tag:theconversation.com,2011:/id/topics/james-marape-74029/articlesJames Marape – The Conversation2024-01-17T04:16:11Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2212082024-01-17T04:16:11Z2024-01-17T04:16:11ZMore than a pay dispute: what’s really behind the Papua New Guinea riots<p>The world has been <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2024/01/11/world/papua-new-guinea-riots-police-strike-intl-hnk/index.html">shocked by images</a> of wanton violence, looting and destruction on the streets of Papua New Guinea’s capital, Port Moresby, in the past week.</p>
<p>Prime Minister James Marape declared a state of emergency as shops were set on fire and citizens shot. At least <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-01-12/png-government-attempts-to-restore-essential-services/103312786">22 people have been killed</a> as a result of the violence.</p>
<p>Several reasons have been put forward for the sudden eruption of violence. A “<a href="https://thepngbulletin.com/news/technical-glitch-led-to-deductionirc/">technical glitch</a>” in the government’s payroll system, which cut public service pay packets was the official explanation, although this did little to quell <a href="https://nit.com.au/15-01-2024/9299/tax-misinformation-fuels-png-disorder">rumours</a> that the cut was due to a sudden tax increase.</p>
<p>Marape blamed <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-01-12/png-riots-political-forces-likely-factor-as-pm-faces-criticism/103309652">political interference</a> for spreading the rumours. The opposition <a href="https://www.thenational.com.pg/oneill-says-aussie-funding-not-addressing-safety-security/">blamed Marape</a> for mismanagement. Whatever the reason, public servants, crucially including the beleaguered police force, promptly went on strike and abandoned their posts, leading to the violence and looting.</p>
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<p>Whether Marape’s or the political opposition’s explanation is plausible is perhaps less important than trying to understand the underlying causes of such apparently spontaneous violence. We believe the roots lie in the rapid and uncontrolled growth of Port Moresby (and of other major urban centres such as Lae) that began before Papua New Guinea’s independence in 1975, when it was an Australian territory. </p>
<p>This growth has produced a swollen population that can quickly transform into an angry, riotous mob, especially when the instruments of civil control such as the police are withdrawn.</p>
<p>Now home to more than 400,000 people, Port Moresby owes its origins to the first European colonisers who settled there in the late 19th century. Prior to European contact, a total of about 2,000 <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Map-of-Motu-Koita-and-Koiari-villages-at-the-time-of-European-contact-Koita-villages-1_fig2_324136549">Motu and Koita villagers</a> lived in the Port Moresby area. By the end of the second world war, about 5,000 Indigenous people were there (and around 1,500 Europeans). </p>
<p>In the post-war years, there was a <a href="https://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/port-moresby-population">continuous and rapid increase in the Melanesian population</a>. This was spurred primarily by increased Australian government spending and the accompanying need for labour. </p>
<p>By 1954, the Indigenous population of Port Moresby had expanded to 12,000. By 1966, it was 32,000. At the time of <a href="https://catalogue.nla.gov.au/catalog/2218987">independence in 1975</a>, the Indigenous population was 95,000. </p>
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<p>Lack of land for housing was the main challenge for Indigenous people relocating to Port Moresby for employment. Unlike in Australia, most land in PNG has never been alienated and is customarily owned. Much of Port Moresby is still owned by its original Motu and Koita inhabitants. </p>
<p>The influx of internal migrants meant many people had little choice other than to squat on others’ land. As a result, during the post-war decades “temporary shanty towns, built from industrial scrap, the relics of war, packing cases and the like” grew up, as <a href="https://search.worldcat.org/title/417658435">Charles Rowley wrote</a> in the 1960s. </p>
<p>In the following decade, Australian economist <a href="https://search.worldcat.org/en/title/6733023">Ross Garnaut noted</a> that services and planning had failed to keep up with the influx.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/where-does-australias-relationship-with-png-go-next-less-talk-about-china-more-about-our-neighbours-own-merits-197891">Where does Australia's relationship with PNG go next? Less talk about China, more about our neighbour's own merits</a>
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<p>Despite repeated attempts to address this problem, it has never been satisfactorily resolved. As recently as October 2023, Port Moresby Governor Powes Parkop <a href="https://ncdc.gov.pg/media/city_sivarai/governor-parkop-calls-for-release-of-tenured-land-to-the-people-and-private-sector-for-housing-development.html">has pressed</a> for squatters to be given title to their land.</p>
<p>In 2021, it was estimated <a href="https://devpolicy.org/settlement-evictions-in-port-moresby-between-2012-and-2021-20211125/">nearly 50%</a> of Port Moresby’s residents lived on informal settlements. </p>
<p>The traditional land owners, furious at what they regard as <a href="https://www.postcourier.com.pg/time-to-seriously-deal-with-illegal-land-grabbing/">losing their land to “greed”</a>, regularly demand the removal of the squatters. <a href="https://www.thenational.com.pg/families-evicted/">Evictions</a> are frequent.</p>
