tag:theconversation.com,2011:/nz/topics/gonski-2-0-38356/articlesGonski 2.0 – The Conversation2019-09-30T19:45:11Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1240002019-09-30T19:45:11Z2019-09-30T19:45:11ZGonski’s vision of ‘personalised learning’ will stifle creativity and lead to a generation of automatons<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294714/original/file-20190930-185369-qdyvw2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The general idea of personalised learning is where teachers help students understand key concepts through individualised learning and group work.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The education debate in Australia becomes tangled when the same key concepts are used by various groups and individuals to mean very different things. </p>
<p>Take the concept of “personalised learning”. It can describe a flexible approach to learning which starts with each student’s individual strengths and capabilities, and encourages a wide range of learning activities. Or it can be used to justify a program of rigid and scripted individual learning progressions. </p>
<p>In the past few years the idea of “<a href="https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/resources/national-literacy-and-numeracy-learning-progressions/">learning progressions</a>” has garnered a lot of attention in curriculum debates and reviews. Invariably it is argued <a href="https://education.nsw.gov.au/teaching-and-learning/curriculum/literacy-and-numeracy/professional-learning/introduction-to-the-literacy-and-numeracy-progressions-online">learning progressions promote</a> “personalised learning”. </p>
<p>It is important therefore to subject this claim to some scrutiny and try to understand the version of “personalised learning” being promoted in policy circles.</p>
<h2>From year levels to learning progressions</h2>
<p>In 2017 the then Turnbull government appointed David Gonski to lead a review into how to improve <a href="https://theconversation.com/turnbull-announces-schools-funding-and-a-new-gonski-review-77011">Australian schools</a>. The idea was that if the amount of Commonwealth money going to schools was to be increased – as recommended by the <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/review-of-funding-for-schooling-final-report-dec-2011.pdf">earlier Gonski review</a> in 2011 – then we needed guidance as to what the money should be spent on.</p>
<p>A central proposal in the <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/review-achieve-educational-excellence-australian-schools">subsequent 2018 report</a>, dubbed as Gonski 2.0, relates to “personalised learning”. Using the well-rehearsed argument that all students should be able to demonstrate a year’s learning growth every year, the report’s first recommendation is that schools move
from a year-based curriculum to a curriculum expressed as learning progressions independent of year or age. </p>
<p>It claims this move will enable schools to better meet the individual learning needs of students than does the organisation of schools by year levels. The latter, the report says, is a remnant of the industrial era and must change if schools are to come into the 21st century.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-review-reveals-another-grand-plan-to-overhaul-education-but-do-we-really-need-it-93119">Gonski review reveals another grand plan to overhaul education: but do we really need it?</a>
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<p>Certainly, the idea of scrapping year levels potentially creates greater flexibility for students and teachers. Rather than aiming curriculum at the average of a cohort of students at a particular age, teachers can “personalise” the curriculum by making an individual student’s readiness for learning the key criterion for curriculum planning. </p>
<p>Of course, a number of schools already do this, and in many other schools where year levels are still used, teachers use adaptive or differentiated teaching to cater for individual interests. </p>
<p>There is always a danger removing year levels will result in a return to streaming if teachers group students according to perceived ability levels rather than age, but this is not an automatic outcome and can be guarded against. </p>
<p>However, the question of removing year-level structures can’t be separated from the issue of what is taught and how. And it is here that it seems the report has taken a progressive idea like personalisation and colonised it with an instrumental purpose.</p>
<h2>Gonski’s version of personalised learning</h2>
<p>There are different approaches to personalising learning. Some enable teachers and students to negotiate learning programs based on students’ interests and learning needs. </p>
<p>For instance, in the <a href="https://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2014/05/01/kappan_washor.html">Big Picture schools</a> in Australia and the US, students investigate topics or issues individually or in groups and report on their findings.The key to this kind of learning is skilled teachers helping students make connections across the curriculum, because key concepts are understood through negotiation and collaboration. </p>
<p>This approach prizes student agency and group as well as individual activities. It recognises learning is not a linear and scripted activity.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294731/original/file-20190930-185390-1d0iwz0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294731/original/file-20190930-185390-1d0iwz0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/294731/original/file-20190930-185390-1d0iwz0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294731/original/file-20190930-185390-1d0iwz0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294731/original/file-20190930-185390-1d0iwz0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294731/original/file-20190930-185390-1d0iwz0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294731/original/file-20190930-185390-1d0iwz0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/294731/original/file-20190930-185390-1d0iwz0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">There are many approaches to personalised learning, some of which include indivudal and group activities.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span>
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<p>But that is not the version of personalised learning proposed in the 2018 Gonski report. This report recommends an approach where content and skills across every area of the curriculum are atomised into bite-sized chunks of knowledge, and then sequenced into progression levels. </p>
<p>Students work on their own and, at regular points, use online assessment tools to test their readiness for the next chunk of knowledge. Once one level is mastered, they move onto the next.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/662684_tgta_accessible_final_0.pdf">report recommends</a> that, over the next five years, the recently developed and implemented Australian Curriculum should be rewritten so every learning area and general capability is written up as a number of progression levels. </p>
<p>It offers an example of “spelling” being broken into a 16-level progression, with students mastering each step before moving lock-step onto the next level.</p>
<p>The Gonski version of personalised learning bears an uncanny resemblance to the model of <a href="http://www.aare.edu.au/blog/?tag=direct-instruction">direct instruction</a> developed in the US in the 1960s. This is a tightly scripted, step-by-step approach that follows a predetermined sequence through packaged resource materials. </p>
<p>Assessment follows each instruction phase with tests aligned to the behavioural goals of the program. The results are fed back to the teacher and student, and the stage is then set for the next phase. </p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-is-explicit-instruction-and-how-does-it-help-children-learn-115144">Explainer: what is explicit instruction and how does it help children learn?</a>
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<p>Similarly, Gonski suggests students advance incrementally through progression levels. At regular intervals they should be assessed by an online assessment tool against the learning progressions that measure student attainment and growth in attainment levels over time. </p>
<p>The tool could also suggest, for consideration by the teacher, potential interventions to build further progress. </p>
<p>Although there is an apparent nod in the direction of teacher decision making, it is inevitable the tightly scripted nature of the process will result in a reliance on the use of online resources.</p>
<h2>Online assessment tools make students automatons</h2>
<p>The National Education Policy Centre in the United States recently reviewed a number of personalised learning programs in the country that have adopted similar characteristics to those Gonski prescribes. The <a href="https://nepc.colorado.edu/sites/default/files/publications/RB%20Personalized%20Learning%20revised_0.pdf">report concludes</a> that they reflect</p>
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<p>[…] a hyper-rational approach to curriculum and pedagogy that limits students’ agency, narrows what they can learn in school, and limits schools’ ability to respond effectively to a diverse student body.</p>
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<p>The manifestation of this model in the US has been a financial bonanza for private <a href="https://nepc.colorado.edu/sites/default/files/publications/RB%20Personalized%20Learning%20revised_0.pdf">technology companies such as Summit</a>, owned by Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg. These companies have developed online tests and learning resources capable of tracking the progress of, and devising programs for, individual students.</p>
<p>With such programs, students become individual automatons moving through standardised progression levels. Creativity and critical thinking are stifled as students are steered down an already determined path. And teachers are increasingly excluded from the process, as planning and decision-making is done by algorithms. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/its-back-to-school-for-facebook-and-its-personal-49804">It's back to school for Facebook, and it's personal</a>
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<p>The result is a narrow and highly individualised learning experience that is unlikely to prepare students adequately for the challenges of the 21st century. </p>
<p>The point is that “personalised learning” can take many forms. Some approaches will liberate learners, some will tightly constrain them. The model proposed by Gonski is more likely to do the latter. Far from moving schools away from an industrial model, Gonski’s model would entrench it.</p>
<p>Rather than immediately adopting a model such as “progression levels”, surely it would be better to clarify our understanding about personalised learning, including the theories and assumptions on which various versions are based. </p>
<p>Then, if personalised learning is the goal, why not evaluate a number of different models of personalised learning? </p>
<p>The version of personalised learning Australia promotes should be one that nurtures a love and a passion for learning, not one that reduces it to a checklist. </p>
<p><em>This is an edited extract from Alan Reid’s book, <a href="https://www.allenandunwin.com/browse/books/academic-professional/education/Changing-Australian-Education-Alan-Reid-9781760875206">Changing Australian Education: How policy is taking us backwards and what can be done about it</a>, (Allen and Unwin: Sydney), available from October 1, 2019.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/124000/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alan Reid has received funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>Many rely on David Gonski’s ideas to shape the future of education policy. But his recommendation of personalised learning is a scripted, rigid version of education that will take us backwards.Alan Reid, Professor Emeritus of Education, University of South AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1139212019-04-08T06:58:07Z2019-04-08T06:58:07ZHow has education policy changed under the Coalition government?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268008/original/file-20190408-2912-10gjzew.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Coalition made some major promises in the 2016 election. Has it delivered?</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>This article is part of a series examining the Coalition government’s record on key issues while in power and what Labor is promising if it wins the 2019 federal election.</em></p>
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<h2>School’s policy and funding</h2>
<p><strong>Glenn C. Savage, Senior Lecturer in Education Policy and Sociology of Education, University of Western Australia</strong></p>
<p>The Coalition’s approach to schooling policy since the 2016 election has primarily focused on its <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/quality-schools">Quality Schools</a> agenda. This centres on <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/quality-schools-package">increased funding</a> (A$307.7 billion in total school recurrent funding from 2018 to 2029). It also attempts to <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/schooling-0">steer national reform</a> in areas such as teaching, curriculum, assessment and the use of evidence. </p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268010/original/file-20190408-2918-qcvap0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268010/original/file-20190408-2918-qcvap0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268010/original/file-20190408-2918-qcvap0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268010/original/file-20190408-2918-qcvap0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268010/original/file-20190408-2918-qcvap0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268010/original/file-20190408-2918-qcvap0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268010/original/file-20190408-2918-qcvap0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268010/original/file-20190408-2918-qcvap0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">The Coalition wants to steer reform in teaching, curriculum, assessment and the use of evidence.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span>
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<p>The government’s policies are strongly informed by the 2018 <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/review-achieve-educational-excellence-australian-schools">Review to Achieve Educational Excellence in Australian Schools</a> (aka Gonski 2.0) which examined how <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/quality-schools-package">record levels of federal funding</a> could be better tied to evidence-based practices.</p>
<p>The review’s recommendations are central to the <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/national-school-reform-agreement-0">National School Reform Agreement</a>. This ties federal funding from 2019-2023 to a number of new <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/what_is_the_national_school_reform_agreement_0.pdf">national reform initiatives</a>, which include:</p>
<ul>
<li>changes to the Australian Curriculum through the development of <a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-review-reveals-another-grand-plan-to-overhaul-education-but-do-we-really-need-it-93119">“learning progressions”</a>. These describe the common development pathway along which students typically progress in their learning, regardless of age or year level</li>
<li>developing an online assessment tool to help teachers monitor student progress</li>
<li>reforms to improve the consistency and sharing of data</li>
<li>a review of senior secondary pathways to work, further education and training</li>
<li>establishing a national evidence institute to undertake research on “what works” to improve schooling outcomes</li>
<li>developing a national strategy to support teacher workforce planning.</li>
</ul>
<p>While the Coalition sees the agreement as <a href="https://ministers.education.gov.au/tehan/victoria-board-national-school-reform-agreement">heralding a positive new reform era</a>, deals done with states to get it over the line are <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-the-next-government-needs-to-do-to-tackle-unfairness-in-school-funding-110879">far from ideal</a>, especially in the fraught area of school funding.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-the-next-government-needs-to-do-to-tackle-unfairness-in-school-funding-110879">agreement ensures</a> that by 2023, private schools will receive 100% of the recommended amount under the Schooling Resource Standard (SRS) funding model, whereas most government schools will be stuck at 95%.</p>
<p>The states share a great deal of the blame. But it’s not a good look for a federal government promoting <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-10-04/school-funding-sector-blind-catholic-education-gonski/10333090">a commitment to needs-based funding</a>. </p>
<p><strong>What about Labor?</strong></p>
<p>A Labor government would change some elements of the national reform conversation. But the extent to which it would radically shift the current trajectory is debatable.</p>
<p>Labor has promised <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/radio/programs/am/plibersek-will-restore-every-funding-dollar-cut-from-education/10450374">further school funding increases</a> and flagged other reforms such as <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/oct/04/bill-shorten-reveals-17bn-plan-to-fund-access-to-preschool-or-kindergarten">universal access</a> to early childhood education for three and four year olds, <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-01-06/low-scoring-atar-students-to-be-barred-from-becoming-teachers/10687746">tougher requirements</a> for entry into teaching degrees, and the creation of a <a href="http://www.tanyaplibersek.com/media_release_labor_to_establish_new_national_principals_academy_wednesday_20_february_2019">National Principals’ Academy</a> to provide leadership training.</p>
<p>But Labor also shares a great deal in common with the Coalition.</p>
<p>Both preference a strong federal role in schooling. Both support (at least in theory) the principles of the SRS, and there is significant alignment between parties when it comes to reforms in the National School Reform Agreement. </p>
<p>Labor has also been promoting the idea of a national evidence institute <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/feb/16/labor-pledges-280m-research-institute-to-take-politics-out-of-the-classroom">for some time</a> and many reforms in the school reform agreement build directly on those established by Labor as part of its <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02680939.2016.1202452">“education revolution”</a> agenda from 2007-2013.</p>
<p>While the parties will draw dividing lines to make a choice between them look stark, they <a href="https://theconversation.com/labors-struggle-to-remain-the-education-party-53309">have more in common</a> than they would like to admit.</p>
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<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/what-the-next-government-needs-to-do-to-tackle-unfairness-in-school-funding-110879">What the next government needs to do to tackle unfairness in school funding</a>
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<h2>Higher education</h2>
<p><strong>Tim Pitman, Senior Research Fellow, Curtin University</strong></p>
<p>Since the last federal election, the Coalition has been mostly dealing with the fallout from their ambitious policy agenda conceived under Tony Abbott, as laid out in the <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Bills_Legislation/Bills_Search_Results/Result?bId=r5396"><em>2014 Higher Education Reform Bill</em></a>. The chief aims of this policy were to:</p>
<ul>
<li>cut higher education funding by 20%</li>
<li>increase subsidies to private providers</li>
<li>deregulate tuition fees. </li>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268013/original/file-20190408-2924-exqosu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268013/original/file-20190408-2924-exqosu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268013/original/file-20190408-2924-exqosu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268013/original/file-20190408-2924-exqosu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268013/original/file-20190408-2924-exqosu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=401&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268013/original/file-20190408-2924-exqosu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268013/original/file-20190408-2924-exqosu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268013/original/file-20190408-2924-exqosu.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">The Coalition started their new government with no clear pathway to enact their vision for higher education.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span>
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<p>The reforms were voted down by the Senate in late 2014 and again in early 2015.
