comes with a pledge for a more participatory approach to how Lottery awards should be spent.</p>
<p>Both parties’ ongoing commitment to the <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/creative-sector-tax-reliefs">creative sector tax relief</a> introduced in 2016 by the former chancellor George Osborne is welcome. It has already boosted cultural production and offered a lifeline to the small and micro organisations that are often the real creative pioneers. But this will in no way compensate for the estimated <a href="https://www.artscouncil.org.uk/publication/assessing-eu%E2%80%99s-contribution-arts-museums-creative-industries">£40 million per annum </a>in EU funding the arts and cultural sector is expected to lose after Brexit, compounded by the additional costs that will be incurred to overcome new restrictions on the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2017/jul/13/tristram-hunt-nicholas-serota-protect-free-movement-of-artists-after-brexit">free movement of artists</a>, both in and out of the UK. </p>
<h2>Flawed logic</h2>
<p>While many in the arts and cultural sector have welcomed Labour’s manifesto arts offerings, others have noted that the ambitious pledge to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2016/aug/25/jeremy-corbyn-arts-pupil-premium-primary-schools-reverse-spending-cuts">increase the proportion of GDP</a> the government spends on arts from 0.3% to meet <a href="https://www.equity.org.uk/media/3370/equity_arts-policy-2019_final-web.pdf">the European average of 0.5%</a> in the last manifesto has disappeared.</p>
<p>Numerous reports demonstrate the <a href="https://www.creativeindustriesfederation.com/sites/default/files/2018-12/Creative%20Industries%20Federation%20-%20Growing%20the%20UK's%20Creative%20Industries.pdf">UK’s competitive and artistic edge</a> in the cultural and creative industries and their impressive growth rate – even in times of recession and austerity. Between 2010 and 2017, <a href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/economy/grossvalueaddedgva">GVA</a> (the gross value added) of the creative industries increased by <a href="https://www.creativeindustriesfederation.com/statistics">53.1%</a> and contributes around <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2019/apr/17/arts-contribute-more-to-uk-economy-than-agriculture-report">£23bn to GDP</a>.</p>
<p>So regardless of political ideology, it would seem strategic to introduce a competitive level of mandated investment in <a href="https://www.artsprofessional.co.uk/news/cultural-sector-continues-grow-faster-uk-economy">the country’s fastest-growing industry</a> and to guarantee its long-term sustainability. </p>
<p>Ultimately, Labour’s manifesto commitments are dazzling but flawed. While ambitious, they’re less generous than the promises made in 2017 and based on some unsound logic. However, they do represent a step in the right direction. They also demonstrate a continuing acknowledgement of the vital role that arts and culture play in citizens’ education and general wellbeing, alongside the positive impacts they can have on our towns and cities. </p>
<p>While it is heartening to see both major parties champion the cultural sector and its socioeconomic impacts, in comparison to Labour’s pledges, the Conservative manifesto offers little new investment and lots of spin. Considered in the context of a pending Brexit that will cost the sector millions, neither party’s pledges offer much hope to organisations that actually <em>produce</em> art. Unless the <a href="https://www.equity.org.uk/media/3370/equity_arts-policy-2019_final-web.pdf">swingeing cuts to local authorities</a> are reversed these organisations are likely to be squeezed quite hard from both ends. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/newsletters/the-daily-newsletter-2?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKGE2019&utm_content=GEBannerA">Click here to subscribe to our newsletter if you believe this election should be all about the facts.</a></em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/127548/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>As Director of the Centre for Cultural Value, Ben Walmsley receives funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, Arts Council England and Paul Hamlyn Foundation. </span></em></p>While both parties are championing the arts and culture sector, after years of swingeing cuts these promises dazzle but offer little hope to struggling institutionsBen Walmsley, Professor of Cultural Engagement; Director of the Centre for Cultural Value, University of LeedsLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1268622019-11-14T12:46:00Z2019-11-14T12:46:00ZTo win a climate election, parties need ambition, not compromise with the fossil fuel industry<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/uk-election-2019-75714">The UK will go to the polls</a> on December 12 for the third time in four years. Climate change didn’t make waves in previous elections, but this one may be different. Youth climate strikers have launched a petition calling on the UK’s political parties to agree to <a href="https://you.38degrees.org.uk/petitions/take-part-in-a-national-televised-climate-and-nature-debate?source=twitter-share-button&utm_source=twitter&share=91c39d0a-7ab4-444f-99fb-4ddf292cd3c8">a televised “climate and nature” debate</a>. <a href="https://twitter.com/XRebellionUK/status/1191998319691812864">Extinction Rebellion</a> and campaign groups like <a href="https://twitter.com/LabGND/status/1194530336719298560">Labour for a Green New Deal</a> have stated their hopes for <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/nov/06/extinction-rebellion-climate-election-xr-protest">making this a climate election</a>.</p>
<p>But should they be careful what they wish for? The May 2019 Australian federal election was fought in part on climate policy, with the opposition Labor Party <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/may/12/the-climate-change-election-where-do-the-parties-stand-on-the-environment">promising</a> emissions cuts, support for electric vehicles and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/nov/21/labor-to-keep-national-energy-guarantee-in-bid-for-climate-truce">a national energy guarantee</a>, which would oblige electricity retailers to sign up to gradual decarbonisation.</p>
<p>At the same time, the party <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/apr/12/adani-coalmine-can-labor-get-away-with-choosing-ambiguity-over-integrity">refused to rule out</a> an enormous coal mine in Queensland. Labor found itself criticised for not being bold enough by green-minded urbanites while still being held in deep suspicion by rural voters, who believed the party to be anti-coal and anti-farming.</p>
<p>The incumbent Liberal and National Party coalition won that election with <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/may/12/the-climate-change-election-where-do-the-parties-stand-on-the-environment">essentially no climate policy at all</a>. After their shock defeat, the Australian Labor Party asked <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/jun/05/jay-weatherill-asked-to-conduct-warts-and-all-review-of-labors-election-loss">two former politicians</a> to write a post-mortem. They sidestepped the question of the Adani coalmine. As historian and commentator Frank Bongiorno <a href="https://theconversation.com/nuance-and-nostalgia-labors-election-review-provides-useful-insights-and-inevitable-harking-back-to-hawke-126584">notes</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Like just about everyone else, [Labor] know [the Adani coal mine] is a financial and environmental mess. But in terms of electoral politics, Adani is radioactive. Labor suffered in Queensland and the Hunter Valley as a result of its ambiguity, but the authors are silent on what the party could have done differently. If it had been less ambiguous about Adani, it would have needed to take a stand. But what should that stand have been?</p>
</blockquote>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/nuance-and-nostalgia-labors-election-review-provides-useful-insights-and-inevitable-harking-back-to-hawke-126584">Nuance and nostalgia: Labor's election review provides useful insights and inevitable harking back to Hawke</a>
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<h2>A hopeless halfway house</h2>
<p>The G20 has released a report showing Australia’s climate policy response to be <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/nov/11/australia-climate-response-among-worst-g20?CMP=twt_a-environment_b-gdneco">among the worst in the developed world</a>. <a href="https://theconversation.com/mr-morrison-i-lost-my-home-to-bushfire-your-thoughts-and-prayers-are-not-enough-126754">Bushfires are raging out of control</a> in Queensland and New South Wales, and summer hasn’t even started yet.</p>
<p>The deputy prime minister Michael McCormack has <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/nsw-mayor-slams-deputy-pm-s-insulting-climate-change-attack-during-bushfires">helpfully said</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We’ve had fires in Australia since time began, and what people need now is sympathy, understanding, help and shelter … They don’t need the ravings of some pure, enlightened and woke capital city greenies.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>But before UK readers get too smug, they should remember that the independent Committee on Climate Change <a href="https://www.theccc.org.uk/2019/07/10/uk-credibility-on-climate-change-rests-on-government-action-over-next-18-months/">argued</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>UK action to curb greenhouse gas emissions is lagging far behind what is needed, even to meet previous, less stringent, emissions targets. Over the past year, the government has delivered just one of 25 critical policies needed to get emissions reductions back on track.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The British government has <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk-governments-fracking-ban-has-a-convenient-loophole-126475">suspended rather than banned fracking</a>, <a href="https://environmentjournal.online/articles/the-british-public-supports-onshore-wind-why-wont-the-government/">discouraged onshore wind</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/jun/05/home-solar-panel-installations-fall-by-94-as-subsidies-cut">scrapped subsidies</a> for domestic solar panel installation.</p>
<p>Polling suggests the British public would reward a major party promising strident measures to tackle climate change. Two-thirds of voters have said that <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/oct/30/climate-crisis-affects-how-majority-will-vote-in-uk-election-poll">climate change will affect how they vote</a> while a majority support an ambitious target to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/nov/07/majority-of-uk-public-back-2030-zero-carbon-target-poll">decarbonise the UK economy by 2030</a>. </p>
<p>To exploit the governing party’s weakness on the climate crisis, Labour should go bold and commit to <a href="https://theconversation.com/labours-green-new-deal-is-among-the-most-radical-in-the-world-but-can-it-be-done-by-2030-123982">the 2030 decarbonisation target agreed at its conference</a>. Such ambition from the party leadership could help defuse issues on which ambiguity might look hypocritical. It’s possible that support <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-44615795">among some Labour MPs</a> for expanding Heathrow airport could become the British Adani coal mine in the December 12 election.</p>
<p>But whether electoral politics can really offer the space for a radical discussion about climate action remains to be seen. As the American social scientist, John Dewey <a href="https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/John_Dewey">mournfully noted</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>As long as politics is the shadow cast on society by big business, the attenuation of the shadow will not change the substance.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>I think we need to understand that states are founded on the accumulation of wealth, and that their legitimacy currently rests on a growing economy, which so far has meant growing emissions and a growing impact on the natural world.</p>
<p>Ultimately, social change will come from <a href="https://marchudson.net/2019/09/23/the-emotacycle-what-it-is-why-it-matters-what-is-to-be-done/">social movements</a> that can build alliances and question the current <a href="https://www.cusp.ac.uk/about/">understandings of prosperity</a>. That is an enormous task, and one that is likely to be led from the bottom-up, and not helped by the sound-bite demands of an election campaign.</p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300096/original/file-20191104-88414-1yh2yvf.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/newsletters/the-daily-newsletter-2?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKGE2019&utm_content=GEBannerB">Click here to subscribe to our newsletter if you believe this election should be all about the facts.</a></em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/126862/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marc Hudson is the social media editor for the academic journal Environmental Politics. He is a member of Climate Emergency Manchester, which is trying to get Manchester City Council to implement its many fine words on the climate emergency. </span></em></p>The Australian Labor Party’s failure to turn climate change into a winning campaign issue holds lessons for the UK Labour Party.Marc Hudson, Researcher in Sustainable Consumption, University of ManchesterLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1264442019-11-05T14:16:14Z2019-11-05T14:16:14ZUK election 2019: here’s how the parties’ social media campaigns have fared so far<p>Much has been made of the digital election in the build up to the general election campaign. Newspapers and broadcasters are determined not to be caught napping, as they were in 2017 when Labour’s digital campaign ran <a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/explaining-labours-facebook-success/">rings around its opponents</a>.</p>
<p>What does the political parties’ use of digital media tell us in these first few days of campaigning? Firstly, that in the two years since the last campaign, things have moved on apace. Labour can no longer be certain of dominance across all platforms, despite having by far the largest digital reach.</p>
<p>Twitter is still where Labour can draw on large numbers of supporters, but other platforms are less dominated by the left wing.</p>
<h2>Labour’s flying start</h2>
<p>Taking a snapshot of the seven days since parliament voted for an election on October 29, it is apparent that Labour’s messages attacking the rich are being well-received on social media.</p>
<p>Perhaps surprisingly, users reacted most positively to text-based content on Twitter and Facebook. Bar prime minister Boris Johnson being pictured watching the Rugby World Cup final in an England shirt, all the most-liked posts were short text-based statements.</p>
<p>That is despite the Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats all launching their respective campaigns with glossy and expensive looking videos.</p>
<p>Instagram went its own way. All the top posts were videos. </p>
<p><div data-react-class="InstagramEmbed" data-react-props="{"url":"https://www.instagram.com/p/B4M2aWfpIBE","accessToken":"127105130696839|b4b75090c9688d81dfd245afe6052f20"}"></div></p>
<p>The most successful by far was a short six-second behind-the-scenes clip posted on October 29 of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn declaring: “We’re back and we’re ready to do it all over again” as he prepared his party to back the Early Parliamentary General Election Act in parliament. </p>
<h2>Corbyn on the front foot</h2>
<p>Some pundits had suggested that Corbyn might be used less prominently in this campaign, given his poor performing personal approval ratings. But he has already given lie to that theory, featuring heavily in Labour’s digital onslaught.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1190252396691283969"}"></div></p>
<p>Slickly produced videos featured Corbyn repeating his key messages, defending the NHS and attacking Tory austerity, inter-cut with slowed footage of “ordinary” people and set to an uplifting soundtrack.</p>
<p>Foremost among these was an impressive launch promo that neatly encapsulated the highs of Corbyn’s four years as Labour leader and his anti-establishment message. Showing just how sharp the Labour digital team is, the video was put live on Facebook just a couple of minutes after the general election bill was backed in the House of Commons.</p>
<p>In 2017, the Conservatives’ digital campaign was stilted and struggled to engage audiences. The then prime minister, Theresa May, did not come across well on video and the campaign’s focus on Brexit left it looking flat compared to Labour’s promotion of Corbyn as leader of an exciting social movement. </p>
<p>This time the Conservatives are determined not to be outflanked, particularly on the NHS. Johnson spent much of the week in scrubs visiting hospitals. Frequent posts showed him with doctors and nurses, hammering home his message that the NHS is safe in Conservative hands.</p>
<p>Corbyn replied by sharing a Momentum video of an interview with a medical student who protested against what she called the “PR stunt” visit by Johnson to Addenbrooke’s hospital in Cambridge.</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/EguQUeCfl-4?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<h2>Positive visions</h2>
<p>The parties’ digital teams were quick to promote supportive press stories or clip interviews from broadcast output if it matched their messages. The most watched Facebook video of the week, with almost three quarters of a million views, was a clip from the BBC’s Question Time posted by the Conservatives, which showed a young man lambasting the Liberal Democrat and Labour parties’ Brexit policies.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1190978432475136000"}"></div></p>
<p>Thus far, much of the content across all platforms has been about framing the positive visions the parties have for their campaigns, whether it is “Backing Boris to get Brexit Done” for the Tories, “Rebuilding Britain” for Labour or “Stopping Brexit to Build a Brighter Future” for the Lib Dems.</p>
<p>But given the traction negative content is gaining on Facebook and Twitter, don’t expect that to last. In 2017, some of the most watched videos on social media were attack ads.</p>
<p>Given how volatile this election is expected to be, it won’t be long before the knives come out again.</p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=140&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/300094/original/file-20191104-88372-xpdf2e.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=176&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<p><em><a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/newsletters/the-daily-newsletter-2?utm_source=TCUK&utm_medium=linkback&utm_campaign=TCUKGE2019&utm_content=GEBannerA">Click here to subscribe to our newsletter if you believe this election should be all about the facts.</a></em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/126444/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Matt Walsh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Which messages and formats are cutting through the most?Matt Walsh, Senior Lecturer School of Journalism, Media and Culture, Cardiff UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1204942019-08-01T20:09:23Z2019-08-01T20:09:23ZRenters hold the key to low voter turn-out at federal elections<p>In the weeks after the 2019 federal election, the Sydney Morning Herald <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/federal-election-2019/voter-turnout-at-record-low-after-young-people-disengage-20190530-p51sol.html">reported</a> that the turn-out of voters was the lowest since the introduction of compulsory voting in 1925. </p>
<p>It also reported there had been high rates of absenteeism of young voters who, while willing to participate in the recent marriage equality survey, had “turned their back on democracy” in the federal election. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/election-explainer-why-do-i-have-to-vote-anyway-57831">Election explainer: why do I have to vote, anyway?</a>
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</em>
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<p>The article continues a narrative about a decline in voter participation, which the federal parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters (JSCEM) review of the the 2016 election <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Joint/Electoral_Matters/2016Election/2016_election_report/section?id=committees%2freportjnt%2f024085%2f26059">described</a> it as a “concerning trend”. </p>
<p>But it turns out the SMH report – which was based on the actual vote count undertaken by the Australian Electoral Commission – got it wrong, because it reported on the 2019 result before the count had been completed. In fact, voter participation in 2019 was actually 0.88% <a href="https://tallyroom.aec.gov.au/HouseTurnoutByState-24310.htm">higher</a> than in 2016. </p>
<p>Despite this, the national participation rate hasn’t returned to the 95% rate achieved in 2007. So what’s behind the apparent decline in civic duty? </p>
<p>Political disengagement is one factor, but data show that low turn-out also happens in seats with a high proportion of Indigenous people, and seats with a high proportion of renters. </p>
<h2>Electorates with the lowest participation</h2>
<p>Looking at the participation performance of individual federal electorates can show what might be happening. </p>
<p><iframe id="TlxVN" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/TlxVN/1/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<p>Among the litany of divisions with the lowest participation rates, two distinct electorate clusters emerge of what might be thought of as under-performing seats. </p>
<p>By far the most consistent under-performing seats are remote regional districts including Lingiari and Solomon (Northern Territory), Durack (Western Australia and previously known as Kalgoorlie) and Leichhardt (Queensland). </p>
<p>These are also the four federal seats with the highest proportion of voters who identify as Indigenous, according to the <a href="https://quickstats.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2016/quickstat/036">2016 Australian census</a>. In the case of Lingiari, 44.5% of residents identified as being Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islanders, 17.9% in Durack, 9% in Solomon and 6% in Leichhardt. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/book-extract-from-secret-ballot-to-democracy-sausage-112695">Book extract: From secret ballot to democracy sausage</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The next cluster of persistent under-performing seats are inner urban divisions whose residents are among the best educated and most affluent in the nation. This includes Sydney, Wentworth, Melbourne and Melbourne Ports (these days known as Macnamara).</p>
<p>They are also characterised by their comparative youthfulness. These are seats that have significantly larger proportions of citizens in the 19 to 39 year age groups than the national age distribution and, indeed, seats like Lingiari and Durack.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286557/original/file-20190801-169676-ojlks.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286557/original/file-20190801-169676-ojlks.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/286557/original/file-20190801-169676-ojlks.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=360&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286557/original/file-20190801-169676-ojlks.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=360&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286557/original/file-20190801-169676-ojlks.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=360&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286557/original/file-20190801-169676-ojlks.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=452&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286557/original/file-20190801-169676-ojlks.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=452&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/286557/original/file-20190801-169676-ojlks.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=452&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Based on data from the Australian Electoral Commission.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>The relatively low turn-out rate and youthfulness of these inner urban electorates supports the argument that young people are enrolling, but not voting. </p>
<p>While this might be the case, it’s also true that the rate of participation in the inner urban cluster of seats is much stronger than for the remote rural cluster. </p>
<p>In short, lower election turn-out rates tend to be associated more with seats with comparatively higher proportions of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander voters than with youthful electoral districts. </p>
<p>This is an interesting aspect to electoral behaviour, especially when there is so much debate about how Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders could be given greater input to the political process by way of reforming the Australian constitution.</p>
<h2>The role of renting</h2>
<p>These two clusters of seats could not be more different from each other. And yet they do share a significant socioeconomic characteristic. </p>
<p>Both the inner urban and remote seat clusters are characterised by the comparatively large number of citizens with rented, rather than purchased, accommodation.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/avoid-the-politics-and-let-artificial-intelligence-decide-your-vote-in-the-next-election-116507">Avoid the politics and let artificial intelligence decide your vote in the next election</a>
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</p>
<hr>
<p>The 2016 census found that slightly more than 30% of Australians were renters. In contrast, 60% of residents in the seat of Sydney and 52.9% of residents in Lingiari were renting. </p>
<p>With renting comes the possibility of citizens changing their residential address and this, in turn, can make it difficult to maintain the electoral roll.</p>
<p><iframe id="oOJ8N" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/oOJ8N/1/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<h2>A political crisis?</h2>
<p>Are these trends a sign of a political crisis, or are they simply “concerning” (to borrow from the <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Joint/Electoral_Matters/2016Election/2016_election_report/section?id=committees%2freportjnt%2f024085%2f26059">JSCEM report</a>)? </p>
<p>If the data indicates disengagement, it’s doing so at a fairly minimal rate. And at the last election, attendance rates improved compared with the previous election. </p>