<p>Further exacerbating the sense of hopelessness and precarity has been the chronic unemployment experienced by residents of the settlements, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-28/youth-unemployment-crisis-png-amid-booming-youth-population/101573706">particular the young</a>. <a href="https://www.statista.com/outlook/co/socioeconomic-indicators/economic-inequality/papua-new-guinea">Nearly 90%</a> of Papua New Guineans earn less than A$10.40 per day. Faced with the day-to-day challenges of making ends meet, many see the huge gulf between rich and poor as rubbing salt into their wounds. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/ultimate-guide-expat-rentals-pom-citys-hot-picks-tom-snelling/">Luxury gated communities</a> tucked behind high fences with private security guards are visible reminders of the wealth gap. It could be understood if the recent violence had been directed at these properties instead of at the more accessible, but perhaps less deserving, local trade stores. As is all too often the case with this kind of unrest, people will vent their rage wherever and whenever the opportunity arises. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/world-leaders-are-flocking-to-papua-new-guinea-heres-why-206091">World leaders are flocking to Papua New Guinea. Here's why</a>
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<p>The crisis in Port Moresby has many causes, including the disparity in wealth, high unemployment and living conditions equal to some of the worst places in the world. We also know most of its residents are as shocked and appalled by the violence as we are. </p>
<p>We believe an understanding of the past will help to illuminate and explain the present, and that understanding the roots of the current crisis may help to prevent such events from happening in the future.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/221208/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The deadly violence in Port Moresby has several triggers – but deeper answers can be found in the city’s history.Jonathan Ritchie, Senior Lecturer in History, Deakin UniversityBrad Underhill, PhD candidate and tutor, History, Deakin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1978912023-01-16T19:04:19Z2023-01-16T19:04:19ZWhere does Australia’s relationship with PNG go next? Less talk about China, more about our neighbour’s own merits<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/504575/original/file-20230116-25-ijtlmz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Prime Minister's Office/PR Handout Image</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s visit to Papua New Guinea last week put the media spotlight on one of Australia’s most important international relationships. </p>
<p>Much of the coverage focused on the plans, confirmed by Albanese and his PNG counterpart, James Marape, for a <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-01-12/australia-papua-new-guinea-security-treaty-talks/101850840">defence treaty</a> between the two countries – and the role this might play in warding off China’s growing engagement in the region.</p>
<p>But PNG should not just be seen as important because of China, or the prospect that Australia’s position may be subject to challenge. The relationship deserves focus because of its own intrinsic challenges and opportunities.</p>
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<img alt="The opening ceremony of a new Chinese-funded road project in PNG." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/504582/original/file-20230116-17501-re4r0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/504582/original/file-20230116-17501-re4r0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/504582/original/file-20230116-17501-re4r0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/504582/original/file-20230116-17501-re4r0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/504582/original/file-20230116-17501-re4r0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/504582/original/file-20230116-17501-re4r0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/504582/original/file-20230116-17501-re4r0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Spectators hold Chinese flags at a ceremony to mark the opening of a major road project funded and built by China in PNG’s capital.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mark Schiefelbein/AP</span></span>
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<h2>A land of opportunity</h2>
<p>PNG is not just Australia’s nearest neighbour – its coastline is a scant four kilometres from the nearest Queensland island. It’s also the largest Pacific country by far. The official census figure of more than nine million is almost double the size of New Zealand, and if the true figure is closer to 17 million <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/population-shock-puts-papua-new-guinea-in-peril-un-study/news-story/2acb85c8d91857203d81b823bfc304eb">as the UN has recently estimated</a>, PNG’s population appears set to outgrow Australia within the next decade or so. </p>
<p>PNG is already an influential partner for Australia when it comes to Pacific affairs, and its size and growing confidence will see it exert a stronger regional leadership role in the future.</p>
<p>PNG is also a land of considerable economic opportunity. While foreign investment flows are still directed mainly to petroleum, gold and copper, the country may also be an <a href="https://themarketherald.com.au/papua-new-guinea-the-next-global-resource-capital-2019-12-16/">important source of iron, nickel, cobalt and rare earth elements</a> required to drive the post-carbon global economy. </p>
<p>It is also attracting strong <a href="https://www.fmgl.com.au/in-the-news/media-releases/2021/11/08/fortescue-future-industries-to-develop-portfolio-of-major-green-energy-and-hydrogen-projects-in-papua-new-guinea">interest as a potential source of renewable energy</a> for both domestic and export purposes. PNG’s fisheries wealth is extraordinary, as is its agricultural potential.</p>
<p>In addition, Papua New Guineans are keen to provide their services to help address gaps in our labour force, so Australia’s undertaking to improve the accessibility of visa services is important to both sides.</p>
<p>Given all this, the focus should very much be on opportunity as we look to the next phase in the Australia-PNG relationship. It’s certainly high time we moved on from the dominant narrative about PNG as a needy recipient of Australian aid – and little else.</p>
<p>Yes, Australia’s aid dollars remain important as PNG struggles with major development challenges across health, education, governance and law and order. But Canberra’s assistance program is not really that large relative to the size of PNG’s own national budget. And there is little precedent for foreign aid alone in bringing about economic transformation for a sovereign, developing country. </p>