This meant the government had no clear pathway to enact their vision for higher education and fewer options for reducing higher education expenditure. One way to do the latter would be to <a href="https://theconversation.com/university-funding-reform-blocked-theres-a-pretty-obvious-plan-b-34968">increase the maximum student fee payable</a>. </p>
<p>Another option would be to freeze increases to the amount the Commonwealth subsidised the universities to teach students, so in future years it would spend less, in real terms, on higher education. The government <a href="https://theconversation.com/universities-get-an-unsustainable-policy-for-christmas-89307">took this option</a> in 2017, saving an estimated A$2.2 billion. Research funding <a href="https://theconversation.com/myefo-rips-a-130-million-per-year-from-research-funding-despite-budget-surplus-108919">also took a hit</a>. </p>
<p>The government further announced it would introduce performance-based higher education funding, though it is still not clear how, exactly, performance <a href="https://ministers.education.gov.au/tehan/improving-university-funding">will be defined</a>. </p>
<p>Labor says if it is elected, it will <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/mar/01/labor-absolutely-committed-to-demand-driven-university-funding-plibersek">end the freeze</a> on increases to the Commonwealth student subsidies. Labor will also conduct an <a href="http://www.tanyaplibersek.com/nationalinquiry">inquiry into post-secondary education</a>, with one aim being to repriotise the importance of vocational education, so it sits alongside, not beneath, higher education. </p>
<p>Labor heads are also promising a A$300 million <a href="http://www.tanyaplibersek.com/speech_address_to_the_universities_australia_conference_canberra_thursday_28_february_2019">University Future Fund</a> to fast-track funding for high priority research and teaching projects.</p>
<p>For both the Coalition and Labor, regional Australia is shaping up as a key battleground and this is already being reflected in higher education policy. In February 2018, the Coalition <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/news/minister-education-announces-16-regional-study-hubs">announced</a> it was funding 22 regional study hubs across regional Australia to provide </p>
<blockquote>
<p>study spaces, video conferencing, computing facilities and internet access, as well as academic support for students studying via distance at partner universities.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>In November 2018, it followed with a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/nov/12/extra-135m-set-to-ease-the-funding-squeeze-on-regional-universities">further A$135 million</a> in additional support for regional universities affected by their freeze on funding. </p>
<p>In response, Labor has upped the ante on the regional hubs, saying it will not only maintain support for the study hubs but will <a href="http://www.tanyaplibersek.com/speech_address_to_the_universities_australia_conference_canberra_thursday_28_february_2019">fund mentoring and pathways programs</a> in the communities that have the hubs. It will also commit an additional A$174 million for equity and pathways funding to support students from areas with low graduation rates, many of which are in regional Australia.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-should-start-planning-for-universal-tertiary-education-110783">Australia should start planning for universal tertiary education</a>
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</em>
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<h2>Early childhood</h2>
<p><strong>Susan Irvine, Associate Professor, School of Early Childhood and Inclusive Education, Queensland University of Technology</strong></p>
<p>There are some recurring and predictable storylines in early childhood education election policies in Australia. At the last election, the Coalition’s main storyline was affordability.</p>
<p>Its central platform was the <a href="https://www.humanservices.gov.au/organisations/about-us/budget/budget-2017-18/families/jobs-families-package-upper-income-threshold">Jobs for Families Package</a> – a controversial bill that promised a simplified and more generous fee subsidy to help parents cover the rising cost of education and care. </p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268014/original/file-20190408-2924-1li8n8i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268014/original/file-20190408-2924-1li8n8i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/268014/original/file-20190408-2924-1li8n8i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268014/original/file-20190408-2924-1li8n8i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268014/original/file-20190408-2924-1li8n8i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268014/original/file-20190408-2924-1li8n8i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268014/original/file-20190408-2924-1li8n8i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/268014/original/file-20190408-2924-1li8n8i.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">The Coalition introduced a subsidy for early childhood education, but the means test has some vulnerable children missing out.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com</span></span>
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<p>It was controversial because it tied children’s access to early education with their parents’ participation in the paid workforce. To get the subsidy, families had to meet a new work activity test. Children whose families did not meet this test had their hours of early education cut in half.</p>
<p>A drawn-out battle in the Senate saw the bill <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-03-23/governments-childcare-reforms-passed-the-senate/8381908">eventually pass</a> with some hard-fought amendments to support more equitable access for children and families experiencing disadvantage. </p>
<p>On the whole, the <a href="https://www.humanservices.gov.au/individuals/services/centrelink/child-care-subsidy">childcare subsidy</a> has been a positive change for most Australian families. However, there is evidence that the continuing focus on parent work participation means some of our <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-08-09/child-care-subsidy-teething-problems/10083392">children in low-income families</a> – who <a href="https://www.everyonebenefits.org.au/why-invest">research shows</a> will benefit the most from access to high quality early education – are missing out.</p>
<p>The Coalition’s other 2016 <a href="http://www.federalfinancialrelations.gov.au/content/npa/education/national-partnership/2016_2017_universal_access_NP.pdf">election commitment</a> was funding for universal preschool education, focusing on four year olds in the year prior to school. However, this has been doled out on an annual basis. The result being no security for children, families and service providers. </p>
<p>In the 2019 budget, the government committed funding for universal preschool for all Australian children only until the end of 2020.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/dont-be-fooled-billions-for-schools-in-budget-2019-arent-new-and-what-happened-to-the-national-evidence-institute-114193">Don't be fooled, billions for schools in budget 2019 aren't new. And what happened to the national evidence institute?</a>
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<p>This is one of two key differences between the Coalition and Labor’s early childhood policies. Labor has committed to secure and sustainable funding for universal preschool. It has also committed to <a href="https://www.alp.org.au/media/1337/181003-preschools-and-kindy-program-fact-sheet.pdf">expanding access</a> to three year olds, providing two years of early education prior to school entry.</p>
<p>The other key difference relates to broader investment in the early years workforce. The single most important factor influencing quality and children’s outcomes are the teachers and educators working with children. Australia urgently needs a new Early Years Workforce Strategy. The Coalition allowed the previous strategy to lapse and has remained silent on matters relating to pay and conditions. </p>
<p>Labor has announced a commitment to investment in the workforce, including funding to train more educators and teachers, and, has <a href="http://www.bigsteps.org.au/bill_shorten_s_childcare_commitment_big_steps_for_children_families_educators_and_australia">previously pledged support</a> for professional wages for professional work.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/113921/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Glenn C. Savage receives funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Susan Irvine has received research funding from the Australian Research Council and Queensland Department of Education. She is a member of Early Childhood Australia.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tim Pitman has received funding from the Department of Education and Training for research projects concerning student equity in higher education</span></em></p>The Coalition has had longer than a three year cycle to make some changes to education. But since the 2016 election, what has it actually done? And what is Labor proposing?Glenn C Savage, Senior Lecturer in Education Policy and Sociology of Education, The University of Western AustraliaSusan Irvine, Associate Professor, School of Early Childhood and Inclusive Education, Queensland University of TechnologyTim Pitman, Senior Research Fellow, Curtin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1080792018-12-20T18:50:11Z2018-12-20T18:50:11ZSchools policy in 2018: reflecting on the big events and the new developments<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/251124/original/file-20181217-27776-1n3tvfm.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Regardless of who wins next year's federal election, it's time for us to all get on the same page.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">www.shutterstock.com</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>This is a longer read at just over 1,500 words. Enjoy!</em></p>
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<p>The year 2018 was a mixed bag for schooling policy in Australia. </p>
<p>We had new ministers, a new organisation and some auspicious anniversaries. As Christmas approaches, it’s worth reflecting on the year that’s been. </p>
<h2>Let’s begin in the states and territories</h2>
<p><strong>New South Wales</strong></p>
<p>One of the biggest ticket items this year is the <a href="https://educationstandards.nsw.edu.au/wps/portal/nesa/about/initiatives/curriculum-review">overhaul of the NSW school curriculum</a> for the first time in decades. The curriculum is currently under review – and when it’s reformed, the effect will likely be felt far beyond NSW’s borders. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/decluttering-the-nsw-curriculum-why-reducing-the-number-of-subjects-isnt-the-answer-96853">Decluttering the NSW curriculum: why reducing the number of subjects isn't the answer</a>
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<p>There have been <a href="https://education.nsw.gov.au/our-priorities/innovate-for-the-future/education-for-a-changing-world">multiple indications</a> the reformed curriculum may have a greater focus on capabilities. These are also known as “soft skills” or “21st century skills”, and include creative and critical thinking. (The new <a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/Documents/about/educationstate/viccurriculumf10edstatefactsheet.pdf">Victorian Curriculum</a>, and to a lesser extent the national <a href="https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/">Australian Curriculum</a>, have also focused more closely on general capabilities.) </p>
<p>This shift is a response to <a href="http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/rulesforengagement/SEL-Revised.pdf">growing evidence</a> of the vital importance of capabilities to school performance, life outcomes and the economy. There is also <a href="http://www.mitchellinstitute.org.au/reports/the-capable-country/">evidence</a> they can and should be developed in education settings from toddler-hood through to the tertiary years and beyond. Debate now turns to the best way to do so.</p>
<p><strong>South Australia</strong></p>
<p>NSW is not the only state marching forward with its own bold program. The new South Australian government is embarking on an ambitious <a href="https://www.education.sa.gov.au/teaching/school-improvement">school improvement agenda</a> to “speed up” the learning growth of every student in every classroom. This system-wide reform combines tailored approaches with a heavier emphasis on planning, data, literacy and numeracy, building on their successful trial of the <a href="https://www.education.sa.gov.au/teaching/curriculum-and-teaching/numeracy-and-literacy/phonics-screening-check">phonics check</a>.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/south-australias-trial-of-englands-year-one-phonics-check-shows-why-we-need-it-94411">South Australia's trial of England's year one phonics check shows why we need it</a>
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<p><strong>Queensland</strong></p>
<p>Queensland is steadily <a href="https://www.queenslandplan.qld.gov.au/delivering-the-plan/plans-and-reports/annual-progress-report.aspx">closing gaps</a> in educational outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students. </p>
<p>It has also launched a new <a href="https://qed.qld.gov.au/det-publications/strategiesandplans/Documents/strategic-plan-2018-2022-a4-booklet.pdf">strategic plan</a>. Notably, this includes early childhood education and post-school education, and additional measures for students in regional and rural areas, and students with disabilities. This is part of a cohesive approach to lifting and sustaining learning outcomes for all students. </p>
<p><strong>Victoria</strong></p>
<p>The re-election of the Andrews government in November sees the continuation of its <a href="https://www.education.vic.gov.au/about/educationstate/Pages/vision.aspx">Education State reform agenda</a>. This includes funding more specialists in schools (teachers, doctors, speech pathologists, psychologists and social workers), building and renovating more schools, and providing more preschool. </p>
<p>Yes, in a landmark policy announcement, Victoria’s youngest residents will receive <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/labor-s-5-billion-kinder-promise-for-victorian-families-20181004-p507ob.html">two years of funded preschool</a>. Given the <a href="http://www.mitchellinstitute.org.au/reports/two-years-preschool/">benefits of quality preschool</a> to all students, especially reducing developmental vulnerability on school entry, it’s a solid investment. It is one of the only strategies proven by research to lift outcomes for <em>all</em> children.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/research-shows-there-are-benefits-from-getting-more-three-year-olds-into-preschool-104416">Research shows there are benefits from getting more three-year-olds into preschool</a>
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<p><strong>Western Australia</strong></p>
<p>Western Australia is turning its attention to better recruitment, development and support for school leaders, as part of its broader <a href="https://www.education.wa.edu.au/documents/43634987/0/WA+Department+of+Education+Proposed+Public+School+Leadership+Strategy.PDF/f03c80ac-47e2-329d-4df7-03b2196a23ef">system improvement strategy</a>.</p>
<p><strong>Tasmania</strong></p>
<p>In Tasmania, the ongoing implementation of the <a href="https://www.education.tas.gov.au/about-us/legislation/education-act/">2017 Education Act</a> kept schools and department officials busy – in large part due to giant shift to 13 years of compulsory schooling (prep to year 12) by 2020. </p>
<p>Until recently, many schools finished at year ten and students wanting to continue their education move to a new school, often in a new town. This is a major factor in Tassie’s low <a href="http://www.acara.edu.au/reporting/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia-data-portal/year-12-certification-rates">year 12 completion rate</a> of only 72% - a full 10% lower than the national average. </p>
<p><strong>The Northern Territory</strong></p>
<p>And the NT launched it’s latest <a href="https://education.nt.gov.au/education/statistics-research-and-strategies/strategic-plan">strategic plan</a> with a focus on school leadership, quality, equity, differentiated learning, community engagement and better data. </p>
<p>They also put out a new <a href="https://education.nt.gov.au/education/statistics-research-and-strategies/school-resourcing-model-action-plan-for-the-future">school funding model</a>, with a greater emphasis on action and targeting to student needs and interventions. </p>
<p><strong>ACT</strong></p>
<p>The ACT became the first jurisdiction in Australia to provide every secondary student in a government school with a laptop. The ACT 2018-19 budget also provided <a href="https://apps.treasury.act.gov.au/budget/budget-2018-2019/budget-in-brief/educatio">A$9.2 million for research and trials</a> of new teaching techniques in response to damning research that found once socio-economic backgrounds are taken into account, ACT students are <a href="https://www.canberratimes.com.au/national/act/canberra-s-public-high-school-students-up-to-a-year-behind-20180824-p4zzik.html">up to a year behind</a> their counterparts in other states and territories. </p>
<h2>Turning to the federal level</h2>
<p><strong>Gonski 2.0</strong></p>
<p>The March release of the Gonski 2.0 <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/review-achieve-educational-excellence-australian-schools">report</a> was an early highlight. This review was tasked with identifying the school and classroom factors that can make the biggest, sustained difference to educational achievement. This includes what funding should be spent on, rather than structural issues like funding allocations.</p>
<p>Gonski 2.0 advocated for a student-centred schooling system based on learning growth over time. Key recommendations focused on enhancing student voice, and better valuing of and support for teachers and school leaders, including providing them with the time and tools (including finer grain data, and data beyond NAPLAN) to focus on teaching and educational leadership, so they’re not swamped by administrative compliance. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-review-reveals-another-grand-plan-to-overhaul-education-but-do-we-really-need-it-93119">Gonski review reveals another grand plan to overhaul education: but do we really need it?</a>
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<p>(Astute readers will have noticed the key elements of Gonski 2.0 are already key elements of existing state and territory policy platforms and strategies.)</p>
<p><strong>Happy anniversary?</strong></p>
<p>2018 was the tenth anniversary of three major pillars of Australian schooling policy: <a href="https://www.nap.edu.au/">NAPLAN</a>, the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (<a href="http://www.acara.edu.au/">ACARA</a>) and the <a href="http://www.curriculum.edu.au/verve/_resources/national_declaration_on_the_educational_goals_for_young_australians.pdf">Melbourne Declaration</a> of Educational Goals for Young Australians. Each celebrated this milestone amidst growing <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/education/desperately-disappointing-10-years-since-the-melbourne-declaration-20181201-p50jk5.html">debate</a> on whether they had served their intended purpose.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-melbourne-declaration-on-educational-goals-for-young-australians-what-it-is-and-why-it-needs-updating-107895">The Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians: what it is and why it needs updating</a>
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<p>In the case of NAPLAN, this was accompanied by a growing call for its abolition or overhaul. NAPLAN was intended as a nationally-comparable, point-in-time dataset on a few vital areas to support schools and system leaders to make program and resourcing decisions. It was also meant to inform parental choice of schools.</p>
<p>But misunderstanding and misuse of NAPLAN has led to perverse effects. These include an overemphasis on preparation by some schools and families, resulting in anxiety and curriculum narrowing. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/five-things-we-wouldnt-know-without-naplan-94286">Five things we wouldn't know without NAPLAN</a>
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<p><strong>In with the new</strong></p>
<p>2018 also saw the launch of a new national institution - the <a href="https://education.arts.unsw.edu.au/about-us/gonski-institute-for-education/">Gonski Institute</a> focused on addressing education inequality across Australia. Despite - or perhaps because of - near continuous reforms at state and federal levels this past decade, <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1745-5871.12317">inequality continues to grow</a>. </p>
<p>We also got a new federal education minister – Dan Tehan. He received the poisoned chalice of continuing the long and testy negotiations with the states on a five-year school funding agreement derived from the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.au/Details/C2017A00078">2017 Education Act</a> (the previous round of funding refoms) and the Gonski 2.0 findings. </p>
<p>These <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/national-school-reform-agreement-0">funding agreements</a> are also a key element of the Coalition’s <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/quality-schools-package">Quality Schools policy package</a>, which has remained fairly constant the last few years.</p>
<p>It wasn’t until this week all jurisdictions were finally signed-up. But the last signatory - Victoria - only made a one-month deal. The Victorian government has expressed their concerns about a “<a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/victoria/holding-kids-to-ransom-one-year-school-funding-deal-knocked-back-20181213-p50m3m.html">dud deal</a>” that provides more funding for students at non-government schools than those at government schools. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/what-the-victorian-governments-decision-not-to-sign-on-to-the-gonski-reforms-means-for-schools-in-the-new-year-108674">What the Victorian government's decision not to sign on to the Gonski reforms means for schools in the new year</a>
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<p>This short-term deal raises a bunch of questions as we head into the near year and the 2019 federal election - will there be by more short-term deals? Will other states seek to renegotiate better terms? Is Victoria banking on a change of government - and negotiating partner?</p>
<h2>What do we know about federal Labor’s plans for education?</h2>
<p>The key elements of Labor’s schooling policy pillars are restoring funding to schools cut by the Coalition. This includes, contentiously, restoring funding to some of the most over-funded non-government schools. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/an-education-research-institute-wont-take-politics-out-of-the-classroom-92037">An education research institute won't take politics out of the classroom</a>
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<p>They have also pledged an additional year of preschool for all kids across Australia, and have announced they will establish a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/feb/16/labor-pledges-280m-research-institute-to-take-politics-out-of-the-classroom">national evidence institute</a> for education policy. </p>
<p><strong>A new year and new goals</strong></p>
<p>The updating of the national goals for Australian schooling by Australia’s state, territory and Commonwealth education ministers next year provides an opportunity to reflect on the purposes of schooling in the 21st century. </p>
