tag:theconversation.com,2011:/institutions/technical-university-of-kenya-2990/articles
Technical University of Kenya
2023-05-31T14:56:45Z
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/206622
2023-05-31T14:56:45Z
2023-05-31T14:56:45Z
Kenya at 60: how the British used street names to show colonial power
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/529363/original/file-20230531-25-9kporb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Signwriters rush to replace colonial street names with news ones in April 1964, a few months after Kenya’s independence on December 12, 1963.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Place names, along with other urban symbols, were used as a <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwjHrvTHk5__AhVZT6QEHTxaCLAQFnoECBsQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fjournals.sagepub.com%2Fdoi%2F10.1177%2F0021909616651295&usg=AOvVaw1e8z8EjJoE5gQp8keDlkE4">tool of control</a> over space in many African countries during the colonial period. This strategy was epitomised by the British, who applied it in Nairobi and other parts of Kenya from the late 1800s. </p>
<p>Very few African names were used on the urban landscape. This was a strategy to actively alienate the native Africans, who had little or no say in the city’s affairs. Spatially, colonial street names dominated the central part of the city, while African names were used mainly in the peripheral residential neighbourhoods. </p>
<p>In early colonial Nairobi, the population was composed mainly of three groups: British, Asians and indigenous Africans. Africans formed the bulk of the population. But they were the least represented, socially, economically and politically. According to the 1948 Nairobi Master Plan for a Colonial Capital, the British were the smallest population – the city <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338786812_Toponymy_Pioneership_and_the_Politics_of_Ethnic_Hierarchies_in_the_Spatial_Organization_of_British_Colonial_Nairobi#pf8">had</a> 642,000 Africans compared to 10,400 Europeans in 1944 for instance – but they held the political and economic power, and they applied it vigorously in shaping the identity of the city.</p>
<p>This was reflected in the naming of streets and places and spatial organisation of the newly founded city with little consideration to its pre-colonial status. Streets, buildings and other spaces such as parks were predominantly named after the British monarchy, colonial administrators, settler farmers and businessmen, as well as prominent Asian personalities.</p>
<p>The spatial organisation resulted in segregation, as observed in the use of terms such as European Bazaar, Subordinates’ Quarters, Coolie Landhies (a term used pejoratively) and the Indian Bazaar. These terms were initially used to conceptualise space divisions. But they gradually became proper nouns that represented actual place names. </p>
<p>The goal of this <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338786812_Toponymy_Pioneership_and_the_Politics_of_Ethnic_Hierarchies_in_the_Spatial_Organization_of_British_Colonial_Nairobi">research</a>, co-authored with <a href="https://www.unige.ch/sciences-societe/geo/membres/enseignants/girautfrederic/">Frederic Giraut</a>, a professor at the University of Geneva, was to analyse the different ways in which the British colonial government deliberately built and imprinted their different urban symbols, including monuments and names, on the landscape of Nairobi. </p>
<p>Our study concluded that the naming of streets, places and landmarks was used to show the political, ideological and ethnic dominance of the British. Street names, in particular, were an important part of the urban nomenclature and place identification system. They were also symbols of the social and political organisation of the city.</p>
<p>I have chosen four examples to illustrate how this played out in reality.</p>
<h2>1. Street numbering of railway depot and campsite</h2>
<p>The railway line between Kenya’s Mombasa port and Uganda was built by migrant Indian labourers, known then as coolies. In mid-1899 it reached Nairobi, at this time a swampy area used by the Maasai to graze their cattle. It was identified as a favourable site for a temporary railway depot. However, it soon became a permanent settlement, with the construction of the railway station and residential quarters for railway officers, subordinate workers and Indian labourers (who resided in Coolie Landhies). There was a definite separation of residential quarters based on rank, service and race. </p>
<p>In the 1899 Uganda Railway Plan for Staff Quarters obtained from the Nairobi Railway Museum, the only roads in with actual names were Station and Workshop roads. The others were either numbered streets or avenues. The street numbering pointed to the functionality of the railway campsite. </p>
<h2>2. A claim to city pioneership</h2>
<p>Those recognised as the “true pioneers” in colonial Nairobi were British administrators, settler farmers and businessmen, as well as railway personnel. The top colonial administrator in Kenya was known as a commissioner which was later replaced by the title governor. The first British administrator was Arthur Henry Hardinge, between 1895 and 1900. Thirty governors or acting governors followed until independence in 1963. Streets and parks were named after these and other British administrators, settlers and officials. Prominent settlers include Lord Delamere and Karen Blixen.</p>
<p>Sir Phillip Mitchell was the governor at the height of Kenya’s anti-colonial resistance. His term ended in 1952, the year a state of emergency was declared in Kenya. Mitchell Park along Ngong Road was named in his honour during the colonial period. It has since been renamed to Jamhuri Park. Streets named after other “pioneers” included Sadler (now Koinange Street), Elliot (now Wabera Street) and Hardinge (now Kimathi Street).</p>
<p>Africans were relegated to mere manual labour and temporary residence in the city. The pioneers among them were not honoured. People such as Eliud Mathu (the first African member of the Legislative Council), Argwings Kodhek (Kenya’s first African lawyer), Harry Thuku (a prominent political activist) and Tom Mboya (who lobbied for African workers’ rights), among others, were only honoured through street and place names after independence. </p>
<h2>3. Street names to honour the British political order</h2>
<p>Visits to the Kenya colony by members of the British royal family were much-anticipated events. The first such visit was by the Duke of Connaught and his family. Later, a street was named Connaught Road in their honour. This led to renaming of many streets after royals, for example Princess Elizabeth Way, Victoria Street, Kingsway and Queensway in Nairobi. As shown in the 1960 topocadastral map of Nairobi, colonial street names dominated and were complemented by colonial statues and monuments, such as the statue of King George and Queen Victoria. </p>
<p>Laragh Larsen, a geographer, <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0305748811000727">highlights</a> the linkage between royal power, political and economic power in the “re-placing” of urban symbols. She gives the example of the unveiling of British monarch Queen Victoria’s monument. This event was held in Jeevanjee Park, which was named as such after prominent Indian businessman Alibhai Mulla Jeevanjee. It was Jevanjee who donated the monument in allegiance to the British colonial government and the monarchy. </p>
<h2>4. Place names to recreate a ‘British home’</h2>
<p>A major impetus of the colonial officials for naming places in Nairobi was to create a home away from home. This is evidenced by the naming of streets after towns, villages and regions in the UK. Some of those names have endured on the urban landscape of Nairobi: Hurlingham, Lavington, Riverside, Spring Valley, Westlands, Parklands and Highridge, among others. It is clear that the recreation of a British spatial idyll was for the comfort of the colonial officials who appeared to not feel at home with local or indigenous place names, or just used their power to name places which they considered “unnamed”. </p>
<h2>Conclusion</h2>
<p>If there’s anything Kenya could learn, it is that a naming landscape should showcase unity in diversity. Streets should honour not just the political elite, but other personalities and events that make up society.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/206622/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>
The naming of streets, places and landmarks in colonial Nairobi was used to show the political, ideological and ethnic dominance of the British.
Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita, Lecturer, Technical University of Kenya
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/189804
2022-09-23T10:11:40Z
2022-09-23T10:11:40Z
Uhuru Kenyatta failed to turn Kenya into as big an international player as he could – here’s why
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/482493/original/file-20220902-3755-hm5l3f.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">President Uhuru Kenyatta signs a treaty integrating DRC into the East African Community in June 2022. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Tony Karumba/AFP via Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>One of the notable achievements of Uhuru Kenyatta’s nine-year tenure as president was that he invigorated Kenya’s foreign policy. </p>
<p>A year after his 2013 inauguration, his government launched a <a href="https://www.kenyaembassy.org.tr/uploads/Kenya_Foreign_Policy.pdf">document</a> that outlined Kenya’s diplomatic engagements and foreign relations. It was the country’s first written foreign policy since independence.</p>
<p>Its themes can be distilled into four objectives and practices: regional and continental cooperation; promoting Kenya’s economic interests; revival of pan-Africanism; and an aggressive approach to foreign policy, including a plethora of high-level visits. </p>
<p>It was indeed a dynamic performance. </p>
<p>Nevertheless, in my view, based on the country’s mixed outcomes and foreign policy losses, it’s evident that the Kenyatta government’s foreign policy was not focused, consistent or effectively coordinated. Consequently, it failed to create a regional balance of power favourable to Kenya’s interests. </p>
<p>And while the country became more visible globally and actively engaged in international matters, the returns from this visibility have been dismal – save for an <a href="https://theconversation.com/uhuru-kenyattas-economic-legacy-big-on-promises-but-weak-on-delivery-188698">increased debt burden</a>. </p>
<h2>Regional and continental cooperation</h2>
<p>In the 2014 <a href="https://www.kenyaembassy.org.tr/uploads/Kenya_Foreign_Policy.pdf">Kenya Foreign Policy</a> document, Kenyatta affirmed that Kenya would seek to promote sub-regional and regional integration. </p>
<p>In his <a href="https://www.scribd.com/document/134839269/H-E-President-Uhuru-Kenyatta-Inaugural-Address">inauguration speech</a> in 2013, he said his government would strengthen regional ties through the free movement of people, goods and investment. He underscored the importance of deepening relations with the <a href="https://www.eac.int/">East African Community</a> and Africa as a whole to: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>deliver on the promise of independence and liberation from our colonial past.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>However, critics faulted Kenyatta for using a pan-African approach to overcome the initial global isolation and non-receptiveness Kenya faced from traditional allies like Britain and the US. This chilly reception from the UK and US followed Kenyatta’s election as president despite his facing <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/kenya/kenyatta">an International Criminal Court (ICC) case</a>. </p>
<p>As a result, the president’s policy on global politics retracted to operating through the continental body, the African Union. </p>
<p>Kenya became an active contributor to the union’s programmes. In 2014, the country gave <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/counties/article/2000103662/kenya-pledges-sh130m-to-africas-heritage-preservation">US$1.1 million</a> to support the <a href="https://awhf.net/">African World Heritage Fund</a>. </p>
<p>In 2015, Kenyatta was elected the chairperson of the <a href="https://au.int/en/organs/aprm">African Peer Review Mechanism</a>. This is a voluntary assessment and monitoring system that evaluates and advises African Union member states on their progress in achieving good governance. </p>
<p>Moreover, Kenya was among the countries that contributed troops to the <a href="https://amisom-au.org/kenya-kdf/">African Union Mission in Somalia</a>.</p>
<p>Despite all this activity, Kenyatta failed to effectively exert influence and drive regional integration to Kenya’s advantage.</p>
<h2>Pan-Africanism</h2>
<p>A notable element in Kenya’s foreign policy under Kenyatta was the renaissance of pan-Africanism. In his first address to the African Union Summit in 2013, he <a href="https://www.kenyaembassyaddis.org/wp-content/uploads/speeches/presidential/INAUGURAL_STATEMENT_BY_HIS_EXCELLENCY_HON_UHURU_KENYATTA_PRESIDENT_OF_THE_REPUBLIC_OF_KENYA.pdf">said</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Pan-Africanism has sparked a Kenyan renaissance.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The president said he had received tutelage on pan-Africanism from his father, Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya’s first president. </p>
<p>Arguably, this pan-African reinvigoration into Kenya’s foreign policy was motivated by the existential threats of global sanctions that the regime faced. Yet, Kenyatta’s election against the backdrop of the cases at The Hague turned Kenya into an icon of resistance following what was perceived as the unfair targeting of Africa by the ICC.</p>
<p>During Kenyatta’s inauguration, Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/apr/09/controversy-kenya-uhuru-kenyatta-uganda">praised Kenyans</a> for rejecting western neo-colonialism. This was in reference to calls by diplomats that Kenyans should not elect people with cases to answer at the ICC. </p>
<p>The African Union convened an extraordinary summit that <a href="https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/kenya-leads-push-for-immunity-for-leaders-at-world-court-1399762">declared support</a> for Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto, who was also facing charges at The Hague. </p>
<h2>Economic interests</h2>
<p>Kenyatta’s foreign policy of economic prosperity was pursued and achieved via a triple approach. </p>
<p>First was through encouraging trade ties with traditional allies like the UK, US and some countries in western Europe. Second was through a diversification of economic relations to include new markets in the form of a “look east” policy. </p>
<p>Third was through emphasising intra-African trade. Kenya signed trade agreements with states not considered traditional allies, such as Nigeria and Ghana. Additionally, the country quickly signed the <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20180321/au-member-countries-create-history-massively-signing-afcfta-agreement-kigali">African Continental Free Trade Area agreement</a> in March 2018. </p>
<p>But questions have arisen on whether Kenya has the <a href="https://theconversation.com/uhuru-kenyattas-economic-legacy-big-on-promises-but-weak-on-delivery-188698">financial capacity</a> to meet present and future economic obligations. </p>
<h2>Assertive foreign policy</h2>
<p>Kenya hosted a wide range of high-level international meetings. Subjects ranged from climate change to trade. Kenyatta also received high-level delegations <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-moi-put-foreign-policy-at-the-centre-of-his-presidency-134048">reminiscent of former president Daniel Moi’s era</a>. His guests included the pope and leaders of India, Israel, US, UK, China and Japan. </p>
<p>From Africa, Kenyatta hosted leaders from Ghana, Ethiopia, Somalia, Uganda and Rwanda, among many others. </p>
<p>By July 2022, a month to the election that would end his term in office, Kenyatta had made <a href="https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/how-uhuru-kenyatta-won-over-world-leaders-charm-offensive-3866492">158 official foreign trips</a>. In contrast, his predecessor Mwai Kibaki made just 33 foreign trips over 10 years of leadership. </p>
<p>The country’s foreign policy during Kenyatta’s second term, which began in 2017, is what I would describe as aggressive or assertive. The country took advantage of any international opportunity that arose to make its mark. </p>
<p>In February 2022, Kenya addressed a UN Security Council meeting on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Its envoy to the UN, Martin Kimani, <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/national/article/2001438419/amb-martin-kimanis-full-speech-on-russia-ukraine-tension">came out strongly</a> in defence of Ukraine. He stated that the <a href="https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter">Charter of the United Nations</a> was fading due to “the relentless assault of the powerful”. Kimani compared Ukraine’s plight to Africa’s colonial legacy. </p>
<p>Kenya’s aggressive foreign policy direction earned Kenya a <a href="https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/kenya-wins-un-security-council-seat-1443488">seat at the UN Security Council</a> as a non-permanent member. </p>
<p>But this aggressive foreign policy also portrayed Kenya as a nation that “wants everything”. This earned it some opposition regionally. For instance, states like Uganda, Burundi, Djibouti and Tanzania <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001227877/details-of-how-amina-mohamed-lost-african-union-commission-election">didn’t vote for Kenya</a> in its bid to chair the African Union Commission.</p>
<p>Kenyatta should have streamlined his priorities and made his foreign objectives sharper so as not to appear to be a “Jack of all trades” in foreign affairs. Many foreign interests were projected with little coordination; few were accomplished. </p>
<p>In some cases, the country’s goodwill was squandered in the pursuit of self-interest. </p>
<h2>What next?</h2>
<p>The post-Kenyatta government needs to fast-track the realisation of East African Community objectives. It needs to support South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo’s active participation in regional integration. The new Ruto regime should also maintain a non-disruptive relationship with Rwanda and Tanzania. </p>
<p>In the Horn of Africa, Kenya needs to diplomatically endeavour to reduce Ethiopia’s growing influence in the leadership of the <a href="https://igad.int/">Intergovernmental Authority on Development</a>. </p>
<p>Under Kenyatta, Kenya’s foreign policy practice within the African Union was more “lone ranger”. The Ruto regime will need to forge closer ties with regional powers like Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa to make it easier for Kenya to push through its agenda at the African Union. </p>
<p>It will also need to renegotiate its foreign debts and re-examine <a href="https://www.businessdailyafrica.com/bd/economy/kenya-s-debt-repayments-to-china-shoot-to-sh73-5-billion-3821246">Kenya-China agreements</a> to re-organise debt repayments.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/189804/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Wilfred Nasong'o Muliro received funding from the African Leadership Centre, London and the Social Science Research Council (SSRC). He is affiliated with the International Relations Society of Kenya (IRSK). He teaches International Relations and Diplomacy at the Technical University of Kenya</span></em></p>
Kenya’s new president needs to forge closer ties with regional heavyweights to create a balance of power that favours his country.