<p>What’s more, the correlation of renters to under-performing electoral districts might even indicate that the problem is administrative rather than the product of civil disobedience. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/you-are-what-you-vote-the-social-and-demographic-factors-that-influence-your-vote-116591">You are what you vote: the social and demographic factors that influence your vote</a>
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<p>Having said that, if the government feels the need to address the turn-out rate, they can use coercive powers to reinforce compulsory voting. This would involve imposing bigger fines for those who do not turn up to vote.</p>
<p>The existing legislation allows for a significant fine to apply (one penalty unit) when a voter hasn’t turned up. But the law as it currently stands does allow a wide range of excuses to permit a much less <a href="http://www8.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/legis/cth/consol_act/cea1918233/s245.html">onerous sanction</a> of a A$20 fine. </p>
<p>Were the parliament to be truly concerned about participation it could seek to alter the act and strengthen the hand of the AEC.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/120494/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nick Economou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Data show that low turn-out also happens in seats with a high proportion of Indigenous people, and seats with a high proportion of renters.Nick Economou, Senior Lecturer, School of Political and Social Inquiry, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1178062019-05-26T11:14:29Z2019-05-26T11:14:29ZView from The Hill: Morrison rewards friends, avoids making enemies and announces new ambassadors<p>Scott Morrison’s new ministry mixes stability with dashes of innovation, box ticking, and the rewarding of friends.</p>
<p>The Prime Minister has maintained his record number of women (seven) in cabinet, and created a new entry to the history books by appointing the first Indigenous cabinet minister, Ken Wyatt, who will become minister for Indigenous Australians.</p>
<p>Let’s hope this is not a poisoned chalice for Wyatt, who previously held aged care and Indigenous health in the outer ministry. It is one of the hardest jobs and the expectations and pressures on him from Indigenous people will be enormous.</p>
<p>Morrison has highlighted the priority he wants to give to improving program implementation, including and especially the National Disability Insurance Scheme.</p>
<h2>Rewards for friends</h2>
<p>Stuart Robert, one of the Morrison friends and supporters promoted in the reshuffle, becomes minister for government services and minister for the NDIS, and is elevated to cabinet.</p>
<p>Robert will oversee a new Services Australia agency to “drive greater efficiencies and integration” of service delivery.</p>
<p>Addressing senior public servants the other day, Morrison lectured them on the need for “congestion busting” in the bureaucracy. The NDIS has had serious teething problems. Time will show whether Robert, who moves from assistant treasurer, can deliver on improving delivery. He personally has been the centre of political controversies and last year had to pay back about $38,000 for excessive internet use at home. </p>
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<p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/scott-morrison-hails-miracle-as-coalition-snatches-unexpected-victory-117375">Scott Morrison hails 'miracle' as Coalition snatches unexpected victory</a>
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<p>Ben Morton, a Morrison confidant who travelled with him in the campaign, becomes assistant minister to the prime minister and cabinet, one of those nice “in close” positions that are all about relationships.</p>
<p>Greg Hunt, much praised by Morrison during the election, adds to his health job the position of minister assisting the prime minister for the public service and cabinet, which gives him extra access to the PM’s ear.</p>
<h2>Energy and emissions together</h2>
<p>In a major move, Morrison has brought together energy and emissions reduction under Angus Taylor. This means Taylor, whose performance as energy minister has been underwhelming, has responsibility for the climate change area as well as continuing to try to achieve lower power prices.</p>
<p>The government skated through the election with climate change not having as much electoral bite as expected and high energy prices failing to extract the political toll they might have. But this is going to be a hard policy area in the coming term, as industry will be looking for more investment certainty, and consumers will want better results on prices. Taylor will need to lift his game.</p>
<p>As expected and despite Morrison’s commitment during the campaign, Melissa Price is out of environment and out of the cabinet. She’s now in the outer ministry, in defence industry, where she can continue to be neither seen nor heard. As Morrison put it with delicate understatement: “Melissa and I discussed her role and she asked to be given a new challenge and I was happy to give her one”.</p>
<h2>Senators to New York, Washington</h2>
<p>Two top level diplomatic jobs make space for appointments to the Senate. Mitch Fifield, who held communications, is off to be United Nations ambassador in New York, and Arthur Sinodinos, who seemed a monty for a cabinet post after his return from sick leave, will replace Joe Hockey in Washington. Morrison said Fifield’s exit was by choice – that he could have stayed in his portfolio.</p>
<p>Jim Molan, who unsuccessfully attempted to survive as a senator by appealing for people to vote for him “below the line”, will hope to get the NSW Senate spot; Sarah Henderson, who lost Corangamite, will seek preselection for the Victorian vacancy.</p>
<p>Paul Fletcher, with a background in Optus, takes over Fifield’s communications portfolio.</p>
<h2>A minister for housing</h2>
<p>The core economic team of Josh Frydenberg in treasury and Mathias Cormann in finance remains, with Michael Sukkar, from the hard right in Victoria, becoming assistant treasurer and housing minister. He will be in charge of implementing the Coalition’s election promise for a deposit guarantee for first home buyers.</p>
<p>Alan Tudge keeps population, cities and urban infrastructure while being promoted to cabinet.</p>
<p>Notably, responsibility for industrial relations (previously with the now-departed Kelly O'Dwyer), has been handed to Christian Porter, who stays attorney-general and becomes leader of the House. Porter immediately signalled his law-and-order priority in industrial relations: “my initial focus will be on the law enforcement aspects of the portfolio, ensuring adherence with Australia’s industrial relations laws, particularly on building sites across Australia”.</p>
<h2>Promotions for women</h2>
<p>Of the females in cabinet Marise Payne, who retains foreign affairs, is the new minister for women, while Michaelia Cash, who was in a heap of trouble last term, has employment, skills, small and family business, gaining employment.</p>
<p>As he promised, Morrison has elevated Linda Reynolds, whom he appointed to cabinet in March, to defence, formerly held by Christopher Pyne, who left parliament at the election. This is a huge job for Reynolds, regardless of her background in the military. Alex Hawke, who is close to Morrison, becomes assistant defence minister, and minister for international development and the Pacific.</p>
<p>Sussan Ley is back in cabinet after a break, taking the downsized environment portfolio. Anne Ruston is promoted to cabinet, as minister for families and social services. Karen Andrews remains in industry and in cabinet.</p>
<p>Victorian senator Jane Hume, with a background in the superannuation industry, becomes an assistant minister in that area; former whip Nola Marino also becomes an assistant minister.</p>
<h2>Fewer Nationals</h2>
<p>The Nationals have lost a cabinet position, going from five to four – this results automatically from the change in their ratio within the Coalition – despite the fact they did well at the election.</p>
<p>Morrison confirmed that McCormack chose who went into the portfolios the Nationals have. Nationals sources say McCormack pressed for a better deal on portfolios, Liberal sources deny this.</p>
<p>Nationals deputy leader Bridget McKenzie has got agriculture (first womanin that job), which means David Littleproud, who previously held agriculture and water resources, ends up with water resources, drought and other bits and pieces.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/video-michelle-grattan-on-morrisons-miracle-election-win-and-labors-leadership-search-117746">VIDEO: Michelle Grattan on Morrison's 'miracle' election win - and Labor's leadership search</a>
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<hr>
<p>Among those not moving, Peter Dutton stays in home affairs, Dan Tehan in education and Simon Birmingham in trade.</p>
<p>Morrison has put his stamp on his team without being radical. Notably, no one was dumped to the backbench.</p>
<h2>And the chance of an early return for parliament</h2>
<p>Meanwhile Morrison also hinted he was hoping that, despite the current advice, there was a chance parliament could be brought back before July 1 to pass the tax cuts so the first tranche could be delivered from then.</p>
<p>He told his news conference:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>We are awaiting advice from the [Australian Electoral Commission] as to when the return of writs will be provided.</p>
<p>At present they’re saying that’s June 28 and there’s a possibility of that occurring earlier. That presents different opportunities for when [we] might be able to recall parliament.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Delivering those tax cuts right on time is something Morrison would really like to do. It’s a fair bet the AEC is being urged strongly to “deliver” those writs early, if it’s humanely possible.</p>
<p>Meanwhile on the Labor side, Richard Marles is now assured of becoming deputy leader to Anthony Albanese, after Clare O'Neil – who like Marles is from the Victorian right – said on Sunday she would not contest the deputy leadership.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>For the fridge door:</strong></p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/276472/original/file-20190526-187143-18ma8g9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/276472/original/file-20190526-187143-18ma8g9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/276472/original/file-20190526-187143-18ma8g9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=818&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276472/original/file-20190526-187143-18ma8g9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=818&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276472/original/file-20190526-187143-18ma8g9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=818&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276472/original/file-20190526-187143-18ma8g9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1029&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276472/original/file-20190526-187143-18ma8g9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1029&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/276472/original/file-20190526-187143-18ma8g9.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1029&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/resource-centre/government/ministry-list">pm.gov.au</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/117806/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Morrison’s new team mixes stability with dashes of innovation, box ticking, and the rewarding of friends.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1175112019-05-22T19:49:07Z2019-05-22T19:49:07ZFive aspects of Pentecostalism that shed light on Scott Morrison’s politics<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275793/original/file-20190521-23826-x5y2ee.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Prime Minister Scott Morrison sings during a service at the Horizon Church in Sydney in April.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tsikas/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Prime Minister Scott Morrison began his victory speech on Saturday with the words, “I have always believed in miracles”. This was no mere hyperbole. Morrison appeared to be declaring his belief that God had actively intervened in the political process to bring about his re-election.</p>
<p>Morrison’s Pentecostal Christian faith is at the centre of his understanding of political life. He invited cameras to film him while worshipping at his church, Horizon, in southern Sydney. And in his <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;query=Id%3A%22chamber%2Fhansardr%2F2008-02-14%2F0045%22.">maiden speech</a> to Parliament in 2008, he described Pentecostal Hillsong Church leader Brian Houston as his “mentor” and himself as standing for “the immutable truths and principles of the Christian faith”.</p>
<p>In Morrison, the marketing man joins the evangelical preacher. When he <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/federal-election-2019/morrison-warns-now-is-not-the-time-to-switch-to-labor-20190516-p51o0c.html">tells his listeners</a>, “I will burn for you”, this references the Biblical text, “Never let the fire in your heart go out,” (Romans 12.11). And, if he stays true to his church’s <a href="https://www.acc.org.au/about-us/doctrinal-basis/">Pentecostal doctrine</a>, he presumably believes in a personal Devil “who, by his influence, brought about the downfall of man”.</p>
<p>What then, are the key aspects of Pentecostal belief that will likely shape Morrison’s actions as a re-elected Prime Minister commanding huge authority in his party? </p>
<h2>Miracles</h2>
<p>Morrison’s Horizon Church is part of the broader Pentecostal movement that emerged in the United States in the early 20th century. That miracles happen is a central tenet of Pentecostalism. As a religion, it sees itself as re-creating the gifts of the Spirit experienced by the earliest Christian worshippers. Along with the working of miracles, these included speaking in tongues and healings. They <a href="https://horizonyouth.com.au/what-we-believe/">remain</a> central features of Pentecostal belief and worship today.</p>
<h2>Divine providence</h2>
<p>Morrison’s mention of an election miracle coheres with the Pentecostal belief in the divine providence. Put simply, this is the belief that, in spite of the apparent chaos in the world, as the old song puts it, “He’s got the whole world in his hands”.</p>
<p>According to Pentecostal theology, all of history – and the future – is in the control of God; from creation, to the Fall of humanity in the Garden of Eden, to the redemption of all in the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus Christ. In turn, this will lead to the second coming of Christ, the end of the world and the final judgement.</p>
<p>This is why further action on <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/scott-morrison-s-views-on-climate-change-unions-and-labor-s-fairness-test-20180907-p502de.html">reducing carbon emissions</a> to counter the environmental damage wrought by climate change may have little intellectual purchase with the PM. If the end of the world through climate change is part of God’s providential plan, there is precious little that we need to or can do about it. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275796/original/file-20190522-23845-1atfspf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275796/original/file-20190522-23845-1atfspf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275796/original/file-20190522-23845-1atfspf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275796/original/file-20190522-23845-1atfspf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275796/original/file-20190522-23845-1atfspf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275796/original/file-20190522-23845-1atfspf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275796/original/file-20190522-23845-1atfspf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Coral bleaching in the Kimberley region in 2017. If climate change is part of God’s plan, there is precious little we need do about it.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">University of Western Australia</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Prosperity theology</h2>
<p>In keeping with his theology, Morrison appears to see himself as chosen by God to lead us all towards <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/if-you-have-a-go-you-get-a-go-pm-vows-to-make-2019-a-winner-for-all">his understanding of the promised land</a>, which as we know means, “If you have a go, you get a go”. </p>
<p>This “have a go” philosophy sits squarely within Pentecostal prosperity theology. This is the view that <a href="https://www.gafcon.org/resources/the-prosperity-gospel-its-concise-theology-challenges-and-opportunities">belief in God leads to material wealth</a>. Salvation too has a connection to material wealth – “Jesus saves those who save”. So the godly become wealthy and the wealthy are godly. And, unfortunately, the ungodly become poor and the poor are ungodly. </p>
<p>This theology aligns perfectly with the neo-liberal economic views espoused by Morrison. The consequence is that it becomes a God-given task to liberate people from <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-10-28/scott-morrison-criticises-proposed-welfare-changes/7974130">reliance on the welfare state</a>.</p>
<p>So there is no sense in Pentecostal economics of a Jesus Christ who was on the side of the poor and the oppressed. Nor is there one of rich men finding it easier to pass through the eyes of needles than to enter the Kingdom of Heaven. On the contrary, God helps those who are able to pull themselves up by their own bootstraps. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275799/original/file-20190522-187147-8mcbf2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275799/original/file-20190522-187147-8mcbf2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275799/original/file-20190522-187147-8mcbf2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275799/original/file-20190522-187147-8mcbf2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275799/original/file-20190522-187147-8mcbf2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275799/original/file-20190522-187147-8mcbf2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275799/original/file-20190522-187147-8mcbf2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275799/original/file-20190522-187147-8mcbf2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A homeless woman in Brisbane in 2017. There is no sense in Pentecostal economics of a Jesus Christ who was on the side of the poor and the oppressed.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Dan Peled/AAP</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Exclusivism</h2>
<p>That said, in some ways, Pentecostalism is pretty light on beliefs. Rather, it stresses an immediate personal connection with God that is the exclusive property of those who are saved. This leads to a fairly binary view of the world. There are the saved and the damned, the righteous and the wicked, the godly and the satanic. </p>
<p>In this Pentecostalist exclusivist view, <a href="https://www.facebook.com/hillsongchurch/posts/a-statement-from-pastor-brian-houston-in-response-to-recent-misconceptions-untru/10152693296035410/">Jesus is the only way to salvation</a>. Only those who have been saved <em>by Jesus</em> (generally those who have had a personal experience of being “born again” which often happens in church spontaneously during worship) have any hope of attaining eternal life in heaven. At its best, it generates a modesty and humility; at its worst a smugness and arrogance. </p>
<p>So only <a href="https://www.allaboutreligion.org/born-again-christian.htm">born-again Christians</a> will gain salvation. Muslims, Jews, Buddhists, Hindus, atheists, and non-born-again Christians are doomed to spend an eternity in the torments of hell.</p>
<p>Thus, as the website of the Christian group to which Scott Morrison’s <a href="https://www.acc.org.au/about-us/doctrinal-basis">Horizon church belongs puts it</a>, “We believe in the everlasting punishment of the wicked (in the sense of eternal torment) who wilfully reject and despise the love of God manifested in the great sacrifice of his only Son on the cross for their salvation”.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275797/original/file-20190522-187182-o6bioj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275797/original/file-20190522-187182-o6bioj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/275797/original/file-20190522-187182-o6bioj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275797/original/file-20190522-187182-o6bioj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275797/original/file-20190522-187182-o6bioj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275797/original/file-20190522-187182-o6bioj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275797/original/file-20190522-187182-o6bioj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/275797/original/file-20190522-187182-o6bioj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Worshippers at Horizon church in April: Pentecostalists are more concerned with the experience of the Holy Spirit than the Bible.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tiskas/AAP</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Pietism</h2>
<p>In principle, the PM’s faith is <a href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/pietism">“pietistic”</a>. It is about the individual’s personal relationship with God. So faith is focused “upwards” on God in the here and now – and the hereafter. The result is that Pentecostalism is weak on the social implications of its beliefs. Social equity and social justice are very much on the back burner. </p>
<p>So you would not expect from a Pentecostalist like Morrison any progressive views on abortion, womens’ rights, LGBTI issues, immigration, the environment, same sex marriage, and so on. </p>
<p>Pentecostalists are not fundamentalists. Unlike them, they are especially concerned with the direct experience of the Holy Spirit as the key to salvation. But like fundamentalists, they believe in the Bible as the inerrant word of God in matters of ethics, science and history. </p>
<p>Thus, they hold to a social conservatism reinforced by an uncritical approach to the Bible, which reveals everything necessary for salvation. It would be difficult, for example, for a Pentecostalist to reject the Biblical teaching that homosexuals were bound for hell. The Prime Minister <a href="https://www.canberratimes.com.au/story/6123112/i-dont-believe-gay-people-go-to-hell-pm/?cs=14231">recently did so</a>. But only after first evading the question and then through very gritted teeth.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/117511/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Philip C. Almond does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Along with a belief in miracles, other key aspects of Pentecostal doctrine – from divine providence to pietism – will likely shape the actions of our re-elected Prime Minister.Philip C. Almond, Emeritus Professor in the History of Religious Thought, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1169662019-05-16T06:45:38Z2019-05-16T06:45:38ZIt’s the only way to save Australia from a deep hole, but innovation policy is missing in action<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/274822/original/file-20190516-69213-39zfa0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Mining accounts for about half of Australia's exports. In terms of 'economic complexity', the nation ranks 59th in the world, between Kazakhstan and Lebanon. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Three years ago, then prime minister Malcolm Turnbull went to an election spruiking the wonders of innovation. “There has never been a more exciting time to be an Australian,” government advertising had enthused in the months before. </p>
<p>But the public wasn’t enthused, and Turnbull’s government barely scraped back into office. </p>
<p>Since then innovation policy has spooked the political class. They see it as a vote loser, and a threat to jobs – mostly their own.</p>
<p>Consequently, innovation and industry policy has received the least attention just when the decline of investment in <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/worrying-trend-in-australian-research-and-development-20180705-p4zpnh.html">research and development</a> may matter most to our economic future. </p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/274790/original/file-20190516-69182-gyqlpw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/274790/original/file-20190516-69182-gyqlpw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/274790/original/file-20190516-69182-gyqlpw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=353&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274790/original/file-20190516-69182-gyqlpw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=353&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274790/original/file-20190516-69182-gyqlpw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=353&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274790/original/file-20190516-69182-gyqlpw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=444&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274790/original/file-20190516-69182-gyqlpw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=444&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274790/original/file-20190516-69182-gyqlpw.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=444&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The red bars show the average intensity of the member states of the OECD and the European Union. Data for Argentina, Australia, New Zealand, Poland, Switzerland, Turkey, and South Africa is from 2015; data for Singapore is from 2014.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.oecd.org/sti/DataBrief_MSTI_2018.pdf">OECD Main Science and Technology Indicators Database</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>Here’s how we got to where we are.</p>
<h2>A deafening, blinding boom</h2>
<p>After the terms of trade downturn of the 1980s and the economic reforms of the 1990s, Australia enjoyed the biggest, unanticipated mining boom in our history, thanks to the rise of China. John Howard wanted us to be “relaxed and comfortable” and we were, at least while it lasted. </p>
<p>Increased commodity prices boosted our terms of trade, without any extra effort on our part. By contrast with <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/ockhamsrazor/how-australia-got-left-behind-in-manufacturing-and-innovation/6163528">Norway</a>, which prepared for its post-oil future with a 76% resource rent tax and sovereign wealth fund, Australians enjoyed tax cuts and a spending splurge. </p>
<p>However, the underlying structural problem of our economy had not gone away.