<p>As a former Australian high commissioner to PNG, I know from experience that PNG’s leaders are often left feeling mystified and somewhat offended when Australian visitors speak about feeling “responsible” for the state of things in their country. </p>
<h2>How security ties will change moving forward</h2>
<p>A comprehensive defence treaty is the logical next step in the evolution of the links between the two nations. It reflects the commitment of the two leaders to project the relationship as one of “equals”. It also supports the growing sense PNG is a vital strategic partner to Australia in the Pacific. After all, PNG has already joined stabilisation missions in the Solomon Islands and responded to natural disasters in the region.</p>
<p>The two countries have had a very substantial defence cooperation program for decades, covering combined military exercises, training, infrastructure projects and advisory support. A formal treaty would now elevate these links, with formal ratification from both parliaments and serious legal commitments on both sides. </p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/penny-wongs-diplomacy-efforts-in-the-pacific-begin-to-bear-fruit-with-png-security-pact-189710">Penny Wong's diplomacy efforts in the Pacific begin to bear fruit with PNG security pact</a>
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<p>It would also, of course, signal that Australia, not China, is PNG’s partner of choice.</p>
<p>The content of the treaty is yet to be negotiated, but we can expect the military-to-military relationship to be taken to a new level, encompassing more intensive joint training and operations. </p>
<p>It is unclear whether this will include an agreement to base troops on each other’s soil, on a rotational or some other basis. But it is clear from Albanese’s comments in Port Moresby the enhanced security ties will focus on new threats, including cyber-security and climate change.</p>
<p>The Pacific is experiencing the same cyber-security disruptions Australia has recently. These countries have weaker defence systems than Australia’s. Vanuatu, for example, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-63632129">fell victim</a> to a major ransomware attack last year. </p>
<p>The Australian government and defence force should play an important role in helping countries like PNG strengthen their capacities to protect vital strategic and other information from these types of attacks, especially given the
increasingly competitive geo-strategic conditions across the region. </p>
<p>China looms large as a concern here, and if Australia’s regional partners are vulnerable in this sense, then Australia is, too.</p>
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<h2>The threats posed by climate change</h2>
<p>Pacific Island leaders have made it very clear, however, they see climate change as the overriding threat to their security. </p>
<p>For them, <a href="https://pina.com.fj/2022/06/13/climate-change-a-bigger-threat-than-war-fiji-tells-security-summit/">the enemy</a> is increasingly frequent and harsh droughts and storms and the loss of arable land, which in turn threaten food security. International strategists depict these risks as a <a href="https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/climate-change-poses-a-direct-threat-to-australias-national-security/">threat multiplier</a>, disrupting food and water security, intensifying social fragility and straining weak institutions. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-09-25/australian-defence-force-angus-campbell-climate-change-speech/11543464">There is already concern</a> that responding to natural disasters in the Pacific and at home could challenge the Australian Defence Force capacities over time.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/climate-change-poses-a-direct-threat-to-australias-national-security-it-must-be-a-political-priority-123264">Climate change poses a 'direct threat' to Australia's national security. It must be a political priority</a>
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<p>The security implications of climate change are actually <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10402659.2022.2023424">most stark</a> in everyday life in PNG. Tensions within family groups and communities in informal urban settlements, or between neighbouring tribal groups in more remote regions, can explode in ways that may not gain the attention of the international strategic community, but which nonetheless cause great social damage. </p>
<p>These tensions can lead to family and gender-based violence or tribal fighting over scarce resources. Lasting solutions to these issues cannot depend on foreign assistance alone; they will require PNG and its leadership to step more into the driving seat and take responsibility.</p>
<p>The same can be said of the overarching bilateral relationship between Australia and PNG. A partnership of equals will require PNG to work harder to set the direction of the relationship. The PNG government also needs to demonstrate it’s using its own funds well to address the development challenges our aid program is seeking to mitigate.</p>
<p>At the Australian end, the relationship needs to be better understood publicly
as important in its own right – not just because of China.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/197891/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ian Kemish is a former senior Australian diplomat who served, among other roles, as High Commissioner to Papua New Guinea. He is the voluntary chair of the Kokoda Track Foundation and provides consultancy support to the Global Partnership for Education in the Pacific. Both of these organisations receive some funding from the Australian Government.</span></em></p>The security treaty signed last week is the logical next step in the two countries’ relationship. But Australia’s interests in PNG should remain broad-based.Ian Kemish AM, Adjunct Professor, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1573102021-03-17T02:59:13Z2021-03-17T02:59:13ZAustralia sends 8,000 vaccine doses to help Papua New Guinea’s pandemic crisis<p>The Morrison government is gifting 8,000 doses of COVID-19 vaccines to Papua New Guinea, and demanding AstraZeneca and European authorities urgently provide one million doses of Australia’s contracted supplies to help the country deal with its escalating pandemic crisis.</p>