Wilfred Nasong'o Muliro, Lecturer International Relations and Security, Technical University of Kenya
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/167662
2021-09-12T08:19:06Z
2021-09-12T08:19:06Z
Pasha 124: How Nairobi’s informal settlements got their names
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/420274/original/file-20210909-27-tsua8v.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"></span> </figcaption></figure><p>Nairobi, Kenya’s capital city, started as a railway depot in 1899 and developed into a colonial administration centre, then into a commercial and regional hub. Informal settlements in the city grew in parallel, arising from colonial policies that excluded local people from permanent residence, and driven by demand for housing. </p>
<p>The names of these informal settlements – and the names of places within them – capture their history and act as a voice for their residents. Place names tell us about politics, culture and the challenges of people who live there. </p>
<p>In today’s episode of Pasha, The Conversation Weekly’s Gemma Ware chats to Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita, a lecturer at the Technical University of Kenya, about Nairobi’s informal settlements and how they got their names.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-fascinating-history-of-how-residents-named-their-informal-settlements-in-nairobi-159080">The fascinating history of how residents named their informal settlements in Nairobi</a>
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<p><strong>Photo:</strong><br>
“Kosovo, the name of an area in an informal settlement.”
By Mélissa Wanjiru.</p>
<p><strong>Music:</strong>
“Happy African Village” by John Bartmann, found on <a href="http://freemusicarchive.org/music/John_Bartmann/Public_Domain_Soundtrack_Music_Album_One/happy-african-village">FreeMusicArchive.org</a> licensed under <a href="https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/">CC0 1</a>.</p>
<p>“Back To My Roots” by John Bartmann, found on <a href="https://freesound.org/people/frankum/sounds/393520/">Freesound</a> licensed under <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0">Attribution 4.0 International License.</a></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/167662/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
The place names of Nairobi’s informal settlements offer a glimpse into the realities of people who live there.
Ozayr Patel, Digital Editor
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/165214
2021-07-29T11:02:26Z
2021-07-29T11:02:26Z
The four-day work week – has its moment arrived? Podcast
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/413560/original/file-20210728-17-1sajmsp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=132%2C108%2C4898%2C3312&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Time for the three-day weekend.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/excited-happy-employee-looking-wristwatch-satisfied-1104907331">fizkes/Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Over the last few years, companies and governments in a number of countries have begun to experiment with the idea of a four-day work week – and some of the results are in. In this episode of <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/the-conversation-weekly-98901">The Conversation Weekly</a> podcast, we talk to experts about these recent trials, explore how they fit into the long history of ever-shrinking work hours, and wonder what this all might mean for the future of work. </p>
<p>Then, we look at the history and politics of how informal settlements in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, got their names.</p>
<iframe src="https://embed.acast.com/60087127b9687759d637bade/61012e1bf9b8c00019de5dc2" frameborder="0" width="100%" height="190px"></iframe>
<p><iframe id="tc-infographic-561" class="tc-infographic" height="100" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/infographics/561/4fbbd099d631750693d02bac632430b71b37cd5f/site/index.html" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<p>It’s an alluring idea. Working four days a week instead of five, without a cut in pay. And it’s a concept that’s been gaining traction in recent years, with a number of companies around the world experimenting by moving employees <a href="https://theconversation.com/working-four-day-weeks-for-five-days-pay-research-shows-it-pays-off-100375">onto a four-day week</a>. </p>
<p>In June, when a report was published about a public sector trial in Iceland, headlines <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-57724779">heralded</a> <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/four-day-week-pilot-iceland-b1877171.html">the success</a> of the four-day week. But it wasn’t quite that simple, according to Anthony Veal, adjunct professor at the University of Technology Sydney Business School in Australia. “What it was not was a trial of a four-day week,” he tell us, explaining that there was actually a more limited reduction in working hours. Still, despite the misleading headlines, Veal says the trial was “highly successful in its own terms”, especially when put into context of the history of how the five-day week became standard in the 20th century.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-success-of-icelands-four-day-week-trial-has-been-greatly-overstated-164083">The success of Iceland's 'four-day week' trial has been greatly overstated</a>
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<p>Elsewhere, in March, the Spanish government <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/mar/15/spain-to-launch-trial-of-four-day-working-week">gave the green light</a> to a trial of a four-day week proposed by a small left-wing political party called Más País. José-Ignacio Antón, associate professor at the Department of Applied Economics at the University of Salamanca in Spain, <a href="https://theconversation.com/estamos-listos-para-trabajar-solo-de-lunes-a-jueves-163869">explains what’s known so far</a> about the proposed trial and why he’ll be watching the results closely. “I would have a look first at what happens with productivity,” he tells us, but adds that it may also have an impact on work-life balance and sick leave, and that such wider societal benefits should be taken into account too. </p>
<p>For Jana Javornik, associate professor of work and employment relations at the University of Leeds in the UK, some big questions need answering before a wholesale reduction of hours works for everyone. “I think the whole conversation around a four-day week has been ignoring gender,” says Javornik, who spent the past few years on secondment as Slovenia’s general director of higher education, a role which recently ended. Javornik tells us about a survey she did in Sweden with working mothers, which led her to believe that conversations about workload, organising work and a non-stop work culture must accompany any reduction in working hours.</p>
<p>In our second story, we head to Nairobi, in Kenya, where <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-57597499">anger met a recent decision</a> to rename a road in Nairobi after Francis Atwoli, a trade union leader. Many saw the renaming as overtly political. The road sign was vandalised and had to be replaced. But it’s not just the street names in Nairobi that come with their own politics. The names of the city’s informal settlements are themselves born out of a history of colonisation and struggle, as historian Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita from the Technical University of Kenya explains. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-fascinating-history-of-how-residents-named-their-informal-settlements-in-nairobi-159080">The fascinating history of how residents named their informal settlements in Nairobi</a>
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</em>
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<p>And Catesby Holmes, international editor at The Conversation in New York, recommends two recent stories about immigration in the US. </p>
<p>This episode of The Conversation Weekly was produced by Mend Mariwany and Gemma Ware, with sound design by Eloise Stevens. Our theme music is by Neeta Sarl. You can find us on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/TC_Audio">@TC_Audio</a>, on Instagram at <a href="https://www.instagram.com/theconversationdotcom/?hl=en">theconversationdotcom</a> or via email on podcast@theconversation.com. You can also sign up to <a href="https://theconversation.com/newsletter?utm_campaign=PodcastTCWeekly&utm_content=newsletter&utm_source=podcast">The Conversation’s free daily email here</a>.</p>
<p>News clips in this episode are from <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=608pvpJRTuA">KHOU11</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KbxXrv4Fis4">Perpetual Guardian</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WBLxCPTPF0s">CGTN Europe</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jZwODJv5l1s">CNN</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZBGmta0hBAc">RTVE Noticias</a> and <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xhotFz6TBUU">Kenya Citizen TV.</a> </p>
<p><em>You can listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our <a href="https://feeds.acast.com/public/shows/60087127b9687759d637bade">RSS feed</a>, or find out how else to <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-listen-to-the-conversations-podcasts-154131">listen here</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/165214/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
Plus, the history of how Nairobi’s informal settlements got their names. Listen to The Conversation Weekly podcast.