Measured by the research intensity of our exports, Australia’s “<a href="https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/rankings/country/eci/">economic complexity</a>” ranks at 59, between Kazakhstan and Lebanon. </p>
<p>This index compiled by MIT’s Observatory of Economic Complexity is topped by Japan, Switzerland and Germany. Our position in <a href="https://www.globalinnovationindex.org/analysis-indicator">global innovation rankings</a> is no less dismal, especially when it comes to turning ideas into products. </p>
<p>While recent domestic growth has been driven by services, retail and construction, our future living standards will depend on how we pay our way in the world. This means identifying new, more sustainable sources of export income. </p>
<p>Of course, resources will still have a part to play, but not as unprocessed raw materials. For example, we have everything we need for renewable energy production, battery manufacture and hydrogen exports. And how could anyone contemplate continuation of the barbaric live animal trade? </p>
<p>The graphic below shows Australia’s export profile in 2017. Of US$244 billion in total exports, US$131 billion were mineral products.</p>
<hr>
<iframe width="100%" height="550" src="https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/visualize/embed/tree_map/hs92/export/aus/all/show/2017/?controls=false" scrolling="no" frameborder="0"></iframe>
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<p>This rebalancing won’t happen automatically through the market. It will require <a href="https://www.afr.com/brand/chanticleer/no-need-for-any-more-innovation-reviews-20151203-gletj5">active intervention</a> to manage the post-mining boom transition to an inclusive and dynamic knowledge-based economy. And to reverse the slowdown in productivity growth associated with current wage stagnation. </p>
<h2>Too obvious to ignore</h2>
<p>During the boom, high prices for coal and iron ore masked Australia’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-would-it-take-to-raise-australian-productivity-growth-83505">deteriorating productivity performance</a>. Now mining no longer contributes to growth, the impact on our national income has become all too obvious. </p>
<p>That’s why it was so important to Malcolm Turnbull to reinvigorate the <a href="https://www.afr.com/leadership/innovation/malcolm-turnbulls-innovation-lovefest-20151210-glkiwk">national innovation and science agenda</a> with a focus on startups and business-university collaboration, after Tony Abbott’s $3 billion cuts to Labor’s programs.</p>
<p>And why it was then so disappointing he could not build on his agenda for an “ideas boom” to replace the mining boom. </p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull launches the National Innovation and Science Agenda in December 2015.</span></figcaption>
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<p>The Coalition government has cycled through three prime ministers and six industry ministers. It continues to cut science and innovation programs. Its latest budget “savings” included $4 billion from the Research and Development Tax Incentive scheme, $3.8 billion from the Education Investment Fund and $2.2 billion from higher education. </p>
<p>As a result, Australia’s <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/jul/10/australias-spending-on-research-plummets-far-below-oecd-average">total spending on research and development</a> is now just 1.88% of GDP, from 2.11% five years ago. The government contribution (0.57%) is where it was in the 1980s. Meanwhile Japan and Sweden are committing more than 3%, and Korea and Israel more than 4%. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiting-from-the-innovation-of-others-why-governments-must-manage-the-spoils-of-new-ideas-51189">Profiting from the innovation of others? Why governments must manage the spoils of new ideas</a>
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<h2>Small target strategies</h2>
<p>For any mention of innovation and industry policy in the current election campaign, you have to look hard. </p>
<p>The Coalition has confined itself to some low-key announcements on a new space agency, defence innovation, genomics, food, marine science and manufacturing. </p>
<p>It has rejected or parked the recommendations of its own <a href="https://www.afr.com/news/economy/we-still-dont-have-a-joined-up-innovation-and-research-system-20180131-h0r12c">Innovation and Science Australia 2030 strategy</a>, including using any savings from winding back the R&D Tax Incentive to promote high-growth export opportunities.</p>
<p>Labor has committed to a <a href="https://www.innovationaus.com/2019/05/170-boost-for-RD-Tax-Scheme">“collaboration premium”</a> to encourage business engagement with universities and the CSIRO as part of a restructured R&D Tax Incentive (another key recommendation of the 2030 strategy). </p>
<p>However, it will also “bank” the Coalition’s savings to achieve its budget surplus. In this context, it will be all the more challenging for a new Labor government to achieve its R&D target of 3% of GDP, given that this will require additional investment of at least $20 billion. </p>
<p>In addition, Labor has announced an “off-budget” $1 billion Manufacturing Future Fund and a series of initiatives on renewable technologies, biofabrication, food and fibre, artificial intelligence, blockchain, space, hydrogen, electric vehicles and “digital skills hubs”. In an important symbolic gesture, it has also promised to rescue CSIRO climate science. </p>
<p>These initiatives are clearly worthwhile, but do not restore the funding that has been lost, let alone increase it. </p>
<p>If new policy must be paid for, why not cut expenditure that actually impedes economic transition? The <a href="https://theconversation.com/estimating-the-cost-of-fuel-tax-credits-is-a-tricky-business-62777">diesel fuel tax rebate</a>, for example. This $6 billion scheme, whereby taxpayers subsidise fuel costs for the resources sector, is equivalent to almost half the entire annual budget outlay for research and innovation.</p>
<h2>Weighing the costs</h2>
<p>Most successful economies around the world use “knowledge foresights” to identify national priorities in areas of existing or potential competitive advantage. They have long-term, coherent <a href="https://theconversation.com/five-things-about-innovation-australia-can-learn-from-other-countries-50966">policy frameworks</a> for pursuing these priorities. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/five-things-about-innovation-australia-can-learn-from-other-countries-50966">Five things about innovation Australia can learn from other countries</a>
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<p>Australia’s next government will have a chance to devise such a framework, in cooperation with business, unions and research organisations. Of course, it will require substantial public as well as private investment. But we can no longer afford a “do nothing” approach.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116966/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Roy Green has received funding from the Australian Research Council, European Commission and OECD. </span></em></p>Innovation and industry policy is receiving the least attention just when it may matter most to our economic future.Roy Green, Emeritus Professor & UTS innovation adviser, University of Technology SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1149862019-05-16T05:35:06Z2019-05-16T05:35:06ZEmployer incentives may not be the most cost-effective or fair way of boosting apprenticeship numbers<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272448/original/file-20190503-103063-kd0gxw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Trade apprenticeships are male-dominated and already have a high level of support.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The Coalition has promised to create <a href="https://www.liberal.org.au/our-plan-delivering-high-quality-skills-and-vocational-education">80,000 new apprenticeships</a> in areas of skills shortages if it wins the election. Most skilled trades (such as motor mechanics, panel beaters, carpenters, automotive electricians, plumbers, hairdressers) have <a href="https://docs.jobs.gov.au/documents/historical-list-skill-shortages-australia-0">recently been in shortage</a>. </p>
<p>The Coalition aims to reduce the shortages through <a href="https://theconversation.com/dont-be-fooled-billions-for-schools-in-budget-2019-arent-new-and-what-happened-to-the-national-evidence-institute-114193">doubling employer incentive</a> payments, making cash payments to apprentices and creating training hubs in regional areas and other areas of need. </p>
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<p>Labor <a href="https://www.billshorten.com.au/2019_budget_in_reply_address_canberra_thursday_4_april_2019">said it would</a> pay upfront fees for 100,000 TAFE places. Labor has also <a href="https://www.alp.org.au/policies/labors-plan-for-apprentices/">said it would</a> provide incentives for employers and apprentices for an additional 150,000 apprentices.</p>
<p>It’s clear trade apprentices and associated skills shortages are a central concern of both parties. But it’s not clear providing incentives is the best way to handle the issue, as history shows government incentives to employers have made little difference to the (mostly male) trade apprenticeship numbers.</p>
<h2>Difference between apprentice and trainee</h2>
<p>In considering the policies of both parties, it’s important to understand the differences between longer-term trade apprenticeships and shorter-term traineeships. </p>
<p>An apprentice, in the narrow use of the word, is <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/australian-apprentices">contracted in a trade</a> such as that of an electrician, carpenter, chef or hairdresser. An apprenticeship can take up to four years to complete. Trade apprentices <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/publications/ncver-report-1-overview-australian-apprenticeship-and-traineeship-system">make up a small proportion</a> of the vocational education and training sector – around 14% of all government funded vocational students.</p>
<p>Many of the <a href="https://docs.jobs.gov.au/documents/ratings-summary-labour-market-analysis-skilled-occupations">main trades</a> frequently appear on the <a href="https://docs.jobs.gov.au/documents/historical-list-skill-shortages-australia-0">skills shortage list</a>. Shortages are seen to <a href="http://www.monash.edu.au/education/non-cms/centres/ceet/docs/workingpapers/wp52nov03shah.pdf">inhibit productivity</a> in industries and the broader economy.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/dont-be-too-quick-to-dismiss-dying-trades-those-skills-are-still-in-demand-107894">Don’t be too quick to dismiss ‘dying trades’, those skills are still in demand</a>
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<p>Traineeships were <a href="https://www.voced.edu.au/content/ngv%3a16849">established in the late 1980s</a> to provide apprentice-type training for young people in non-trade occupations such as sales and clerical, and many of the care occupations including disability and aged care. </p>
<p>The aim was to provide options, particularly for early school leavers, which combine work experience and learning on the job. It was hoped this would enhance early school leavers’ job prospects and add to the stock of skills in the economy.</p>
<p>Traineeships <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/publications/ncver-report-1-overview-australian-apprenticeship-and-traineeship-system">usually take</a> one to two years to complete, much shorter than trade apprenticeships.</p>
<h2>History of incentives</h2>
<p>From the 1970s, the federal government had been providing financial incentives to employers of trade apprentices. The states also provided assistance. From the mid-1990s the federal government <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/sites/ausapps/files/publication-documents/ncverreport1.pdf">extended incentives to trainees</a>, existing workers and to part-time and older workers. </p>
<p>Together with the introduction of a low training wage for trainees, the incentives <a href="https://www.ncver.edu.au/research-and-statistics/publications/all-publications/the-impact-of-wages-and-the-likelihood-of-employment-on-the-probability-of-completing-an-apprenticeship-or-traineeship">led to a rapid expansion</a> in the numbers of trainees in the late 1990s and to new training modes including fully on-the-job training. There was a sharp increase in the number of training organisations as employers were allowed to choose a private or public provider for off-the-job training (often one day a week).</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/274821/original/file-20190516-69182-18l5n2k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/274821/original/file-20190516-69182-18l5n2k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/274821/original/file-20190516-69182-18l5n2k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274821/original/file-20190516-69182-18l5n2k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274821/original/file-20190516-69182-18l5n2k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274821/original/file-20190516-69182-18l5n2k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274821/original/file-20190516-69182-18l5n2k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/274821/original/file-20190516-69182-18l5n2k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">Traineeships are different from apprenticeships, and are usually in non-trades such as clerical occupations.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span>
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<p>A <a href="https://www.voced.edu.au/content/ngv%3A1123">1999 review into the system</a> found some firms were using traineeships as a source of wage subsidies and, in many instances, provided little training to the trainees. For some, the skills acquired were not valued by employers over general work experience obtained during the traineeship. And the <a href="https://www.voced.edu.au/content/ngv%3A8138">issue continued</a> into the next decade.</p>
<p>In 2011, an <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/sites/ausapps/files/publication-documents/apprenticeshipsforthe21stcenturyexpertpanel_0.pdf">expert panel noted</a> Australia was the only country that paid government incentives, on a large scale, to employers of apprentices and trainees. The panel reported research that showed incentives paid to employers for the shorter traineeships represented a significant part of the wage costs (in some cases about 20%) and contributed to the large increase in trainee numbers. </p>
<p>For the longer, and more costly, training of trade apprentices, government payments to employers represented a much smaller proportion of the wage and training costs. And so, the incentives had only a marginal effect on the numbers of trade apprentices employed. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/there-is-no-apprenticeships-crisis-in-australia-83044">There is no apprenticeships 'crisis' in Australia</a>
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<p>The expert panel suggested the government would be better to confine its payments to programs that added value to the economy, such as those in community services, health and information technology.</p>
<p>The panel also recommended the government not give funds directly as incentives to employers. Instead, both employers and government would pay into an employer contribution scheme. Employers who met benchmarks such as a strong induction process and effective mentoring would have their contribution rebated, either in part or in full.</p>
<p>These recommendations were particularly aimed at the non-completion rates of apprentices – on average <a href="https://www.ncver.edu.au/research-and-statistics/publications/all-publications/understanding-the-non-completion-of-apprentices">less than half complete</a> their apprenticeships with their first employer. The most common reason given is dissatisfaction with the employment experience including difficulties with employers or colleagues.</p>
<h2>Drop in trainee numbers</h2>
<p>The government at the time didn’t take up the recommendation of an employer contribution scheme. It retained incentives for apprenticeships in trades on the <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/national-skills-needs-list">national skills needs list</a> such as construction and telecommunications, and for traineeships in priority occupations in aged care, childcare, disability care and nursing.</p>
<p>It abolished incentives for existing workers in other traineeships. Together with cuts in state subsidies to the providers of off-the-job training in some courses, these changes led to a <a href="https://www.ncver.edu.au/research-and-statistics/data/all-data/historical-time-series-of-apprenticeships-and-traineeships-in-australia-from-1963-to-2018">large fall in traineeship numbers</a>.</p>
<p>For example, by 2018, traineeships in clerical and sales <a href="https://www.ncver.edu.au/research-and-statistics/data/all-data/historical-time-series-of-apprenticeships-and-traineeships-in-australia-from-1963-to-2018">had fallen by more than 70%</a> from 2012. Older and female workers were most affected.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-vocational-education-sector-needs-a-plan-and-action-not-more-talk-102770">The vocational education sector needs a plan and action, not more talk</a>
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<p>But the numbers of starting <a href="https://www.ncver.edu.au/research-and-statistics/data/all-data/historical-time-series-of-apprenticeships-and-traineeships-in-australia-from-1963-to-2018%20http://www.mitchellinstitute.org.au/reports/finding-the-truth-in-the-apprenticeships-debate/">apprenticeships in trades</a> in the last ten years in the largest three groups – construction trades, automotive and engineering, and electrotechnology and telecommunications – is virtually unchanged. And a fall in automotive was offset by increases in the others. </p>
<p>These results were largely in keeping with intentions of the expert panel in 2011.</p>
<h2>A male dominated industry</h2>
<p>Trade apprenticeships are male dominated. In 2018, <a href="https://www.ncver.edu.au/research-and-statistics/data/all-data/historical-time-series-of-apprenticeships-and-traineeships-in-australia-from-1963-to-2018">65,000 males</a> started trade apprenticeships compared to 9,000 females. And females bore the larger share of the reduction in traineeships since 2012. It seems unlikely many of the women who missed out on traineeships are among the entrants to higher education where women form the majority of undergraduates.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/sites/ausapps/files/publication-documents/ncverreport4.pdf">available research</a> shows electrotechnology and telecommunications trades and construction trades graduates are relatively well paid, while hairdressers are the worst paid.</p>
<p>Trade apprentices are already the best-supported VET students during training. They can access <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/trade-support-loans">trade support loans</a> of up to $20,000 over four years – with a 20% discount of the debt on completion. Apprentices can <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/sites/ausapps/files/publication-documents/summary_aaip_table_1_july_2018.pdf">receive allowances</a> for living away from home, and the government provides support for adult apprentices as well as rural and regional skills shortage incentives. </p>
<p>Employment of apprentices and their mentoring is assisted by the <a href="https://www.australianapprenticeships.gov.au/australian-apprenticeship-support-network">Australian Apprenticeship Support Network</a>, at an annual cost of nearly A$200 million.</p>
<p>State governments also <a href="https://www.monash.edu/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/1476123/2018-September-5-Burke-Monash-Commission.pdf">provide additional support</a> for employers and apprentices. For instance, Queensland has a program <a href="https://www.ncver.edu.au/research-and-statistics/publications/all-publications/government-funding-of-vet-2017">including schemes</a> aimed at the unemployed. Western Australia has announced the provision of employer incentives in its 2019 budget. NSW has <a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/training/providers/funding/Pages/fundedcourses.aspx?%20Redirect=1%20https://www.training.nsw.gov.au/smartandskilled/prices_fees.htm">abolished tuition fees</a> for apprenticeships.</p>
<p>Extra government incentives to improve apprenticeship numbers do not seem to be the most effective, or equitable, policy. The next government must undertake a comprehensive review of incentives and all other forms of apprenticeship assistance. </p>
<p>The review should revisit the advice of the 2011 expert panel and ideally, should be conducted in the context of a review all tertiary funding (similar to what Labor is proposing).</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/vet-needs-support-to-rebuild-its-role-in-getting-disadvantaged-groups-into-education-and-work-101390">VET needs support to rebuild its role in getting disadvantaged groups into education and work</a>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/114986/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gerald Burke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Both major parties have promised more money to help boost apprenticeship numbers, including by providing incentives to employers. But history shows this isn’t the best way to spend public dollars.Gerald Burke, Adjunct Professor, Education, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1158402019-05-15T04:46:34Z2019-05-15T04:46:34ZLabor’s evaluation unit could dramatically cut wasteful spending<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273509/original/file-20190509-183112-hsmp5b.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=17%2C53%2C5973%2C3934&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Labor has promised to establish a new office of Evaluator General to oversee high-quality evaluations of government programs.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/fteR0e2BzKo">Sven Mieke/Unsplash</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The Australian federal government plans to spend <a href="https://www.budget.gov.au/2019-20/content/overview.htm#glance">A$500 billion</a> this year. With <a href="https://www.directory.gov.au/departments-and-agencies">188 federal agencies and departments</a>, it funds everything from preschool to pensions, from the army to <a href="https://www.screenaustralia.gov.au/getmedia/2e4a1e52-4466-48b7-aad8-ca05e207f8a9/UPR-Features-18.pdf">the arts</a>. </p>
<p>This is before getting into state/territory and local governments with their own world of policies and programs, such as public transport and local parks. </p>
<p>Looking behind the curtain, it is striking how poorly Australian government programs are evaluated. There is little oversight into whether these programs are successful, waste money, or even do us harm. </p>
<p>Tucked away in a largely overlooked press release may be a solution. In November last year, the shadow assistant treasurer, Andrew Leigh, <a href="http://www.andrewleigh.com/building_a_better_feedback_loop_labor_to_establish_an_evaluator_general_media_release">announced</a> Labor would establish an Evaluator General if they won the upcoming election. </p>
<p>The Evaluator General’s office will oversee high-quality evaluations of government programs in collaboration with other agencies.</p>
<p>As academics with long track records in evaluating government programs, we think this is a small, but good, step towards improving the evaluation culture in government. So long as we get the details right.</p>
<h2>Poor evidence, poor performance</h2>
<p>Government policy at all levels is poorly evaluated. </p>
<p>Consider education. Federal and state/territory governments’ spending per student increased from A$13,904 in <a href="http://docs.acara.edu.au/resources/National_Report_on_Schooling_in_Australia_2009_live.pdf">2008</a> to A$15,739 in <a href="https://acara.edu.au/docs/default-source/default-document-library/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia-20170de312404c94637ead88ff00003e0139.pdf?sfvrsn=0">2016</a>, adjusted for inflation. </p>
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<p>Since 2000, though, Australia’s international rankings in reading, mathematics and science have dropped considerably, according to a government <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/662684_tgta_accessible_final_0.docx">review</a> into Australian schools. </p>
<p>The Productivity Commission has identified how <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/inquiries/completed/education-evidence/report">the problem of evaluation</a> has contributed to this. Schools collect data about student scores and the like, but this information is not used to evaluate whether programs are working. Because we don’t know what is or isn’t working, we can’t ensure the best programs are rolled out Australia-wide. It puts our kids at a disadvantage on the global stage. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/three-things-australias-next-education-minister-must-prioritise-to-improve-schools-115223">Three things Australia's next education minister must prioritise to improve schools</a>
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<p>The same is true for other government priorities, including Indigenous policy. </p>
<p>More than a decade ago, federal and state governments committed to “Closing the Gap” between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians on a host of health, education and employment measures. In 2017 governments spent about A$33.4 billion on Indigenous-specific programs, according to <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/research/ongoing/indigenous-expenditure-report/2017">the Productivity Commission</a>. Yet the most recent Closing the Gap report has <a href="https://ctgreport.pmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/ctg-report-2019.pdf?a=1">found</a> little or no progress on a majority of goals, including child mortality, student attendance and life expectancy. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/research/supporting/better-indigenous-policies/07-better-indigenous-policies-chapter5.pdf">The lack of evidence</a> is almost certainly getting in the way of closing the gap. In 2016, there were 1,082 Indigenous-focused programs from government and non-government agencies, 92% of which had <a href="https://www.cis.org.au/publications/research-reports/mapping-the-indigenous-program-and-funding-maze/">never been evaluated</a>. The few evaluations conducted were not high-quality for the most part. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-get-a-better-bang-for-the-taxpayers-buck-in-all-sectors-not-only-indigenous-programs-64296">How to get a better bang for the taxpayers' buck in all sectors, not only Indigenous programs</a>
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<h2>A new hope</h2>
<p>An Evaluator General could fix this. With a A$5 million annual budget, the office would work with departments to evaluate the effectiveness of government programs. </p>
<p>The research would be widely available and that, in theory, should empower policy makers to implement evidence-based programs. </p>
<p>The proposed Evaluator General’s office would lie within the Treasury. There is a <a href="https://www.themandarin.com.au/101608-nicholas-gruen-evaluator-general-how-we-should-configure-it/">strong case</a> for greater independence, but pure independence is a myth since government controls the purse strings. </p>
<p>Perhaps the Treasury is the best option at the moment. It is comforting that there is precedence. Chile, for example, has had its evaluation unit firmly in the Ministry of Finance for more than two decades. </p>
<h2>All that glitters is not gold</h2>