<p>In an effort to prevent transmission of the virus to Australia, the government is also suspending passenger flights from PNG into Cairns from midnight for at least a fortnight.</p>
<p>Prime Minister Scott Morrison announced a raft of measures at a news conference on Wednesday morning, aimed at both supporting PNG and protecting Australians.</p>
<p>Charter flights from PNG are also being suspended (with limited exemptions for medevac and the like) and the passenger caps on flights from Port Moresby to Brisbane are being cut by a quarter.</p>
<p>Outbound travel exemptions for Australians to go to PNG will be suspended – except for critical workers – including for fly-in-fly-out workers. “You FI or you FO,” Morrison said. “If you’re there, you stay. If you’re here, you stay. We cannot risk more people going into those areas and then coming back to Australia.”</p>
<p>The government will boost the medical support it is providing to PNG. It will gift one million surgical masks, 200,000 P295 respirator masks, 100,000 gowns, 100,000 goggles, 100,000 pairs of gloves, 100,000 bottles of sanitiser, 20,000 face shields, and 200 non-invasive ventilators.</p>
<p>The 8,000 vaccine doses will be used for frontline health workers from next week.</p>
<p>Morrison said the doses Australia was seeking to assist this “developing country in desperate need of these vaccines” had been contracted for by Australia.</p>
<p>“We’ve paid for them and we want to see these vaccines come here so we can support our nearest neighbour, PNG, to deal with their urgent needs. And we’ll be seeking the support of the European Union and AstraZeneca to achieve that as soon as possible.”</p>
<p>A critical planning AUSMAT team of health specialists will be sent to PNG next week. They will work with PNG authorities on infection control, triage and emergency management, and public health measures. They will also prepare for further Australian assistance and deployment of a clinical team. </p>
<p>Vaccinations are particularly important for those in the Torres Strait Protected Zone, where people on both sides of the strait form one community. The Queensland government has already begun this rollout, and the federal government will work with the PNG government, as well as with Queensland.</p>
<p>Chief Medical Officer Paul Kelly said the PNG situation had changed very rapidly in the last couple of weeks and there was now “a major pandemic in the community”. He said mass testing had been done at the Ok Tedi Mine and almost half the results were positive. Australia has already suspended flights from the mine.</p>
<p>“They are finding the same when people are being admitted into hospital in Port Moresby – half of the women who are coming in due to pregnancy are positive.” </p>
<p>According to the latest numbers on Tuesday, there were 82 new cases in the previous 24 hours. This brought the total official number of cases to 2,351, including 26 deaths.</p>
<p>Morrison said of PNG: “They’re our family. They’re our neighbours. They’re our partners. They have always stood with us and we will always stand with them.” </p>
<p>PNG Prime Minister James Marape said this week his country was now “in the critical red stage” of COVID-19.</p>
<p>“We are possibly having an infection rate about one to three or four in our country.”</p>
<p>He said “the status of our public health system is that what we have in our country is not adequate to sustain a full-blown outbreak, that is of pandemic nature”.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/157310/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The government is gifting 8,000 doses of COVID-19 vaccines to Papua New Guinea for frontline health workers, and is requesting an additional 1,000,000 doses from European authorities for the pacific nation.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1400732020-07-03T01:22:02Z2020-07-03T01:22:02ZChina’s push into PNG has been surprisingly slow and ineffective. Why has Beijing found the going so tough?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/344930/original/file-20200701-54177-1244vxz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Peter Parks/Pool/EPA</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Chinese activity in Papua New Guinea was not the only factor behind Australia’s <a href="https://www.pm.gov.au/media/strengthening-australias-commitment-pacific">Pacific “Step-Up”</a>. As a former high commissioner to PNG, I know it followed serious deliberations about Australia’s overall strategic imperatives in the region. </p>
<p>But China’s engagement with our nearest neighbour was in the minds of many when Prime Minister Scott Morrison announced the foreign policy initiative in November 2018, pledging to </p>
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<p>take our engagement with the region to a new level. </p>
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<p>Chinese President Xi Jinping was about to make a state visit to Port Moresby, before joining other world leaders at the APEC Summit there. China <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-apec-summit-china-insight/chinas-boulevard-to-nowhere-the-battle-for-influence-in-apecs-pacific-host-idUSKCN1N900V">had been busy</a> repairing roads and constructing an international conference centre in the PNG capital ahead of the meeting, along with a six-lane highway leading to the parliament. </p>
<p>A Chinese hospital ship had just conducted a well-publicised “humanitarian mission” to PNG. And Prime Minister Peter O'Neill had <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/looking-north-png-signs-on-to-china-s-belt-and-road-initiative-20180621-p4zmyv.html">recently signed up to the Belt and Road Initiative</a>, fuelling concern that PNG’s growing financial exposure to China might be converted to Beijing’s strategic advantage. </p>
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<span class="caption">Xi Jinping was the first Chinese leader to visit PNG when he arrived for the APEC summit in November 2018.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tsikas/AAP</span></span>