Gemma Ware, Head of Audio
Daniel Merino, Associate Breaking News Editor and Co-Host of The Conversation Weekly Podcast
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/159080
2021-05-09T08:25:52Z
2021-05-09T08:25:52Z
The fascinating history of how residents named their informal settlements in Nairobi
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/396752/original/file-20210423-23-c87cvj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A child walks along a road in Mathare informal settlement.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Alissa Everett/Getty Images</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>In Kenya’s capital city, Nairobi, it is estimated that over <a href="https://tuengr.com/V02/197-213.pdf">70%</a> of the population live in informal settlements. Many of these have a history rooted in colonial policies whereby the “African native” was a temporary resident of the city. Africans could only live in the city as <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/sunday-magazine/article/2000084459/the-kipandes-dark-past">registered labourers</a>.</p>
<p>As these informal settlements grew over the years, their names – and the names of places within them – have grown to encapsulate their history. </p>
<p>Africans were <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02665433.2019.1602785">forced to live</a> in dormitory-like working quarters. In spite of these restrictions some still found their way from their rural homes into the city. However, with their illegitimate status, they could only construct shanties (crudely built shacks) on unused land.</p>
<p>These shanty towns were, from time to time, destroyed and the occupants forced back to their rural homes. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/kenyans-are-still-oppressed-by-archaic-colonial-laws-73880#:%7E:text=The%201925%20Vagrancy%20(Amendment)%20Ordinance,which%20was%20repealed%20in%201997.">1922 Vagrancy Act</a> made this possible with provisions to segregate, evict, arrest, expel and limit the movement of the “African workers”.</p>
<p>When Kenya gained independence in 1963, native Africans were given the right to live anywhere in the country, this included the urban areas which were previously heavily restricted. As a result, many people moved to the city to look for employment opportunities. Between 1963 and 1979, the population of Nairobi <a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-projects/Global_Report/pdfs/Nairobi.pdf">grew from</a> 342,000 to 827,000 people. </p>
<p>Nairobi was ill-prepared to handle such a massive influx. From newspaper archives, I saw how a lack of housing led to the expansion of informal settlements and efforts to curb them through demolitions – which did not succeed. Another <a href="https://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2012/06/kenyas-kibera-slum.html">strategy</a> to curb their growth was by denying them basic infrastructure such as water, sewerage and electricity connection. Despite this, the population in these areas grew exponentially.</p>
<p>And then came the names – what would these settlements, inhabited by most, if not all, of Kenya’s over 40 ethnic communities – be called? After all, unlike other “planned” residential areas, the residents themselves have the prerogative of naming their neighbourhoods instead of the local government or private developers.</p>
<p>I carried out <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/315599005_Slum_Toponymy_in_Nairobi_Kenya_A_Case_Study_Analysis_of_Kibera_Mathare_and_Mukuru_b">a study</a> which investigated the naming process of three of Nairobi’s largest ghettos; Kibera, Mathare and Mukuru. I also looked at the names of the settlement’s “villages”, roads and pathways, shops, kiosks and other establishments. I did this using Kenyan and British archives, newspaper records and focus group discussions with long-term residents.</p>
<p>What I found was a testament to historical injustices – such as land grabbing, forceful evictions and arson – and urban inequalities, such as the lack of provision of basic infrastructure. The names gave a voice to residents, representing the issues that they struggle with every day. </p>
<h2>What’s in a name?</h2>
<p><strong>Kibera</strong></p>
<p>Kibera is located about 6km from Nairobi’s city centre. It covers an area of 2.5km² and has a disputed population size <a href="https://journals.openedition.org/eastafrica/521?lang=en">ranging from</a> 200,000 to 1 million people. This wide disparity is <a href="https://www.chaffinch.org.uk/kibera-slum/">because</a> of the high number of unregistered people that live there and because many people constantly move in and out. Official statistics can’t capture this. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/399416/original/file-20210507-13-1h5kuc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/399416/original/file-20210507-13-1h5kuc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399416/original/file-20210507-13-1h5kuc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399416/original/file-20210507-13-1h5kuc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399416/original/file-20210507-13-1h5kuc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399416/original/file-20210507-13-1h5kuc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399416/original/file-20210507-13-1h5kuc6.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mélissa Wanjiru</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Kibera’s history is intricately tied to the Nubian community, originally from Sudan, who were brought into Kenya <a href="https://www.justiceinitiative.org/litigation/nubian-community-kenya-v-kenya">by the</a> British colonial government to serve in the East African Rifles, a regiment of the British colonial armed forces. They settled in what is Kibera today in the <a href="https://scholarlypublications.universiteitleiden.nl/access/item%3A2936754/view">early 1900’s</a>. </p>
<p>The settlement’s name was initially “Kibra” in the Nubian tongue, meaning forest or jungle. After Kenya’s independence in 1963, other African communities settled there. They mispronounced the word and it became “Kibera”. </p>
<p>Kibera is currently divided into 13 villages. Many of the village names reflect the settlements’ military history. For instance, “Laini Saba”, originally known as “Lain Shabaan”, refers to a rifle range area. <a href="https://scholarlypublications.universiteitleiden.nl/access/item%3A2936754/view">Kibera was also organised</a> into “camps”, as happens in military barracks. For instance, the area “Kambi KAR” is named after the Kings African Rifles (KAR) and “Kambi”, the Swahili word for “camp”.</p>
<p>Since the settlements’ inception, Kibera residents have had a tense relationship with government authorities, who sought to <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229771364_Forced_Evictions_in_Kenyan_Cities">evict them</a>. Certain names are a nod to this struggle. For instance, “Soweto East” and “Soweto West” are named after the South African township to pay homage to the <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/june-16-soweto-youth-uprising">1976 student uprisings</a> against the authorities.</p>
<p><strong>Mathare</strong></p>
<p>Mathare is approximately 6km north-east of Nairobi’s central business district. The name “Mathare” comes from the Kikuyu (the largest ethnic group in Kenya) word for <a href="http://healthycities.berkeley.edu/uploads/1/2/6/1/12619988/matharevalley_report_ucb_2_25_2012_final.pdf">Dracena trees</a>. </p>
<p>The settlement has a long history. The first residents arrived in the 1920’s. It was <a href="http://healthycities.berkeley.edu/uploads/1/2/6/1/12619988/matharevalley_report_ucb_2_25_2012_final.pdf">known as</a> a historical centre for opposition to the colonial government with residents participating in the Mau Mau anti-colonial movement. This made it a constant <a href="https://medium.com/@IanEdgarAplin/state-of-emergency-in-kenya-1952-1960-421ed3c0a87d">target</a> of demolition and arson attacks during the emergency period from 1952 to 1960. The main road cutting through the settlement <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Mathare-Valley-uncontrolled-settlement-Nairobi/dp/B0006CSWFM">was named</a> “Mau Mau Road”.</p>
<p>Residents of Mathare have long-struggled with evictions. This was largely because some people in power – from members of parliament to Chiefs – grabbed land. For instance, in 1999, some residents were evicted to make way <a href="http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/bitstream/handle/11295/105303/WANJOHI%20HELLEN%20NJOKI.pdf?sequence=1">for a mosque</a> and were to be resettled, but instead people from outside the settlement were brought in to live there. This caused a major conflict and the area was named “Kosovo”, after the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Kosovo-conflict">Kosovo War</a> which was happening around the same time. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/399418/original/file-20210507-23-f79e1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/399418/original/file-20210507-23-f79e1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399418/original/file-20210507-23-f79e1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399418/original/file-20210507-23-f79e1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399418/original/file-20210507-23-f79e1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399418/original/file-20210507-23-f79e1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/399418/original/file-20210507-23-f79e1o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=565&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mélissa Wanjiru</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Mathare also has many smaller neighbourhoods named after countries for the activities known in the area. For example, an area known as “Nigeria” because of its illegal businesses – such as drug peddling – reportedly done by some West Africans there. There’s also “Kampala” because of the high number of immigrants living there from Uganda. </p>
<p><strong>Mukuru</strong></p>