<p>It would be a little ironic if we did not evaluate the Evaluator General. So let’s dig deeper.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273504/original/file-20190509-183077-t4tyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273504/original/file-20190509-183077-t4tyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273504/original/file-20190509-183077-t4tyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273504/original/file-20190509-183077-t4tyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273504/original/file-20190509-183077-t4tyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273504/original/file-20190509-183077-t4tyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273504/original/file-20190509-183077-t4tyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273504/original/file-20190509-183077-t4tyjo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">While the policy seems commonsense on the surface, it is the details that could trip Labor up.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://unsplash.com/photos/o8eW5XxOA8Q">Jens Johnsson/Unsplash</a></span>
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<p>Labor says the Evaluator General will use randomised controlled trials (RCTs) to evaluate programs. Such trials are generally seen as the gold standard in evaluation. They involve individuals being randomly assigned to one of two groups. One group receives the treatment being trialled. The other group – the control group – does not. We then compare outcomes between the two groups.</p>
<p>Consider a job training program. With a randomised controlled trial, one group of people is randomly assigned training, while another is not. Everything else about the trainees and non-trainees are the same. So we would then compare unemployment rates for the two groups to see if the training worked. </p>
<p>Without question, Australia should invest more in randomised controlled trials to learn about the impact of economic and social policies. </p>
<p>But they are also expensive. Randomised controlled trials usually need new data to be collected, which makes them quite expensive. </p>
<p>The Evaluator Generals $5 million budget will not go far if evaluation is based exclusively on the use randomised controlled trials. There are, however, “second-best” tools the Evaluator General should be able to use. </p>
<p>Natural (quasi) experiments can be powerful in telling us if policies are effective. Natural experiments mimic RCTs, except that assignment to treatment is usually not completely random, and they more readily draw on existing survey and administrative data.</p>
<p>For example, a policy maker may decide on a new training program for young people aged less than 20. Unemployed people aged 19 years and 11 months are essentially the same as those who have just turned 20. So we can compare the outcomes of these two groups to find out the effect of the program. There is no need to design a whole new experiment. This means natural experiments are usually cheaper and quicker to conduct than RCTs. </p>
<p>Our own work with quasi-experimental evaluations of <a href="http://ftp.iza.org/dp11514.pdf">welfare quarantining</a>, <a href="https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/10.1162/REST_a_00246">military conscription</a> and the <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/hec.3197">legal drinking age</a> shows they can be effective. </p>
<h2>The data is on our side</h2>
<p>Ultimately, any evaluation relies on data. Garbage data in, garbage results out. </p>
<p>Even with an Evaluator General, we will still be a long way off from having a strong evaluation culture. Too often governments hope, pray, and shoot policy into the wind. Anything besides evaluating. </p>
<p>But Labor’s proposal would be a small step in the right direction. It represents an increased focus on quality evaluation. </p>
<p>Equipped with the right tools, and with help from experts in evaluation, we could increasingly have policy that we know actually works.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/115840/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Peter Siminski has received funding from various government departments, in particular the NSW Department of Education and the Australian Government Department of Veterans' Affairs.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Deborah Ann Cobb-Clark has in the past received funding from government departments.</span></em></p>Labor’s plan for an Evaluator General could be a big change to the way we evaluate and test government policy. We just have to get the details right.Peter Siminski, Professor of Economics, University of Technology SydneyDeborah Ann Cobb-Clark, Professor of Economics, University of SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1167502019-05-12T20:15:01Z2019-05-12T20:15:01ZA referendum won’t save the Murray-Darling Basin<p>As part of its election campaign the Centre Alliance party (formerly the Nick Xenophon Team) has <a href="https://rex.centrealliance.org.au/media/releases/time-for-the-people-to-save-the-murray-darling-centre-alliance-to-push-for-a-constitutional-referendum-on-water-resources/">proposed</a> a referendum give the Commonwealth power to regulate the waters of the Murray-Darling Basin.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.dropbox.com/sh/689q5yedgnfgtx5/AAA991sBALJoArYZTgNvQVePa?dl=0">proposal</a> would amend the constitution to give the Commonwealth legislative power over:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>the use and management of water resources that extend beyond the limits of a State.</p>
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<p>The proposal is intended to give the Commonwealth “clear authority” to regulate water resources that cross state borders, such as the Murray-Darling Basin and the Great Artesian Basin.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-darling-river-is-simply-not-supposed-to-dry-out-even-in-drought-109880">The Darling River is simply not supposed to dry out, even in drought</a>
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<p>But it’s not clear a referendum would solve any of the problems currently facing the Basin. The Commonwealth already has plenty of power: it’s cooperation and environmental consciousness we lack.</p>
<h2>Who controls the Murray-Darling Basin?</h2>
<p>At a Basin-wide level, the distribution of water within the Murray-Darling Basin is presently governed by the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.au/Series/C2007A00137">Water Act 2007</a>. The Act requires the creation of a Basin Plan, which provides a framework for water management across the Basin. The current Plan came into force in 2012.</p>
<p>The power to implement parts of the Water Act is supported by a referral of power from the states. That is, the states have passed their legislative power to the Commonwealth. </p>
<p>It is legally uncertain as to the extent this referral of power is necessary, and what would happen if a state withdrew its referral. The High Court has not had to consider these difficult constitutional questions.</p>
<h2>Is a referendum necessary?</h2>
<p>Before resorting to a referendum, it’s worth considering the extent of the Commonwealth’s existing power to regulate the Murray-Darling Basin. Although the Water Act is supported partly by a referral of power from the states, the Commonwealth has considerable legislative power it can deploy to regulate the Basin.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Senate/Powers_practice_n_procedures/Constitution.aspx">constitution</a> gives the Commonwealth power to make laws with respect to external affairs, corporations, and trade and commerce. </p>
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<em>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/aboriginal-voices-are-missing-from-the-murray-darling-basin-crisis-110769">Aboriginal voices are missing from the Murray-Darling Basin crisis</a>
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<p>In particular, the “external affairs” power – which gives the Commonwealth legislative power to meet international obligations – is relied upon considerably to support the Commonwealth enacting the Water Act. </p>
<p>These conventions include the <a href="https://www.environment.gov.au/water/wetlands/ramsar">Ramsar Convention on Wetlands of International Importance</a>, the <a href="https://www.cbd.int/">Biodiversity Convention</a>, the <a href="https://www.cms.int/">Bonn Convention</a> and the <a href="https://www.google.com/search?q=United+Nations+Convention+to+Combat+Desertification&oq=United+Nations+Convention+to+Combat+Desertification&aqs=chrome..69i57&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8">United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification</a>.</p>
<p>While the Commonwealth probably has <a href="https://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/SydLRev/2010/27.pdf">greater power</a> to regulate interstate rivers than it currently exercises, it has not sought to flex its muscle and test the limits of these powers.</p>
<h2>What is the problem with the current Water Act and Basin Plan?</h2>
<p>The South Australian Murray-Darling Basin Royal Commission <a href="https://www.mdbrc.sa.gov.au/sites/default/files/murray-darling-basin-royal-commission-report.pdf?v=1548898371">examined</a> the constitutional basis for the Water Act as well as other legal issues surrounding the operation of the Act and implementation of the Basin Plan.</p>
<p>This commission found the fundamental issue with the Basin Plan is it did not prioritise environmental sustainability highly enough, as the Water Act requires. </p>
<p>The Murray-Darling Basin Authority (MDBA) uses a “triple bottom line” – taking into account environmental, economic and social factors – when deciding how much water to take out of the rivers. </p>
<p>While this approach is supported by <a href="http://www.aph.gov.au/DocumentStore.ashx?id=dd6cb9d1-a591-48de-97aa-ec31cf91e259">legal advice</a> from the Australian government solicitor, the commissioner said relying on that advice was an error. </p>
<p>The Water Act requires the Plan include a:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>maximum long-term annual average quantities of water than can be taken, on a sustainable basis, from the Basin water resources as a whole. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The commissioner concluded that this means the MDBA should put environmental priorities <em>above</em> social and economic considerations. This would mean more water returned to the environment. </p>
<p>Crucially, the commissioner did not take issue with the constitutional basis of the Water Act. The problem is one of priorities and interpretation of the Water Act, not the scope of the Commonwealth’s power. </p>
<h2>Does a referendum solve the current problems?</h2>
<p>Even if the proposed referendum went ahead, it would be unlikely to resolve interstate disputes concerning the distribution of water.</p>
<p>The constitutional amendment proposed by Centre Alliance would also place a limit on Commonwealth legislative power by prohibiting any federal law from having:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>an effect on water resources that would have an overall detrimental effect on the environment.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This amendment raises as many questions as it seeks to resolve. What would constitute an “overall detrimental effect” on the environment? As a question of constitutional interpretation, it would be for the High Court to determine the meaning of these words. Any ambiguity surrounding the meaning of this provision is only likely to shift the battle over the Murray-Darling Basin to the courtroom.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/murray-darling-report-shows-public-authorities-must-take-climate-change-risk-seriously-110990">Murray-Darling report shows public authorities must take climate change risk seriously</a>
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<p>The solution does not lie in constitutional amendment or a courtroom battle. Instead, as the Royal Commissioner noted, the solution lies in “co-operative federalism”. The states and the Commonwealth must put “short-sighted, vested self-interests” to one side and work together in a manner that ensures the long-term viability of the Basin.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116750/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Adam Webster does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Simply giving the Commonwealth more power won’t fix the Murray-Darling Basin crisis.Adam Webster, Departmental Lecturer in Law and Public Policy, Blavatnik School of Government, University of OxfordLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1167482019-05-09T20:09:14Z2019-05-09T20:09:14ZCarry-over credits and carbon offsets are hot topics this election – but what do they actually mean?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273453/original/file-20190509-183086-1kb6u0h.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=8%2C24%2C5455%2C3612&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Organisations can use offsets as part of their emission reduction strategy.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>In this election, often dubbed the “climate election”, voters are <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/apr/23/politicians-reluctance-on-climate-change-is-bizarre-action-would-not-only-be-right-but-popular">refusing</a> to settle for weak policies on climate change.</p>
<p>But between the “will they/won’t they” question of whether the coalition will meet their climate targets and the costing of the ALP’s targets, there is a lot of misunderstanding, even among experts. </p>
<p>Unsurprisingly, even the best-informed voter is liable to struggle, particularly when generic terms like “carbon credits” are used to describe completely different things.</p>
<hr>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-is-counting-on-cooking-the-books-to-meet-its-climate-targets-110768">Australia is counting on cooking the books to meet its climate targets</a>
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<p>Broadly, carbon credits work as a certificate permitting someone to emit greenhouse gases. To assess Australia’s performance, it’s important to understand the differences between the types of certificate. </p>
<p>Just because we <em>can</em> count something as climate performance does not mean we <em>should</em>. Both approaches from the two major parties have their own issues, but that does not mean they are equal.</p>
<h2>What are Kyoto carry-over credits and carbon offsets?</h2>
<h3>Kyoto carry-over credits</h3>
<p>Carry-over credits are “certificates” that translate our international commitments as a number of tonnes. These credits represent emissions we could have released into the atmosphere under our international commitments, but didn’t.</p>
<p>As we come to the end of the second international commitment period, we have a lot of leftover credits. The government wants to use credits from the first and second periods (2008-2012 and 2013-2020) to satisfy our obligations under the third (2021-2030).</p>
<h3>Carbon offset credits</h3>
<p>In the case of offsets, these certificates come from actions that reduce emissions. These actions should be measurable and new. Sadly, <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-government-is-miscounting-greenhouse-emissions-reductions-88950">they do not always meet that simple standard</a>.</p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-government-is-miscounting-greenhouse-emissions-reductions-88950">The government is miscounting greenhouse emissions reductions</a>
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<p>Offset credits are a trading “currency” that, in principle, reduces the overall cost of emission reduction. </p>
<p>Emission reduction can be costly or difficult for some, and offsets allow individuals or businesses to buy certificates from others who can cut or capture emissions at lower cost.</p>
<p>Rules to create, trade and monitor offsets can be set at an international, regional or national level. Some offsetting is voluntary, but most is to comply with legal requirements.</p>
<h2>The carry-over credit debate</h2>
<p>The Coalition <a href="https://www.environment.gov.au/system/files/resources/128ae060-ac07-4874-857e-dced2ca22347/files/australias-emissions-projections-2018.pdf#page=8">plans to use credit from our “over-achievement” in meeting Kyoto targets</a>, as a shortcut to meet the Paris Agreement targets. </p>
<p>Under the Paris Agreement, Australia has voluntarily agreed to reduce its cumulative emissions to 26-28% below 2005 levels by 2030. If we use the Kyoto-era credit for the Paris Agreement, it will take only a 15% reduction on 2005 levels to successfully meet our commitment. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273434/original/file-20190509-183086-9ptmut.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273434/original/file-20190509-183086-9ptmut.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273434/original/file-20190509-183086-9ptmut.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=365&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273434/original/file-20190509-183086-9ptmut.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=365&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273434/original/file-20190509-183086-9ptmut.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=365&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273434/original/file-20190509-183086-9ptmut.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=458&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273434/original/file-20190509-183086-9ptmut.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=458&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273434/original/file-20190509-183086-9ptmut.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=458&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Australia’s current and projected emissions and targets with Kyoto carry-over credit transfer.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOisdjzv8Gs">Tim Baxter, 'In a Canter'? Demystifying Australia's Emissions Budget for Paris.</a>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
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<p>But the Kyoto Protocol only applied to developed countries, while the Paris agreement applies to many developing countries. </p>
<p>This means many signatories to Paris have no “carry-over” credits they can use. Among those developed nations that do have this credit, almost all <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/environment/climate-change/new-zealand-rules-out-using-kyoto-credits-for-paris-australia-shtum-20181211-p50llv.html">have said</a> they will not use Kyoto carry-over credits to meet their Paris commitments. </p>
<p>So the coalition’s position is widely seen as <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-is-counting-on-cooking-the-books-to-meet-its-climate-targets-110768">morally dubious</a>. And <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/environment/climate-change/scott-morrison-s-pea-and-thimble-trick-20190226-p51090.html">there are real questions</a> around whether our supposed credit from the Kyoto era can be used at all.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/flying-home-for-christmas-carbon-offsets-are-important-but-they-wont-fix-plane-pollution-89148">Flying home for Christmas? Carbon offsets are important, but they won't fix plane pollution</a>
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<p>Given the nature of the Paris Agreement, the international community will unlikely enforce an express ban on using carry-over credit.</p>
<p>But that doesn’t mean we should use it. Australia’s international reputation depends on rejecting the use of Kyoto carry-over. More importantly, so does our climate.</p>
<h2>Carbon offsets</h2>
<p>Under the Kyoto Protocol, several offsetting schemes were created between countries, so-called “flexible mechanisms”. Among these emission reduction opportunities is the <a href="https://cdm.unfccc.int/Registry/index.html">Clean Development Mechanism</a>. </p>
<p>The Clean Development Mechanism is an offset scheme where developed countries fund emission reduction action in developing countries. </p>
<p>If projects meet the requirements of the mechanism, the developing country claims certificates equal to the amount of emissions reduction they can prove. They then sell the certificates they have earned to developed countries. </p>
<p>This scheme has seen a number of renewable energy projects constructed, such as <a href="https://offset.climateneutralnow.org/">hydroelectric dams</a> and projects that consume waste to create electricity.</p>
<h2>Offsetting carbon voluntarily</h2>
<p>Voluntary use of carbon offsets has also grown. For example, Australia’s voluntary <a href="http://www.environment.gov.au/climate-change/government/carbon-neutral/ncos">National Carbon Offsets Standard</a> allows organisations to use offsets as part of their emission reduction strategy.</p>
<p>Australia’s Carbon Farming Initiative is one such example. This offsetting scheme was originally designed by the ALP, but now underpins the coalition’s Emissions Reduction Fund. </p>
<hr>
<p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-nationals-should-support-carbon-farming-not-coal-94112">The Nationals should support carbon farming, not coal</a>
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<p><a href="http://offsetsmonitor.org.au/">Projects</a> registered under this scheme can create Australian Carbon Credit Units through methods <a href="http://www.cleanenergyregulator.gov.au/ERF/About-the-Emissions-Reduction-Fund">such as</a> revegetation, capture and combustion of methane or surrender of land clearing rights. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273511/original/file-20190509-183100-1potu84.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273511/original/file-20190509-183100-1potu84.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/273511/original/file-20190509-183100-1potu84.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273511/original/file-20190509-183100-1potu84.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273511/original/file-20190509-183100-1potu84.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273511/original/file-20190509-183100-1potu84.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273511/original/file-20190509-183100-1potu84.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/273511/original/file-20190509-183100-1potu84.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Sydney’s School Strike 4 Climate, March 2019. Climate change is one of the top issues voters care about in the upcoming election.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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<p>The government buys these credits through reverse auctions – one buyer with many potential sellers. They’re also frequently purchased by Australian facilities caught by the <a href="http://www.cleanenergyregulator.gov.au/NGER/The-safeguard-mechanism">safeguard mechanism</a> (a framework for the largest emitters to measure, report and manage their emissions) and individuals looking to voluntarily offset their own emissions. </p>
<p>The ALP plans to tighten the baselines under the safeguard mechanism, compelling Australia’s major emitters, such as our largest resource companies, to either reduce on-site emissions or purchase Australian Carbon Credit Units.</p>
<p><a href="http://climatechangeauthority.gov.au/reviews/using-international-units-help-meet-australias-emissions-reduction-targets">In a 2014 report,</a> the Climate Change Authority recommended Australia adopt an emission reduction target between 45% and 65% below 2005 levels by 2030. It noted international carbon offsets would help ensure Australia could meet this more ambitious target. </p>
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<p>
<em>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/fixing-the-gap-between-labors-greenhouse-gas-goals-and-their-policies-115550">Fixing the gap between Labor's greenhouse gas goals and their policies</a>
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<p>The ALP’s approach is superficially compatible with the Climate Change Authority, though it plans to negotiate the detail if elected. A lot will hang on where these negotiations fall.</p>
<p>Using offset credits is undoubtedly better than taking no action at all. But offsetting must have <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/experts-find-integrity-issues-with-coalition-s-direct-action-policy-20190416-p51eoj.html">integrity</a>, not accounting sleight-of-hand. If genuine, they can help cut global emissions at the lowest cost while also delivering local social, economic and environmental benefits.</p>
<p>It is important offsetting methods continue to be refined and debated, while keeping a critical eye on whether they provide environmental benefit.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116748/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alan Pears is an honorary Senior Industry Fellow at RMIT University and a consultant, as well as an adviser to a range of industry associations and public interest groups. His investments in managed funds include firms that benefit from growth in clean energy. He has shares in Hepburn Wind.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tim Baxter receives funding from the Energy Transition Hub. </span></em></p>Australia’s international reputation depends on rejecting the use of Kyoto carry-over. More importantly, so does our climate.Alan Pears, Senior Industry Fellow, RMIT UniversityTim Baxter, Fellow - Melbourne Law School; Associate - Australian-German Climate and Energy College, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1159162019-05-08T04:08:36Z2019-05-08T04:08:36ZIndigenous rangers don’t receive the funding they deserve – here’s why<p>Australia heavily relies on the work of Indigenous rangers to meet our conservation targets, but they’re being short-changed by federal government funding.</p>
<p>Indigenous-owned land for biodiversity and cultural conservation, called Indigenous Protected Areas (<a href="http://www.nrm.gov.au/national/continuing-investment/indigenous-protected-areas">IPAs</a>), make up <a href="https://www.environment.gov.au/land/nrs/about-nrs/ownership">almost half</a> of Australia’s conservation estate. </p>
<p>And yet federal funding only offers them 6% of the <a href="https://nailsma.org.au/programs/economic-development-and-employment/business-on-country/sustainable-land-sector-development-in-northern-australia">conservation estate budget</a>. </p>
<p>Many of our threatened species and ecosystems are based on IPAs. Most are located in <a href="https://theconversation.com/just-ten-mps-represent-more-than-600-threatened-species-in-their-electorates-83500">remote parts</a> of Australia, such as Uunguu on Wunambal-Gaambera country in the northern Kimberley, home to endangered species like the <a href="http://www.environment.gov.au/cgi-bin/sprat/public/publicspecies.pl?taxon_id=331">Northern Quoll</a>. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/indigenous-ranger-programs-are-working-in-queensland-they-should-be-expanded-89766">Indigenous ranger programs are working in Queensland – they should be expanded</a>
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<p>These areas are enormous, with just 74 IPAs covering more than 66 million hectares. Government protected areas also cover over 66 million hectares, but from a network of 7,204 smaller regions. Larger areas are generally better for conservation as they protect more habitats for species, but they also require more work to manage.</p>
<p>So why are IPAs given only a fraction of what they deserve?</p>
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<h2>Indigenous rangers are not supported</h2>
<p>Unlike the Environment Department’s recurring budgets for staff and operations for Government Protected Areas, funding for IPAs is not secure.</p>
<p>According to the latest figures, the whole <a href="http://webarchive.nla.gov.au/gov/20151023123515/http:/www.environment.gov.au/indigenous/ipa/funding11.html">IPA program</a> received only a total of A$50 million of federal funding for five years (2008 to 2013). </p>
<p>In northern Australia, for instance, A$16 million in funding was designated to manage 154,000km², supporting more than 650 Indigenous rangers. </p>
<p>By stark contrast, the northern government conservation estate of 165,000km² attracted <a href="https://nailsma.org.au/programs/economic-development-and-employment/business-on-country/sustainable-land-sector-development-in-northern-australia">$276 million</a>, almost 20 times the amount available for IPAs.</p>
<p>Why, in outback Australia, where disadvantage is rife, are governments reluctant to adequately fund those jobs? Here are some possible explanations – none of them satisfactory.</p>
<h3>A voluntary program</h3>