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<p>Xi then used the opportunity of his state visit to <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/nation/world/xi-raises-the-influence-stakes-with-300m-png-deal/news-story/f3b9d326a10af58090453fc11a93892c">pledge an additional US$300 million</a> in concessional loans to the country.</p>
<p>Several Papua New Guinean friends commented then that none of this activity would be of lasting benefit to the struggling developing country. But it certainly captured public attention, and suggested a renewed strategic intent on China’s behalf to boost its influence in the region.</p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/despite-its-pacific-step-up-australia-is-still-not-listening-to-the-region-new-research-shows-130539">Despite its Pacific 'step-up', Australia is still not listening to the region, new research shows</a>
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<h2>Recent setbacks in China’s outreach</h2>
<p>Eighteen months later, China is still looking for ways to engage with PNG, motivated by interest in both its abundant natural resources and key strategic location. But these efforts sometimes seem uncoordinated, and Beijing has suffered some significant setbacks.</p>
<p>China has been surprisingly slow to respond at critical moments. For instance, PNG officials became frustrated with bureaucratic stalling in early 2019 as they sought to follow up on Xi’s promised loan, and <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-11-25/australia-440-million-loan-to-png-completely-unrelated-to-china/11734146">Australia ultimately stepped in to supply the required A$440 million</a>. </p>
<p>Canberra also <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com.au/australia-snubs-huawei-finishes-undersea-cables-for-pacific-islands-2019-8?r=US&IR=T">outmanoeuvred Huawei’s bid to lay undersea high-speed internet cables</a> to PNG and the neighbouring Solomon Islands. </p>
<p>And this year, China has not sent any meaningful signal of solidarity to PNG since the onset of COVID-19 – <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-05/12/c_139050511.htm">just proforma PPE donations</a>. Western institutions like the IMF are instead stepping in with emergency financial assistance but, so far at least, China has been nowhere to be seen.</p>
<h2>Anti-Chinese sentiment flares up</h2>
<p>The recent experience of China’s Zijin Mining Group points to another constraint – the anti-Chinese sentiment that sometimes lurks below the surface in PNG. </p>
<p>The PNG cabinet decided in April <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/may/12/politics-and-porgera-why-papua-new-guinea-cancelled-the-lease-on-one-of-its-biggest-mines">not to renew the gold mining lease</a> held jointly by Zijin and Canada’s Barrick Gold at Porgera in the Highlands region. Prime Minister James Marape announced Porgera would instead transition to national ownership. </p>
<p>A <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-04-29/chinese-company-sends-letter-to-png-prime-minster-over-gold-mine/12196660">letter from Zijin Chairman Chen Jinghe to Marape</a> was then leaked. Chen warned if Zijin’s investment was not “properly protected”, he was </p>
<blockquote>
<p>afraid there will be significant negative impact on the bilateral relations between China and PNG. </p>
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<p>This provoked visceral anti-Chinese sentiment and praise for Marape’s stance on <a href="https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=3536143299735348&id=2780834888599530&comment_id=3536865099663168">social media in PNG</a>. Speculation last week the government was looking to sell the mine to another Chinese group sparked <a href="https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=136901118021078&id=104887854555738">a further wave of anti-Chinese feeling</a> – this time critical of Marape. </p>
<p>The tone of some of these messages brought to mind the violent <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8054924.stm">attacks against Chinese and other Asian small business owners</a> at past moments of economic hardship and local tensions in PNG. </p>
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<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/345405/original/file-20200702-111269-1v100cg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/345405/original/file-20200702-111269-1v100cg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=442&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345405/original/file-20200702-111269-1v100cg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=442&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345405/original/file-20200702-111269-1v100cg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=442&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345405/original/file-20200702-111269-1v100cg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=556&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345405/original/file-20200702-111269-1v100cg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=556&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/345405/original/file-20200702-111269-1v100cg.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=556&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">A Chinese store owner taking shelter during anti-Chinese protests in PNG in 2009.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">ILYA GRIDNEFF/AAP</span></span>
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<p>Zijin is not the first Chinese resource company to face difficulties in PNG. In 2004, China’s Metallurgical Construction Company (MCC) <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/business/china-metallurgical-to-develop-png-mine-20040211-gdxa93.html">secured the agreement</a> of then-Prime Minister Michael Somare to buy the Ramu nickel mine in Madang province. </p>