<p>Mukuru is an extensive settlement located East of Nairobi’s city centre. It borders the industrial area and many residents work as casual labourers in the industries. At 2.7km², Mukuru is the largest (in terms of area) of the three settlements. With an <a href="https://www.muungano.net/about-the-mukuru-spa">estimated</a> population of 300,000 it comes second after Kibera. It is also the newest settlement, having been developed in the 1980s. </p>
<p>Mukuru is a particularly hazardous settlement to live in. It has an oil pipeline, high voltage electricity transmission lines and the highly polluted Nairobi River running through it. The settlement has 21 villages, or neighbourhoods. </p>
<p>The origins of the names of Mukuru’s villages are diverse. One is named Sinai after a mountain in Israel because it’s on relatively high ground. Another is called “Moto Moto” (meaning fire or hot in Kiswahili), because of the settlement’s fire hazards. In fact, one of the worst fire tragedies in Kenya in the recent past was the 2011 Sinai fire caused by a fuel spillage. It <a href="https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/www.humanitarianresponse.info/files/documents/files/Mukuru%20Sinai%20Presentation%20for%20the%20AGEE%20conference%20Geneva.pdf">led to</a> the death of 120 people and 100 more were injured. </p>
<p>Other village names include Jamaica, Kingstone, Kosovo, Diamond and Mombasa. These names make reference to the lifestyle of residents as well as the living conditions. Jamaica and Kingstone point to the Rastafarian lifestyle adopted by some young people, Kosovo (like in Mathare) points to the conflicts with the local authorities and Mombasa which seems to carry two meanings - one is of an area that floods showing the fragile ecological condition of the village, and the other one connotes a place where people like to enjoy themselves just like ‘Mombasa Raha’ especially while drinking cheap liqour. </p>
<h2>A glimpse</h2>
<p>My work shows the incredible array of names within Nairobi’s informal settlements, and offers a glimpse into the lived realities of people that inhabit them. </p>
<p>The names reflect the challenges faced by the residents and, as such, slum upgrading proponents should make an effort to understand the names within informal settlements as a step in problem identification. Understanding these bottom-up naming processes gives a more nuanced and intimate understanding of our poor urban communities.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/159080/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>
Residents of Nairobi’s informal settlements use names as a way of voicing the issues that they struggle with every day.
Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita, Lecturer, Technical University of Kenya
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/141378
2020-06-30T14:08:53Z
2020-06-30T14:08:53Z
Nairobi’s street names reveal what those in power want to remember, or forget
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/344284/original/file-20200626-104522-13rjrhp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">City traffic on Kenyatta Avenue in Nairobi, Kenya. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Vlad Karavaev/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The recent global events of civil and political unrest that started in the US have brought to the fore the complex dynamics of urban memorialisation. The protests have, in some places, led to renewed scrutiny of certain urban symbols such as commemorative statues – what they represent and how they are perceived and interpreted. </p>
<p>Unlike monuments and statues, place names (toponyms) are intangible, and less imposing, but nevertheless, an indispensable part of the urban symbolic landscape. Their inscription, erasure and re-inscription is highly political. </p>
<p>In <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08873631.2016.1203518?journalCode=rjcg20">a study</a> of toponymy in Nairobi, Kenya, my colleague and I
analysed how streets got their names. It’s important to examine this as street naming and renaming allows us to remember and forget events and people in history. It also articulates what values exist in pursuit of political or national interests. </p>
<p>We explain how street names are imbued with symbolic references of power structures within a society. During the period of British rule (1895–1963), toponymy was used as an exercise of power – it reflected British control. Soon after Kenya gained independence, streets were renamed as a way to renounce the colonial regime and its ideology. </p>
<p>But today, Kenyans are starting to question the naming of important public spaces after a few individuals, their families and political affiliates – the ‘political dynasties’.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1228276581501718528"}"></div></p>
<p>In 1964, after Kenya had gained independence, a street naming subcommittee was formed under the town planning committee of Nairobi’s city council. This subcommittee came up with names or received suggestions from the public. There was then a vetting process and proposals were eventually sent to the Minister of Local Government for approval. Since then, different laws have been established to guide the naming and numbering of streets and properties, but the process has remained very much the same.</p>
<p>Looking forward, the government should consider honouring other people who have contributed to the growth of Kenya as a country – for instance its athletes, academicians and artistes. </p>
<p>It would also be important to point out how gender exclusive the street names are. For a long time, there was only one street named after a woman – Mama Ngina Street, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta’s wife. And later, after much lobbying, a street was named after Wangari Maathai, the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize winner. And in 2017, after the death of the firstborn daughter of Jomo Kenyatta, Margaret Wambui Kenyatta, Mugumo Road in Lavington was <a href="https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=670656283121722&id=498729946981024">quietly renamed</a> after her.</p>
<p>How streets are named, or renamed, serves as an important indicator of the values of a society – and what those in power might want to remember, or forget. </p>
<h2>A colonial city</h2>
<p>The vital role of street toponymy in Nairobi emerged at the inception of the city, at the beginning of the 20th Century. </p>
<p>Street names were used by the British colonisers to remove the indigenous identity of the previously marshy plain, known as Enkare Nyirobi (a place of cool waters), to create a new idyllic British city. Names such as Victoria Street, Coronation Avenue, Kingsway, Queensway and Elizabeth Way marked the modernising city to celebrate the British monarchy. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/343759/original/file-20200624-132972-5hmezt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/343759/original/file-20200624-132972-5hmezt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/343759/original/file-20200624-132972-5hmezt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/343759/original/file-20200624-132972-5hmezt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=473&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/343759/original/file-20200624-132972-5hmezt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=595&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/343759/original/file-20200624-132972-5hmezt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=595&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/343759/original/file-20200624-132972-5hmezt.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=595&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Delamere Avenue in the 1940s. After Kenyan independence, it was renamed Kenyatta Avenue, after president Jomo Kenyatta.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Photo by © Hulton-Deutsch Collection/CORBIS/Corbis via Getty Images</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In addition, names such as Whitehouse Road and Preston Road were named after railway officials. George Whitehouse, for instance, was the chief engineer of the Kenya-Uganda Railway. This is because Nairobi started as a railway depot.</p>
<p>Other streets were named after administrative and political leaders of the time such as Hardinge, Elliot, and Sadler, all of whom were commissioners of the British East Africa Protectorate. </p>
<p>Leading settler farmers and business people also had their names imprinted on the landscape. They included: Grogan Road after Sir Ewart Grogan – a pioneer businessman, and Delamere Avenue, after Lord Delamere – a pioneer settler farmer. </p>
<p>Apart from the British and European street names, there were a few Indian names such as Bazaar Street and Jevanjee Street. This is because of the large Indian community in Kenya, many of whom originally came to Kenya as railway workers. “Bazaar” refers to a business area or market, while Jevanjee was a prominent Indian businessman in early Nairobi who owned the first newspaper company – The East African Standard. </p>
<p>What was starkly missing were African street names during that period. This was a clear indication of the political and social dynamics of the time that put the European first, the Indian second and the African third.</p>
<h2>Decolonising and Africanising</h2>
<p>There was a shift at Kenya’s independence, in 1963. The city’s streets were redefined as symbols of nationalism and pan-Africanism. The process was not devoid of challenges. There were inconsistencies – for instance in terms of ethnic representation – owing to the diverse interests that needed to be accommodated. It was an enormous task for the new government.</p>
<p>Generally, under the new government, street names acted as sites for the restitution of justice (for those that suffered under British rule) and symbols of memory, ethnic diversity and unity.</p>
<p>The renaming of the streets happened in waves. The first was in 1964, with Delamere Avenue (which cuts the central business district into two) being changed to Kenyatta Avenue, after the first president of Kenya – Jomo Kenyatta. Hardinge Street was changed to Kimathi Avenue after the leader of the Mau Mau Movement – Dedan Kimathi. </p>