<p>The <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/indigenous-affairs/environment/indigenous-protected-areas-ipas">Indigenous Protected Area</a> program is voluntary. Governments might be reluctant to fund permanent jobs when IPAs can be cancelled by Indigenous owners, although this is unlikely because they are looking after <a href="https://www.countryneedspeople.org.au/">their country</a>. </p>
<h3>Misaligned management</h3>
<p>Funding and management fall under different departments. Management is under the jurisdiction of the <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/indigenous-affairs/environment/indigenous-protected-areas-ipas">prime minister and cabinet</a>. Funding was transferred from the Natural Heritage Trust to the <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/indigenous-affairs/indigenous-advancement-strategy">Indigenous Advancement Strategy</a> in July 2018.</p>
<p>Priorities of the Indigenous Advancement Strategy are more aligned with welfare programs, including education, employment and health, but not conservation.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272943/original/file-20190507-103078-t1ehy3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272943/original/file-20190507-103078-t1ehy3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272943/original/file-20190507-103078-t1ehy3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=422&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272943/original/file-20190507-103078-t1ehy3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=422&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272943/original/file-20190507-103078-t1ehy3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=422&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272943/original/file-20190507-103078-t1ehy3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=531&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272943/original/file-20190507-103078-t1ehy3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=531&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272943/original/file-20190507-103078-t1ehy3.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=531&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">A federal government map of Indigenous protected areas across Australia. More have been declared since this map was published in 2016.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
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<h3>Competing for funds</h3>
<p>Managing conservation estate is meaningful and necessary work, which should translate to permanent, or at least long-term, jobs and operational budgets. Instead, funding is on a competitive short-term basis. IPAs have to compete for money within the <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/indigenous-affairs/environment/indigenous-protected-areas-ipas">National Landcare Program</a>.</p>
<p>IPA “projects” are funded through multi-year funding agreements to fulfil their management plan commitments. The total funding for <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/indigenous-affairs/environment/indigenous-protected-areas-ipas">National Landcare</a> was A$1.1 billion from 2017-21, including a meagre $15 million for new IPAs.</p>
<p>Government protected areas, on the other hand, have permanent staff, ongoing salaries and operational budgets (although Environment Department budgets have been slashed by over <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/dec/13/environment-funding-slashed-by-third-since-coalition-took-office">40% since 2013</a>).</p>
<h3>Out of sight, out of mind</h3>
<p>Then there is the remoteness factor – distance from the bulk of Australia’s east-coast population. </p>
<p>IPAs are out of mind for most urban Australians. But all Australians are affected economically and socially by Indigenous disadvantage, and disadvantage causes health, welfare and social costs to the national budget. </p>
<p>One way to help correct this imbalance is to seriously fund jobs Indigenous people want and we all need, such as the <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/indigenous-affairs/environment/indigenous-protected-areas-ipas">Indigenous Ranger Program</a>.</p>
<h2>Indigenous agency over Indigenous lands</h2>
<p>Indigenous people on country express <a href="https://www.countryneedspeople.org.au/">enormous pride</a> in managing their IPA lands. They have meaningful work, identity and agency. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272944/original/file-20190507-103045-wdawjw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272944/original/file-20190507-103045-wdawjw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272944/original/file-20190507-103045-wdawjw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272944/original/file-20190507-103045-wdawjw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272944/original/file-20190507-103045-wdawjw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272944/original/file-20190507-103045-wdawjw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272944/original/file-20190507-103045-wdawjw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Many Indigenous Protected Areas are in remote desert areas where many native mammals have gone extinct in the last 120 years. They now protect many threatened species.</span>
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<p>And Indigenous land managers are speaking out. Late last year, a comprehensive and ambitious book, <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Sustainable-Land-Sector-Development-in-Northern-Australia-Indigenous-rights/Russell-Smith-James-Pedersen-Sangha/p/book/9781138600201">Sustainable land sector development in Northern Australia</a>, was published by a number of Indigenous and non-Indigenous authors who work in the north.</p>
<p>Indigenous land managers are now determining how their lands are used, how research is conducted and how Indigenous rangers and elders are engaged in the process. </p>
<h2>Federal policies</h2>
<p>Australia uses this Indigenous contribution to its benefit in international obligations, such as the <a href="https://www.cbd.int/sp/targets/">Aichi Targets</a>, to meet our target of conservation estate making up 17% of Australia. The <a href="https://www.environment.gov.au/land/nrs">Environment Department</a> says 19.63% of Australia is protected, with a large proportion in remote deserts. </p>
<p>So, it seems unjust that much of this government’s “achievement” is thanks to Indigenous rangers who are committed to these outcomes, but are not funded adequately.</p>
<p>And in the lead up to the election, most party policies are unclear on Indigenous Protected Areas. </p>
<h3>The Coalition</h3>
<p>The Coalition has <a href="https://www.liberal.org.au/our-policies">no specific published policies</a> on Indigenous ranger programs nor IPAs. They are committed to development in the north of Australia, a policy that’s heavily <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Sustainable-Land-Sector-Development-in-Northern-Australia-Indigenous-rights/Russell-Smith-James-Pedersen-Sangha/p/book/9781138600201">criticised</a> by Indigenous leaders. </p>
<h3>Labor</h3>
<p>The <a href="https://www.alp.org.au/about/national-platform/">Labor Party</a> fares better. They propose to expand “long-term support and recognition for the highly successful” Indigenous ranger and IPA programs and establish a First Nations Voice in government. They also recently committed to fund A$200 million to double the number of Indigenous Rangers over five years.</p>
<h3>Nationals</h3>
<p>The <a href="http://nationals.org.au/policies/2019-election-policies/">Nationals</a> are silent on Indigenous rangers, protected areas and employment. This is surprising for a regional party, where a high proportion of the lands are now Indigenous owned and managed.</p>
<h3>Greens</h3>
<p>The <a href="https://greens.org.au/policies/first-nations-peoples">Greens</a> are a little more advanced, addressing First Nations’ rights to lands and reparations by governments through acquisition and management.</p>
<p>Investment in the Indigenous effort to conserve Australia’s natural heritage is long overdue. And importantly, these programs must be led by <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Sustainable-Land-Sector-Development-in-Northern-Australia-Indigenous-rights/Russell-Smith-James-Pedersen-Sangha/p/book/9781138600201">Indigenous people themselves</a>. They would provide meaningful employment and help to correct the social, health, welfare, chronic unemployment and economic imbalances in the far-flung regions of Australia.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/115916/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Noel D Preece has received funding from AIATSIS, ARC, and the Biodiversity Fund. He is a Councillor on the Ecosystem Science Council, a member and former Director of the Ecological Society of Australia, a Certified Environmental Practitioner of the EIANZ and a member of several professional societies. He is not a member of any political party. He is also an environmental consultant with a wide range of clients past and present.</span></em></p>Australia relies on Indigenous people to meet our conservation goals, but they’re short-changed by federal funding.Noel D. Preece, Adjunct Asssociate Professor, James Cook UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1165922019-05-07T04:57:59Z2019-05-07T04:57:59ZCoalition plans to improve online safety don’t address the root cause of harms: the big tech business model<p>At about the same time on Sunday afternoon that former Labor prime minister Paul Keating was referring to him as a “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/federal-election-2019/vintage-paul-keating-steals-the-best-lines-at-bill-shorten-s-big-show-20190505-p51kab.html">fossil with a baseball cap</a>”, Prime Minister Scott Morrison announced a re-election promise to crackdown on social media platforms and online predators, and “<a href="https://www.liberal.org.au/latest-news/2019/05/05/keeping-australians-safe-online">protect children, families and the community</a>”.</p>
<p>Our government’s determination to address online safety is to be commended, but the current proposals contain few details on policy and implementation. </p>
<p>In reality we’re unlikely to see much improvement in online safety unless we tackle the real elephant in the room: big tech’s business model. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-big-tech-designs-its-own-rules-of-ethics-to-avoid-scrutiny-and-accountability-113457">How big tech designs its own rules of ethics to avoid scrutiny and accountability</a>
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<h2>Four initiatives</h2>
<p>The plan consists of four initiatives. </p>
<p>The first would see increased maximum penalties for existing crimes such as using the internet to menace, harass or cause offence. Penalties would also increase, and new offences created, for a range of child sex offences that rely on the internet. </p>
<p>The second initiative is designed to hold major social media platforms to account by enacting laws that require them to provide transparency reports relating to illegal, abusive and predatory content by their users – that is, trolling.</p>
<p>The third is to provide parents with tools to “make their own decisions about how their children use the internet”. It will become mandatory for online apps, games and services marketed to children to be pre-configured with the most restrictive privacy and safety defaults. </p>
<p>Complementary initiatives involve providing a filtered internet service that blocks sites considered unsafe by the eSafety Commissioner, and providing point of sale and point of account creation information to parents about online safety and parental controls.</p>
<p>The final initiative is to work with the G20 to “ensure that technology firms meet obligations regarding the prevention and protection, transparency and deterrence to stop terrorists weaponising the internet”.</p>
<h2>Scandals and social harm</h2>
<p>In the wake of a variety of scandals that have plagued “big tech” over the last few years – including the <a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-to-talk-about-the-data-we-give-freely-of-ourselves-online-and-why-its-useful-93734">Facebook Cambrige Analytica controversy</a>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/mueller-report-how-congress-can-and-will-follow-up-on-an-incomplete-and-redacted-document-115686">Robert Mueller’s investigation</a> into Russian interference with the 2016 US Presidential elections – governments across the world have become increasingly concerned about the social harms produced by a largely unregulated technology sector. </p>
<p>The Coalition’s election announcement comes soon after the passage of <a href="https://theconversation.com/livestreaming-terror-is-abhorrent-but-is-more-rushed-legislation-the-answer-114620">amendments to the Criminal Code</a> to address live streaming of “abhorrent violent material” by social media platforms in the wake of the Christchurch massacre. It should be seen as an advance in governmental resolve to address the excesses of big tech. This is a long overdue and welcome development.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/livestreaming-terror-is-abhorrent-but-is-more-rushed-legislation-the-answer-114620">Livestreaming terror is abhorrent – but is more rushed legislation the answer?</a>
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<p>Extra offences and tougher penalties, particularly for online-enabled sexual exploitation of children, play well in a febrile pre-election environment. The prospect of more punishment and denunciation seems like tough and determined action will be taken. </p>
<p>But the deterrent effect of criminalising activity and imposing harsher jail sentences is based on <a href="https://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/sites/default/files/publication-documents/Does%20Imprisonment%20Deter%20A%20Review%20of%20the%20Evidence.pdf">an assumption</a> that people weigh up the costs and benefits of their actions whenever they make decisions – that they make rational criminal choices. This assumption is open to question where online harassment and child sex offending occurs. </p>
<p>Equally, there is <a href="https://theconversation.com/helping-to-rehabilitate-sex-offenders-is-controversial-but-it-can-prevent-more-abuse-111861">little evidence</a> that jail time for sex offenders serves rehabilitative objectives or that, long term, the community is safer. After all, when offenders have served their time they are released and return to the community. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/helping-to-rehabilitate-sex-offenders-is-controversial-but-it-can-prevent-more-abuse-111861">Helping to rehabilitate sex offenders is controversial – but it can prevent more abuse</a>
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<p>It’s easy – and cheap - to legislate for new offences and more incarceration. It’s harder – and expensive – to ensure the community is safer in the long term. This involves addressing causes, not effects. </p>
<h2>Only the ‘major’ platforms</h2>
<p>The proposed greater transparency measures appear to apply only to <a href="https://www.liberal.org.au/latest-news/2019/05/05/keeping-australians-safe-online">“major” social media platforms</a>. Presumably, this means digital platforms that have a corporate presence in Australia – like Google and Facebook – and who can be compelled to obey Australian laws. </p>
<p>But there are many other sites that Australians access which have no presence, other than a cyber presence, in Australia. </p>
<p>Has the Coalition taken account of the fact that those who choose to propagate “illegal, abusive and predatory” content may simply switch their activities to platforms like 4 Chan, 8 Chan or reddit to avoid transparency requirements, making it harder to regulate them? How will they be made transparent? </p>
<p>Another challenge is how to define “illegal, abusive and predatory content”. Presumably government will provide legislative guidance about this in its proposed Online Safety Act, but it will be interesting to see how Silicon Valley corporations steeped in US first amendment free speech doctrine interpret and implement this requirement.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-to-talk-about-the-data-we-give-freely-of-ourselves-online-and-why-its-useful-93734">We need to talk about the data we give freely of ourselves online and why it's useful</a>
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<h2>Policing is the hard bit</h2>
<p>One of big tech’s most consistent arguments to avoid regulation is that we should <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-switch/wp/2018/04/11/ai-will-solve-facebooks-most-vexing-problems-mark-zuckerberg-says-just-dont-ask-when-or-how/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.cd5d347aa069">rely on technology to solve technology-caused harm</a>. The Coalition’s proposal to provide parents with controls to “make their own decisions about how their children use the internet” falls into this category. </p>
<p>But how are default privacy and safety settings to be policed? What will stop curious, technically-literate children simply changing the default settings behind their parents’ backs? </p>
<p>Likewise, the proposal to supply filtered internet services that block sites nominated by the e-Safety Commissioner seems like an invitation to find work-arounds to avoid censorship.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/sorry-everyone-on-the-internet-youre-always-the-product-77235">Sorry everyone: on the internet, you're always the product</a>
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<p>As commentators like <a href="http://technosociology.org/">Roger McNamee</a>, <a href="http://technosociology.org/">Zeynep Tufekci</a> and <a href="http://www.tristanharris.com/">Tristan Harris</a> have argued, the risks that big tech poses to society are caused by their “free” service business model. </p>
<p>The need to collect more and more personal data and keep their users’ attention focused on their services by feeding them more and more content that they “like” is baked into social media corporate DNA. Companies create “filter bubbles” and “preference bubbles” that ensure popular content is succeeded by more extreme and disturbing versions of the same.</p>
<p>Big tech’s business model is the root cause of the harms the Coalition’s online safety package is designed to address. Although any government action to address these harms is to be encouraged and supported, the package is likely to fall short of our expectations.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116592/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>David Watts does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>It’s easy to legislate for new offences and more incarceration. It’s harder – and more expensive – to ensure the community is safer in the long term. This involves addressing causes, not effects.David Watts, Professor of Information Law and Policy, La Trobe UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1164272019-05-06T20:11:05Z2019-05-06T20:11:05ZWhat are the major parties promising on health this election?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272755/original/file-20190506-103049-1wnsmkk.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Labor has promised A$8 billion in new health expenditure, while the Coalition has focused on the difference new pharmaceuticals can make to individual Australians. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/confirm/290070776?src=ZnbalC0cWE1h8qGR38rWvw-1-0&size=huge_jpg">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The major parties’ manifestos for the 2019 federal election present voters with starkly contrasting health policies. These policies are shaped and constrained by the overall themes presented by the party leaders, but have some unique elements.</p>
<h2>Liberal – money in your own hands</h2>
<p>The Liberal campaign has two main messages: standing on the government’s claimed record as good economic managers, and offering significant tax cuts in the long-term. The tax cuts are marketed as giving people the power to make their own choices about how the money should be spent.</p>
<p>In health care, this spending-light approach has led to a focus on re-announcing existing policy, and spending down the <a href="https://beta.health.gov.au/initiatives-and-programs/medical-research-future-fund">Medical Research Future Fund</a> with research announcements popping up every other day. </p>
<p>The Future Fund announcements have attracted good publicity for the government, even though they do not represent any increase in research funding, just a change in how the available funding is to be used.</p>
<p>The re-announcement approach can probably best be seen in the Liberal’s policy on <a href="https://www.liberal.org.au/our-plan-youth-mental-health-and-suicide-prevention">youth mental health and suicide prevention</a>, where the five-page policy concludes: </p>
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<p>The Coalition’s plans for youth mental health and suicide prevention will not place additional costs on the Budget.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Throughout his term as health minister, Greg Hunt has highlighted new drugs being added to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme in formulaic ministerial media releases such as <a href="https://www.greghunt.com.au/breast-cancer-and-rare-skin-cancer-medicines-on-the-pbs/">new listings of drugs for cancer</a>, <a href="https://www.greghunt.com.au/10-million-for-adhd-medicine-on-the-pb/">attention deficit hyperactivity disorder</a>, and <a href="https://www.greghunt.com.au/thousands-to-benefit-from-spinal-arthritis-medication-listing-on-pbs/">spinal arthritis</a>.</p>
<p>He has sought to contrast the Coalition’s approach – where the advice of the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee about listing a new drug has always been followed – to that of the previous Labor government, which <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2011-04-12/pharmamilne/55694">deferred some listings after the global financial crisis</a>.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-coalitions-report-card-on-health-includes-some-passes-and-quite-a-few-fails-113734">The Coalition's report card on health includes some passes and quite a few fails</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Minister Hunt has continued this focus during the campaign. In a unique approach, he used much of his time in the <a href="https://www.npc.org.au/speakers/the-hon-greg-hunt-mp-the-hon-catherine-king-mp/">National Press Club health debate</a> last Thursday to tell stories about new Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme listings. It is an old political aphorism that “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_politics_is_local">all politics is local</a>”. Minister Hunt was presenting the message that all politics is personal.</p>
<p>The personal stories and the real impact a new listing can have were quite touching, helping to humanise the minister and presenting the government as really caring for individuals in need. </p>
<p>Of course, drugs being listed on the PBS is part of the routine business of government, and Labor has committed to listing the same drugs. The difference is in the way the government chose to inject these stories into the political debate. The message was: vote for us and we will look after your individual needs and care for you as an individual, because we are the party that supports innovation in pharmaceuticals.</p>
<p>This focus on individuals is very much in the Liberal tradition, harking back to <a href="http://www.liberals.net/theforgottenpeople.htm">the “forgotten people” meme of the Menzies era</a>.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/budget-2019-boosts-aged-care-and-mental-health-and-modernises-medicare-health-experts-respond-114194">Budget 2019 boosts aged care and mental health, and modernises Medicare: health experts respond</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The only significant spending announcement by the Liberals in this campaign was to <a href="https://www.liberal.org.au/latest-news/2019/05/02/strong-economy-provides-millions-australians-cheaper-and-free-medicine">reduce the co-payment thresholds for the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme</a> from 60 to 48 scripts for pensioners and health care card holders, and from an annual cap of A$1,550.70 to A$1,470.10 for other patients.</p>
<p>This is a good policy which Labor has now matched.</p>
<h2>Labor – cost of living needs to be addressed</h2>
<p>Labor’s campaign on health is quite different from the Liberals. A key overarching theme is the cost of living. The Labor message is: wages have flat-lined, but prices keep going up, and Labor will fix that.</p>
<p>Labor’s policies on childcare and minimum wages fit within this general theme. So does shadow minister Catherine King’s approach to health policy.</p>
<p>Labor has made health a centrepiece of its campaign, with five big announcements.</p>
<p>The first big announcement was to promise billions of dollars to <a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-cancer-package-would-cut-the-cost-of-care-but-beware-of-unintended-side-effects-114979">reduce out-of-pocket costs for people with cancer</a> and to <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/federal-election-2019/labor-promises-to-end-hospital-funding-wars-with-2-8-billion-package-20190413-p51dvj.html">expand funding for public hospitals</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272758/original/file-20190506-103053-1rla5r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272758/original/file-20190506-103053-1rla5r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=335&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272758/original/file-20190506-103053-1rla5r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=335&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272758/original/file-20190506-103053-1rla5r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=335&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272758/original/file-20190506-103053-1rla5r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272758/original/file-20190506-103053-1rla5r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272758/original/file-20190506-103053-1rla5r.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Labor has committed to funding 50% of the hospital funding growth.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/confirm/687517969?src=jhlWisgjKa449M1gf5-h5A-1-98&size=huge_jpg">Jacob Lund/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The cancer announcement played extremely well, tapping into concerns that opposition leader Bill Shorten had picked up in his “listening tour” of dozens of <a href="https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-bill-shorten-at-ease-in-town-hall-type-forum-116555">town hall meetings</a> throughout Australia since the last election.</p>
<p>The cancer policy includes: </p>
<ul>
<li>new items on the Medicare Benefits Schedule to encourage bulk billing by cancer specialists</li>
<li>a guarantee that new drugs will be listed on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme</li>
<li>expansion of cancer outpatient services in public hospitals.</li>
</ul>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-cancer-package-would-cut-the-cost-of-care-but-beware-of-unintended-side-effects-114979">Labor's cancer package would cut the cost of care, but beware of unintended side effects</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The second big-ticket health promise was to restore the share of the cost of public hospital funding growth met by the Commonwealth to 50%, up from 45% now. </p>
<p>The cut from 50% to 45% was announced in Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s 2014 budget. Labor has identified the impact of that cut on every public hospital in the country.</p>
<p>The third big promise was to reduce the out-of-pocket costs of dental care. As the 2019 <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/filling-the-gap/">Filling the Gap Grattan Institute report</a> showed, more than 2 million Australians miss out on dental care each year because of cost. </p>
<p>The promised Labor scheme is for seniors only. Importantly, though, the policy commits Labor to introducing a universal dental care scheme in the long-term.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/too-many-australians-miss-out-on-timely-dental-care-labors-pledge-is-just-a-start-116169">Too many Australians miss out on timely dental care – Labor's pledge is just a start</a>