<p>It’s hard to find fault with Minister Tehan’s <a href="https://ministers.education.gov.au/tehan/updating-melbourne-declaration">statement</a> that “Australia needs a shared agenda across the country to ensure alignment between policy, practice and delivery” and that young people need “a quality school education, tailored to individual needs”. </p>
<p>But it’s also true the 2008 goals were <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/education/let-s-end-our-neo-liberal-school-testing-fixation-20181213-p50m3q.html">never achieved</a> because it was never properly implemented.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/explaining-australias-school-funding-debate-whats-at-stake-100023">Explaining Australia's school funding debate: what's at stake</a>
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<p>Grand goals are well and good, but we need to also provision for implementation and work hard to make it happen. This means time, resources, clarity on each stakeholder’s role in creating an excellent and equitable schooling system (which enables all young Australians to become successful learners, confident and creative individuals), and active and informed citizens. </p>
<p>It’s time to commit to action and cooperation, regardless of who wins the 2019 elections.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/108079/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bronwyn Hinz is Director of Research and Development for Pivot Professional Learning where she works with key schooling stakeholders across Australia, from students to senior government officials. Pivot has partnerships and pilot projects with the Victorian Department of Education and Training, the Bastow Institute for Educational Leadership, the NSW Department of Education, the Centre for Education Statistics and Evaluation, Sydney Catholic Schools, Teach for Australia and more. Bronwyn does not directly receive funding from these bodies, nor does Pivot or its partners or clients benefit directly from this article. </span></em></p>2018 was a mixed bag for schooling policy in Australia, with new ministers, a new organisation and auspicious anniversaries. It’s worth reflecting on the year that’s been.Bronwyn Hinz, Director of Research and Development, Pivot Professional Learning; and Honorary Fellow, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1086742018-12-12T02:47:02Z2018-12-12T02:47:02ZWhat the Victorian government’s decision not to sign on to the Gonski reforms means for schools in the new year<p>Victorian schools could potentially be without federal funding after 31 December 2018 if the state government refuses to sign up to the <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/662684_tgta_accessible_final_0.pdf">Gonski 2.0</a> funding reforms. In a <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/victoria/morrison-says-andrews-gonski-funding-snub-will-hurt-schoolchildren-20181210-p50ldk.html">letter</a> to Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews on Monday, Prime Minister Scott Morrison stated he was committed to coming to an agreement by today, when the <a href="https://www.coag.gov.au/">Council of Australian Governments</a> meets. The Victorian government has raised its portion of school funding from 66% to 75%, and is asking that the federal government also raise their share by an additional 5% to 25%.</p>
<p>Another <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/federal/federal-labor-promises-to-backdate-school-funding-if-it-s-withheld-20181211-p50lf7.html">letter</a>, this time written by shadow federal education minister Tanya Plibersek to Andrews, circulated this morning. In the letter, Plibersek promised Labor would backdate any school funding withheld from Victorian students if it wins the May election.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/factcheck-does-victoria-have-australias-lowest-rate-of-public-school-funding-106772">FactCheck: does Victoria have Australia's lowest rate of public school funding?</a>
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<p>The federal government has responded by saying Victoria isn’t entitled to federal funding after 31 December if the state doesn’t sign on to the reforms. The Victorian government claims it has legal advice that says the state would be entitled to funding come 2019. </p>
<p>In what essentially amounts to a game of political chicken, who wins? The federal government is right that it doesn’t have to fund Victorian schools in 2019 if they don’t sign an agreement. But that would be a poor political move at a time when the Coalition faces mounting criticism in the lead-up to an election.</p>
<h2>The Australian constitution, money, and schools</h2>
<p>The standoff is underpinned by the financial relationship between state and federal government, established by the <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Senate/Powers_practice_n_procedures/Constitution.aspx">Australian constitution</a>. What does the constitution require the governments to do in this situation? Basically, nothing. Neither the state nor the federal government is under any constitutional obligation to fund schools. Nor does the constitution give Victoria an entitlement to federal funding.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/state-governments-are-vital-for-australian-democracy-heres-why-101109">State governments are vital for Australian democracy: here's why</a>
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<p>The constitution leaves responsibility for running schools to state governments. The federal parliament is not given power to make laws about schools. So why does the federal government have anything to do with schools? </p>
<p>The answer lies in a very powerful provision of the constitution: <a href="http://classic.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/cth/consol_act/coaca430/s96.html">section 96</a>. This section allows the federal government to give money to state governments, <em>on such terms and conditions as the federal Parliament thinks fit.</em> For example, the federal government may give a state money to run schools, on the condition the money is distributed in a certain way, or even that particular teaching methods are adopted. </p>
<h2>What can state government do if it doesn’t like the conditions?</h2>
<p>There are three options: </p>
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<li>the state can accept the money on those conditions, even though it doesn’t like them </li>
<li>the state can refuse to accept the money at all </li>
<li>the state can try to negotiate with the federal government to secure the money on more appealing conditions. </li>
</ol>
<p>From a constitutional point of view, the states are in a weak position here. The federal government can simply refuse to hand over the money, leaving the states with empty pockets. Australian state governments rely heavily on section 96 grants from the federal government. </p>
<p>The states are unable to collect enough tax to fund crucial government responsibilities (such as education and health). Under the constitution, the federal government has greater ability to collect tax, so the states rely on the federal government for a large chunk of the state budget each year. It’s called a <a href="https://theconversation.com/renewing-federalism-what-are-the-solutions-to-vertical-fiscal-imbalance-31422">vertical fiscal imbalance</a>.</p>
<h2>But what about the politics?</h2>
<p>From a political point of view, the playing field is more even. For many years, the federal government has given the states money to pay for schools. There is now a strong public expectation it will continue to do so. If the federal government were to refuse to fund Victorian schools in 2019, this would be rich fodder for the government’s political opponents. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/what-kind-of-prime-minister-will-scott-morrison-be-102050">What kind of prime minister will Scott Morrison be?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Similarly, though, if the Victorian government refuses to accept money on the conditions offered by the federal government, it will be partially responsible if schools don’t have enough funding to operate in 2019.</p>
<p>The constitution leaves both governments with a lot of freedom to choose what to do here. But for either government to be responsible for shutting down Victoria’s schools would be extremely unattractive, politically. There is a strong political incentive on both sides for the Victorian and federal governments to reach agreement very soon - certainly in time for the new school year to proceed as usual.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/108674/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Anna Olijnyk does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Victorian schools could potentially be without federal funding after 31 December if the state government refuses to sign up to the Gonski 2.0 funding reforms.Anna Olijnyk, Lecturer, Adelaide Law School, University of AdelaideLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1067722018-11-22T18:54:03Z2018-11-22T18:54:03ZFactCheck: does Victoria have Australia’s lowest rate of public school funding?<blockquote>
<p>Victoria has the lowest funding rate for public schools of any state in Australia.
<strong>– Victorian Greens state election pamphlet, circulated in the seat of Melbourne, November 2018</strong></p>
</blockquote>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/246337/original/file-20181120-161627-1q4s2q4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/246337/original/file-20181120-161627-1q4s2q4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/246337/original/file-20181120-161627-1q4s2q4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=346&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/246337/original/file-20181120-161627-1q4s2q4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=346&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/246337/original/file-20181120-161627-1q4s2q4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=346&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/246337/original/file-20181120-161627-1q4s2q4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=435&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/246337/original/file-20181120-161627-1q4s2q4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=435&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/246337/original/file-20181120-161627-1q4s2q4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=435&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Victorian Greens state election pamphlet, November 2018.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The Australian Greens party <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/education/greens-pledge-extra-205bn-for-public-schools/news-story/961f84e65d97abe4c319166239ae1402?from=htc_rss&utm_campaign=EditorialSF&utm_medium=Twitter&utm_source=TheAustralian&utm_content=SocialFlow">this week</a> outlined its federal public education policy, saying it would spend an extra A$20.5 billion on public schools over the next 10 years, legislate to remove the cap on Commonwealth contributions to the sector, and cancel what it described as special deals for private schools, among <a href="https://greens.org.au/sites/default/files/2018-11/POLICY%20INITIATIVE-%20Funding%20Public%20Schools.pdf">other proposals</a>. </p>
<p>In the lead-up to Saturday’s Victorian election, the Victorian Greens shared campaign pamphlets arguing the state’s education funding needed to be brought up to the national average, stating that “Victoria has the lowest funding rate for public schools of any state in Australia”.</p>
<p>We asked the experts to check the numbers.</p>
<h2>Checking the source</h2>
<p>In response to The Conversation’s request for sources and comment, a spokesperson for the Victorian Greens provided the following:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>According to the most recent publicly available information from the Productivity Commission’s <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/research/ongoing/report-on-government-services/2018/child-care-education-and-training/school-education">Report on Government Services 2018</a>, recurrent funding per student in Victoria in 2015-16 was the lowest in the country at A$13,301 per student, which is A$1,589 lower than the national average of A$14,890.</p>
<p>The next lowest spending state is Tasmania, spending A$14,372 per student, and the highest spending state is Western Australia at A$17,306.</p>
<p>The relevant figures can be found in the <a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/static_files/files/348/rogs-2018-partb-chapter4-attachment.xlsx?1542152525">attached table</a> at tab 4A.14.</p>
</blockquote>
<hr>
<h2>Verdict</h2>
<p>The statement made by the Victorian Greens is correct: Victoria does have the lowest funding rate for public schools of any state or territory in Australia. Total government funding for Victorian government schools in 2015-16 was A$15,656 per student. </p>
<p>Victoria has had the lowest per student government funding for public schools in Australia for at least a decade, due to relatively low levels of state government funding compared with other states and territories. </p>
<p>Nonetheless, Victorian students’ performance on national and international assessments is generally above average.</p>
<hr>
<h2>Response to the sources provided by the Victorian Greens</h2>
<p>The figures provided by the Greens spokesperson are not the total government funding for Victorian public schools; they are state government funding only. </p>
<h1>How is school funding allocated?</h1>
<p>All schools in Australia — government (public) and non-government (Catholic and independent) — receive public funding from both the federal government and their respective state or territory government. </p>
<p>Under the <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/by%20Subject/1301.0%7E2012%7EMain%20Features%7EGovernment%20responsibilities%20in%20education%7E103">Commonwealth Constitution</a>, school education is the responsibility of state governments. As such, most government funding for schools comes from state governments.</p>
<p>In 2015-16 (the most recent year of finalised accounts provided by the Productivity Commission), total government funding for schools was <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/research/ongoing/report-on-government-services/2018/child-care-education-and-training/school-education/rogs-2018-partb-chapter4.pdf">A$55.7 billion</a>. This comprised 28% from the federal government and 72% from state and territory governments. </p>
<p>(The funding figures for government schools include a non-cash accounting element called <a href="https://stats.oecd.org/glossary/detail.asp?ID=2826">user cost of capital</a> that is not included in non-government school funding figures. This complicates comparisons between the government and non-government sectors, but doesn’t substantially affect state-by-state comparisons of government schools).</p>
<p>However, the balance of funding sources in the government and non-government school sectors is very different.</p>
<p>Non-government schools receive most of their funding from the federal government, whereas government schools receive most of their funding from state and territory governments. </p>
<h2>Funding for government schools</h2>
<p>In 2015-16, <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/research/ongoing/report-on-government-services/2018/child-care-education-and-training/school-education/rogs-2018-partb-chapter4.pdf">86%</a> of funding for government schools came from state and territory governments, and 14% from the federal government. The latter was an increase over the past decade from the <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/research/ongoing/report-on-government-services/2018/child-care-education-and-training/school-education/rogs-2018-partb-chapter4.pdf">9%</a> of federal funding for government schools in 2006-07. </p>
<p>In Victorian government schools, the federal government’s share of funding increased from <a href="https://www.pc.gov.au/research/ongoing/report-on-government-services/2018/child-care-education-and-training/school-education/rogs-2018-partb-chapter4.pdf">9% to 15%</a> in the decade to 2015-16.</p>
<p>This increase in the federal government contribution is largely the result of the various <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics-79828">iterations</a> of the <a href="https://www.cis.org.au/app/uploads/2017/05/rr26.pdf?">school funding model</a> that arose from the <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/documents/review-funding-schooling-final-report-december-2011">Gonski review</a> of school funding in 2011.</p>
<p>The current funding model under the <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/australian-education-act-2013">Australian Education Act 2013</a> has two components: a base level of funding, and additional loadings for disadvantage. All government schools are allocated 100% of the base level, while non-government schools have their base level adjusted according to the socioeconomic status of the school population.</p>
<p>The loadings — which are allocated for socioeconomic disadvantage, indigenous students, students with limited English language proficiency, students with disabilities, and small/remote schools — are not subject to any means-test adjustments. </p>
<p>The funding model sets each school a theoretical or aspirational <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/what-schooling-resource-standard-and-how-does-it-work">Schooling Resource Standard</a> (SRS) that combined federal and state/territory funding should meet. As the SRS represents a large increase in funding for some school sectors, it is being <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/how-will-schools-transition-new-funding-arrangements-be-calculated">phased in</a> over several years.</p>
<h2>What’s Victoria’s share?</h2>
<p>While both levels of government produce budget forward estimates projected over four years, it’s not possible to predict funding levels or enrolments with sufficient precision to know whether Victorian government schools will continue to have lower per student funding than other states in the future.</p>
<p>In 2015-16, total government funding for Victorian government schools was A$15,656 per student – the lowest rate in Australia. </p>
<iframe src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/fRelL/1/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowtransparency="true" width="100%" height="527"></iframe>
<h2>Does lower funding mean poorer outcomes?</h2>
<p>No, lower average funding does not necessarily mean lower average performance. </p>
<p>Victorian government and non-government school students have been at least above average and often among the highest achieving states in the <a href="http://reports.acara.edu.au/NAP/NaplanResults">National Assessment Program for Literacy and Numeracy</a> (NAPLAN), frequently outperforming the higher funded schools in the Australian Capital Territory.</p>
<p>In the <a href="https://research.acer.edu.au/ozpisa/21/">Program for International Student Assessment 2015</a> (PISA), Victoria’s average performance in reading, mathematical and scientific literacy was among the top three states and territories (but Victoria had relatively low proportions of high-achieving students).</p>
<p>In the <a href="https://research.acer.edu.au/timss_2015/1/">Trends in International Maths and Science Study 2015</a> (TIMSS), the average performance of Victorian students in maths and science in Years 4 and 8 was either equal first or second among Australian states and territories. <strong>– Jennifer Buckingham</strong></p>
<hr>
<h2>Blind review</h2>
<p>The verdict is correct: Victorian government schools have the lowest level of government funding of any state. This is true when all government funding is counted (as the fact-checker correctly argues it should be, given the original statement) or just state government funding (the figures provided by The Greens.)</p>
<p>Comparing funding as a percentage of Schooling Resource Standard (SRS) gives a more nuanced comparison of relative funding, by taking into account the individual needs of each school. But it doesn’t change the answer: in 2016, Victorian government schools got just <a href="https://twitter.com/peter_goss/status/1065488300780089344">82% of their SRS target</a>, 6 percentage points lower than the next lowest funded state.</p>
<p>It’s even harder to make a clear link between funding levels and student outcomes. The data provided on average achievement levels in NAPLAN, PISA and TIMSS cover all school sectors, not just government schools. State-wide averages do not account for the fact that Victoria has fewer disadvantaged students than many states. And while it is formally true that Victoria is in the top three in PISA and top two in TIMSS, Victoria’s performance was not statistically higher than the national average in any of these international tests in 2015. Determining the impact on outcomes of Victoria’s low funding levels is a subject for another discussion. <strong>– Peter Goss</strong></p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-left zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/162128/original/image-20170323-13486-72k52f.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/162128/original/image-20170323-13486-72k52f.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/162128/original/image-20170323-13486-72k52f.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162128/original/image-20170323-13486-72k52f.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162128/original/image-20170323-13486-72k52f.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=600&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162128/original/image-20170323-13486-72k52f.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162128/original/image-20170323-13486-72k52f.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162128/original/image-20170323-13486-72k52f.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=754&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Conversation FactCheck is accredited by the International Fact-Checking Network.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p><em>The Conversation’s FactCheck unit was the first fact-checking team in Australia and one of the first worldwide to be accredited by the International Fact-Checking Network, an alliance of fact-checkers hosted at the Poynter Institute in the US. <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-conversations-factcheck-granted-accreditation-by-international-fact-checking-network-at-poynter-74363">Read more here</a>.</em></p>
<p><em>Have you seen a “fact” worth checking? The Conversation’s FactCheck asks academic experts to test claims and see how true they are. We then ask a second academic to review an anonymous copy of the article. You can request a check at <a href="mailto:checkit@theconversation.edu.au">checkit@theconversation.edu.au</a>. Please include the statement you would like us to check, the date it was made, and a link if possible.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/106772/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and Grattan uses the income to pursue its activities.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jennifer Buckingham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Were the Victorian Greens correct about pubic school funding? We asked the experts to check the numbers.Jennifer Buckingham, Senior Research Fellow, The Centre for Independent Studies; Associate Investigator, ARC Centre of Excellence in Cognition and its Disorders, Macquarie UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/974412018-06-07T20:27:16Z2018-06-07T20:27:16ZExplainer: what’s the difference between formative and summative assessment in schools?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/222093/original/file-20180607-137309-1bx3631.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Both formative and summative assessments are important parts of a well-rounded assessment program.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The recent Gonski <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/662684_tgta_accessible_final_0.pdf">report</a> argues Australia needs assessment and reporting models that capture both achievement progress and long-term learning progress. This, according to the review panel, involves low-stakes, low-key, and regular formative assessments to support learning progressions. The report used international <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/827-Targeted-Teaching.pdf">evidence</a> on individualised teaching to demonstrate ongoing formative assessment and feedback is fundamental to supporting students to do better in school. </p>