<p>The streets were often renamed after the political elite, a good number of whom came from the Kikuyu community, such as Kenyatta Avenue, Koinange Street, James Gichuru and Harry Thuku Road. </p>
<p>There’s a lot of political consideration that goes into street renaming too. For instance, in 1969, a street was named after Tom Mboya, a popular Minister who was assassinated that same year. Some called for Government Road (along which he was assassinated) to be named after him, others proposed St. Austin’s Road, along which he lived. Both options were rejected by the government, Government Road being too central and St. Austin’s being too peripheral. Victoria Street was the compromise. Government Road was later renamed to Moi Avenue and St. Austin’s Road to James Gichuru Road.</p>
<p>In independent Kenya the purpose of the toponymic changes was twofold: to erase names of the colonisers who were deemed as imposters and to celebrate the new heroes: Kenya’s political leaders and freedom fighters. The latter, such as Dedan Kimathi being celebrated superficially by the new political bourgeoisie. </p>
<p>Additionally, in the spirit of pan-Africanism, other African leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Albert Luthuli and Julius Nyerere were celebrated through street names. Beyond the African continent, leaders who fought for black liberation and civil rights in America, such as Ralph Bunche and William Du Bois were also honoured.</p>
<h2>The future of street naming</h2>
<p>Nairobi’s street names are like a small history lesson. The County Government should consider putting up signs that tell people their former names, to show how the city has evolved over time.</p>
<p>More must also be done to ensure these spaces celebrate future heroes. There is a need to enforce the Kenya Information and Communications (Numbering) Regulations 2010 and the establishment of a National Addressing System as proposed by the Communications Authority of Kenya in 2016. In addition, a national body for dealing with place names, similar to the South African Geographical Names Council, should be instituted. </p>
<p>Finally, public participation should be an integral part of the street naming process, because people are the primary producers and users of names.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/141378/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>
In independent Kenya, road renaming happened to erase the names of the colonisers and to celebrate the new heroes: Kenya’s political leaders and freedom fighters.
Melissa Wanjiru-Mwita, Lecturer, Technical University of Kenya
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/110539
2019-02-07T13:36:32Z
2019-02-07T13:36:32Z
Want to be a woman in science? Here’s advice from those who’ve gone before
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/257217/original/file-20190205-86217-tr92l3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">More must be done to draw women into STEM careers.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Burlingham/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Each year on February 11, the United Nations marks the <a href="http://www.un.org/en/events/women-and-girls-in-science-day/">International Day of Women and Girls in Science</a>. It’s a chance to reflect on how the situation has improved for women working in the fields of science, technology, engineering and maths (STEM), and how much remains to be done. For instance, <a href="http://uis.unesco.org/en/topic/women-science">less than 30%</a> of the world’s researchers in these fields are women._</p>
<p>The Conversation Africa’s Natasha Joseph asked researchers working in fields as varied as physics, technology law, palaeontology and biomathematics to share their lessons and experiences as women in STEM – and what those who want to follow in their footsteps should expect.</p>
<hr>
<p><strong>Mercy Muendo, PhD Student in Climate Change Technology Law University of Nairobi, Lecturer in Information Technology and the Law, Daystar University School of Law</strong></p>
<p>My work is on the legal side of STEM, dealing with technology and the law. For women wanting to get involved in this field passion, innovation, creativity and knowledge are key. Technology is always changing, so you have to keep up to date with those shifts; constant learning is crucial. And, as with any lawyer – no matter your focus – you’ll need deep integrity, a sense of fairness and objectivity.</p>
<p><strong>Dr Ntombizikhona Beaulah Ndlovu, iThemba LABS Post-doctoral Researcher: Department of Subatomic Physics</strong></p>
<p>There’s this idea that clever people, who get the highest grades in school, are those who will go into STEM fields. But cleverness alone isn’t enough to succeed in science. Perseverance, mental strength and toughness as well as being book smart also matter. It can be exhausting to constantly have to try and prove that you are good enough. That’s probably particularly true for <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-personal-journey-sheds-light-on-why-there-are-so-few-black-women-in-science-91165">black women</a> in a country like South Africa, where many sciences are <a href="http://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/Report-03-10-12/Report-03-10-122001.pdf">dominated by white men</a>. </p>
<p>There’s also a perception that STEM academics earn really high salaries. Unfortunately, that’s not true. If you’re heading for a career as an academic scientist, make sure it’s something you really want to do and will enjoy: that’ll keep you motivated to wake up in the morning and look forward to your work, even though you’re not earning six figures.</p>
<p><strong>Professor Amanda Weltman, theoretical physicist, University of Cape Town</strong></p>
<p>My father’s words are helpful here: “Listen to everyone, believe no one.” Take the time to listen to the experience, wisdom and advice of others; read about how others approach science, healthy habits and life – but then work it out for yourself, taking only what you need. </p>
<p>Science can be like a family. This brings a positive sense of wellbeing and togetherness, support, wonderful company and advice, ideally working with people who have your best interests at heart and a common goal. It can also bring about some rivalry and competition, which can be good or harmful. Try to find for yourself good mentors and collaborators and spend your energy on collaborations that feel good. The people you interact with really do matter and they do not need to look or be like you to be good mentors and collaborators. </p>
<p>Surround yourself with excellence. This is especially important for women. Don’t underestimate yourself, aim high and be around people and colleagues who intellectually challenge you. </p>
<p>Since I started with my father’s wisdom, I will end with my mother’s: always stick to your principles, trust your own gut and instincts. If you cannot see a path ahead that you want to follow, make your own.</p>
<p><strong>Judith Koskey, PhD student in Environmental Studies at Egerton University and Mawazo Institute Fellow</strong></p>
<p>Pursuing a STEM degree is an opportunity to do stimulating and meaningful work. To rise as a young woman in this space, it’s crucial to build up your confidence and stand up for yourself. Find a support system which could be made up of peers or other women in the STEM space. Also, networking is key if you’re to get past the walls that stand between you and hiring managers who aren’t used to seeing women in such spaces.</p>
<p>It is also important not to shy away from owning how important your contributions are: that is essential to your personal brand and reputation as a scientist. It’s also nurturing.</p>
<p><strong>Amélie Beaudet, research fellow in palaeontology, University of the Witwatersrand</strong></p>
<p>There is a long-standing tradition of maintaining a purely subjective classification between “male-like” and “female-like” jobs. Unfortunately, science is one of the most prejudiced disciplines in this binary world. Women need to know that science is for everyone, and that not being a man shouldn’t be considered an obstacle to their ambitions and aspirations.</p>
<p>This is particularly critical and relevant given that women’s achievements in science are often discarded from history, a phenomenon known as the “<a href="http://www.openculture.com/2018/08/the-matilda-effect.html">Matilda effect</a>” that sees women scientists being effectively written out of history. </p>
<p>Palaeontology suffers from substantial conventional sex-related bias. Yet, women are part of the discipline’s history and have made major discoveries – from <a href="http://www.ucmp.berkeley.edu/history/anning.html">Mary Anning</a> and the Jurassic fossil beds in England to <a href="https://www.notablebiographies.com/Ki-Lo/Leakey-Mary.html">Mary Leakey</a> and sites in East Africa that held evidence of human ancestors. More people, especially women, should know these stories so they realise there’s plenty of space for them in the sciences.</p>
<p><strong>Melisa Achoko Allela, PhD student in animation and Interactive Systems at Technical University of Kenya and 2018 Mawazo Institute Scholar</strong></p>
<p>Women scientists embarking on their research journeys may not realise how many opportunities exist at the convergence of art and design, science, technology, engineering and mathematics. </p>
<p>Practical examples include enriching how we communicate scientific research outputs; how, aesthetically, can it be made more accessible and inclusive? </p>
<p>This kind of diversity of approaches fuels – even forces – innovation and creativity. And those qualities could help to support the economic growth envisioned by the <a href="https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/sustainable-development-goals/">Sustainable Development Goals</a>. </p>
<p><strong>Marilyn Ronoh, PhD Student in Biomathematics, University of Nairobi and Mawazo Institute Fellow</strong></p>