<p>The company learned quickly that an agreement with the head of government is not enough. MCC did not plan adequately for engagement with landowners, provincial authorities and environmentalists, and inflamed local tensions by using imported Chinese labour. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/papua-new-guinea-indigenous-group-opposes-china-metallurgicals-ramu-nickel-mine-in-court-concern-over-impacts-on-livelihoods">MCC spent almost two years in court</a> pitted against these groups, to its substantial cost.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/everything-but-china-is-on-the-table-during-png-prime-ministers-visit-120754">Everything but China is on the table during PNG prime minister's visit</a>
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<h2>China is not giving up</h2>
<p>PNG can be a hard place to operate. As the Australian government and many businesses and NGOs have found, success requires sustained effort with multiple stakeholders. </p>
<p>Chinese companies are not giving up. China Mobile reportedly <a href="https://www.afr.com/policy/foreign-affairs/fears-over-a-chinese-digital-footprint-on-our-doorstep-20200513-p54snd">looked at taking over domestic mobile carrier Digicel</a> earlier this year, and <a href="https://postcourier.com.pg/us2b-ramu-2-hydro-power-project-stalled/">Shenzhen Energy is persevering with its stalled US$2 billion “Ramu 2” hydro power project</a>, given initial approval by the O'Neill government in 2015. </p>
<p>Industry sources report the current government, eager to announce employment-generating projects, is considering moving to implementation stage after some hesitation. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/in-the-post-apec-scramble-to-lavish-funds-on-png-heres-what-the-country-really-needs-107286">In the post-APEC scramble to lavish funds on PNG, here's what the country really needs</a>
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<p>A deal has also recently been signed allowing <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/asiapacific/2020-06/16/c_139143728.htm">PNG seafood exports to China</a>.</p>
<p>China has every right to pursue investments in the region, and PNG is entitled to diversify its external links. Beijing will likely make further advances, but on current form these will likely be more opportunistic than strategic. </p>
<p>Australia should engage China positively in PNG, consistent with its bilateral interests in both Port Moresby and Beijing. It should also build confidently on the advantages that flow from geographic proximity and a long, overall positive relationship with its friends across the Torres Strait.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/140073/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ian Kemish AM is a former Australian High Commissioner to Papua New Guinea. He chairs the Kokoda Track Foundation, which receives funding from the Australian Government. He is also a sustainability adviser to Newcrest Mining Limited. Ian is a Nonresident Fellow with the Lowy Institute of International Affairs and an Adjunct Associate Research Professor at the University of Queensland. </span></em></p>China made a huge splash in PNG in late 2018 with infrastructure investments and loan pledges. But since then, it has struggled to make inroads due, in part, to anti-Chinese sentiment.Ian Kemish AM, Former Ambassador and Adjunct Professor, School of Historical and Philosophical Inquiry, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1282362019-12-12T23:17:51Z2019-12-12T23:17:51ZBougainville has voted to become a new country, but the journey to independence is not yet over<p>The Autonomous Region of Bougainville, a chain of islands that lie 959 kilometres northwest of Papua New Guinea’s capital, Port Moresby, has voted unequivocally for independence.</p>
<p>The referendum saw 85% voter turnout during three weeks of voting, with <a href="http://bougainville-referendum.org/">97.7%</a> of voters choosing independence from Papua New Guinea over the second option, which was remaining, but with greater autonomy from PNG. As the Bougainville Referendum Commission stated, the numbers told an important story, reflecting the support for independence across genders and age groups. </p>
<p>It’s a momentous event, not only because it could a new country, but also because the referendum marks an important part of a <a href="http://www.abg.gov.pg/uploads/documents/BOUGAINVILLE_PEACE_AGREEMENT_2001.pdf">peace agreement</a> signed almost 20 years ago. The 2001 <a href="http://www.abg.gov.pg/uploads/documents/BOUGAINVILLE_PEACE_AGREEMENT_2001.pdf">Bougainville Peace Agreement</a> ended the <a href="https://bougainville-referendum.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/the_bougainville_referendum_low_res_1.pdf">deeply divisive nine year conflict</a> (1988-1997) that lead to the deaths of approximately 20,000 people, or about 10% of Bougainville’s population. </p>
<p>The referendum, however, is non-binding. The ultimate outcome will be determined by a vote in Papua New Guinea’s National Parliament following negotiations between the Papua New Guinean government and the Autonomous Bougainville Government. </p>
<p>But as former President James Tanis said to me hours after the result was announced: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>we survived the war, ended the war, delivered a successful referendum, what else can now stop us from becoming a successful independent nation?</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>China’s interest in Bougainville</h2>
<p>For the broader region, an independent Bougainville has a number of implications. Firstly, it sends a strong signal for other self-determination movements across the Pacific, including in New Caledonia which will hold a second referendum for independence in 2020. </p>
<p>There are also geopolitical implications. The referendum has taken place during a period of heightened strategic anxiety among the Pacific’s so-called traditional partners – Australia, New Zealand and the United States, as well as the United Kingdom, France and Japan. </p>
<p>There have long been concerns China will seek to curry influence with an independent Bougainville. As one Bougainvillean leader informed me, Chinese efforts to build relationships with Bougainville’s political elite have increased over the past few years. </p>
<p>Beijing’s interest in Bougainville is two-fold: first, it is seeking to shore up diplomatic support in the Pacific Islands region, thereby reducing support for Taiwan which lost a further two Pacific allies this year. And second, to access to resources, namely fisheries and extractive minerals.</p>