<p>The NSW Education Minister, Rob Stokes, has <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/education/naplan-is-being-used-abused-and-must-be-urgently-dumped-stokes-20180503-p4zd3z.html">called for</a> NAPLAN to be replaced in “haste” with less high stakes tests. Mark Scott, the secretary of the NSW Department of Education, echoed Stokes’ remarks. He <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-05-29/naplan-will-look-a-little-dated-when-new-testing-catches-on/9796860">stated</a>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>I think [NAPLAN] will become obsolete because the kinds of information that the new assessment schemes will give us will be richer and deeper and more meaningful for teachers, for parents and for education systems.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>So, what’s the difference between formative and summative assessment? And when should each be used? Formative and summative assessment have different purposes and <a href="http://gottesman.pressible.org/cjr2142/balanced-assessment-from-formative-to-summative">both have an important role to play</a> in a balanced assessment program.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/222094/original/file-20180607-137309-8bwo1n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/222094/original/file-20180607-137309-8bwo1n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222094/original/file-20180607-137309-8bwo1n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222094/original/file-20180607-137309-8bwo1n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222094/original/file-20180607-137309-8bwo1n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222094/original/file-20180607-137309-8bwo1n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222094/original/file-20180607-137309-8bwo1n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Formative assessments provide students with feedback and show where gaps in learning are.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Formative assessment</h2>
<p><a href="http://www.nuffieldfoundation.org/sites/default/files/files/beyond_blackbox.pdf">Formative assessment</a> includes a range of strategies such as classroom discussions and quizzes designed to generate feedback on student performance. This is done so teachers can <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0969595980050104">make changes</a> in teaching and learning based on what students need. </p>
<p>It involves finding out what students know and do not know, and continually monitoring student progress during learning. Both teachers and students <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0969594970040304">are involved</a> in decisions about the next steps in learning. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/marking-answers-with-a-tick-or-cross-wont-enhance-learning-48732">Marking answers with a tick or cross won't enhance learning</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Teachers use the feedback from formative tasks to identify what students are struggling with and adjust instruction appropriately. This could involve re-teaching key concepts, changing how they teach or modifying teaching resources to provide students with additional support. Students also use feedback from formative tasks to reflect on and improve their own work. </p>
<p><strong>Regular classroom tasks, whether formal (for example, traditional pen and paper tests) or informal (such as classroom discussions), can be adapted into effective formative tasks by:</strong> </p>
<ul>
<li><p>making students aware of the learning goals/success criteria using rubrics and carefully tracking student progress against them </p></li>
<li><p>including clear instructions to guide students through a series of activities to demonstrate the success criteria. A teacher might, for example, design a series of activities to guide students through an inquiry or research process in science</p></li>
<li><p>providing regular opportunities for feedback from the teacher, other students or parents (this feedback may be face-to face, written, or online)</p></li>
<li><p>making sure students have opportunities to reflect on and make use of feedback to improve their work. This may involve asking students to write a short reflection about the feedback on their draft essay and using this to improve their final version.</p></li>
</ul>
<p><strong>There are many advantages of formative assessment:</strong></p>
<ul>
<li><p>feedback from formative assessment helps students become aware of any
gaps between their goal and their current knowledge, understanding, or skill</p></li>
<li><p>tasks <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0969595980050104">guide students</a> through the actions necessary to hit learning goals </p></li>
<li><p>tasks encourage students to focus their attention on the task (such as undertaking an inquiry or research process) rather than on simply getting the right answer </p></li>
<li><p>students and teachers receive ongoing feedback about student progress towards learning goals, which enables teachers to adjust their instructional approach in response to what students need</p></li>
<li><p>students build their <a href="https://blogs.deakin.edu.au/innovation-in-psychology/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2013/11/Nichol_2006.pdf">self-regulation skills</a> by setting learning goals and monitoring their progress towards them </p></li>
<li><p>results of formative assessments can also be used for grading and reporting.</p></li>
</ul>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/222095/original/file-20180607-137298-3lx69f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/222095/original/file-20180607-137298-3lx69f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222095/original/file-20180607-137298-3lx69f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222095/original/file-20180607-137298-3lx69f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222095/original/file-20180607-137298-3lx69f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222095/original/file-20180607-137298-3lx69f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/222095/original/file-20180607-137298-3lx69f.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Summative assessments are generally standardised and rarely provide feedback.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>Summative assessment</h2>
<p>This includes end of unit examinations and the NSW <a href="http://educationstandards.nsw.edu.au/wps/portal/nesa/11-12/hsc/about-HSC">Higher School Certificate</a> (HSC) examination.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0969594970040304">Summative assessment</a> provides students, teachers and parents with an understanding of the pupil’s overall learning. Most commonly thought of as formal, time-specific exams, these assessments may include major essays, projects, presentations, art works, creative portfolios, reports or research experiments. These assessments are designed to measure the student’s achievement relative to the subject’s overall learning goals as set out in the relevant curriculum standards. </p>
<p>The design and goals of summative assessments are generally standardised so they can be applied to large numbers of students, multiple cohorts and time periods. <a href="https://research.acer.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1004&context=aer">Data collected</a> on individual student, cohort, school or system performance provides schools and principals with a tool to evaluate student knowledge relative to the learning objectives. They can also compare them with previous cohorts and other schools. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/evidence-based-education-needs-standardised-assessment-87937">Evidence-based education needs standardised assessment</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The measurement and evaluation of student achievement this way <a href="https://au.sagepub.com/en-gb/oce/assessment-of-learning/book230814">gives us necessary information</a> about how we can continuously improve learning and teaching. </p>
<p>There are a number of <a href="https://books.google.com.au/books?id=wPSIAgAAQBAJ&pg=PP4&lpg=PP4&dq=Assessment+and+Examination+in+the+Secondary+School:+A+Practical+Guide+for+Teachers+and+Trainers:+Taylor+%26+Francis&source=bl&ots=_yQGqNq5D-&sig=O5QOjNDVJHnbvVnFseS3eEBuZ28&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj72ZvBr7nbAhXSq5QKHYB7BdYQ6AEIPjAF#v=onepage&q=limitations&f=false">limitations</a> of summative assessment. While formative assessments usually provide feedback for the student to review and develop their learning, summative assessments are rarely returned to students. When assessments provide only a numerical grade and little or no feedback, as the NSW HSC does, it’s hard for students and teachers to pinpoint learning needs and determine the way forward. </p>
<p>Additionally, being a form of “high stakes” assessment, results may be perceived as a way of ranking students. For high achieving students there is recognition and reward, while for the lower performing students there is potential embarrassment and shame. Neither of these things should be associated with an equal opportunity education system. </p>
<hr>
<p><em>The author would like to acknowledge the work of David McDonald, a PhD student at Macquarie University in assessment, in writing this article.</em></p>
<hr><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/97441/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Rod Lane does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>There are benefits and drawbacks to both formative and summative assessment. Both are important parts of a rigorous assessment program.Rod Lane, Senior Lecturer in Educational Assessment, Macquarie UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/961132018-05-04T03:16:02Z2018-05-04T03:16:02ZVIDEO: Michelle Grattan on the budget outlook<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Apl7udYr7Xg?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>Michelle Grattan speaks with University of Canberra Vice-Chancellor Deep Saini about the week in Australian politics. They discuss the shock resignation of Labor MP Tim Hammond, the latest Gonski report, a change in Labor’s stance on live sheep exports and the federal budget outlook.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/96113/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Michelle Grattan speaks with Deep Saini about the week in Australian politics.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/957812018-05-03T20:20:39Z2018-05-03T20:20:39ZWhat democratic schools can teach us about how to implement Gonski 2.0<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217183/original/file-20180502-153914-qlhydd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Democratic schools are student centred, with individualised learning.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Gonski 2.0 makes 23 <a href="https://www.appa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180430-Through-Growth-to-Achievement_Text.pdf">recommendations</a> to change Australia’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-review-attacks-australian-schooling-quality-and-urges-individualised-teaching-approach-95764">education landscape </a>. The federal government has <a href="http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/breaking-news/the-gonski-20-vision-to-shakeup-schools/news-story/526cb97bb5992cb509bbf50e379c486e">accepted</a> all of those recommendations. </p>
<p>David Gonski will present his report at the special <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national/breaking-news/the-gonski-20-vision-to-shakeup-schools/news-story/526cb97bb5992cb509bbf50e379c486e">COAG meeting</a> on May 4. The federal education minister will need to secure the support of all states and territories. </p>
<p>While these recommendations suggest major change to current education practice, democratic schools have been implementing many of these ideas for <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/education/where-all-are-equal-20100729-10x6z.html">40 years</a>. They provide a model for how states and territories could proceed.</p>
<h2>Democratic schools and their philosophy</h2>
<p>Democratic schools are <a href="https://ac.els-cdn.com/S1877042815005881/1-s2.0-S1877042815005881-main.pdf?_tid=9ed12756-da95-4bfa-a195-9659039016a5&acdnat=1525131292_a98a5b1f0c539d8a616a23e91e6dbf32">student-centred</a>, with individualised learning and progression plans. They <a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/380572">avoid age grouping or “year levels”</a>. These schools put <a href="http://www.appstate.edu/%7Enelsenpj/rcoe/2400Fall11/Welcome_files/Apple&Beane95.pdf">individual student’s needs</a> at the heart of the school and the <a href="https://www.eudec.org/Democratic+Education">learning</a>. They report <a href="http://www.kinma.nsw.edu.au/178-primary">student’s learning</a> and progression in relation to students as individuals. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-review-reveals-another-grand-plan-to-overhaul-education-but-do-we-really-need-it-93119">Gonski review reveals another grand plan to overhaul education: but do we really need it?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Democratic schools operate in <a href="https://ipfs.io/ipfs/QmXoypizjW3WknFiJnKLwHCnL72vedxjQkDDP1mXWo6uco/wiki/List_of_democratic_schools.html">many countries</a> across the <a href="https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?mid=1v3zlskHzh-9cpgbw-_CibDnXzK8&ll=-3.81666561775622e-14%2C-61.25920635&z=1">world</a>. They are based on a belief we need to work against a <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democratic-Schools-Second-Powerful-Education/dp/0325010757">cookie-cutter</a> approach to education. These schools <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00220671.2013.823365?src=recsys&journalCode=vjer20">individualise instruction</a> and base learning on the <a href="http://democraticeducation.org/index.php/features/what-is-democratic-education/">individual needs of the learner</a>.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217184/original/file-20180502-153884-1an1nv7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217184/original/file-20180502-153884-1an1nv7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217184/original/file-20180502-153884-1an1nv7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217184/original/file-20180502-153884-1an1nv7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217184/original/file-20180502-153884-1an1nv7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217184/original/file-20180502-153884-1an1nv7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217184/original/file-20180502-153884-1an1nv7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Democratic schools report learning and progression.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Tech giant Apple is an <a href="http://newlearningonline.com/new-learning/chapter-8/michael-apple-on-ideology-in-curriculum">advocate</a> for democratic schools. They argue that by implementing the democratic schools’ model, we can achieve greater social cohesion, improve social mobility and ensure a fair and equitable education for all. </p>
<p><a href="http://education.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190264093.001.0001/acrefore-9780190264093-e-80">Others</a> have found, for more than <a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/443842">40 years</a>, these schools successfully foster in students a sense of success and an ability to <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/freedom-learn/200808/children-educate-themselves-iv-lessons-sudbury-valley">manage their learning</a>. These <a href="https://wicklowsudburyschooldotcom.files.wordpress.com/2017/10/sudbury-vs-old-school2.png?w=640">skills</a> are predictors of <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1744-6570.1999.tb00174.x">later life success</a>.</p>
<h2>Gonski’s recommendations</h2>
<p>In his recent review, Gonski made several recommendations that are aligned with democratic education. The <a href="https://www.appa.asn.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/20180430-Through-Growth-to-Achievement_Text.pdf">three priorities</a> are:</p>
<ol>
<li><p>measure growth and learning based on where students start, not based on their age</p></li>
<li><p>ensure children are engaged and connected learners prepared for a changing world</p></li>
<li><p>make the system adaptive, innovative and improve it to meet students’ needs.</p></li>
</ol>
<p>All of these recommendations are already implemented in democratic schools. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217186/original/file-20180502-153884-1gqw93.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217186/original/file-20180502-153884-1gqw93.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217186/original/file-20180502-153884-1gqw93.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217186/original/file-20180502-153884-1gqw93.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217186/original/file-20180502-153884-1gqw93.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217186/original/file-20180502-153884-1gqw93.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217186/original/file-20180502-153884-1gqw93.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">While we still know little about how the recommendations will be implemented in practice, we can learn a thing or two from democratic schools.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>These schools are adaptive to <a href="https://sudburyschool.com/content/sudbury-model-education">student’s needs</a>, in innovative <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/may/01/kids-arent-widgets-the-radical-thinking-that-offers-a-way-forward-after-gonski">curriculum, assessment, reporting</a> and <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/317544606_Education_for_Social_Justice_in_a_Free_and_Democratic_School">behaviour management</a>. </p>
<p>The report also calls on early learning to provide a seamless transition into school, as is the case where preschools and primary schools are connected. Kinma School, for example, provides a model of how <a href="http://www.kinma.nsw.edu.au/kinma-preschool/transition-to-school">transition</a> can be effectively managed from pre- to primary school. They have the children visit throughout the year to familiarise themselves with teachers, other kids and the environment, and allow parents to stay in the classroom with their child until the student feels comfortable on their own.</p>
<p>The Gonksi report states education should equip “every student to grow and succeed in a changing world”. As noted by many democratic schools, there’s no way of knowing what students need to know. So, they allow students to determine their <a href="http://www.pinecommunityschool.org/day-to-day/curriculum">overarching topics of study</a>, to <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/may/01/kids-arent-widgets-the-radical-thinking-that-offers-a-way-forward-after-gonski">pace and manage their learning</a> based on their <a href="https://theconversation.com/principal-school-doesnt-work-for-most-kids-32733">strengths, interests and needs</a>. They also focus on the development of <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0973184913411145">problem solving</a> and students’ abilities to be change makers in the community.</p>
<p>There is also an emphasis on timely, ongoing feedback in the report. Democratic schools argue <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00220671.2013.823365?src=recsys&journalCode=vjer20">feedback to learners</a> is more important than one-off assessments. Feedback, as opposed to assessment, allows students to manage their learning in <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=8&ved=0ahUKEwjs4sfQpOPaAhUBG5QKHd2nBbQQFghuMAc&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.lifescienceglobal.com%2Fpms%2Findex.php%2Fijcs%2Farticle%2Fdownload%2F3890%2F2244&usg=AOvVaw30BpSIQ0eg0EM_xHfNiYrE">partnership</a> with teachers and facilitators.</p>
<p>Further, technology is vital to Gonski’s recommendations. The report notes it can be used to enhance and measure students’ learning. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217188/original/file-20180502-153878-1wbzx24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217188/original/file-20180502-153878-1wbzx24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217188/original/file-20180502-153878-1wbzx24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217188/original/file-20180502-153878-1wbzx24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=300&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217188/original/file-20180502-153878-1wbzx24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=377&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217188/original/file-20180502-153878-1wbzx24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=377&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217188/original/file-20180502-153878-1wbzx24.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=377&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">There is already evidence of democratic schooling working in practice.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In democratic schools, <a href="https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ754046.pdf">technology is central</a> to the development of the <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2FBF03024954">individual as a learner</a>, to <a href="http://eugenesudburyschool.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/EugeneSudburySchoolHandbook.pdf">accessing ideas</a> and information that was previously unavailable. It also democratises the role of the <a href="http://www.pinecommunityschool.org/philosophy/democratic-education">teacher as facilitator</a> and not an overarching expert in all things.</p>
<p>Some democratic schools in the US use <a href="https://sudburybeach.wordpress.com/2015/12/18/is-altschool-the-future-of-education/">technology to manage teacher development</a> by videoing teachers in class and helping them use that data to improve their performance.</p>
<h2>It can be done, and done well</h2>
<p>Some may argue many of these reforms are <a href="http://www.afr.com/opinion/columnists/gonski-20-wont-help-schools-20180430-h0zg0e">impossible to implement</a>. But there is evidence of elements working in practice, <a href="https://theconversation.com/principal-school-doesnt-work-for-most-kids-32733">in Australia</a> and <a href="https://www.tallgrasssudbury.org/blog/2017/8/14/but-does-it-work">overseas</a>. </p>