<p>Planning for a PhD is an exciting, confusing time. You need a clear road map for your topic, your mentor or mentors, and funding opportunities. So it’s imperative for those who want to take this journey to participate in as many local and international conferences as possible that are relevant to their field of study. There you’ll learn about current research problems, methodology, possible supervision and opportunities for research grants. </p>
<p>When it comes to finding a mentor, make sure you choose someone who’s well versed in your area of research. Narrow your choices down, then use the Google Scholar search engine to assess their research impact before making your final decision.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/110539/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ntombizikhona Beaulah Ndlovu receives funding from National Research Foundation.. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Amanda Weltman is funded by the NRF/DST South African Research Chairs Initiative. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Amélie Beaudet receives funding from the Centre of Excellence in Palaeosciences.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Judith Koskey is a Mawazo Institute Scholar.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Marilyn Ronoh is a Mawazo Institute Scholar.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Melisa Achoko Allela is a Mawazo Institute Scholar.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mercy Muendo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>
Women are drastically under-represented in the science, technology, engineering and maths fields.
Ntombizikhona Beaulah Ndlovu, Postdoctoral research fellow, iThemba LABS
Amanda Weltman, South African Research Chair in Physical Cosmology, Department of Mathematics and Applied Mathematics, University of Cape Town
Amélie Beaudet, Postdoctoral fellow, University of the Witwatersrand
Judith Koskey, Part time lecturer and PhD student, Environmental Science, Egerton University
Marilyn Ronoh, PhD student and part-time lecturer in Mathematics, University of Nairobi
Melisa Achoko Allela, Assistant Lecturer in Animation and Interactive Media Design, Technical University of Kenya
Mercy Muendo, Lecturer, Information Technology and the Law, Daystar University
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/87369
2017-11-26T10:06:48Z
2017-11-26T10:06:48Z
Drones are taking to the skies above Africa to map land ownership
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195451/original/file-20171120-18574-1h19dpo.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">An aerial view, using drones, could make a big difference to mapping land across Africa.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Adriane Ohanesian</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Mapping land boundaries is an important way to boost a country’s economic growth and development. It contributes towards better security of land ownership, allows land owners to get bank loans and helps governments to tax owners correctly. </p>
<p>Unfortunately in most African countries <a href="http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0264837712001743">only about 30%</a> of the land boundaries have been mapped. Mapping is done to capture the land’s boundaries with a view to registering ownership. Once mapping is completed, <a href="https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/0217/5891c1f2a75ea9b6ced79cc432de84577d96.pdf">usually using</a> techniques like Global Positioning Systems (GPS), authorities can issue a title deed or certificate of occupancy. This shows who holds rights to which pieces of land.</p>
<p>In Kenya during the 1960s photographs taken from airplanes were used to develop property maps. Kenyans were agitating for <a href="https://www.cabdirect.org/cabdirect/abstract/19681800083">their land rights</a> after the colonial British government had been unseated. The title deeds that were handed out as a result of those airplane photographs have formed <a href="https://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=532788">the basis</a> of Kenya’s property system for decades.</p>
<p>Today, aerial photographs from drones can be used for mapping property boundaries. In most parts of Africa, people demarcate their land using hedges. Ground land surveying techniques can be slow if the aim is to record all the parcels of land within a district or province.</p>
<p>But drones can be used to photograph hedges from the air. The maps developed from those photos are then linked to land ownership records to create formal land registers. This is an important way to record and keep track of land ownership in any given country.</p>
<p>I am involved in a project funded by the European Commission, <a href="https://its4land.com/">its4land</a>, that is testing the use of drones – or, as they’re properly called, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) – for land mapping and registration. The research is being carried out in three African countries; Kenya, Rwanda and Ethiopia. Our hope is that if the research yields positive results, the project can be rolled out elsewhere on the continent. As far as we’re aware, this is among the first internationally to test the use of drones for land registration. </p>
<h2>Putting the drones to work</h2>
<p>Different types of UAVs can be used for mapping. The two main types are the fixed wing UAVs and the quad-copter UAVs. In general, the fixed wing drones look like a normal airplane with two wings. </p>
<p>We’re testing a fixed wing drone, DT18; it is produced by Delairtech, a French company. This type of drone is suitable for covering long distances – which is necessary when you’re mapping large areas’ property boundaries.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195071/original/file-20171116-18368-1b2qzam.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195071/original/file-20171116-18368-1b2qzam.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=310&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195071/original/file-20171116-18368-1b2qzam.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=310&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195071/original/file-20171116-18368-1b2qzam.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=310&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195071/original/file-20171116-18368-1b2qzam.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195071/original/file-20171116-18368-1b2qzam.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195071/original/file-20171116-18368-1b2qzam.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=390&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Delairtech DT18 Fixed Wing Drone.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Two pilots per country were trained at Delairtech’s offices in Toulouse, France. I’m one of the Kenyan pilots; the other is a Master’s student also from my university. All of the pilots were drawn from the partner universities in Africa. We’ve learned how to control the drone; how to develop a flight path; how to fly safely and how to process the data that’s collected. </p>
<p>Flight paths are set up using waypoints or digital markers. The drone follows these from start to finish. The DT18 can map a distance of up to 20km at a time. It can be redirected or recalled mid-flight if the pilot detects a risk. The drone is fitted with a camera, when takes pictures as directed by the pilot – who is following the flight on a laptop screen from the ground. The pictures are sent back to the laptop and stored on the drone’s own on board memory card.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195076/original/file-20171116-15410-141hke1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/195076/original/file-20171116-15410-141hke1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195076/original/file-20171116-15410-141hke1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195076/original/file-20171116-15410-141hke1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195076/original/file-20171116-15410-141hke1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195076/original/file-20171116-15410-141hke1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/195076/original/file-20171116-15410-141hke1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=504&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Figure 2: Drone flight lines and way points as seen in laptop.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>No flying has happened yet: all the project teams are awaiting permission from the relevant authorities in their countries to send the drones skyward.</p>
<p>We have also brought residents into the project to get their support. In Kenya, our research is being carried out among the Maasai tribe in Kajiado county and among the Luo tribe in Kisumu county. We’ve visited a few sites in these counties and explained our research. These groups will receive feedback throughout the process.</p>
<h2>Challenges and opportunities</h2>
<p>Drones are not without their problems. They can be dangerous if flown without proper guidelines or permission, or by untrained people. Many countries in Africa have not passed any laws about the use of UAVs. Kenya is ahead in this regard; the civil aviation authority has developed and passed <a href="http://www.kcaa.or.ke/index.php/statutes-and-regulations/regulations/762-rpas-draft-regulations-2017">guidelines</a> about drones.</p>
<p>The process of obtaining permission to fly is very rigorous, which is important because drones can be a threat to normal airplanes and could even cause a collision. If this technology is rolled out for land mapping elsewhere in Africa, countries will need to first develop and adopt strict guidelines for flying.</p>
<p>Our hope is that this project will help countries across Africa to increase the number of land parcels that are mapped. It can also clarify the figures for different types of land ownership – private, public or community. This is an important driver for economic growth and development.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/87369/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Robert Wayumba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>
Creating a reliable, up to date land register is important for African countries. Drones can help collect and record the necessary data.