<p>Although it will be tempting for many in Canberra, Washington and Wellington to view an independent Bougainville through the current strategic prism – adhering to narratives about debt-trap diplomacy – doing so undermines the importance of local dynamics and the resilience of Bougainville people. </p>
<p>An independent Bougainville navigating a more disordered and disruptive international environment will need nuanced grounded advice, rather than speculation. </p>
<p>The road ahead for Bougainville will be challenging and it will need its friends – particularly New Zealand and Australia. </p>
<p>The much vaunted respective “Pacific Reset” and “<a href="https://dfat.gov.au/geo/pacific/pages/the-pacific.aspx">Pacific Step Up</a>” policies provide entry points for the kind of genuine engagement and support that Bougainville will require in the coming years.</p>
<h2>Celebration with cautious anticipation</h2>
<p>Following the result’s announcement, Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape said his government had heard the voice of Bougainvilleans, and the two governments must now <a href="https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/405344/next-stage-in-bougainville-peace-process-begins-png-pm">develop a road map</a> that leads to lasting political settlement. </p>
<p>And Bougainville Referendum Commission chairman Bertie Ahern urged all sides to recognise the result and said the vote was about “your peace, your history, and your future” and reflected “the power of the pen over weapons”. Acknowledging the result is non-binding, Ahern said: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>the referendum is one part of that ongoing journey.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>And here lies the challenge. The post-referendum period was always going to be one of celebration, cautious anticipation and the management of expectations. </p>
<p>As one of Bougainville’s formidable women leaders told me, there are concerns about security in the post-referendum period as expectation turns to frustration if there are perceived delays in determining Bougainville’s future political status. </p>
<p>What’s more, the negotiations are likely to take a long time, since there’s no deadline they’re required to meet. </p>
<p>There are, however, critical milestones that still need to be hit first. This includes the Autonomous Bougainville Government elections, the first elections following the referendum, so will likely see intensified politicking as politicians jockey for a potential role in building an independent Bougainvillean state. </p>
<p>The Papua New Guinea’s national elections are also scheduled for 2022. The risk in both cases is that Bougainville’s future becomes a political pawn. </p>
<p>An independent Bougainville will face significant challenges and diverse choices. </p>
<p>Not least of which is Bougainville’s economic security and the choices that will need to be made about the Panguna Mine, the gold and copper mine at the heart of much of the conflict, and fisheries, once the new nation’s 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone is created. </p>
<p>A young nation built on a past mired by the extremes of resource nationalism, Bougainville has difficult decisions to make about how it secures its economic self-reliance.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/128236/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anna Powles does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>With an overwhelming referendum result, Bougainville has just taken an important step to becoming an independent nation.Anna Powles, Senior Lecturer in Security Studies, Massey UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1207542019-07-23T05:04:12Z2019-07-23T05:04:12ZEverything but China is on the table during PNG prime minister’s visit<p>Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape is visiting Australia this week, his first overseas trip since he was elevated to that office in June this year. And it’s the first time Scott Morrison has hosted an international leader in Australia since he was re-elected as prime minister in May.</p>
<p>This week’s visit has been positioned as the first of what will be an annual meeting between the leaders. It indicates a stepped up <a href="https://www.pm.gov.au/media/joint-statement-prime-minister-papua-new-guinea">relationship</a>, one that adds to Morrison’s growing focus on building personal relationships throughout the region: in Vanuatu, Fiji and <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/transcends-all-that-morrison-s-solomon-islands-visit-not-just-about-china-us-tensions">Solomon Islands</a>. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/yes-morrison-showed-up-in-the-pacific-but-what-did-he-actually-achieve-109792">Yes, Morrison 'showed up' in the Pacific, but what did he actually achieve?</a>
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<p>There are many things the two leaders have to discuss, from a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/nov/18/america-to-partner-with-australia-to-develop-naval-base-on-manus-island">naval base development</a> to <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-11-21/manus-governor-slams-australia-over-naval-base-plans/10515910">asylum seekers</a> on Manus Island. But on arrival, Marape was clear that he did not plan to discuss his country’s relationship with China. </p>
<p>Marape restated PNG’s overall position on foreign policy: that of being “friends to all and enemies to none”. But that didn’t prevent the Australian media asking Marape questions about China during a joint press conference on Monday. </p>
<p>One journalist asked if Marape was concerned about potential governance problems associated with increased Chinese investment in his country. His response could not have been more straightforward:</p>
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<p>Every businessman and woman is welcome in our country, and the Chinese investors will not receive any special treatment and preference, just like Australian investors will not receive any special favour or treatment.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Many in the Australian media and policy community would like to know much more about the relationship between PNG and China, as they wonder how it will affect Australia’s influence with their nearest neighbour.</p>
