Mass hysteria and lawlessness during disasters are remarkably rare, contrary to Western Cape Premier Helen Zille’s prediction of anarchy when Cape Town’s taps run day.
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Official reasons for joining the Somalia mission were that the conflict posed a security risk. But in fact other factors played a bigger role.
Lotto scamming — a criminal enterprise largely targeting elderly Americans — is lucrative in western Jamaica, where it is thought to be behind 50 percent of all area murders last year.
Divided by military force for decades, many Cypriots have lost their zeal for unification – but more than a few are still hopeful.
The U.S. government has ended the protective status of 200,000 Salvadoran migrants. If deported, they would go back to one of the world’s deadliest places. How did violence in El Salvador get so bad?
Robert Mugabe’s rule in Zimbabwe is over. But the country’s road to democracy remains a bumpy one as Zanu-PF, the new president and the military go about entrenching power.
Three runaway governors. Two deadly earthquakes. One Donald J. Trump. Here’s why the past year hasn’t been the kindest to Mexico.
From California’s fires to the Rohingya, headlines can be overwhelming these days. But that doesn’t mean we should neglect so-called ‘silent crises,’ which can quickly erupt into global disasters.
The past 12 months provided further evidence of the danger of democratic backsliding in Africa. But it also saw powerful presidents suffer embarrassing setbacks in a number of countries.
Nearly two weeks after its election, Honduras still does not have a president. Clashes across the country have killed a dozen protesters, and police are now refusing to enforce a national curfew.
A narrow interest in whether Beijing actively pushed for Mugabe’s fall is based on the assumption that the China-Africa relationship is an isolated phenomenon.
The transformation of the EU-Africa summit series into the EU-AU summit is more than just a change of name. It reflects the increasing recognition of the AU as an international actor.
Zimbabweans have every right to celebrate the end of Robert Mugabe’s long and disastrous reign, but they would be wrong to assume that this is the end of their political problems.
Conservative congressional reps in Colombia have been stalling votes on key parts of the country’s peace accords through endless petitions and nonstop debate. In short, they’re filibustering.
Elections, even free and competitive ones, don’t always mean that a country is more democratic. Instead of weakening the elite’s grip on power, elections might actually make them stronger.
Zimbabwe’s new leader needs to shake off his infamous reputation and the suspicion that he is merely another Mugabe in a younger frame.
It’s still unclear whether Zimbabwe will manage an effective transition to participatory democracy and freedom. And the current signs are not encouraging.
Some African countries present a facade of democracy. The absence of substantive democracy is contributing to instability on the continent.
The limited “consultative and advisory powers” of the Pan African Parliament hamper the African Union’s ability to achieve a prosperous and peaceful Africa as envisioned in its Agenda 2063.
After the fall of autocratic ruler Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe faces a difficult choice between the stability of a transnational government or a potentially divisive election contest.
Kontributor teratas
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Assistant Professor, School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, University College Dublin
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Senior Lecturer in Human Rights, Constitutional Law and Legal Theory, University of Wollongong
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Honorary Professor of International Relations, University of the Witwatersrand
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Professor of Democracy, University of Birmingham
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Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria
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Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State
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Associate Professor International Law, Roskilde University
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Professor of Political Studies, University of Johannesburg
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Senior lecturer in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University
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Vice-Dean Research, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Stellenbosch University
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Professor, Center for Research on North America, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM)
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Research Fellow, African Centre of Excellence for Inequality Research (ACEIR), University of Cape Town
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Professor of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand
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Associate Professor of International Studies, University of Nottingham
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Criminologist / Senior Lecturer, Stellenbosch University