Robert Wayumba, Lecturer , Technical University of Kenya
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.
tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/73551
2017-03-08T14:41:45Z
2017-03-08T14:41:45Z
How parental television viewing affects teens’ sexual behaviour
<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/159648/original/image-20170306-20733-j4wt12.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Mass media is a source of sexual information for children.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Carlos Jasso/Reuters</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>Television programmes can influence the perceptions and behaviours of adolescents either negatively or positively. But if unregulated they can cause harm. The Conversation Africa’s Health and Medicine Editor Joy Wanja Muraya spoke to Sammy Yaah Baya about its impact.</em></p>
<p><strong>How is television viewing likely to influence the sexual behaviour of the youth and adolescents?</strong></p>
<p>In our <a href="http://www.ijsrp.org/research-paper-0514/ijsrp-p2961.pdf">study</a> done in Kenya, we set out to look at whether adolescents get information about sex from television programmes.</p>
<p>About a quarter (25.9%) of the adolescents interviewed said they did.</p>
<p>Another 37.9% reported that they first learnt about sex while watching television. </p>
<p>On perceptions about the televised content, 62.9% said sex was portrayed in TV as exciting while another 20.6% said that it was fun.</p>
<p>About 12.9% indicated that sex was presented as glamorous while a small fraction – 0.3% – had a negative perception of sex and they rated it as bad.</p>
<p>None of the respondents said that sex was portrayed as dangerous even when presented with consequences like exposure to sexually transmitted infections and pregnancy.</p>
<p>The adolescents interviewed also said that they were more likely to initiate sex after watching it from implied sexual scenes on TV.</p>
<p><strong>Does it make a difference if teens and adolescents watch television with their parents?</strong></p>
<p>Entertainment shows on television can have two positive effects on teens. They can convey accurate messages about sexual risks and they can act as a catalyst for conversations with adults that can reinforce those messages.</p>
<p>Co-viewing television is a good idea. This is because parents can be <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17482798.2011.587141?src=recsys&journalCode=rchm20">key agents</a> in <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/3813321">shaping </a> adolescents’ sexual behaviours. On top of this, research shows that teens are likely to <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229546016_Using_TV_as_a_Guide_Associations_Between_Television_Viewing_and_Adolescents'_Sexual_Attitudes_and_Behavior">turn to the media</a> for answers to their questions about what’s sexually acceptable. Television can <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10356227">influence</a> sexual behaviour because parents are known to provide very little information about sex.</p>
<p>Parents watching television with their children without discussing the content can communicate that parents have a positive attitude towards the content being watched. This in turn leads children to pay closer attention and to learn from programmes that they watch with their parents.</p>
<p>The research showed that television with sexual content can be <a href="http://www.today.com/parents/study-sex-tv-linked-teen-pregnancies-wbna27506234">a catalyst</a> for conversations about sex between parents and teens. And it can <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15342887">reduce the negative effects</a> of sexual content because it leads to an open discussion. Parents are often hesitant to talk to their teens about sex because they don’t want to believe that their kids are having sex.</p>
<p><strong>What do young people think about watching television with parents and guardians?</strong></p>
<p>Previous studies have shown that adolescents find their parents controlling and that they’re <a href="https://books.google.co.ke/books?id=zW4-EmmPkDEC&pg=PA402&lpg=PA402&dq=Rosenthal+et+al.,+2001+and+adolescents&source=bl&ots=6ePsSJB4Rc&sig=GnVeN2aD4MaK4uqW__OwHpCGWsk&hl=en&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Rosenthal%20et%20al.%2C%202001%20and%20adolescents&f=false">dissatisfied </a> with the half baked information they get, often in the form of a lecture on sex.</p>
<p>This study found out that almost half of the youth interviewed – 43.3% – watch TV everyday with their parents or guardians.</p>
<p>About 17% watch TV most days with their parents or guardians while 25% of the respondents watch TV with their parents or guardians less often and 11.8% never watch TV with their parents or guardian.</p>
<p>It’s interesting to note that slightly more than a quarter of the adolescents interviewed – 26.8% – are not allowed to watch TV with a lot of sexual activity content. And some teens had curfews placed on them, particularly for late night television viewing.</p>
<p>This study found out that adolescents who never watched television with their parents were most likely to engage in early sexual intercourse.</p>
<p><strong>What’s the role of parents in shaping their behaviours and attitudes towards sex</strong></p>
<p>Parents play an important role in <a href="http://www.familyfacts.org/briefs/42/parents-influence-on-adolescents-sexual-behavior">shaping</a> the sexual behaviour of adolescents.</p>
<p>For example, parental attitudes towards premarital sex strongly influences whether an adolescent will engage in sex earlier or whether they will delay.</p>
<p>Adolescents who reported more <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/11137905">positive communication</a> with their parents were more likely to delay the initiation of vaginal intercourse than those who reported more negative communication with their parents. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/1927676">Effective communication</a> and <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12941650">positive parental relationships</a> also are associated with fewer pregnancies.</p>
<p>But parental attitudes towards sexuality can’t be conveyed effectively to adolescents without constant follow-up <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/2583317">parent-child communication</a>. </p>
<p><strong>What tips do you have for parents and adolescents?</strong></p>
<p>To shield young people from the negative effects of sexual content on television young people should be taught to interpret what they watch.</p>
<p>And parents should watch television with their teenage children and discuss their own beliefs about sex and the behaviours portrayed. </p>
<p>It’s also important that the amount of time adolescents watch television should be regulated to <a href="http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/107/2/423">less than two hours</a> a day. </p>
<p>Beyond the home, public policy and interventions should be designed in a way that helps young people make informed choices about their sexual health.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/73551/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sammy Yaah Baya does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>
Parents should monitor the television programmes their children are exposed to and advise them to make informed sexual choices.
Sammy Yaah Baya, Lecturer of Communications, Translator and Interpreter , Technical University of Kenya
Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.