<p>Democratic schools are already working within the Gonski recommendations, including the multi-age philosophy at <a href="http://www.kinma.nsw.edu.au/kinma-primary">Kinma</a>, <a href="http://currambena.nsw.edu.au/">Currambena</a> and <a href="http://www.pinecommunityschool.org/">Pine Community School</a>. There is also a noticeable approach to flexibility, at <a href="https://tc.vic.edu.au/our-philosophy-in-depth/">Templestowe College</a> in secondary and senior secondary school. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/democratic-schooling-teachers-leave-them-kids-alone-24669">Democratic schooling: teachers leave them kids alone</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>The importance of the learner is central to Gonski’s report and to wider discussions about how we engage students in education that benefits them and the community in the 21st century. While we still know little about how the recommendations will be implemented in practice, we can learn a thing or two from democratic schools.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/95781/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Rebecca English does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Democratic schools already employ some of the recommendations from the Gonski report, chief among them individualisation of teaching.Rebecca English, Lecturer in Education, Queensland University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/959342018-05-03T02:16:32Z2018-05-03T02:16:32ZGonski 2.0: there is evidence inclusive schooling will help those left behind<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217378/original/file-20180503-153900-g8updp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The benefits of mixed-ability classes are shared by all.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The recently released <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/662684_tgta_accessible_final.pdf">Gonski 2.0 Review</a> aimed to examine how school funding should be used to improve school performance and student outcomes. A particular area of focus was to <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/node/43571">improve outcomes</a> across all student cohorts including disadvantaged and vulnerable students, and academically advanced (“gifted”) students. </p>
<p>The report sets out a radically different vision of Australian school education but does not fully explain how this vision can be achieved. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-review-reveals-another-grand-plan-to-overhaul-education-but-do-we-really-need-it-93119">Gonski review reveals another grand plan to overhaul education: but do we really need it?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>This omission has been rightly criticised. But there has been little acknowledgement of the positives in the report or the problems it seeks to address. These problems are real and are important to confront as they affect us all and <a href="https://www.economist.com/news/special-report/21700760-artificial-intelligence-will-have-implications-policymakers-education-welfare-and?fsrc=scn/fb/te/pe/ed/reeducatingrita">will increase in the future</a>.</p>
<p>By far the biggest problem is more than one quarter of Australian school students are “<a href="http://www.mitchellinstitute.org.au/reports/educational-opportunity-in-australia-2015-who-succeeds-and-who-misses-out/">missing out</a>” from their school education. This affects their ability to participate in an increasingly high skills economy, setting them up for a lifetime of precarious work or welfare dependency. </p>
<p>The presumption has always been that these students just aren’t “smart enough” to “keep up” and seldom is the need to do so questioned. Gonski 2.0 changes that by recognising and challenging deep fault lines in our education system that have extremely negative equity effects.</p>
<h2>What’s the problem?</h2>
<p>The report notes our current age/grade system leaves too many students behind. It acknowledges the huge range in the learning readiness of students the same age, <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/review-achieve-educational-excellence-australian-schools">stating</a> the:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>most advanced students in a year group can be five to six years ahead of the least advanced. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The presence of this gap does not mean students at the lower end are destined to remain there. These students can and do <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.3102/0034654316687036">succeed</a>, but it takes the right supports from expert teachers and the time to provide them.</p>
<p>Yet, our system is currently structured in such a way that those who fall behind get left behind. This is because the <a href="https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/">Australian curriculum</a> is content heavy and the pressure to cover this content over the course of a year leaves teachers with little time to provide the individualised support <a href="http://www.educationcouncil.edu.au/site/DefaultSite/filesystem/documents/Reports%20and%20publications/ED17-0046%20SCH%20NCCD%20Report%202017_ACC.PDF">needed by almost one in five Australian students</a>. </p>
<p>“Summative assessment”, or benchmarking, is used as a blunt tool to determine what students have or have not learned. They are then graded A-E against the achievement standards. In some schools they’re also ranked against their peers. </p>
<p>By the end of their schooling, some <a href="http://www.mitchellinstitute.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Educational-opportunity-in-Australia-2015-Who-succeeds-and-who-misses-out-19Nov15.pdf">26% have still not achieved a Year 12 Certificate</a> or its equivalent.</p>
<hr>
<p><iframe id="mHvRV" class="tc-infographic-datawrapper" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/mHvRV/1/" height="400px" width="100%" style="border: none" frameborder="0"></iframe></p>
<hr>
<h2>What is Gonski’s solution?</h2>
<p>The report proposes a “<a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/malcolm-turnbull-backs-gonski-2-0-blueprint-for-radical-overhaul-of-australian-curriculum-20180429-p4zcaq.html">radical</a>” new approach based on: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>all students being educated in mixed-ability classrooms </p></li>
<li><p>greater use of formative assessment to determine where students are in their learning </p></li>
<li><p>differentiated teaching to meet students at their respective point of need</p></li>
<li><p>a redirection in focus from comparative achievement against an age/grade standard to individual growth in achievement against a defined <a href="https://rd.acer.org/article/a-learning-pathway">learning progression</a>.</p></li>
</ul>
<hr>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=805&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=805&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=805&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1012&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1012&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1012&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">The Conversation/Federal government</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>Some commentators have <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/education/gonski-2-0-report-a-fail-20180430-p4zci8.html">criticised the lack of supporting evidence</a> and it’s true the report relies heavily on a select range of sources and does not make the grade in terms of academic rigour. This does not mean the ideas proposed or practices described are fanciful or have no evidence to support them. </p>
<p>Take, for example, the concept of teaching students in mixed-ability classrooms, the use of formative assessment, and differentiated teaching. While these might sound radical when combined into a new vision for school education, each has evidence to support them. They’re all elements of inclusive practice.</p>
<h2>The evidence for inclusive education</h2>
<p>The benefits of mixed-ability classes are shared by all. There are a range of important <a href="http://alana.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/A_Summary_of_the_evidence_on_inclusive_education.pdf">academic and social benefits</a> for students with disabilities (including improved memory and stronger language and literacy and mathematics skills), as well as <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/314288511_Academic_achievement_of_students_without_special_educational_needs_in_inclusive_classrooms_A_meta-analysis">students without disability</a> (such as social and emotional development). </p>
<p>Ability “streaming”, which involves assigning students of the same grade into ranked classes based on prior achievement or perceived ability levels, has a <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/0034654316675417">neglible effect</a> on achievement and profoundly <a href="http://www.curriculum.edu.au/leader/is_time_up_for_ability_grouping,22535.html?issueID=11280">negative consequences</a> for lower ranked students. Despite <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0883035517303725?via%3Dihub">strong evidence</a> against streaming, many schools still stream classes by ability and some education systems stream entire schools. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-way-schools-cope-with-learning-difficulties-is-doing-more-harm-than-good-36544">The way schools cope with learning difficulties is doing more harm than good</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Formative assessment is feedback given to students during the course of their learning, and can help students understand what progress they have made and what the next steps are. It has been highlighted as <a href="http://evidenceforlearning.org.au/toolkit/feedback/">one of the most effective practices</a> a school can adopt to individualise learning for all students with long-standing and consistent <a href="https://www.gla.ac.uk/t4/learningandteaching/files/PGCTHE/BlackandWiliam1998.pdf.">evidence</a> to support its use. Teachers can also use the information to differentiate their teaching to ensure that they are truly teaching each student based on their needs. </p>
<p>Teachers differentiate when they provide appropriately challenging work for all students, using a variety of means to help them engage with the content and demonstrate their learning. There is evidence <a href="https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ810785.pdf">whole-school models</a> of differentiation can improve academic outcomes and close achievement gaps including in <a href="https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ758174.pdf">high stakes tests</a>. Teachers who have the opportunity to practice differentiated instruction and receive ongoing professional development develop competency and <a href="https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/1b37/11f29187bf84e51a91aebd051a7ba63cec88.pdf">stronger belief</a> in their own capability. </p>
<h2>Inclusion is better for everyone</h2>
<p>In offering a bold vision for the future, the Gonski 2.0 report has encouraged Australia to help more of our young people successfully navigate a precarious future. </p>
<p>More flesh is needed to make this vision a reality but the individual components that make up the vision are not radical and, if done well, can enhance students’ learning experiences and outcomes. And that is better for everyone.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/95934/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Linda J. Graham receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the QLD Department of Education & Training Education Horizon scheme. She is on the Board of All Means All - Australian Alliance for Inclusive Education (AMA), and co-convenes the Inclusive Education Special Interest Group for the Australian Association for Research in Education (AARE).</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ilektra Spandagou is affiliated with the Academic Advisory Panel of All Means All, Australian Alliance for Inclusive Education (AMA), and is a co-convener of the Inclusive Education SIG of the Australian Association for Research in Education </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kate de Bruin has previously received funding from the Commonwealth Department of Education and Training relating to the Nationally Consistent Collection of Data for Students with Disability. She is an Academic Board Member of All Means All - Australian Alliance for Inclusive Education</span></em></p>There is good evidence behind some of the recommendations from the Gonski review that will help all students, particularly those who get left behind.Linda J. Graham, Professor in the School of Early Childhood & Inclusive Education, Queensland University of TechnologyIlektra Spandagou, Senior lecturer, University of SydneyKate de Bruin, Researcher in Inclusive Education, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/959222018-05-02T20:22:57Z2018-05-02T20:22:57ZGonski 2.0: teaching creativity and critical thinking through the curriculum is already happening<p>David Gonski’s <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/node/50516">report</a> on Australia’s schooling system identifies three key weaknesses and proposes a set of pathways towards improvement. </p>
<p>These weaknesses include decline in student achievement over time, age-based rather than developmental approaches to differentiation in learning goals, and failure to prepare students for a complex and rapidly changing world.</p>
<p>On the third of these issues, the report argues more attention to general capabilities such as problem-solving, social skills and critical thinking is essential in preparing students for an uncertain future. </p>
<h2>A zero-sum game?</h2>
<p>Early critiques of the report have asserted <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/nation/critical-thinking-trumps-knowledge-in-gonski-20/news-story/6d53a7ac89d3c661c509c3264302d8c1">critical thinking has taken over from knowledge</a> in the latest Gonski review. And also that an increased focus on general capabilities means a <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/opinion/gonski-legacy-to-dumb-down-the-curriculum/news-story/a77c837ffc7fe6be7fbd0544fe319aac">decreased focus on knowledge and skills</a> in school subjects such as history and science. </p>
<p>This approach treats the school curriculum as a zero-sum game. More of one thing must mean less of another. What the report actually recommends is a positive-sum. A more structured approach to general capabilities within the established learning areas would better prepare students to succeed in a changing world:</p>
<blockquote>
<p><strong>Recommendation 7</strong></p>
<p>Strengthen the development of the general capabilities, and raise their status within curriculum delivery, by using learning progressions to support clear and structured approaches to their teaching, assessment, reporting and integration with learning areas. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The detail of the report argues general capabilities “cannot be taught in isolation”. It argues there should be a structured and consistent approach to teaching, assessing and reporting on the general capabilities. Without this, teachers cannot be expected to integrate them into subject-based learning.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217206/original/file-20180502-153873-1k7kc0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217206/original/file-20180502-153873-1k7kc0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217206/original/file-20180502-153873-1k7kc0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217206/original/file-20180502-153873-1k7kc0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217206/original/file-20180502-153873-1k7kc0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217206/original/file-20180502-153873-1k7kc0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217206/original/file-20180502-153873-1k7kc0d.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Gonski 2.0 argues the development of general capabilities should underpin subject-based learning.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/teaching-how-to-think-is-just-as-important-as-teaching-anything-else-46073">Teaching how to think is just as important as teaching anything else</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>The curriculum wars</h2>
<p>The role of general capabilities in a subject-based curriculum has been a recurring theme in Australian curriculum history. </p>
<p>The 1990 <a href="http://www.voced.edu.au/content/ngv%3A42925">Finn Report</a> identified six key areas of competence essential for all young people in preparation for employment: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>language and communication </p></li>
<li><p>maths </p></li>
<li><p>scientific and technological understanding </p></li>
<li><p>cultural understanding </p></li>
<li><p>problem solving</p></li>
<li><p>personal and interpersonal characteristics. </p></li>
</ul>
<p>The 1992 <a href="http://www.voced.edu.au/content/ngv%3A28045">Mayer Report</a> identified seven similar key competencies and proposed a set of nationally consistent principles for assessing and reporting on them.</p>
<p>This theme was taken up in the 1999 <a href="http://www.scseec.edu.au/archive/Publications/Publications-archive/The-Adelaide-Declaration.aspx">Adelaide Declaration of National Goals for Schooling in the Twenty-First Century</a>, which identified eight general competencies in addition to the knowledge and skills in key learning areas such as literacy and numeracy. </p>
<p>It was reiterated in the 2008 <a href="http://www.curriculum.edu.au/verve/_resources/National_Declaration_on_the_Educational_Goals_for_Young_Australians.pdf">Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians</a>. It characterised successful learners as creative users of technology, logical thinkers, creative and resourceful problem-solvers, and able to collaborate, work in teams and communicate ideas. </p>
<p>The 2010 <a href="https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/">Australian Curriculum</a> organised the school curriculum across three related dimensions: </p>
<ol>
<li><p>learning areas </p></li>
<li><p>cross-curriculum priorities</p></li>
<li><p>general capabilities. </p></li>
</ol>
<p>The <a href="https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/about-the-australian-curriculum/">general capabilities</a> were expected to be addressed <em>through</em> the learning areas. The detailed syllabus materials identify opportunities for each of the general capabilities in context. For example, in year eight curriculum content descriptions, critical and creative thinking are a part of the requirements for <a href="https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/f-10-curriculum/humanities-and-social-sciences/history/?year=12319&strand=Historical+Knowledge+and+Understanding&strand=Historical+Skills&capability=ignore&capability=Literacy&capability=Numeracy&capability=Information+and+Communication+Technology+%28ICT%29+Capability&capability=Critical+and+Creative+Thinking&capability=Personal+and+Social+Capability&capability=Ethical+Understanding&capability=Intercultural+Understanding&priority=ignore&priority=Aboriginal+and+Torres+Strait+Islander+Histories+and+Cultures&priority=Asia+and+Australia%E2%80%99s+Engagement+with+Asia&priority=Sustainability&elaborations=true&elaborations=false&scotterms=false&isFirstPageLoad=false">Historical Knowledge and Understanding</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p><strong>Renaissance Italy (c.1400 – c.1600)</strong></p>
<p>The way of life in Renaissance Italy (social, cultural, economic and political features) and the roles and relationships of different groups in society</p>
<p><strong>Critical and Creative Thinking</strong></p>
<ul>
<li>Inquiring – identifying, exploring and organising information and ideas</li>
<li>Organise and process information</li>
<li>Identify and clarify information and ideas</li>
</ul>
</blockquote>
<p>The <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/documents/review-australian-curriculum-final-report">Review of the Australian Curriculum</a> in 2014 acknowledged widespread support for the inclusion of general capabilities, but took issue with their ability to be developed outside the context of specific subject areas. The review recommended literacy, numeracy and ICT competencies be maintained in the curriculum. The other four general capabilities were to be taught only where they are relevant in academic subjects. </p>
<p>The Australian government’s <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/documents/review-australian-curriculum-initial-australian-government-response">response</a> to the review did not take up this recommendation. The general capabilities remain within the revised Australian curriculum.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217209/original/file-20180502-153895-1gq9f8s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217209/original/file-20180502-153895-1gq9f8s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217209/original/file-20180502-153895-1gq9f8s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217209/original/file-20180502-153895-1gq9f8s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217209/original/file-20180502-153895-1gq9f8s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217209/original/file-20180502-153895-1gq9f8s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217209/original/file-20180502-153895-1gq9f8s.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Preparing students for a complex and rapidly changing world is an important feature of the Gonski 2.0 report.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-review-reveals-another-grand-plan-to-overhaul-education-but-do-we-really-need-it-93119">Gonski review reveals another grand plan to overhaul education: but do we really need it?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>What’s different about the Gonski 2.0 proposal?</h2>
<p>The place of general capabilities in the school curriculum is one of the never-ending stories of Australian education. The old curriculum warriors such as Kevin Donnelly <a href="https://www.2gb.com/education-expert-slams-gonski-2-0-as-a-waste-of-time/">continue to protest</a> that capabilities are subject specific, not general, but there is widespread agreement about their importance. </p>
<p>What’s different about the Gonski 2.0 proposal is the recommendation that fine-grained learning progressions be developed for the general capabilities. Students will now be expected to demonstrate progress from year to year. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/data-collected-about-student-behaviour-doesnt-help-improve-teaching-or-learning-57793">Data collected about student behaviour doesn't help improve teaching or learning</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>It proposes, to begin with, two general capabilities - critical and creative thinking, and personal and social capability. In each case, progressions are expected to underpin subject-based teaching and learning and provide for feedback, measurement and reporting. </p>
<p>Developing the new progressions is not without risk. Existing progressions in literacy and numeracy build on a century of research on <a href="https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203840412">reading</a> and <a href="https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203930236">mathematics</a> learning. The new progressions in creativity and social skills will need to be underpinned by new scientific work. Without that detailed work, we can expect another 30 years of reviews and critiques on the role of general capabilities in schooling.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/95922/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bill Louden has received funding in the past from state and federal governments. He was previously on the board of the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA).</span></em></p>The role of general capabilities in a subject-based curriculum has been a recurring theme in Australian curriculum history.Bill Louden, Emeritus professor, The University of Western AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/931192018-04-30T05:15:25Z2018-04-30T05:15:25ZGonski review reveals another grand plan to overhaul education: but do we really need it?<p>Today’s release of <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/662684_tgta_accessible_final.pdf">the report</a> from the Review to Achieve Educational Excellence in Australian Schools (also known as Gonski 2.0) proves sceptics both right and wrong. In many ways, the report reflects a smorgasbord of popular ideas that have been doing the rounds for some time.</p>