<h2>Belt and Road Initiative</h2>
<p>As we have seen elsewhere in the region, the relationship between PNG and China has become more developed in recent years. </p>
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<p>Under the previous PNG prime minister, Peter O'Neill, PNG became the second Pacific Islands nation to <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/looking-north-png-signs-on-to-china-s-belt-and-road-initiative-20180621-p4zmyv.html">sign on to the Belt and Road Initiative</a> in June 2018. </p>
<p>O'Neill participated in the Belt and Road Initiate Forum earlier this year, and indicated that he foresaw PNG becoming even more involved in projects for the global infrastructure and trade strategy.</p>
<p>O'Neill resigned in May, and it’s yet to be seen whether Marape will participate in projects for Belt and Road Initiative.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/crisis-what-crisis-a-new-prime-minister-in-png-might-not-signal-meaningful-change-for-its-citizens-117841">Crisis? What crisis? A new prime minister in PNG might not signal meaningful change for its citizens</a>
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<p>In any case, one thing Marape has made very clear during this visit to Australia is that he’s looking for opportunities to diversify the PNG economy beyond the resources sector. He is particularly focused on growing the agricultural sector, which will require additional investment in infrastructure to supply domestic and export markets adequately.</p>
<p>It’s not always easy to determine the extent of Chinese aid, investment and loans to countries like PNG. But Sarah O'Dowd, an Australian National University researcher, <a href="http://devpolicy.org/2019-Australasian-Aid-Conference/5FSarahO'Dowd.pdf">has calculated</a> that at the end of 2018, PNG owed approximate A$588 million in external debt to China. This represented 23.7% of the total external debt.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/for-pacific-island-nations-rising-sea-levels-are-a-bigger-security-concern-than-rising-chinese-influence-102403">For Pacific Island nations, rising sea levels are a bigger security concern than rising Chinese influence</a>
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<p>Australia provides the largest amount of aid and investment into PNG in the world. But the perception in Canberra remains that Australia’s influence in its nearest neighbour is being diluted, and that this needs to be addressed for strategic purposes.</p>
<h2>Asylum seekers and a naval base on Manus Island</h2>
<p>Given the nature and importance of the relationship between Australia and PNG, it’s not surprising this bilateral meeting has been prioritised ahead of next month’s Pacific Islands Forum meeting in Tuvalu. Their meeting allows for Morrison and Marape spend some time getting to know each other before they meet with a larger group of Pacific leaders.</p>
<p>Of the various announcements made on Monday, not much was new. There was a dollar commitment (A$250 million) to last year’s <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-11-18/australia-joints-multinational-effort-to-improve-png-energy/10508614">joint announcement</a> by PNG, Australia, New Zealand, the USA and Japan to bring electricity to 70% of Papua New Guinean people by 2030.</p>
<p>There was a passing reference to the joint redevelopment of the Lombrum naval base on Manus island by PNG, Australia and the USA, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/nov/18/america-to-partner-with-australia-to-develop-naval-base-on-manus-island">also announced last year</a> at the APEC meeting held in Port Moresby. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/morrisons-vanuatu-trip-shows-the-governments-continued-focus-on-militarising-the-pacific-109883">Morrison's Vanuatu trip shows the government's continued focus on militarising the Pacific</a>
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<p>It’s significant that the PNG delegation includes Charlie Benjamin, who is governor of the Manus province. He has already expressed <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-11-21/manus-governor-slams-australia-over-naval-base-plans/10515910">strong reservations</a> about this proposed redevelopment of the naval base. And he is not alone, with other commentators noting that such a development doesn’t necessarily sit well with PNG’s non-aligned status. </p>
<p>The development also provoked criticism from Beijing, which had apparently been seeking an agreement from the PNG government to develop the site.</p>
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<p>Benjamin has a powerful voice, and he made good use of it during his own impromptu press conference on Monday. </p>
<p>He used the opportunity to hammer home what has been the biggest thrust of the PNG message to Australia during the visit so far: the ongoing presence of asylum seekers and refugees on Manus and elsewhere in PNG. </p>
<p>Benjamin has <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/jul/22/manus-island-governor-urges-australia-to-help-resettle-refugees-urgently">made it clear</a> that the time has come for Australia to “step up” and resettle the refugees in his province to another country.</p>
<p>While Marape may feel he has secured <a href="https://www.sbs.com.au/news/manus-refugees-urge-png-to-keep-pressure-on-australia-to-set-closure-deadline">some sort of commitment</a> from Morrison to establish a timetable for bringing this bit of the “Pacific Solution” to an end, the lack of detail about what that timetable is may prove a tricky sell back home.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/120754/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tess Newton Cain does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>From a naval base development to asylum seekers on Manus Island, there were many things the two leaders had to discuss.Tess Newton Cain, Adjunct Associate Professor, School of Political Science & International Studies, The University of QueenslandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.