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<p>The fourth big health promise, announced during the official campaign launch on Sunday, was extra funding for <a href="https://theconversation.com/money-for-hospital-emergency-departments-in-shortens-campaign-launch-116577">public hospitals to improve emergency services</a>.</p>
<p>A fifth health initiative does not involve specific spending but also addresses cost of living — a <a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-2-cap-on-private-health-insurance-premium-rises-wont-fix-affordability-91232">cap of 2% on private health insurance premium increases</a> for the next two years while the Productivity Commission reviews the private health sector.</p>
<p>Together, these policies will not only help address cost of living pressures; they will reshape the health sector significantly. </p>
<p>The dental announcement especially is transformative, addressing a major gap in Australia’s public funding of health care. </p>
<p>The new bulk-billing item for cancer care could also have a major effect. </p>
<p>And the Productivity Review of private health could lead to a major shake-up of that sector.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-2-cap-on-private-health-insurance-premium-rises-wont-fix-affordability-91232">Labor's 2% cap on private health insurance premium rises won't fix affordability</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
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<p>The bill for Labor’s health policies is big: <a href="https://www.canberratimes.com.au/story/6106154/health-focus-for-shortens-campaign-launch/?cs=14264">more than A$8 billion</a> over the next four years. </p>
<p>Where’s the money coming from? </p>
<p>Labor’s answer is to close what it calls <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/mar/05/labor-to-crack-down-further-on-tax-loopholes-and-concessions-bowen">tax loopholes for multinationals and wealthy people</a>; taking from the very rich to give to ordinary Australians.</p>
<h2>Different prescriptions</h2>
<p>Health policy was a significant feature of the 2016 election, when Labor’s so-called <a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-mediscare-campaign-capitalised-on-coalition-history-of-hostility-towards-medicare-61976">Mediscare campaign tapped into voter concerns</a>. </p>
<p>This time Labor is front-footing health policy, fitting neatly into its overall campaign meme of addressing cost of living pressures. </p>
<p>The Liberal campaign is not a big spending one, and so re-announcements of previous commitments and an innovative personalisation of the benefit of new drugs are being used to present the Liberals’ health credentials.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116427/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments, $4 million from BHP Billiton, and $1 million from NAB. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and contribute to funding Grattan Institute's activities. Grattan Institute also receives funding from corporates, foundations, and individuals to support its general activities as disclosed on its website.</span></em></p>Labor and the Coalition’s health policies and campaign strategy couldn’t be more different this election.Stephen Duckett, Director, Health Program, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1164252019-05-06T05:30:26Z2019-05-06T05:30:26ZLabor’s election pledge to improve Australian diets is a first – now we need action, not just ‘consideration’<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272685/original/file-20190506-103049-18u0qbc.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Australia's problem with obesity is directly related to the junk foods we consume.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">From Shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Last week Labor <a href="https://www.canberratimes.com.au/story/6101511/election-offers-a-stark-choice-on-health/">pledged</a> to consider serious steps to improve Australian diets and tackle our obesity epidemic. This would form part of a A$115.6 million plan from the Opposition to address preventable illness.</p>
<p>This is the first time one of the two major parties in Australia has included such a strong focus on nutrition as part of its election commitments.</p>
<p>Key elements of the preventive health package include promises to consider making the health star rating food labelling scheme mandatory, together with food reformulation targets for manufacturers.</p>
<p>But these aren’t concrete commitments. Rather, they are actions the party said <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/federal-election-2019/coalition-promises-cheaper-medicines-while-labor-unveils-obesity-plan-20190501-p51j1r.html">it would consider</a> as part of its preventive health pledge.</p>
<p>Firmly committing to these measures, and taking action on them, is crucial as we face a growing obesity crisis in Australia.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/election-stays-on-tax-and-health-battlegrounds-115500">Election stays on tax and health battlegrounds</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>What are food reformulation targets?</h2>
<p>Packaged foods and drinks available in Australia include many products with excessive levels of saturated fats, added sugar, and salt. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/health/2019-05-01/processed-supermarket-foods-serious-health-obesity-problem/11061534">Almost half</a> of all packaged food and drinks available in our supermarkets are <a href="https://www.nhmrc.gov.au/about-us/publications/australian-dietary-guidelines">classified</a> as “discretionary”. These are foods that are not necessary as part of a healthy diet, and are recommended to be consumed only in small amounts.</p>
<p>There have been <a href="https://www.georgeinstitute.org/sites/default/files/food_supply_report.pdf">no significant improvements</a> in the overall healthiness of packaged foods in Australia over the past two years. This indicates that is has not been an effective strategy to leave it up to food manufacturers to voluntarily reduce nutrients of concern. </p>
<p>A <a href="https://www.wcrf.org/int/policy/nourishing-database">growing number</a> of other countries have already legislated to reduce levels of either saturated fats, added sugar or salt in the food supply. A prominent example is South Africa, where <a href="https://www.nycfoodpolicy.org/mandatory-salt-reduction-targets-south-africa-urban-food-policy-snapshot/">mandatory salt-reduction targets</a> were introduced across a range of food categories in 2013. <a href="https://theconversation.com/us-set-to-restrict-trans-fats-but-should-australia-follow-20127">Several countries</a> have banned trans fats from being added to foods.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-ten-things-australia-needs-to-do-to-improve-health-67370">The ten things Australia needs to do to improve health</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Labor has said mandatory reformulation targets <a href="https://www.afr.com/news/politics/national/labor-plan-to-mandate-healthy-recipes-20190502-p51jcc">will be on the cards</a> if the industry does not voluntarily take steps to reduce unhealthy ingredients. With no good evidence that food manufacturers are systematically doing so, there is an urgent need for policy change.</p>
<p>Restricting the levels of harmful components such as fats, sugars and salt from the foods we eat would help Australia keep pace with other countries already taking serious action in this area.</p>
<p>Importantly, mandatory implementation of health star ratings would complement food reformulation targets for packaged foods.</p>
<h2>What is the health star rating system?</h2>
<p>The <a href="http://healthstarrating.gov.au/internet/healthstarrating/publishing.nsf/Content/About-health-stars">health star rating</a> is a front-of-pack labelling system that rates the overall nutritional profile of packaged food. Each product is assigned a rating from ½ a star to 5 stars. The system provides a quick, standard way to compare similar packaged foods. </p>
<p>Australian governments first <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/ministers/publishing.nsf/Content/DDBDCCDC492F7243CA257D04001EEE4E/$File/FN032.pdf">endorsed</a> the health star rating scheme in 2014 for voluntary implementation. About <a href="http://www.healthstarrating.gov.au/internet/healthstarrating/publishing.nsf/Content/474CBBEC911CFF01CA25803A007E7B2B/$File/Report-on-the-Monitoring-of-the-Implementation-of-the-Health-Star-Rating-System-in-the-First-Four-Years-of-Implementation-June-2014-to-June-2018.pdf">a third</a> of packaged foods in Australian supermarkets now display the health star rating.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/food-labels-are-about-informing-choice-not-some-nanny-state-23320">Food labels are about informing choice, not some nanny state </a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Consumers have the right to know about the healthiness of the foods they buy. Some <a href="http://www.healthstarrating.gov.au/internet/healthstarrating/publishing.nsf/Content/hsr-in-store">food manufacturers</a> have put the health star rating on all of their products. But many food manufacturers have <a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2072-6643/10/8/997/htm">elected</a> only to display the health star rating on their healthier products.</p>
<p>The health star rating system will work best for consumers when it’s displayed on all packaged foods. Mandatory implementation would ensure that. It would also ensure a “level playing field” for manufacturers.</p>
<p>If the system were to continue to be voluntary, it’s hard to imagine how implementation would increase much beyond current levels, unless powerful incentives were put in place. Simple encouragement to increase implementation is <a href="http://www.globalobesity.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/GLOBE-HSR-Final-draft-consultation_v3_final.pdf">unlikely</a> to be sufficient.</p>
<p>So this proposed policy, too, needs unambiguous commitment over mere consideration.</p>
<h2>What difference would these policies make?</h2>
<p>Unhealthy diets and obesity are <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/burden-of-disease/abds-impact-and-causes-of-illness-death-2011/contents/highlights">leading contributors</a> to poor health in Australia. Some 35% of the energy <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/by%20Subject/4364.0.55.007%7E2011-12%7EMain%20Features%7EDiscretionary%20foods%7E700">Australian adults consume</a> every day comes from discretionary foods. The proportion is even higher for children.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272687/original/file-20190506-103085-ka28hm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272687/original/file-20190506-103085-ka28hm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272687/original/file-20190506-103085-ka28hm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272687/original/file-20190506-103085-ka28hm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272687/original/file-20190506-103085-ka28hm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272687/original/file-20190506-103085-ka28hm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/272687/original/file-20190506-103085-ka28hm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Health star ratings on packaged foods make it easier to identify healthy choices.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">From shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Recent <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/29757979">modelling</a> shows mandatory implementation of the health star rating system would result in substantial reductions in diabetes, heart disease and stroke. The policy is also likely to be highly <a href="http://www.aceobesitypolicy.com.au/">cost-effective</a>. This is because it is likely to reduce government health-care costs and deliver large health benefits over the long term.</p>
<p>Mandatory reformulation targets are also likely to be excellent <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/28878175">value for money</a>.</p>
<h2>A welcome focus on prevention</h2>
<p>Australia currently spends <a href="http://fare.org.au/wp-content/uploads/Preventive-health-How-much-does-Australia-spend-and-is-it-enough_FINAL.pdf">far less</a> on preventive health (as a proportion of total expenditure on health) than most other comparable countries.</p>
<p>Labor’s election commitment would go some way to addressing this substantial preventive health spending gap. The commitment is particularly commendable for having multiple elements, for being coordinated across different sectors, and for being evidence-based.</p>
<p>The proposed policies with respect to obesity are consistent with <a href="https://www.who.int/end-childhood-obesity/publications/echo-report/en/">best-practice recommendations</a> from the World Health Organisation as well as <a href="http://www.opc.org.au/what-we-do/tipping-the-scales">consensus recommendations</a> from key health groups in Australia.</p>
<p>The commitments also address <a href="https://docs.wixstatic.com/ugd/2e3337_5d2fdb48e7114f2c8cd14e79cb194393.pdf">major gaps</a> in Australia’s obesity prevention efforts when compared with international benchmarks.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/industry-winning-the-fight-against-better-food-labelling-22472">Industry winning the fight against better food labelling</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Labor’s announcement indicates a willingness to address one of the most <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/burden-of-disease/abds-impact-and-causes-of-illness-death-2011/contents/highlights">critical issues</a> influencing the health of Australians.</p>
<p>The challenge for Labor, should it win the election, will be to follow through with effective action. A common <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/obr.12103">political road to prevention policy</a> is that strong initial plans are met with <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1753-6405.12639">forceful opposition</a> from commercial vested interests (such as the processed food industry). Politicians then buckle to the pressure, and minor ineffectual policy changes are the result.</p>
<p>We can’t afford that now – our health depends on it.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116425/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gary Sacks receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, the National Heart Foundation of Australia and the Medical Research Future Fund.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anna Peeters receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, Australian Research Council, National Heart Foundation, Medical Research Futures Fund, VicHealth, and Teachers Health. She is affiliated with the Australian New Zealand Obesity Society, the Public Health Association of Australia, Obesity Australia and the Obesity Policy Coalition. </span></em></p>A shorten Labor government will consider mandating food reformulation targets and health star ratings. These are important moves in the fight against obesity and obesity-related conditions.Gary Sacks, Associate Professor, Deakin UniversityAnna Peeters, Professor Epidemiology & Equity in Public Health, Deakin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1157142019-05-01T03:57:20Z2019-05-01T03:57:20ZHow the major parties’ Indigenous health election commitments stack up<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271695/original/file-20190430-136807-4nqv25.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Government policies on Indigenous health have so far largely failed in closing the gap.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">From shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Eleven years after Australia adopted the <a href="https://www.humanrights.gov.au/our-work/aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-social-justice/projects/close-gap-indigenous-health#who">Closing the Gap strategy</a>, many pressing First Nations health issues remain unresolved.</p>
<p>The gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous life expectancy, currently 10.8 years for men and 10.6 years for women, is <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/getmedia/bbe476f3-a630-4a73-b79f-712aba55d643/aihw-ihw">actually widening</a>. </p>
<p>Similarly, the target to close the gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous child mortality has <a href="https://ctgreport.pmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/ctg-report-2019.pdf?a=1">not been met</a>. The Indigenous rate of <a href="https://ctgreport.pmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/ctg-report-2019.pdf?a=1">164 deaths per 100,000</a> children aged 0-4 years is still 2.4 times the non-Indigenous rate of 68 deaths per 100,000 in this age group.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/indigenous-health-programs-require-more-than-just-good-ideas-20104">Indigenous health programs require more than just good ideas</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The causes of Indigenous health inequality are complex. They stem from <a href="https://www.who.int/social_determinants/sdh_definition/en/">social determinants</a> such as employment, education, social inclusion, and access to <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/getmedia/4cb92d82-ce6a-44dd-bdc1-434ee7d6e849/aihw-aus-221-chapter-6-6.pdf.aspx">traditional land</a>, rather than strictly biomedical causes.</p>
<p>Government policies have a critical role to play here. But funding cuts, policy incoherence, and governments retaining control over resources and decision-making <a href="https://theconversation.com/three-reasons-why-the-gaps-between-indigenous-and-non-indigenous-australians-arent-closing-91561">explain why</a> the gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous health outcomes are not closing. </p>
<p>Regardless of who wins the federal election on May 18, these enduring health issues affecting Indigenous Australians will require sustained and concerted policy attention. </p>
<p>A look at the major parties’ policy promises reveals some signs of hope, but also plenty of room for improvement.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/three-reasons-why-the-gaps-between-indigenous-and-non-indigenous-australians-arent-closing-91561">Three reasons why the gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians aren't closing</a>
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</em>
</p>
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<h2>The Coalition’s commitments</h2>
<p>Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups criticised the <a href="https://croakey.org/budget-2019-20-response-from-indigenous-groups/">lack of Indigenous-specific health measures</a> in the Morrison government’s first budget detailed in April. </p>
<p>The budget did include A$35 million for First Nations solutions to family violence, and A$10 million for the Lowitja Institute for health research. </p>
<p>Indigenous youth suicide remains an urgent policy concern, with Indigenous children <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanchi/article/PIIS2352-4642(19)30034-3/fulltext">five times more likely</a> to die in this way than non-Indigenous children. <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-02-07/kimberley-child-suicides-blamed-on-inter-generational-trauma/10783016">A coronial inquest</a> recently identified complex causes including intergenerational trauma, poverty, and problems stemming from the home environment. </p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/indigenous-health-leaders-helped-give-us-a-plan-to-close-the-gap-and-we-must-back-it-54480">Indigenous health leaders helped give us a plan to close the gap, and we must back it</a>
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</em>
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<hr>
<p>The Coalition’s budget committed A$5 million over four years to address Indigenous youth suicide. This figure has since been <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/apr/13/coalition-labor-2019-election-australia-mental-health-spending">increased to A$42 million</a> following <a href="https://croakey.org/budget-2019-20-response-from-indigenous-groups/">criticism</a> from First Nations organisations and advocates.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, the budget directed A$129 million towards the expansion of a cashless welfare card system that operates in a number of Aboriginal communities. The card quarantines 80% of welfare recipients’ income for use in government-approved stores, and on government-approved items, to prevent spending on alcohol, cigarettes and gambling. This decision was taken despite a <a href="https://www.anao.gov.au/sites/g/files/net4981/f/Auditor-General_Report_2018-2019_1.pdf">lack of evidence</a> these cards reduce social harm or public expenditure.</p>
<p>The government also made some pre-budget commitments around Indigenous health. These included:</p>
<ul>
<li>A$12.4 million for ongoing efforts to fight a <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/ministers/publishing.nsf/Content/E35B6C6BB3683433CA2583C8007C09A2/%24File/KW062.pdf">syphilis outbreak</a></li>
<li>A$6.3 million for the development of a <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/ministers/publishing.nsf/Content/health-mediarel-yr2019-wyatt064.htm">reporting portal</a> for Indigenous health data</li>
<li>A$160 million for research into Indigenous health via the <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/ministers/publishing.nsf/Content/health-mediarel-yr2019-hunt030.htm">Medical Research Future Fund</a>. </li>
</ul>
<p>The Coalition also honoured a <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/nitv/nitv-news/article/2019/04/01/canberra-settles-dispute-over-remote-housing-northern-territory">previous commitment of A$550 million</a> for remote housing in the Northern Territory.</p>
<p>The Morrison government deserves some credit for its part in reaching <a href="https://www.naccho.org.au/wp-content/uploads/MS19-000697-Partnership-Agreement-on-Closing-the-Gap-2019-202973948.pdf">an agreement</a> between the Council of Australian Governments and a coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peak organisations in December 2018. </p>
<p>This agreement commits governments and Indigenous peak bodies to shared decision-making and joint accountability in devising and working towards <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/politics/peak-indigenous-body-to-direct-how-to-close-the-gap/news-story/5559c03644ac1dfc7f4e3fed447e8778">new Closing the Gap targets</a>. </p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/budget-2019-boosts-aged-care-and-mental-health-and-modernises-medicare-health-experts-respond-114194">Budget 2019 boosts aged care and mental health, and modernises Medicare: health experts respond</a>
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</p>
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<h2>Labor’s commitments</h2>
<p>In keeping with its election campaign emphasis on health spending, Labor recently announced a <a href="https://www.billshorten.com.au/labor_s_plan_to_improve_the_health_outcomes_of_first_australians_thursday_18_april_2019">A$115 million Indigenous health package</a>. </p>
<p>The package includes almost A$30 million to reduce Indigenous youth suicide and mental ill-health. </p>
<p>It also offers A$33 million to address rheumatic heart disease, a preventable condition that <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-are-aboriginal-children-still-dying-from-rheumatic-heart-disease-63814">disproportionately affects Indigenous children</a>. The National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation (NACCHO) highlighted rheumatic heart disease as one of <a href="https://www.naccho.org.au/aboriginal-health-needs-to-be-an-election-priority/">ten Indigenous health priorities</a> for this election.</p>
<p>Labor has also promised A$20 million for sexual health promotion in northern Australia, A$13 million to combat vision loss, and A$16.5 million for the “<a href="https://deadlychoices.com.au/">Deadly Choices</a>” initiative, which aims to prevent chronic disease through education. </p>
<p>Further, the opposition has announced <a href="https://www.alp.org.au/policies/stolen-generations-compensation-scheme/">a compensation scheme</a> and healing fund for surviving members of the Stolen Generations and their families. This could help manage the effects of intergenerational trauma.</p>
<h2>What’s lacking</h2>
<p>Both parties’ funding commitments must be assessed in the context of the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/may/13/more-than-500m-to-be-cut-from-indigenous-programs-in-budget">2014 budget cut</a> of more than A$500 million dollars to Indigenous affairs by the then Coalition government, which only <a href="https://greens.org.au/sites/default/files/2019-03/Greens%202019%20Policy%20Platform%20-%20Justice%20for%20First%20Nations%20Peoples.pdf">the Greens</a> have committed to restoring.</p>
<p>Impacts have been severe for specific programs, especially those run at the <a href="https://blogs.crikey.com.au/croakey/2015/03/16/unfair-and-arbitrary-is-the-only-thing-new-in-the-indigenous-advancement-strategy-a-new-round-of-a-massive-funding-cuts/">community level</a>. These include youth services in Maningrida (NT) and employment and training programs in Inala (Queensland).</p>
<p>Funding for crucial Indigenous health infrastructure and capital works is also lacking, with the current shortfall <a href="https://www.naccho.org.au/media/voteaccho/federal-election-recommendations/">estimated at A$500 million</a>. Many Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services are run from old buildings in desperate need of upgrades to accommodate increasing patient numbers and rising demand for services. The Coalition recently announced an incremental <a href="https://www.health.gov.au/internet/ministers/publishing.nsf/Content/FB74338E1DD005C1CA2583D7007CED17/$File/Wyatt%20-%20Media%20Release%20-%20%20$51%20million%20Closing%20the%20Gap.pdf">increase</a> to infrastructure funding, but much more is needed.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/antibiotic-shortages-are-putting-aboriginal-kids-at-risk-114355">Antibiotic shortages are putting Aboriginal kids at risk</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Neither the Coalition nor Labor has made any substantial commitment to a national Indigenous housing strategy. Inadequate, insecure and poor quality housing <a href="https://www.humanrights.gov.au/our-work/aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-social-justice/publications/close-gap-report-our">worsens physical and mental health</a> through overcrowding, inadequate heating and cooling, injury hazards, and stress.</p>
<p>Similarly, both parties have been silent on reducing poverty in Indigenous communities. Poverty is another social determinant that contributes to Indigenous physical and <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-are-we-losing-so-many-indigenous-children-to-suicide-114284">mental ill-health</a>, as well as <a href="https://changetherecord.org.au/freeourfuture">high incarceration levels</a>. </p>
<h2>What about self-determination?</h2>
<p>Labor has stated it will prioritise <a href="https://www.billshorten.com.au/labor_s_plan_to_improve_the_health_outcomes_of_first_australians_thursday_18_april_2019">Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations</a> as the vehicles for delivering much needed health services. </p>
<p>As the Close the Gap steering committee’s <a href="https://www.humanrights.gov.au/our-work/aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-social-justice/publications/close-gap-report-our">shadow report</a> emphasised, “when Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are involved in the design of the services they need, we are far more likely to achieve success”. </p>