<p>These include <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=021nSIhhrj8">Professor John Hattie’s mantra</a> that young people should gain “a year of learning growth from a year of schooling”, along with other claims about the importance of quality teachers, early years learning and school leadership. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-review-attacks-australian-schooling-quality-and-urges-individualised-teaching-approach-95764">Gonski review attacks Australian schooling quality and urges individualised teaching approach</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>One could be forgiven for seeing these arguments as yawn-worthy: not because they’re wrong, but because they have been repeated <em>ad nauseam</em>. </p>
<p>Despite this, the report is also deeply radical in scope and vision, especially in its focus on overhauling core aspects of curriculum, assessment and reporting. </p>
<p>In doing so, it places significant faith in the power of data, evidence, technology and personalisation of learning to drive improvement, and help the nation cast off the shackles of its “industrial model” of schooling.</p>
<hr>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=805&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=805&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=805&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1012&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1012&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216787/original/file-20180430-135825-nhuvip.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1012&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption"></span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">The Conversation/Federal government</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/">CC BY-ND</a></span>
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<hr>
<h2>A radical rethink of curriculum, assessment and reporting</h2>
<p>While the report makes recommendations across a variety of areas, its most radical lie in the areas of curriculum, assessment and reporting. Central to these is an argument that the current <a href="https://www.australiancurriculum.edu.au/f-10-curriculum/">national curriculum</a>, which is organised into year levels rather than levels of progress, leaves some students behind, fails to extend others, and limits opportunities to maximise student learning growth.</p>
<p>This strongly echoes <a href="https://research.acer.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1017&context=ar_misc">recent work</a> by Professor Geoff Masters. He has argued for a re-visioning of the way we assess students to better focus on student growth. </p>
<p>The report portrays the traditional year level curriculum as a relic of the 20th century industrial model of schooling, ill-suited to producing adaptive and personalised learning experiences. Instead, it argues for a shift away from the year level curriculum. It recommends that over the next five years, the national curriculum be reformed to present both learning areas and general capabilities as “learning progressions”.</p>
<p>This will ensure, the report argues, individual student achievement can be better understood and catered for, rendering schools more agile and adaptive to personal needs.</p>
<p>Accompanying this major change is a recommendation to introduce new reporting arrangements that not only focus on attainment, but also highlight “learning gain”. This is designed to ensure young people and parents don’t just have information on where young people sit relative to so-called “lockstep” level years. They would get more tailored information about individual progress.</p>
<h2>What else does it recommend?</h2>
<p>The report makes a number of other recommendations to supplement these major changes, including but not limited to:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Establish a national research and evidence institute to coordinate and disseminate best practices. This is essentially identical to Labor’s promise to create an <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/feb/16/labor-pledges-280m-research-institute-to-take-politics-out-of-the-classroom">Evidence Institute for Schools</a> if elected.</p></li>
<li><p>Develop an online and on-demand formative assessment tool, to be based on revised national curriculum learning progressions. This would help teachers monitor student progress in real time and better tailor teaching.</p></li>
<li><p>Introduce a national Unique Student Identifier for all students to be used throughout schooling. This would enable the consistent tracking of students if they move between schools or systems.</p></li>
<li><p>Prioritise literacy and numeracy, particularly in the early years, to ensure young people have the necessary foundations. </p></li>
<li><p>Conduct a comprehensive national review into years 11 and 12, with a focus on objectives, curriculum, assessment provisions and delivery structures.</p></li>
</ul>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/an-education-research-institute-wont-take-politics-out-of-the-classroom-92037">An education research institute won't take politics out of the classroom</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>These proposed changes, particularly those resting on technological advancements, will powerfully open the door to edu-businesses. They will also create new opportunities for edu-preneurs whose work seeks to profit from translating “what works” into action in the classroom.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/216796/original/file-20180430-135848-185v3du.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/216796/original/file-20180430-135848-185v3du.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216796/original/file-20180430-135848-185v3du.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216796/original/file-20180430-135848-185v3du.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216796/original/file-20180430-135848-185v3du.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=586&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216796/original/file-20180430-135848-185v3du.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=586&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/216796/original/file-20180430-135848-185v3du.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=586&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">We need to be careful not to stray too far from addressing inequalities in Australian schooling through re-distributive funding.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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</figure>
<h2>Do we need another grand plan?</h2>
<p>The idea that a radical national overhaul of curriculum, assessment and reporting is the primary way to stop Australia’s declining student achievement feels a bit Groundhog Day.</p>
<p>This was exactly the logic that drove <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02680939.2016.1202452">the creation of the national curriculum in the late 2000s</a>, and led to other unprecedented national reforms. These include <a href="https://www.nap.edu.au/">NAPLAN</a>, the My School <a href="https://www.myschool.edu.au/">website</a>, and <a href="https://www.aitsl.edu.au/docs/default-source/apst-resources/australian_professional_standard_for_teachers_final.pdf">national teaching standards</a>.</p>
<p>The problem is, despite time, resources and investments committed to revolutionising Australian schooling, these grand designs have <a href="https://theconversation.com/educating-australia-why-our-schools-arent-improving-72092">done nothing to stop declining student achievement</a>. </p>
<p>So, before we charge forth into the reform wilderness, serious debate should be had about whether these radical plans pass muster, and whether it’s worth the investment to put Australian schooling under another round of major surgery when the last round had minimal impact. </p>
<p>As part of this, we need to (once again) question whether the contemporary reform fever does any more than treat symptoms while deeper structural conditions continue to ensure, as <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/documents/review-funding-schooling-final-report-december-2011">the original Gonski report put it</a>, <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/parliamentary_business/committees/senate/school_funding/school_funding/report/a03">unacceptable links</a> between young people’s socioeconomic backgrounds and levels of achievement.</p>
<p>We need to be careful not to stray too far from where the first Gonski report started out. That is: addressing inequalities in Australian schooling through re-distributive funding.</p>
<p>This is not to suggest pursuing personalised or adaptive learning is a fruitless endeavour. But all the personalisation in the world means nothing without a commitment to equality of opportunity for all young people.</p>
<h2>Oh… and will it ever actually happen?</h2>
<p>There are significant political hurdles to be overcome before <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/662684_tgta_accessible_final.pdf">the report’s</a> recommendations can be translated into action.</p>
<p>This endeavour will begin on Friday, when federal education minister Simon Birmingham will meet state and territory education ministers to discuss the report. Nearly all the recommendations relate to state responsibilities. The federal government needs to secure their support to translate the recommendations into a national response. </p>
<p>Birmingham faces state ministers, not to mention senior bureaucrats, who are already suffering reform fatigue from the last decade of national reform – many who have limited appetite for further major changes. It’s also very likely for resistance to come from within schools, where long-standing habits and cultures are difficult to break. </p>
<p>Ultimately, the whole Gonski debate started with money, and that may very well be where it ends. The federal funding of schools will be a crucial tool in Birmingham’s bargaining kit and will largely determine whether the report’s recommendations come to fruition.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics-79828">The passage of Gonski 2.0 is a victory for children over politics</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>That said, even money might not be enough this time around. What is now at stake is not just some tinkering at the edges, but a monumental rethink of the teaching and learning process.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/93119/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Glenn C. Savage receives funding from the Australian Research Council.</span></em></p>The recently released Gonski 2.0 report focuses on overhauling core aspects of curriculum and reporting, and proposes a move away from the industrial model of education towards individualisation.Glenn C Savage, Senior Lecturer in Education Policy and Sociology of Education, and ARC DECRA Fellow (2016-19), The University of Western AustraliaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/949792018-04-15T05:12:55Z2018-04-15T05:12:55ZHow to solve Australia’s ‘rural school challenge’: focus on research and communities<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214843/original/file-20180414-543-tx3r3u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">To enhance the opportunities for children, we need to ensure we have vibrant and valued rural communities with a strong social and economic future.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The recent release of the <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/independent-review-regional-rural-and-remote-education">report of the independent review into rural, regional and remote education</a> provides a much-needed focus on the unique challenges and opportunities rural, regional and remote communities encounter. Ultimately, this is an issue of the place of these communities in contemporary Australian society.</p>
<p>The review was commissioned in March 2017, with the aim of improving education outcomes for rural students and their access to higher education. It sought to identify new and innovative approaches to achieve this.</p>
<p>The “rural school challenge” has existed since the advent of compulsory education. But this is the first major national report since the <a href="https://www.humanrights.gov.au/our-work/rights-and-freedoms/projects/rural-and-remote-education-inquiry">Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Inquiry into rural and remote education</a> 18 years ago. Sadly, progress towards a more equitable educational experience, outcomes from schooling and access to higher education has been slow in the intervening years.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/educational-disadvantage-is-a-huge-problem-in-australia-we-cant-just-carry-on-the-same-74530">Educational disadvantage is a huge problem in Australia – we can't just carry on the same</a>
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</em>
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<p>We cannot waste the opportunity this report provides to refocus our attention on Australia’s rural communities and the students in them.</p>
<h2>What does the report say?</h2>
<p>The report makes 11 recommendations, and identifies four priorities:</p>
<ol>
<li><p>establishing a national focus for regional, rural and remote education, training and research to enhance access, outcomes and opportunities</p></li>
<li><p>focusing on research for successful learning and building young people’s futures – school leadership, teaching, curriculum and assessment</p></li>
<li><p>addressing the information communication and technology needs in regional, rural and remote locations, and</p></li>
<li><p>focusing on the transitions into and out of school.</p></li>
</ol>
<h2>A national research programme</h2>
<p>The focus of research in two of these four priorities is important and timely. Here, the report highlights as much about what we don’t know as what we do know.</p>
<p>Australia has a vibrant and internationally renowned rural education research community. <a href="http://journal.spera.asn.au/index.php/AIJRE/issue/archive">There have been many studies here in Australia</a>, and overseas, that engage with the issues and ideas put forward in the report. But <a href="http://www.arc.gov.au/grants">research funding</a> has been declining in a tight budgetary environment. It has has also focused on issues of schooling only, including <a href="https://www.aitsl.edu.au">teacher quality</a>, <a href="https://www.nap.edu.au">NAPLAN</a> and <a href="http://www.acara.edu.au/curriculum">national curriculum</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214844/original/file-20180414-127631-o6zgv3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214844/original/file-20180414-127631-o6zgv3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214844/original/file-20180414-127631-o6zgv3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214844/original/file-20180414-127631-o6zgv3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214844/original/file-20180414-127631-o6zgv3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214844/original/file-20180414-127631-o6zgv3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214844/original/file-20180414-127631-o6zgv3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">We need to take a drastically different approach to attracting and retaining good teachers in rural communities.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>Through this time, much <a href="https://www.spera.asn.au/events/conferences/">rural, regional and remote education research has been highlighting the problem</a> with the “metro-centric” one-size-fits-all approaches preferred in public policy over the last two decades. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/standardised-tests-are-culturally-biased-against-rural-students-86305">Standardised tests are culturally biased against rural students</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>Nonetheless, the resulting projects have identified strategies that work: attracting rural students into teaching, specifically <a href="http://www.rrrtec.net.au">preparing teachers for rural schools</a>, embedding curriculum in local contexts, innovative information and communication technology approaches to enhance curriculum access and new resourcing models, to name a few.</p>
<p>A national research focus will facilitate a unique opportunity to scale up innovations that exist in the sector. It will also ensure our focus is broadened from school-centric research to broadly-based rural education and community research. </p>
<p>We need a ten year focus, with significant and guaranteed funding to develop and implement a longitudinal research agenda. That might seem like a long while, but considering that a child is at school on average 13 years puts it in perspective. When we note the report makes recommendations related to early childhood education through to post-secondary education and training, we’re looking at approximately 22 years of a persons life.</p>
<p>A sustained, rigorous and funded national research program will confirm Australia’s leading international position in rural education research. The challenges we face are not unique to us, they are shared, for instance, by Canada, the US and China.</p>
<p>To activate this, we need to build a small group of five to ten specially trained researchers across the country dedicated to rural, regional and remote research. This leading group of researchers would be at the forefront of identifying success and “scaling this up” - using these insights in more communities and with a greater coverage. They can then provide a rolling review of the success of the implementation of the recommendations in the report.</p>
<h2>A return to equity</h2>
<p>The report places equity back in the centre of the educational agenda, rather than equality and resource redistribution. Through the sustained focus on rural, regional and remote, the report highlights these communities have unique needs that go beyond the funding they receive – though that remains important – and the school gate.</p>
<p>In doing so, it highlights the limitations of the “one size fits all” approach to public policy that has dominated until now. While such approaches might work on a national scale when the vast majority of the population live in major cities, the population outside that space get hidden among the averages.</p>
<p>For instance, the report highlights the need to ensure the relevance of the Australian Curriculum and its implementation for rural, regional and remote students. It reminds us there is another dimension beyond the <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/review-achieve-educational-excellence-australian-schools">Gonski 2.0 pre-occupation with the distribution of resources</a>. There is also what schools do with those resources, and how they tailor their work to meet the unique needs of their communities. This is where we need sustained and detailed research.</p>
<h2>The staffing challenge</h2>
<p>Meeting the unique needs of the community is only possible if there are appropriate teachers in the schools to do so. It’s not surprising, then, that the challenges of staffing are a major theme. <a href="http://journal.spera.asn.au/index.php/AIJRE/article/view/112">Many approaches have been tried throughout Australia</a> to train, attract and retain appropriate teachers for rural, regional and remote communities. If we’re going to ensure the equitable distribution of skilled teachers in these schools, we need to try something radically different.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-a-radical-rethink-of-how-to-attract-more-teachers-to-rural-schools-83298">We need a radical rethink of how to attract more teachers to rural schools</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Beyond the school gate</h2>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214842/original/file-20180414-127631-tx69y7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/214842/original/file-20180414-127631-tx69y7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214842/original/file-20180414-127631-tx69y7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214842/original/file-20180414-127631-tx69y7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214842/original/file-20180414-127631-tx69y7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214842/original/file-20180414-127631-tx69y7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/214842/original/file-20180414-127631-tx69y7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Challenges to rural education are largely influenced by factors outside the classroom.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span>
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</figure>
<p>While critically important, the challenges of rural education go beyond getting the right teachers into the right school. They are largely influenced by factors outside the school gate, such as the local economy, employment opportunities and <a href="http://www.canberra.edu.au/research/faculty-research-centres/ceraph/regional-wellbeing">community well-being</a>.</p>
<p>This is an area of urgent further research. The report recognises educational achievement exists within the community and the local social and economic issues. But an understanding of how these interrelate in rural, regional and remote contexts remains undeveloped. </p>
<p>To enhance the opportunities for children, we need to ensure we have vibrant and valued rural communities with a strong social and economic future. Such communities are also attractive places for professions to relocate to, have a career and raise a family.</p>
<h2>Rural innovations need to be ‘rural’</h2>
<p>The report makes plain that the needs of rural, regional and remote communities are unique. This is a rural research agenda, not education research with a rural twist. As such, it’s crucial the government’s response, and researchers, heed the theme of the report – each community is distinct, and needs to be considered for what it offers. Then, by recognising this uniqueness, we can explore what innovations are scalable across different communities, and how they need to be tweaked to be successful in each new context.</p>
<p>There is already success in rural, regional and remote schooling. We need the courage to identify this success, understand it, and facilitate collective networking to grow this success.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/94979/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Philip Roberts receives funding from the Australian Government. He is Chief Editor of the 'Australian and International Journal of Rural Education'. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Hattie is the Chair of AITSL and receives research funding from the ARC. </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Adrian Piccoli does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>A government review of regional, rural and remote education tells us we need to recognise the uniqueness of and understand successes in these communities to improve outcomes for these students.Philip Roberts, Associate professor, University of CanberraAdrian Piccoli, Professor of Practice, School of Education, UNSW SydneyJohn Hattie, Professor, Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/937222018-03-22T04:16:52Z2018-03-22T04:16:52ZCatholic schools aren’t all the same, and Gonski 2.0 reflects this<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211483/original/file-20180322-165583-13xaejj.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">In the debate about Catholic school funding, it needs to be recognised that not all Catholic schools are the same.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/download/success?src=QED6NQLrTlDywMMEYjb53g-1-13">Shutterstock</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Bill Shorten <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/mar/20/public-school-lobby-criticises-labors-arbitrary-250m-for-catholic-schools">is being accused</a> of buying support from the Catholic sector to win the seat of Batman, by appearing to promise Catholic schools A$250 million in the first two years of a Labor government. The Catholic sector says this money goes a way to restoring the funding lost in the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics-79828">Gonski 2.0 reforms</a>. Public and independent schools are outraged at the perceived favouritism.</p>
<p>Part of the key to making sense of this seemingly endless debate is to recognise that Catholic schools are not all the same. Even more important is that government funding, under the Gonski 2.0 model, will reflect the actual socioeconomic mix of each school.</p>
<p>Batman, for instance, is a diverse electorate, which provides an interesting case study. The Catholic schools serving the highest proportion of educationally disadvantaged students will either be unaffected by Gonski 2.0, or will attract more government funding. Those with more students in higher socioeconomic groups will be affected – but this is fair policy.</p>
<h2>How schools funding works</h2>
<p>Under the new schools funding model, often called Gonski 2.0, a <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/what-schooling-resource-standard-and-how-does-it-work">school resourcing standard</a> (SRS) is calculated for each school. This target level of funding incorporates three elements.</p>
<p>The first is a level of base funding per student for all schools. In 2018, this is A$13,764 per secondary school student and A$10,953 per primary student. </p>
<p>The second is additional needs-based funding based mainly on the characteristics of each school’s students. This is measured in terms of low socio-economic status (SES), disability, and language background other than English.</p>
<p>The third element is an estimate of the capacity of parents who send their children to non-government schools to contribute towards the cost of schooling. This ranges from 10% of the base funding for low-SES schools to 80% for high-SES schools. This means Catholic and independent schools with poorer parents get more government funding than those with more affluent parents, even before individual student need is taken into account.</p>
<p>The estimated parental capacity to contribute is based on <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/2017_and_2018_ses_scores_for_publication_11oct17_-_updated_20.11.17.pdf">each non-government school’s SES score</a>. This is calculated by looking at the <a href="http://www5.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/cth/consol_act/aea2013210/s54.html">average socioeconomic makeup</a> of the areas where a school’s parents live.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211487/original/file-20180322-165550-4elkfw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catholic schools with an SES score of less than 100 will either be unaffected, or have their funding increased, under Gonski 2.0.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/thoughtful-elementary-students-sitting-classroom-143627596">Shutterstock</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>A non-government school with students from a mix of average neighbourhoods would have an SES score of 100. In 2018, under Gonski 2.0, parents of a primary student in such a school would be expected to contribute about A$1,750 (16% of the base funding). This would be roughly twice as much for secondary school (A$3,484 or 25%).</p>
<p>A non-government school with students from very affluent neighbourhoods might have an SES score of 120-130. The expected parental contribution would range from A$6,700-A$8,760 for primary schools, and A$9,500-A$11,000 for secondary schools.</p>
<p>A non-government school whose families come from battling neighbourhoods might have an SES score of about 80. For such a school, parents would be expected to contribute the minimum 10% of base funding, or A$1,095 for primary students and A$1,376 for secondary students.</p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/confused-about-changes-to-school-funding-heres-what-you-need-to-know-78455">Confused about changes to school funding? Here's what you need to know</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>These are huge differences. Changing the SES score of a non-government secondary school by just one point means about A$300 more or less government funding per student. For non-government primary schools, this is worth between A$200 and A$400 per student. </p>
<p>This naturally influences school fees. When government funding is low, fees will typically be high. When government funding is high, schools can afford to set low fees.</p>
<h2>From Gonski 1.0 to Gonski 2.0</h2>
<p>The original Gonski model (in 2013) treated Catholic schools as a homogeneous group. They were allocated a “system-weighted average” score based on the state the school was in, such as <a href="http://www.csnsw.catholic.edu.au/school-funding-explained-in-five-easy-steps-no-really/">a score of 101 in NSW</a>. </p>
<p>Primary schools that came under this score had an expected parental contribution of 13.5%. Regardless of how advantaged a Catholic primary school might be, the formula never expected parents to contribute more than A$1,400. </p>
<p>This enabled all Catholic primary schools to keep their fees low – often in the range of A$2,000-A$3,500 even for the most highly advantaged schools and regardless of parents’ actual ability to pay. </p>
<p>Meanwhile, a highly advantaged independent primary school would need to have fees of at least A$8,000 per year to have adequate resources to educate its students.</p>
<p>Gonski 2.0 removed the system-weighted average. Funding for Catholic schools will still be handed over to each state as a lump sum, and each Catholic diocese will retain the right to allocate funding across its schools. But the calculation of the school resourcing standard for each school will take into account the huge differences in parents’ financial means.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-how-does-funding-work-in-the-catholic-school-system-78469">Explainer: how does funding work in the Catholic school system?</a>
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</em>
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<h2>The Batman case study</h2>
<p>So back to Batman - where this latest funding fight has erupted. The northern part of the electorate is mainly covered by the generally working-class suburb of Reservoir. The middle is split between Preston and Thornbury, both of which have gentrified over recent years.</p>
<p>The southern end includes Northcote, Alphington, Fairfield and Clifton Hill, once home to Italian nonnas but now dominated by professionals keen to live close Melbourne’s centre. There are 13 Catholic primary schools in Batman. The SES scores range from 92 in Reservoir to 117 in Alphington. </p>
<p>Six socially diverse schools in the northern end of Batman have an SES score of less than 100. So their funding is unaffected, or even increased, under Gonski 2.0. Two other schools in the north have an SES score of just over 100. Most of their students (78%) come from families that are more advantaged than average, <a href="http://docs.acara.edu.au/resources/About_icsea_2014.pdf">based on their parents’ education and occupation</a>, and only 4% come from the most disadvantaged quarter of families. Their expected capacity to contribute will increase by less than A$1,000.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics-79828">The passage of Gonski 2.0 is a victory for children over politics</a>
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</p>
<hr>
<p>Three schools in the middle of the electorate have an SES score of 108 or 109. These will be affected more: their expected capacity to contribute will increase by about A$2,000. </p>
<p>Two small schools at the southern end have an SES score of 115 or above. Their expected capacity to contribute will increase by about A$4,000 per student. But this would have a very different impact across the two schools, because one appears to serve advantaged families (70% of students from the most educationally-advantaged quartile and only 1% from the least), while the other is much more socially diverse (10% from the least advantaged quartile and another 20% from the second-lowest). </p>
<p>This highlights some of the limitations of the current SES score, which is one reason why it is so important to improve it in the <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/review-socio-economic-status-ses-score-methodology">current review</a> by the recently appointed <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/national-school-resourcing-board">National School Resourcing Board</a>.</p>
<h2>A national picture</h2>
<p>The nationwide picture is similar to that of Batman. For Catholic schools with the lowest SES scores, nearly three-quarters of their students come from families that are less advantaged than average. For Catholic schools with the highest SES scores, this proportion is well under 10%.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=388&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=388&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=388&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=488&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=488&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211498/original/file-20180322-165574-tqdmgb.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=488&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Educationally disadvantaged students are the bottom two quartiles of the socio-educational advantage (SEA) metric, a student-level measure of parental education and occupation that is reported on MySchool.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Grattan Institute</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">CC BY-NC-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Looking at the most educationally disadvantaged quartile of students, Catholic schools look even more similar to independent schools with the same SES score.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=395&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/211499/original/file-20180322-165564-m0w5tt.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=496&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Educationally very disadvantaged students are the bottom quartile of the socio-educational advantage (SEA) metric, a student-level measure of parental education and occupation that is reported on MySchool.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Grattan Institute</span>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/">CC BY-NC-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In fact, for the 21 Catholic primary schools with an SES score of 125 (where the capacity to contribute curve tops out), only about 20 students out of 5,500 come from the bottom quartile. It is hard to argue these schools are socially diverse, or serving the poorer students, arguments sometimes made to justify the need to keep their fees low. </p>
<p>So, not all Catholic schools are the same, and we should stop talking about them as if they were.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/93722/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and Grattan uses the income to pursue its activities.</span></em></p>Catholic schools say they’re losing money under Gonski 2.0, but this is only true for schools serving students in affluent areas – those in poorer areas will either be unaffected, or get more.Peter Goss, School Education Program Director, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/916232018-02-11T19:11:17Z2018-02-11T19:11:17ZWhy the Commonwealth should resist meddling in schools<p>Australia’s education debate is shifting at last, from how much money governments should spend on schools to how best to spend the money for the benefit of students.</p>
<p>After winning parliamentary approval for the <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/news/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics/">Gonski 2.0</a> schools funding deal (the “how much”), the Turnbull Government has commissioned the “<a href="https://www.education.gov.au/review-achieve-educational-excellence-australian-schools">Gonski 2.0 Review</a>” to advise on how to spend the money wisely (the “how best”).</p>
<p>But the extra Commonwealth money going to schools (A$23 billion over the next 10 years compared to previous Coalition policy) is only 3% of all government spending on schools over the decade. It should not be used as an excuse for the Commonwealth to intervene more heavily in school education policy.</p>
<p>The Grattan Institute’s new report, <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/home/school-education">The Commonwealth’s role in improving schools</a>, examines what the Commonwealth should do if it really wants to boost student outcomes. </p>
<p>And the answer is: not very much.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics-79828">The passage of Gonski 2.0 is a victory for children over politics</a>
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<h2>States are better placed to drive reforms</h2>
<p>The states run schools, as well as providing most of the funding. Heavy-handed Commonwealth intervention is likely to be counterproductive, costly and confusing. </p>
<p>Most of the big reforms needed are within the responsibilities of state governments. For example, all the <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/investing-in-our-teachers-investing-in-our-economy/">evidence</a> shows effective teaching has the largest impact on student achievement. The biggest advances will be made when teachers know what works in the classroom, and how they can adapt their methods to better <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/targeted-teaching-how-better-use-of-data-can-improve-student-learning/">target their teaching</a> to the particular needs of their students. </p>
<p>For this to happen, teachers need <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/towards-an-adaptive-education-system-in-australia/">better support from the “system”</a>: for example, better teacher development and greater standardisation of classroom materials so individual teachers don’t have to reinvent the wheel. </p>
<p>In school education, the states and territories are the “system” managers. Driving reforms such as these from Canberra would be difficult.</p>
<h2>Federal funding conditions aren’t the way to go</h2>
<p>Australia must learn from its history. Our report shows imposing prescriptive funding conditions on states and territories has been tried before, with little benefit. </p>
<p>Commonwealth interference can destroy policy coherence and simply increase red tape. The Commonwealth has few ways to independently verify if change is actually happening in the classroom, so adding an extra layer of government policies that chop and change only disrupts schools and teachers. </p>
<p>For example, the <a href="http://www.acara.edu.au/reporting/national-report-on-schooling-in-australia-2011/national-initiatives-and-achievements/partnerships">2008-2013 National Partnership agreements</a> for school education included a number of prescriptive and input-based conditions. These increased the administrative and compliance burden of states, and created instability in schools when the funding and initiatives stopped abruptly five years later. </p>
<p>Before looking to new reforms, the Commonwealth government should first deliver its existing responsibilities more effectively. These include initial teacher training, the national curriculum and national student testing. All require constant attention, and some require urgent reform.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/changes-to-school-funding-your-questions-answered-77243">Changes to school funding – your questions answered</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Prioritise a few national reforms only</h2>
<p>If determined to act, we suggest the Commonwealth focus strategically on a small number of national reforms only. It is far better to focus on a few actions with a high chance of success. </p>
<p>We suggest the Commonwealth only pursue reforms that meet all of three criteria: the evidence shows it’s a good idea, the government can make it happen, and Commonwealth intervention will help. While many Commonwealth ideas are good in theory, many fall down on whether they can be readily implemented by state governments and actually lead to change in practice. </p>
<p>For example, in 2016 the Commonwealth signalled an intention to require all schools to use explicit teaching. While <a href="http://www.evidencebasedteaching.org.au/crash-course-evidence-based-teaching/explicit-teaching/">backed by evidence</a>, this type of Commonwealth policy requirement is unlikely to lead to change without a raft of complementary state government policies. These include the right training and school support for teachers to switch to explicit teaching. It would be difficult for the Commonwealth to independently verify, and it also creates confusion by coming in over the top of state policies on effective teaching methods. </p>
<p><strong>Commonwealth intervention must satisfy three criteria</strong></p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/205817/original/file-20180211-51710-bubo8h.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/205817/original/file-20180211-51710-bubo8h.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=428&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/205817/original/file-20180211-51710-bubo8h.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=428&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/205817/original/file-20180211-51710-bubo8h.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=428&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/205817/original/file-20180211-51710-bubo8h.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=538&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/205817/original/file-20180211-51710-bubo8h.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=538&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/205817/original/file-20180211-51710-bubo8h.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=538&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Author provided/Grattan Institute</span></span>
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<h2>Four suggestions for new national reforms</h2>
<p>We have four suggestions for new national reform areas where there are benefits of scale and coordination. These only to be pursued if state government’s have strong “buy in” and there is close collaboration in design and delivery:</p>
<p><strong>1. Create a new national school education research organisation</strong> to investigate what works to drive school improvement and to spread the word across schools, states and sectors. The new body should be charged with lifting the standard of education research in Australia, establishing a long-term research agenda for school education, and promoting key findings across the country. It could link up all research on education for people from birth through to age 18, so policy makers and the community better understand the continuum of learning, from early childhood to school and vocational education.</p>
<p><strong>2. Invest more in measuring new, non-cognitive skills</strong> such as teamwork and resilience, in the classroom. At present, Australia focuses much more on old, foundational skills such as literacy and numeracy, which are only one element of what we expect from 21st century schooling.</p>
<p><strong>3. Develop better ways to measure student progress</strong>, for national bench-marking and for use in the classroom. NAPLAN seeks to measure students’ learning progress in core literacy and numeracy skills at the national level, but NAPLAN gain scores are not easy to interpret when comparing the progress of different student groups.</p>
<p><strong>4. Invest in high-quality digital assessment tools</strong> for the classroom, so teachers know what their students know and how much progress their students have made.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/gaps-in-education-data-there-are-many-questions-for-which-we-dont-have-accurate-answers-65241">Gaps in education data: there are many questions for which we don't have accurate answers</a>
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</em>
</p>
<hr>
<h2>Resist over-reach</h2>
<p>The extra Commonwealth money for schools under Gonski 2.0 is welcome. The shift in the education debate towards how best to use the extra money is still more welcome. </p>
<p>But for Australian students to get the most benefit, the Commonwealth must resist the temptation to over-reach by intervening heavily in school education policy.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91623/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and Grattan uses the income to pursue its activities.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julie Sonnemann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The shift in the education debate from “how much” to “how best” is a welcome change, but for students to feel the full benefit the federal government must resist intervening.Julie Sonnemann, Research Fellow, Grattan InstitutePeter Goss, School Education Program Director, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/854502017-10-12T19:16:56Z2017-10-12T19:16:56ZA matter of trust: the checks and balances schools must have to ensure fair funding for disability<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189905/original/file-20171012-9815-1bcsl5l.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Recent <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/wealthy-private-schools-set-for-funding-windfall-20171005-gyv599.html">media coverage</a> has revealed some of Victoria’s wealthiest private schools are reporting spikes in the numbers of students with disabilities. </p>
<p>Many (but not all) wealthy private schools schools were initially identified as <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/revealed-the-nations-most-overfunded-schools-20160928-grqfh9.html">overfunded</a>, and were set to lose government funding to bring them into line with the <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/srs_explained.pdf">Schooling Resource Standard</a> (SRS). This makes it surprising that schools earmarked to <em>lose</em> funding now appear set to <em>increase</em> their funding through top-ups for disadvantage.</p>
<p>Reportage needs to be moderated to ensure these schools aren’t <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/private-schools-accused-of-gaming-the-system-to-double-disability-funding-20171009-gyxar2.html">“gaming the system”</a> at the expense of public school students.</p>
<h2>Why would the numbers of students with disability change?</h2>
<p>Some change was expected following the <a href="https://www.legislation.gov.au/Details/C2017B00079">amendments</a> to the Australian Education Act (2013), known as Gonski 2.0. These amendments ushered in a new model for disability funding by providing top-ups to the SRS in the form of “needs-based funding” for educational disadvantages, such as disability. It was announced that this model would use the <a href="http://www.education.vic.gov.au/school/parents/needs/Pages/nccd.aspx">Nationally Consistent Collection of Data for Students with Disability</a> (NCCD) to replace previous methods for identifying and funding students with a disability.</p>
<p>Prior to Gonski 2.0, only those who received funding were counted, which was problematic for a number of reasons. One reason was that it involved students with disability and their families going through complex, lengthy, and potentially expensive assessments before it could be determined if a student would qualify for funding. This disadvantaged some and led to others <a href="https://theconversation.com/children-with-disabilities-risk-being-misdiagnosed-in-order-to-receive-school-funding-support-53490">being misdiagnosed in order to receive school funding support</a>. Another reason was that it was deficit-oriented. Students were only eligible for funding if they failed psychological and similar tests.