<p>The Coalition has been silent on the issue of community control, and funding reforms under the Indigenous Advancement Strategy and the Indigenous Australians’ Health Programme have <a href="https://nacchocommunique.com/2019/02/25/naccho-aboriginal-health-closingthegap-our-accho-aboriginal-health-sector-could-face-a-major-shake-up-with-the-federal-government-flagging-a-preference-for-more-mainstream-funding-and-services/">destabilised</a> the position of Aboriginal organisations.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-coalitions-report-card-on-health-includes-some-passes-and-quite-a-few-fails-113734">The Coalition's report card on health includes some passes and quite a few fails</a>
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<hr>
<p>Community control is threatened by the government’s focus on <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Senate/Finance_and_Public_Administration/Commonwealth_Indigenous/Report">competitive tendering</a>, where First Nations organisations compete with “mainstream” service providers trying to secure contracts to deliver Indigenous health services.</p>
<p>Neither the Coalition nor Labor has outlined a response to these structural issues.</p>
<h2>A final verdict</h2>
<p>It’s difficult to identify major differences between the two parties’ Indigenous health promises. The likely impact of these polices is also hard to gauge given the significant role played by state and territory governments in service delivery. </p>
<p>Labor has promised to support Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations but specific details have not been announced. Labor’s significant funding pledge for rheumatic heart disease, though, makes their Indigenous health offering perhaps slightly more likely to achieve health gains than the Coalition’s.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-are-aboriginal-children-still-dying-from-rheumatic-heart-disease-63814">Why are Aboriginal children still dying from rheumatic heart disease?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/115714/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Coalition and Labor have outlined their plans for Indigenous health spending. There are some worthwhile pledges, but these policy promises could better reflect what our First Nations people need.David Coombs, PhD candidate in Nura Gili Indigenous Studies, UNSW SydneyDiana Perche, Senior Lecturer and Academic Coordinator, Nura Gili Indigenous Programs Unit, UNSW SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1161692019-04-29T20:14:15Z2019-04-29T20:14:15ZToo many Australians miss out on timely dental care – Labor’s pledge is just a start<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271410/original/file-20190429-194637-10d6637.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Forgoing dental care causes more pain and costly treatments down the longer term. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/female-dentist-her-patient-the-netherlands-267905414?src=e2xzYyAS2yNJIQmWfHNZKg-1-1">Gertjan Hooijer/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Opposition leader Bill Shorten declared on Sunday that Labor has a “vision of universal access to dental care in Australia”. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.alp.org.au/policies/pensioner-dental-plan/">Labor’s pensioner dental plan</a> would would give aged pensioners up to A$1,000 of subsidised dental care every two years.</p>
<p>The policy is a welcome advance, but both sides should go further. The current system is a mess. It leaves many Australians without timely access to dental care, which only causes more painful and costly problems down the track.</p>
<p>Australians should demand their politicians introduce a universal dental care scheme. As with Medicare, this would ensure all Australians have access to subsidised basic dental care, including check-ups and treatment for tooth decay. </p>
<p>The Labor scheme is just a start on this road, covering pensioners over 65 and Seniors’ Health Care Card holders.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/two-million-aussies-delay-or-dont-go-to-the-dentist-heres-how-we-can-fix-that-113376">Two million Aussies delay or don't go to the dentist – here's how we can fix that</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>The mess we’re in</h2>
<p>Dental care is a glaring gap in our health system. When Australians need to see a GP, Medicare picks up all or most of the bill. When they need to see a dentist, most Australians are <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/health-welfare-expenditure/health-expenditure-australia-2016-17/contents/data-visualisation">on their own</a>. </p>
<p>The result is that about <a href="https://theconversation.com/two-million-aussies-delay-or-dont-go-to-the-dentist-heres-how-we-can-fix-that-113376">two million Australian adults</a> each year don’t get dental care when they need it because of the cost.</p>
<p>There have been various attempts to expand Commonwealth support for dental care over the years. But most have been abolished – whether because of cost overruns, a budget crunch, or change in governmental priorities.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271422/original/file-20190429-194627-c3899w.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271422/original/file-20190429-194627-c3899w.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271422/original/file-20190429-194627-c3899w.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271422/original/file-20190429-194627-c3899w.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271422/original/file-20190429-194627-c3899w.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271422/original/file-20190429-194627-c3899w.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271422/original/file-20190429-194627-c3899w.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271422/original/file-20190429-194627-c3899w.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Note: There have been three National Partnership Agreements: ‘Treating More Public Dental Patients’ (1 January 2013-30 June 2015); ‘Adult Public Dental Services’ (1 July 2015-31 December 2016); and ‘Public Dental Services for Adults’ (1 January 2017-30 June 2019). The CDBS commenced under the Abbott government but was developed and legislated by the Gillard government. Grattan Institute</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Australia does offer some public dental care for adults, but the system is woefully inadequate. All state and territory governments operate means-tested public dental schemes, generally restricted to pensioners and concession card holders. </p>
<p>About five million adults fit the eligibility criteria, but the schemes aren’t funded anywhere near enough to provide services to all eligible people who need care. Only about one-fifth of eligible adults receive care in the public system each year.</p>
<p>In most states and territories, most people who seek public dental care <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/research/ongoing/report-on-government-services/2018/health/primary-and-community-health">have to wait</a> more than a year to be seen. The wait is sometimes more than two years.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271455/original/file-20190429-194616-33d42d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271455/original/file-20190429-194616-33d42d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271455/original/file-20190429-194616-33d42d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271455/original/file-20190429-194616-33d42d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271455/original/file-20190429-194616-33d42d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271455/original/file-20190429-194616-33d42d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=552&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271455/original/file-20190429-194616-33d42d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=552&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271455/original/file-20190429-194616-33d42d.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=552&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Notes: NSW did not provide data; that state's system of triage, prioritisation and waitlist management differs from other states. Different criteria for patient classification and measurement between states make direct comparisons unreliable. Victoria's data are for 2015-16. NT's data were not published due to quality concerns. The figures refer to the time between going on the waiting list and receiving an offer of public dental care. Productivity Commission 2019/Grattan Institute</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The states and territories spend A$836 million a year of their own money on public dental care. The Commonwealth chips in another A$108 million under a <a href="http://www.federalfinancialrelations.gov.au/content/npa/health/national-partnership/Adult_Public_Dental_Services_NP_2017-4.pdf">National Partnership Agreement</a> that’s set to expire next year.</p>
<p>The total is well short of what’s needed. By way of comparison, the <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/filling-the-gap/">federal government spends more than A$700 million each year</a> subsidising dental care through the private health insurance rebate.</p>
<h2>From little dental problems, big problems grow</h2>
<p>The situation is a little better for children. More than half of Australian children are covered by the <a href="https://www.humanservices.gov.au/individuals/services/medicare/child-dental-benefits-schedule">Child Dental Benefits Schedule</a> (CDBS), a federal government initiative in place since 2013. </p>
<p>The scheme covers children who live in low- and middle-income households – those that receive Family Tax Benefit Part A or another Commonwealth payment.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/dental-report-card-fail-half-of-adults-and-one-third-of-kids-dont-brush-twice-a-day-93288">Dental report card fail: half of adults and one-third of kids don't brush twice a day</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The main problem with the child dental scheme is that not many children use it. </p>
<p>When the scheme was introduced, the Commonwealth expected about 80% of eligible children would use it. In the event, only 35% did so, and the figure has barely budged since then.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271457/original/file-20190429-194600-1k23vcm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271457/original/file-20190429-194600-1k23vcm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/271457/original/file-20190429-194600-1k23vcm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=482&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271457/original/file-20190429-194600-1k23vcm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=482&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271457/original/file-20190429-194600-1k23vcm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=482&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271457/original/file-20190429-194600-1k23vcm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=605&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271457/original/file-20190429-194600-1k23vcm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=605&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/271457/original/file-20190429-194600-1k23vcm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=605&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Health budget statements, various years/Grattan Institute</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>It may be that usage is so low because many parents just don’t know that the child dental scheme exists and that their children are eligible for care under the scheme. </p>
<p>Whatever the reasons, the Commonwealth should work with the states to promote the scheme and boost uptake – and in the process, rigorously determine which strategies are most effective in getting kids to the dentist.</p>
<h2>Filling the gap in Australia’s health system</h2>
<p>As we recommended in a <a href="https://theconversation.com/two-million-aussies-delay-or-dont-go-to-the-dentist-heres-how-we-can-fix-that-113376">recent Grattan Institute report</a>, the Commonwealth government should fill the gap in Australia’s health system by moving towards a universal dental care scheme. </p>
<p>This scheme should build on the child dental scheme, which provides a useful model that could be expanded to ultimately cover everyone.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/grattan-orange-book-what-the-election-should-be-about-priorities-for-the-next-government-115563">Grattan Orange Book. What the election should be about: priorities for the next government</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>A universal scheme should allow care to be delivered by either private dentists or public clinics, just as the child dental scheme does. Consultations should be bulk-billed, meaning patients have no out-of-pocket costs. </p>
<p>Prices should be set out in a tightly controlled schedule, much as in Medicare, with reasonable and closely monitored caps on usage. </p>
<p>Dental practices that participate in the scheme should make public a range of data so the government – and taxpayers – can monitor their performance and the oral health outcomes of their patients.</p>
<h2>Steps towards a universal dental system</h2>
<p>It would be impractical to adopt a universal scheme overnight. We calculate <a href="https://theconversation.com/two-million-aussies-delay-or-dont-go-to-the-dentist-heres-how-we-can-fix-that-113376">it would cost about A$5.6 billion</a> a year.</p>
<p>The development of such a scheme would entail reshaping of Commonwealth-state relations, and would require more dentists and other oral health professionals than we currently have in Australia. </p>
<p>Because of these challenges, we recommended the Commonwealth outline a ten-year plan for a universal scheme and start progressively expanding the number of people who are eligible for publicly funded care.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/child-tooth-decay-is-on-the-rise-but-few-are-brushing-their-teeth-enough-or-seeing-the-dentist-92113">Child tooth decay is on the rise, but few are brushing their teeth enough or seeing the dentist</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The Labor policy broadly fits with our recommendations. It builds on the child dental scheme and uses the public-private model we recommended. </p>
<p>The extra funding – <a href="https://www.alp.org.au/policies/pensioner-dental-plan/">A$2.4 billion over the next four years</a>, according to Labor – would represent a very big increase in public funding for dental care. </p>
<p>Importantly, Labor sees this policy as a step towards a universal system. Once implemented, this pensioner dental scheme and the existing <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/main/publishing.nsf/Content/childdental">Child Dental Benefits</a> arrangements will still leave a lot of Australians without subsidised Commonwealth dental cover. </p>
<p>The next step is setting out a plan to get to provide that cover. When will coverage be extended to other Australians who need care? How will we expand the oral health workforce to ensure we can provide care to everyone who needs it? </p>
<p>Australians should demand answers to these sort of questions – from both Labor and the Coalition.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116169/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments, $4 million from BHP Billiton, and $1 million from NAB. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and contribute to funding Grattan Institute's activities. Grattan Institute also receives funding from corporates, foundations, and individuals to support its general activities as disclosed on its website.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephen Duckett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>All Australians should have access to subsidised dental care, not just pensioners and children.Stephen Duckett, Director, Health Program, Grattan InstituteMatthew Cowgill, Senior Associate, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1154472019-04-15T03:20:10Z2019-04-15T03:20:10ZAs Mediscare 2.0 takes centre stage, here’s what you need to know about hospital ‘cuts’ and cancer funding<p>Health is proving a bone of contention in the 2019 election campaign. Labor has positioned health as a key point of difference, and the Coalition is arguing that Labor’s promises are untrue in one case and underfunded in another. </p>
<p>This cheat sheet will help you sort fact from fiction in two key health policy areas: public hospital funding and cancer care. </p>
<h2>Public hospitals</h2>
<p>In his <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/chamber/hansardr/84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563/toc_pdf/House%20of%20Representatives_2019_04_04_7041.pdf;fileType=application%2Fpdf">budget reply</a>, Opposition Leader Bill Shorten promised that Labor would restore every dollar the government had “cut” from public hospital funding. </p>
<p>The government counter-claimed that hospital funding has increased. So who is right?</p>
<p>The short answer is both. </p>
<p>In 2011, the then Labor government negotiated a <a href="http://www.federalfinancialrelations.gov.au/content/npa/health/_archive/national-agreement.pdf">funding agreement with the states</a> for the Commonwealth to share 45% of the growth in the cost of public hospital care, funded at the “national efficient price”. This price is based on the average cost of the procedure, test or treatment.</p>
<p>The funding share was to increase to 50% of growth from July 1, 2017.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/public-hospital-blame-game-heres-how-we-got-into-this-funding-mess-89498">Public hospital blame game – here's how we got into this funding mess</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>At the 2013 election, the then Liberal opposition agreed to match that promise and, indeed, <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/news/another-day-another-hospital-funding-dispute-how-to-make-sense-of-todays-coag-talks/">claimed</a> they were the only ones who could be trusted to keep the promise:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>A Coalition government will support the transition to the Commonwealth providing 50% growth funding of the efficient price are hospital services as proposed. But only the Coalition has the economic record to be able to deliver.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>However, in the 2014 budget the Coalition scrapped its promise. The <a href="https://www.budget.gov.au/2014-15/content/bp2/html/bp2_expense-14.htm">2014 budget papers list the savings</a> that were made by the decision. It was a clear and documented cut that the Coalition was proud to claim at the time.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/269215/original/file-20190415-76859-10oqyoi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/269215/original/file-20190415-76859-10oqyoi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269215/original/file-20190415-76859-10oqyoi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269215/original/file-20190415-76859-10oqyoi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=460&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269215/original/file-20190415-76859-10oqyoi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269215/original/file-20190415-76859-10oqyoi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269215/original/file-20190415-76859-10oqyoi.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=578&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The green line represents the Gillard hospital funding agreement; the blue line is the revised projection from the 2014 budget.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://budget.gov.au/2014-15/content/overview/download/Budget_Overview.pdf">Budget 2014-15</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Since then, the Turnbull government has backtracked on the 2014 cuts to health but only to restore sharing to 45% of the costs of growth. </p>
<p>Labor has estimated the impact of the gap between 45% and 50% on every public hospital in the country, and spruiks the difference at every opportunity.</p>
<p>Hospital costs increase faster than inflation because of growth and ageing population, the introduction of new technologies, and new approaches to treatment. </p>
<p>As a result, the Commonwealth’s existing 45% sharing policy drives increased spending, and so Commonwealth spending is now at record levels, albeit not at the even higher levels that Labor had promised.</p>
<p>Labor’s promise is, appropriately, phrased as an additional quantum of money to the states, sufficient to restore the 50% share in the cost of growth. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/269225/original/file-20190415-76831-1vs72jo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/269225/original/file-20190415-76831-1vs72jo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269225/original/file-20190415-76831-1vs72jo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269225/original/file-20190415-76831-1vs72jo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269225/original/file-20190415-76831-1vs72jo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269225/original/file-20190415-76831-1vs72jo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/269225/original/file-20190415-76831-1vs72jo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The public hospital funding gap comes down to how much of the growth in hospital funding each party has committed to.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/confirm/665449870?src=CRCnZ-2UKKWBIUb0mQBTmg-1-13&size=huge_jpg">Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The details of how this funding should be operationalised to the states should be left to detailed negotiations after the election as it is not good practice for all the details of your negotiating position to be aired in the heat of a campaign.</p>
<p>So Labor is right to say hospital funding is lower than it would have been if the 50% growth share commitment had been maintained. But the Coalition is right to say the Commonwealth is spending more on hospital care than when it came to office.</p>
<h2>Cancer care</h2>
<p>The second major element of the Labor campaign was a high-profile A$2.3 billion package to address high out-of-pocket costs for Australians with cancer. The package has three key components:</p>
<ul>
<li>additional public hospital outpatient funding to reduce waiting times</li>
<li>a new bulk-billing item for consultations</li>
<li>more funding for MRI machines for cancer diagnosis.</li>
</ul>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-cancer-package-would-cut-the-cost-of-care-but-beware-of-unintended-side-effects-114979">Labor's cancer package would cut the cost of care, but beware of unintended side effects</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Labor did <em>not</em> promise to eliminate out-of-pocket costs for cancer, not even for consultations. It claimed bulk-billing would increase from 40% to 80% of consultations. </p>
<p>This promise has led to another showdown between Labor and the Coalition. <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/breakfast/cancer-care-providers-wont-accept-labors-medicare-promise/11002660">Health Minister Greg Hunt claims</a> to have found a A$6 billion black hole in Labor’s cancer policy. </p>
<p>The Coalition has <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/List-of-Cancer-Items-for-MBS-1.pdf">produced a list of 421 Medicare items</a> used for cancer treatment - including treatment in private hospitals - and noted Labor has not allocated funds to cover the fees specialists charge for these items. </p>
<p>But Labor rightly claims the 421-item list is not what it promised. Labor’s promise was about increasing the rate of bulk-billing for consultations and is based on a new item which is only available if the specialist bulk-bills.</p>
<p>Expect more claims and counter-claims in the weeks ahead.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/115447/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephen Duckett works at Grattan Institute which began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments, $4 million from BHP Billiton, and $1 million from NAB. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and contribute to funding Grattan Institute's activities. Grattan Institute also receives funding from corporates, foundations, and individuals to support its general activities as disclosed on its website.</span></em></p>Health has taken centre stage of the election campaign. Here’s what you need to know to make sense of the claims (and counter claims) of the major parties so far.Stephen Duckett, Director, Health Program, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1150612019-04-09T20:04:22Z2019-04-09T20:04:22ZGovernment advertising may be legal, but it’s corrupting our electoral process<p>The Coalition government’s use of taxpayer money for political advertising – <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/taxpayers-bill-for-advertising-hits-136-million-as-scott-morrison-prepares-to-call-an-election-20190408-p51by6.html">as much as A$136 million since January</a>, according to Labor figures - is far from an aberration in Australia. It is part of a sordid history in which public resources have routinely been abused for electoral advantage.</p>
<p>For example, the Coalition governments of Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull spent at least <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/government-to-launch-28-million-taxpayerfunded-ad-campaign-to-sell-innovation-policies-20160105-glznzg.html">A$84.5 million</a> on four major advertising campaigns to promote their policies and initiatives with voters. The <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/government-to-launch-28-million-taxpayerfunded-ad-campaign-to-sell-innovation-policies-20160105-glznzg.html">ALP governments of Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard</a> spent A$20 million on advertising to promote the Gonski school funding changes and another A$70 million on a carbon tax campaign. Going further back, the Coalition government under John Howard spent A$100 million on its <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/turning-taxes-into-spin-20070517-ge4wpf.html">WorkChoices</a> and GST campaigns.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-difference-between-government-advertising-and-political-advertising-36429">The difference between government advertising and political advertising</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>This is also a history in which hypocrisy is not hard to find.</p>
<p>When in opposition, Rudd condemned partisan government advertising as “<a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2010-05-28/government-mining-tax-ad-blitz-to-cost-38m/845624">a cancer on our democracy</a>”. His government, however, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2010-05-28/government-mining-tax-ad-blitz-to-cost-38m/845624">exempted</a> its A$38 million ad campaign on the mining super profits tax from the government guidelines put in place two years earlier. </p>
<p>In 2010, while an opposition MP, Scott Morrison decried such spending as “<a href="https://www.afr.com/news/politics/national/why-the-election-has-been-delayed-20190407-p51bnw">outrageous</a>”. In 2019, his government may be presiding over the most expensive pre-election government advertising blitz in recent history.</p>
<h2>Few restrictions on government advertising</h2>
<p>All of this is perfectly legal.</p>
<p>The High Court in <a href="http://www.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/cases/cth/HCA/2005/61.html?context=1;query=combet;mask_path=au/cases/cth/HCA">Combet v Commonwealth</a> made clear that legislation authorising government spending (appropriation statutes) imposes virtually no legal control over spending for government advertising, because of its broad wording.</p>
<p>In the absence of effective statutory regulations, there are <a href="https://www.finance.gov.au/advertising/campaign-advertising/guidelines/">government guidelines</a> that prohibit overtly partisan advertising with government funds, such as “negative” ads and advertising that mentions party slogans and names of political parties, candidates, ministers and parliamentarians.</p>
<p>These guidelines nevertheless provide ample room for promotion of government policies under the guise of information campaigns – what Justice Michael McHugh in Combet described as “feelgood” advertisements. They permit advertising campaigns such as the Coalition government’s “<a href="http://bettertax.gov.au/?gclid=CjwKCAjwv6blBRBzEiwAihbM-dProRCw2IXvWb9KK8AI14pfwWLlHGtjGK_1uuOXhxj7m-CirpP2pRoCw60QAvD_BwE">Building a better tax system for hardworking Australians</a>” (which essentially promotes the government’s tax cuts) and “<a href="https://treasury.gov.au/small-business/small-business-campaign">Small business, big future</a>” (which burnishes its “small business” credentials).</p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/u4d6MEKoSVw?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
<figcaption><span class="caption">The government advertising campaign spruiking its tax reform measures.</span></figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Crucially, the guidelines fail to address the proximity of such taxpayer-funded advertising campaigns to federal elections. They fail to recognise what is obvious – the closer we get to the elections, the stronger the governing party’s impulse to seek re-election, the greater the likelihood that “information” campaigns become the vehicle for reinforcing positive images of the incumbent party.</p>
<p>This risk is clearly recognised by the <a href="https://www.pmc.gov.au/resource-centre/government/guidance-caretaker-conventions">caretaker conventions</a>, which mandate that once the “caretaker” period begins with the dissolution of the House of Representatives:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>…campaigns that highlight the role of particular Ministers or address issues that are a matter of contention between the parties are normally discontinued, to avoid the use of Commonwealth resources in a manner to advantage a particular party</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The conventions further state:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Agencies should avoid active distribution of material during the caretaker period if it promotes Government policies or emphasises the achievements of the Government or a Minister</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The problem with these conventions, however, is that they kick in too late. By the time the House of Representatives is dissolved prior to an election, the major parties’ campaigns have usually been in high gear for months.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/eight-ways-to-clean-up-money-in-australian-politics-59453">Eight ways to clean up money in Australian politics</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>A form of institutional corruption</h2>
<p>A pseudo-notion of fairness tends to operate in the minds of incumbent political parties when it comes to taxpayer-funded advertising. </p>
<p>When she was prime minister, Gillard <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2011-07-17/julia-gillard-defends-carbon-ad-spend/2797776">defended</a> her use of government advertising by pointing that the Howard government had spent more. And now, the <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/taxpayers-bill-for-advertising-hits-136-million-as-scott-morrison-prepares-to-call-an-election-20190408-p51by6.html">Morrison government</a> has sought to deflect criticisms of its current campaign by drawing attention to ALP’s use of government advertising when it was last in power.</p>
<p>Our children are taught to be better than this – two wrongs do not make a right.</p>
<p>Indeed, government advertising for electioneering is a form of corruption. Corruption can be understood as the use of power for improper gain. It includes individual corruption where the improper gain is personal (for instance, bribery) but also what philosopher, Dennis Thompson, has described as <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Ethics-Congress-Individual-Institutional-Corruption/dp/0815784236">institutional corruption</a>, where the use of power results in a political gain.</p>
<p>Government advertising to reinforce positive impressions of the incumbent party is a form of institutional corruption – it is the use of public funds for the illegitimate purpose of electioneering. Its illegitimacy stems from the fact that it undermines the democratic ideal of fair elections by providing the incumbent party with an undue advantage.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/election-explainer-what-are-the-rules-governing-political-advertising-57880">Election explainer: what are the rules governing political advertising?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>It is an instance of what the High Court in <a href="http://www.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/cases/cth/HCA/2015/34.html?context=1;query=mccloy;mask_path=au/cases/cth/HCA">McCloy v NSW</a> considered “war-chest” corruption – a form of corruption that arises when “the power of money … pose(s) a threat to the electoral process itself”.</p>
<h2>A longer government advertising ban?</h2>
<p>I <a href="http://www.aips.net.au/aq-magazine/current-edition/">propose</a> a ban on federal government advertising in the period leading up to federal elections. </p>
<p>Such bans are already in place in <a href="http://www.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/legis/nsw/consol_act/gaa2011261/s10.html">NSW</a>, which prohibits government advertising during roughly two months before state elections, and the <a href="http://www.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdoc/au/legis/act/consol_act/gaaa2009372/s18.html">ACT</a>, which bans government advertising 37 days before territory elections. To take into account the longer campaign period at the federal level, a federal ban should operate for at least three months before each federal election.</p>
<p>The absence of fixed terms in the federal parliament is not a barrier to adopting such a ban. With an average of two and a half years between federal elections, a three-month ban of sorts could take effect from two years and three months after the previous election until polling day of the next election.</p>
<p>By dealing with government advertising for electioneering, this ban will improve the integrity of federal elections.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/115061/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Joo-Cheong Tham receives funding from the New South Wales Electoral Commission and the Victorian Electoral Commission. He has also been in receipt of grants from the Australian Research Council and has been commissioned for work by the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption. </span></em></p>Both the Liberals and Labor complain about government advertising when they’re in the opposition. So why hasn’t anyone tried to better regulate the system?Joo-Cheong Tham, Professor, Melbourne Law School, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1137342019-04-09T07:12:17Z2019-04-09T07:12:17ZThe Coalition’s report card on health includes some passes and quite a few fails<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268254/original/file-20190408-2918-1yduncg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Coalition's record on health is patchy, at best. Meanwhile, Labor is already campaigning hard on Medicare. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/hospital-ward-beds-medical-equipment-102915128">Shutterstock </a></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>This article is part of a <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/coalition-record-2019-69102">series</a> examining the Coalition government’s record on key issues while in power and what Labor is promising if it wins the 2019 federal election.</em></p>
<hr>
<p>The Turnbull/Morrison government has a mixed record, at best, on health. </p>
<p>The 2019 budget cash splash includes more promises on health but these will not come into effect until after the election. So they are just promises, not actions that have changed the health system.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/budget-2019-boosts-aged-care-and-mental-health-and-modernises-medicare-health-experts-respond-114194">Budget 2019 boosts aged care and mental health, and modernises Medicare: health experts respond</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>In 2016-17, the Commonwealth government spent <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/hwe/073-1/health-expenditure-australia-2016-17/contents/table-of-contents">A$74.5 billion on health care</a>, mostly on:</p>
<ul>
<li>grants to the states for public hospitals (29% of total spending)</li>
<li>medical specialists and diagnostic tests (18%)</li>
<li>general practice (14%)</li>
<li>the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (14%)</li>
<li>support for private health insurance (8%).</li>
</ul>
<p>Here’s the report card on the Coalition’s performance since the 2016 election.</p>
<h2>1. Grants to the states for public hospitals</h2>
<p>Public hospital funding has been a failure for this government. </p>
<p>The Coalition’s <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-05-10/federal-election-policy-health/4657630">2013 election promise to keep the Labor policy on hospital funding growth</a> was not repeated at the 2016 election. The Commonwealth now funds only 45% of the costs of growth, not 50% as previously promised.</p>
<p>This funding gap – Labor calls it a cut – left the government exposed during last year’s by-elections to <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/politics/longman-byelection-hospital-a-pawn-in-seat-war/news-story/86b32e770c203c8c9549cca4d81510d2">charges that it was short-changing local hospitals</a>. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/public-hospital-blame-game-heres-how-we-got-into-this-funding-mess-89498">Public hospital blame game – here's how we got into this funding mess</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The claim appeared to gain traction with voters, so we should expect to see a re-run of this tactic in this election. This started with Bill Shorten highlighting the issue in his <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;db=CHAMBER;id=chamber%2Fhansardr%2F84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563%2F0288;query=Id%3A%22chamber%2Fhansardr%2F84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563%2F0032%22">budget reply speech</a>, promising to “put back every single dollar that the Liberals have cut from public schools and public hospitals”.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268247/original/file-20190408-2924-51u30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268247/original/file-20190408-2924-51u30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268247/original/file-20190408-2924-51u30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268247/original/file-20190408-2924-51u30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268247/original/file-20190408-2924-51u30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268247/original/file-20190408-2924-51u30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268247/original/file-20190408-2924-51u30.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=502&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Coalition now funds only 45% of hospital funding growth, down from 50%.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/confirm/245905492?size=huge_jpg">hxdbzxy/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Despite bribes and threats, the federal government has failed to negotiate hospital funding agreements with Victoria and Queensland, together covering <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/0/D56C4A3E41586764CA2581A70015893E?Opendocument">46% of the population</a>. As a result, those states are at risk of being left in a funding limbo when the current arrangements expire on June 30, 2020.</p>
<h2>2. Specialist medical services and diagnostics</h2>
<p>A key challenge for policy on specialist medical services is out-of-pocket costs. <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/main/publishing.nsf/Content/Quarterly-Medicare-Statistics">General practitioner bulk-billing rates are good</a>, but patients are angry about the <a href="https://chf.org.au/publications/out-pocket-pain">out-of-pocket costs they face when they go to a specialist</a>. </p>
<p>The government response has been <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/main/publishing.nsf/Content/min-advisory-comm-out-of-pocket">a committee</a>, a <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/main/publishing.nsf/Content/3A14048A458101B0CA258231007767FB/$File/Report%20-%20Ministerial%20Advisory%20Committee%20on%20Out-of-Pocket%20Costs.pdf">report</a>, and a promise of transparency or, more accurately, a <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/ministers/publishing.nsf/Content/health-mediarel-yr2019-hunt035.htm">promise to encourage voluntary fee transparency</a>. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-more-than-a-website-to-stop-australians-paying-exorbitant-out-of-pocket-health-costs-108740">We need more than a website to stop Australians paying exorbitant out-of-pocket health costs</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Increased transparency is all well and good, but it puts the burden of reducing out-of-pocket costs on consumers, who generally do not have enough information to make informed choices. The complication rates of different specialists, and other measures of quality, are not yet routinely available to <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/all-complications-should-count-using-our-data-to-make-hospitals-safer/">patients</a>, or even GPs. </p>
<p>This area should be marked as a policy fail.</p>
<p>Promises about diagnostic testing before the 2016 election were of two kinds: <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Coalition-plan-for-access-to-affordable-diagnostic-imaging-for-all-Australians-_-Liberal-Party-of-Australia.pdf">more reviews</a> and more <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=arCITMfxvEc">machines that go ping</a>, the latter dropped into <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/PET-Scanner-for-the-Northern-Territory-_-Liberal-Party-of-Australia.pdf">marginal electorates</a> as part of the cargo cult which appears endemic during election campaigns. </p>
<p>Left unaddressed is the need to <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/blood-money-paying-for-pathology-services/">reform the pathology market</a> to recognise that pathology provision (such as blood and tissue tests) is a big business and needs to be treated as such, by procuring via tenders rather than fee-for-service.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268249/original/file-20190408-2912-1v37u5d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268249/original/file-20190408-2912-1v37u5d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268249/original/file-20190408-2912-1v37u5d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268249/original/file-20190408-2912-1v37u5d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268249/original/file-20190408-2912-1v37u5d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268249/original/file-20190408-2912-1v37u5d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268249/original/file-20190408-2912-1v37u5d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Blood testing is big business.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/confirm/556394323?src=YyMFtMJUoJy-6i72m0aOog-1-26&size=huge_jpg">Romanets/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The government has also failed to end the <a href="https://theconversation.com/getting-doctors-to-reduce-diagnostic-testing-is-hard-but-we-should-keep-trying-42312">over-use of diagnostic tests</a>. This could have been done by reducing payments for tests which have been shown to add little value and <a href="http://www.choosingwisely.org.au/home">encouraging more evidence-based diagnosis</a>. Another fail.</p>
<p>A third key area of specialist provision, mental health, is a mess. Before the 2016 election, the Coalition promised to “<a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/The-Coalition%E2%80%99s-plan-to-strengthen-mental-health-care-across-Australia-_-Liberal-Party-of-Australia.pdf">strengthen mental health services</a>”. </p>
<p>The latest <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Candide">Panglossian</a> national <a href="https://www.mentalhealthcommission.gov.au/media/245211/Monitoring%20Mental%20Health%20and%20Suicide%20Prevention%20Reform%20National%20Report%202018.pdf">status report on mental health</a> gives no hint of the underlying <a href="https://acem.org.au/getmedia/60763b10-1bf5-4fbc-a7e2-9fd58620d2cf/ACEM_report_41018">problems of poor access</a>, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/triplej/programs/hack/medicare-subsidised-mental-health-program-has-fundamental-faili/10955008">misdirected funding</a>, <a href="https://www.mja.com.au/journal/2019/210/7/runaway-giant-ten-years-better-access-program">lack of teamwork</a>, and <a href="https://www.creativespirits.info/aboriginalculture/people/aboriginal-suicide-rates#toc2">appalling rates of suicide in Indigenous communities</a>. Yet another fail.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-are-we-losing-so-many-indigenous-children-to-suicide-114284">Why are we losing so many Indigenous children to suicide?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>3. General practice and primary care</h2>
<p>The much-vaunted Turnbull-era <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/FlagPost/2018/May/Health_care_homes">Primary Health Care Homes Trial</a> – once the vanguard of a <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Budget-puts-patient-outcomes-at-centre-of-health-reform-_-Liberal-Party-of-Australia.pdf">primary care revolution</a> and core to the government’s policy announcement’s before the 2016 election – has <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/health-care-homes-trial-falling-short">disappeared from the radar</a>. </p>
<p>In its place, announced in this year’s budget, is a <a href="https://www.greghunt.com.au/record-investment-advances-long-term-national-health-plan/">new capitation-type payment for general practitioners</a>. </p>
<p>Although the details are still to be fleshed out, this will probably allow general practitioners to introduce remote consultations – such as advice by email <a href="https://bmchealthservres.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12913-016-1484-5">for those who want it</a> – and have practice staff reach out to people with chronic illness to track how they are going to reduce future problems.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/more-visits-to-the-doctor-doesnt-mean-better-care-its-time-for-a-medicare-shake-up-110884">More visits to the doctor doesn't mean better care – it's time for a Medicare shake-up</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>This is a good move, and reflects recommendations from a <a href="http://www.health.gov.au/internet/main/publishing.nsf/Content/mbs-review-2018-taskforce-reports-cp/$File/General-Practice-and-Primary-Care-Clinical-Committee-Phase-2-Report.pdf">review of general practice items</a> as part of the broader Medicare Benefits Schedule Review.</p>
<p>Other important recommendations from the general practice review seem to be languishing, and there is no sense that <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/building-better-foundations/">overdue primary care reforms</a> are being tackled in a serious and systematic way.</p>
<p>Overall, however, the government has been moving in the right direction in this area, albeit slowly and with false starts. A solid pass.</p>
<h2>4. Pharmaceutical benefits</h2>
<p>Before the 2016 election, federal health minister Greg Hunt <a href="https://medicinesaustralia.com.au/policy/strategic-agreement/">signed agreements</a> promising to talk to and work with all components of the pharmaceutical supply chain. </p>
<p>This has been a success story. New drugs are now listed in line with recommendations from the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee, ending the delays and political interference of yesteryear. </p>
<p>Labor has <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;db=CHAMBER;id=chamber%2Fhansardr%2F84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563%2F0288;query=Id%3A%22chamber%2Fhansardr%2F84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563%2F0032%22">promised to do the same</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268251/original/file-20190408-2924-19kxjfj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268251/original/file-20190408-2924-19kxjfj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268251/original/file-20190408-2924-19kxjfj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268251/original/file-20190408-2924-19kxjfj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268251/original/file-20190408-2924-19kxjfj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268251/original/file-20190408-2924-19kxjfj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268251/original/file-20190408-2924-19kxjfj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Policy pass: drugs are now being listed without delay.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/confirm/1281072733?size=huge_jpg">iviewfinder/Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Pharmaceutical prices have come down, so the prices paid by Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) for drugs are now closer to international best practice. But <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/news/pharmacists-should-have-a-bigger-role-submission-to-senate-select-committee-on-red-tape/">anti-competitive restrictions</a> on pharmacy location remain, to the benefit of <a href="http://johnmenadue.com/john-menadue-the-australian-pharmacy-guild-continues-to-dud-taxpayers-and-patients/">pharmacy owners</a>. </p>
<p>Nevertheless, a strong pass.</p>
<h2>5. The private market</h2>
<p>The private health market is supposed to be an area of strength for a Coalition government. On April 1 this year, this government <a href="https://beta.health.gov.au/health-topics/private-health-insurance/private-health-insurance-reforms">introduced changes to private health insurance</a>: </p>
<ul>
<li>standardising product definitions</li>
<li>allowing deductions to encourage young people to take out insurance</li>
<li>removing many natural therapies (for which there is no evidence that they work) from the subsidised extras packages. </li>
</ul>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/premiums-up-rebates-down-and-a-new-tiered-system-what-the-private-health-insurance-changes-mean-114086">Premiums up, rebates down, and a new tiered system – what the private health insurance changes mean</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>These changes are <a href="https://theconversation.com/changes-to-lure-young-people-into-private-health-insurance-wont-slow-increase-in-premiums-85663">unlikely to have much impact on private health insurance coverage</a>, which has been declining in recent years.</p>
<p>Overall, no harm has been done, but unfortunately most of the fundamental problems of the private markets have not been confronted. Borderline achievement.</p>
<h2>6. Everything else</h2>
<p>Barely a week goes by when Hunt is not announcing yet another funding initiative. He has two big slush funds from which to dispense goodies: the <a href="https://beta.health.gov.au/initiatives-and-programs/medical-research-future-fund">Medical Research Future Fund</a> and the <a href="https://www.liberal.org.au/latest-news/2018/12/12/125-billion-improve-health-and-care-australian-patients">Community Health and Hospitals Fund</a>. </p>
<p>The criteria for distributing money from these funds is opaque; it is difficult to discern any strategic vision informing the way the largesse is being spread.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268252/original/file-20190408-2931-c907td.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268252/original/file-20190408-2931-c907td.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268252/original/file-20190408-2931-c907td.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268252/original/file-20190408-2931-c907td.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268252/original/file-20190408-2931-c907td.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268252/original/file-20190408-2931-c907td.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268252/original/file-20190408-2931-c907td.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Health minister Greg Hunt makes frequent health funding announcements.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://photos.aap.com.au">AAP/Penny Stephens</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>There was a veritable cornucopia of policies announced before the last election, from <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/The-Coalition%E2%80%99s-Plan-for-Continuous-Glucose-Monitoring-_-Liberal-Party-of-Australia.pdf">glucose monitoring</a> to treatment of <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Coalition-plan-to-fight-rare-teen-cancer-_-Liberal-Party-of-Australia.pdf">rare teen cancers</a>. </p>
<p>All were worthy, and most were designed to placate vocal sectoral interests. Most have been implemented, but few will change the fundamentals of the health system or improve integration of the system’s many disparate elements. </p>
<p>Scattered like <a href="https://www.themandarin.com.au/55708-terry-moran-5-big-challenges-facing-public-administration-australia/">programmatic confetti</a>, each of these funding dollops will yield a minor benefit, but together they will lead to more funding silos, less policy integration, and more confusion about the roles of the Commonwealth government and the states. </p>
<p>What’s more, they will give more heart to vested interests, and undermine rational national health policy.</p>
<h2>What Labor has promised so far?</h2>
<p>Health is an area of comparative advantage for Labor – voters tend to <a href="https://www.essentialvision.com.au/trust-in-parties">trust Labor more than the Coalition on Medicare</a>. </p>
<p>Not surprisingly, Labor capitalises on that, and opposition leader Bill Shorten made health policy a key element of his <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;db=CHAMBER;id=chamber%2Fhansardr%2F84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563%2F0288;query=Id%3A%22chamber%2Fhansardr%2F84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563%2F0032%22">budget reply speech</a>. </p>
<p>Last month Labor <a href="https://www.catherineking.com.au/2019/03/25/labor-will-end-morrisons-medicare-freeze-in-first-50-days/">promised to lift the freeze on Medicare rebates for general practice consultations</a>, a promise <a href="https://www.afr.com/news/economy/federal-budget-2019-medicare-freeze-end-just-what-the-doctor-ordered-20190402-1o24rc">matched by the Coalition in the Budget</a>. </p>
<p>Labor has also set out a longer-term vision for reform of the health system, including a proposal for an ongoing “<a href="https://www.catherineking.com.au/2019/02/13/speech-to-the-national-press-club-labors-vision-for-health-care/">reform commission</a>”.</p>
<p>The centrepiece and most expensive was a <a href="https://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;db=CHAMBER;id=chamber%2Fhansardr%2F84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563%2F0288;query=Id%3A%22chamber%2Fhansardr%2F84457b57-5639-432a-b4df-68b704cb3563%2F0032%22">massive “cancer plan” commitment</a> to address out-of-pocket costs for people with cancer. This includes expanded Medicare rebates for MRI scans for cancer patients, a new rebate for bulk-billed visits to oncologists, and a guarantee that all new drugs recommended for listing on the PBS will be listed.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-cancer-package-would-cut-the-cost-of-care-but-beware-of-unintended-side-effects-114979">Labor's cancer package would cut the cost of care, but beware of unintended side effects</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/113734/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Stephen Duckett works at Grattan Institute which began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments, $4 million from BHP Billiton, and $1 million from NAB. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and contribute to funding Grattan Institute's activities. Grattan Institute also receives funding from corporates, foundations, and individuals to support its general activities as disclosed on its website.</span></em></p>Here’s how the Turnbull/Morrison government performed on hospitals, primary care, pharmaceuticals and private health insurance.Stephen Duckett, Director, Health Program, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.