A further issue with this model was that it underestimated the number of students with disability, as it did not count students without funding.</p>
<p>So, while an increase in the numbers of students under the new model is unsurprising, an “alarming” increase in funding raises questions.</p>
<h2>What is the new model?</h2>
<p>The NCCD includes both a counting process and a funding formula based on an annual census. The NCCD is based on the idea that teachers are better positioned to identify which students need an adjustment relating to a disability. Teachers then determine the type and level of adjustments in teaching and learning, where this was previously done by professionals distant from the realities of the classroom. The NCCD empowers teachers to make important decisions about which students need adjustments, and the type and level of adjustment needed to provide high quality education to the students in their classroom. The student numbers, disability types, and levels of adjustment are then reported in an annual census.</p>
<p>Adjustments are judged based on <a href="http://www.schooldisabilitydatapl.edu.au/docs/default-source/default-document-library/level-of-adjustment-provided-to-the-student.pdf">four levels of support</a>: Quality Differentiated Teaching Practice (QDTP), Supplementary, Substantial and Extensive. The latter three attract a scaled <a href="https://www.google.com.au/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=8&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwiYrOP0-ObWAhVLzbwKHSlxAGsQFghQMAc&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.aisnsw.edu.au%2FDocuments%2FOpen%2520Access%2FCommonwealth%2520Funding%2520Changes%25202018.pdf&usg=AOvVaw1vNTQYc7SA6-QRkJAMHn1H">financial loading</a> that is then tallied and granted as needs-based funding to schools to fund the provision of these adjustments. Ideally, schools should ensure that funds are used in providing adjustments that are supported by <a href="http://routledgetextbooks.com/textbooks/_author/mitchell-9780415623230/">research evidence</a>. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189935/original/file-20171012-9795-9wnkxp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/189935/original/file-20171012-9795-9wnkxp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=111&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189935/original/file-20171012-9795-9wnkxp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=111&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189935/original/file-20171012-9795-9wnkxp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=111&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189935/original/file-20171012-9795-9wnkxp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=139&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189935/original/file-20171012-9795-9wnkxp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=139&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/189935/original/file-20171012-9795-9wnkxp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=139&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">2018 loadings for levels of NCCD adjustment.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Australian Government Department of Education and Training Submission to Select Committee on Australian Education Amendment Bill</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>NCCD is robust, but overestimation can occur</h2>
<p>Schools are <a href="https://resource.dse.theeducationinstitute.edu.au/sites/default/files/dse_plus_guidance_notes.pdf">legally obliged to provide adjustments</a>, and the census provides accountability under the legislation. With the <a href="https://www.pm.gov.au/media/2017-05-02/true-needs-based-funding-australias-schools">recent connection</a> of the NCCD to a funding model, the stakes are further increased.</p>
<p>In light of the <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/private-schools-accused-of-gaming-the-system-to-double-disability-funding-20171009-gyxar2.html">perceived manipulation</a> by wealthy schools, it is important to consider that the PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) <a href="http://www.educationcouncil.edu.au/site/DefaultSite/filesystem/documents/Reports%20and%20publications/PwC%202016%20CQIP%20Final%20report%20-%20accessible%20version%20(1).pdf">report</a> on the quality of this model has suggested it is robust, with relative stability on the numbers of students needing support at each level throughout Australia. </p>
<p>However, they identified some schools that overestimated the level of support. Such overestimation could potentially explain unexpected rises in funding for those schools reporting increased numbers of students with disability needing supplementary, substantial or extensive support. </p>
<h2>Trained staff and moderation key to getting the numbers right</h2>
<p>Two issues are key to enhance trust in the numbers reported and data quality.</p>
<p>One is training. Staff should be trained in the key legislation, such as completing the online training in Disability Discrimination Act and Education Standards <a href="http://example.com/">http://dse.theeducationinstitute.edu.au/login/index.php</a>. The should also undertake training in the NCCD <a href="https://www.education.gov.au/nationally-consistent-collection-data-students-disability-guidelines">processes</a> and engage in professional learning through working with the <a href="http://www.schooldisabilitydatapl.edu.au/resources">resources</a> provided for this purpose.</p>
<p>The other is to ensure that schools engage in moderation. This would mean two or more teachers independently judging student needs and level of adjustment, and then comparing and reaching agreement using <a href="http://www.schooldisabilitydatapl.edu.au/data-collection-steps/do-you-have-evidence">evidence</a>. Schools can use the <a href="http://www.schooldisabilitydatapl.edu.au/docs/default-source/default-document-library/nccd-moderation-resource-for-schools.pdf">moderation resource</a> produced by our team to ensure reliable reporting of the students and the levels of adjustment. By using the process outlined in this resource, schools should be in a position to defend their numbers and funding requests. Schools should also be able to produce evidence in support of their decisions.</p>
<p>Extending the moderation process between sectors and states can further improve the reliability of the data and the public’s confidence in the new funding model.</p>
<h2>Schools should be able to justify their claims</h2>
<p>An increase in numbers and funding is justifiable, providing schools can demonstrate they are not artificially increasing the level of adjustments, have qualified staff responsible for compiling NCCD data, and have engaged in moderation process. Only under these circumstances should the public trust the numbers.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/85450/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Dr Kate de Bruin received funding from the Commonwealth Department of Education and Training relating to the Nationally Consistent Collection of Data for Students with Disability. She is a member of the academic advisory panel All Means All - Australian Alliance for Inclusive Education.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Umesh Sharma received funding from the Department of Education and Training to develop the School Moderation Resource for NCCD. Umesh is a Member of the Australian Psychological Society and the American Psychological Association. </span></em></p>Some of Victoria’s wealthiest private schools have reported spikes in numbers of students with disability. We should only trust those numbers if they’re moderated by qualified staff.Kate de Bruin, Researcher in Inclusive Education, Monash UniversityUmesh Sharma, Associate Professor in Special Education and Educational Psychology, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/807472017-07-10T06:27:12Z2017-07-10T06:27:12ZDisagreement within the Greens shows the price of doing politics differently<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/177466/original/file-20170710-6227-48vkc5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Lee Rhiannon and every other federal Greens MP have the right to dissent on matters of policy.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Mick Tsikas</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Over the weekend, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/jul/09/nsw-greens-demand-lee-rhiannon-be-fully-reinstated-to-party-room">Greens New South Wales</a> declared that the <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/nsw-greens-set-for-lee-rhiannon-lovein-following-suspension-20170707-gx6l3s.html">partial suspension</a> of senator Lee Rhiannon from certain federal partyroom discussions was “unconstitutional”. The state party requested Rhiannon be <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/jul/09/nsw-greens-demand-lee-rhiannon-be-fully-reinstated-to-party-room">“fully reinstated without restriction”</a>.</p>
<p>Federal Greens MPs were ultimately discomforted by their decision to exclude Rhiannon, and were at pains to point out that the action was designed to tackle <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/lee-rhiannon-suspended-from-greens-party-room-pending-reform-in-nsw-20170628-gx05zq">“a structural issue”</a> and ensure the partyroom had <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/lee-rhiannon-suspended-from-greens-party-room-pending-reform-in-nsw-20170628-gx05zq">“faith and trust”</a> in party processes. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://greens.org.au/news/national/statement-party-room">other resolution</a> passed by the partyroom in that same session implored the National Council – the party’s highest decision-making body – to work with Greens NSW to end the practice of binding its MPs, even if its vote was against that of the federal partyroom.</p>
<p>Rhiannon expressed her disappointment with the outcome, and went further <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/comment/the-party-room-greens-have-a-bigger-agenda-im-just-road-kill-20170702-gx2zx0.html">to suggest</a> that the partyroom’s decision masked a more insidious agenda, which was to:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… reduce the democratic power of members in the Greens NSW. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>For all concerned, this matter turns on a fundamental disagreement over process and principle.</p>
<h2>Debates over decision-making</h2>
<p>For the Greens’ federal parliamentary leader, Richard Di Natale, the NSW practice of binding its MPs restricts the work of the national party room. <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-06-29/temporary-party-room-meetings-ban-unconstitutional-rhiannon/8662968">He said</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>If each state binds their senator we won’t have an Australian Greens party room, we’d have a collection of independent states arriving at independent decisions.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>In contrast, the NSW party rejects the idea that <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/totally-unaccountable-leaked-greens-emails-shine-light-on-faceless-powerbrokers-20170701-gx2jm4.html">“all wisdom lies with MPs”</a>. Its view is that policies adopted by members following a process of consensus decision-making should dictate the voting behaviour of the party’s elected MPs in parliament.</p>
<p>Putting aside the matter of personalities and the ethics surrounding the conduct of those involved, to what extent does this incident reflect deep-seated ideological difference over the practice of binding MPs?</p>
<p>The practice of binding elected officials under the <a href="https://nsw.greens.org.au/structure-constitution">Greens NSW Constitution</a> can be located in three main sections:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Section 12.1: The actions, activities and public statements of all members of The Greens NSW who are elected to public office shall be consistent with the charter, constitutions, policies and decisions of the party.</p>
<p>Section 12.6: Elected representatives shall consult with the delegates council regarding positions to be taken in their legislative activity. </p>
<p>Section 13.6: … elected representatives … shall express public opinions and vote in public fora in accordance with the charter of the Australian Greens and ratified policies of the Australian Greens and The Greens NSW, where a party policy exists. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The Greens NSW Constitution does not appear to include a reference to MPs having the right to exercise a conscience vote.</p>
<p>By contrast, other members of the Greens’ national partyroom are not bound by similar requirements under their state party constitutions. MPs are permitted to exercise a conscience vote. Otherwise, the partyroom operates according to the principles of consensus decision-making. </p>
<p>This process requires participants to reach common agreement on matters. If such agreement cannot be reached, a vote may be taken to determine the outcome. </p>
<h2>Intra-party difference</h2>
<p>Consensus decision-making is fundamental to the decision-making practices of the Greens, including the NSW branch and the federal partyroom. In this regard, the two bodies are identical. However, the difference over process turns on three matters:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>To whom or what are MPs ultimately accountable: the federal partyroom or their state organisation?</p></li>
<li><p>Which level of decision-making should be allocated priority over matters of policy: the partyroom or the state organisation?</p></li>
<li><p>Is party unity more important than the persistence of diversity in state organisational decision-making practices?</p></li>
</ul>
<p>These are not inconsequential points of difference – and they should not be dismissed lightly. But would disagreement over schools funding – the policy issue that ostensibly ignited this affair – have been avoided if Greens NSW did not bind Rhiannon? The answer is probably no. </p>
<p>The federal partyroom rules allow MPs to exercise a conscience vote. Rhiannon – and every other member of the partyroom, for that matter – have the right to dissent on matters of policy. </p>
<p>To what extent would Rhiannon’s position have been viewed differently had she exercised a conscience vote, instead of invoking a constitutionally mandated obligation to dissent?</p>
<p>The current situation owes as much to politics as it does any deep unworkable ideological schism within the Greens. While binding might well complicate the partyroom’s efforts to present a united front in relation to legislative negotiations some of the time, the NSW practice seems to do so rarely. </p>
<p>And when it does, this might just be the price of doing politics differently.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/80747/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Narelle Miragliotta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>For all concerned, the imbroglio surrounding Lee Rhiannon and her Greens colleagues turns on a fundamental disagreement over process and principle.Narelle Miragliotta, Senior Lecturer in Australian Politics, Monash UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/798352017-06-27T00:06:53Z2017-06-27T00:06:53ZCensus 2016 reveals Australia is becoming much more diverse – but can we trust the data?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175568/original/file-20170626-309-8wqfyz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The ABS estimates that as of December 2016, the Australian population was around 24.4 million.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Alan Porritt</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>According to <a href="http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/2024.0">data released today</a>, there were 23,401,892 people who were counted in Australia on the night of the 2016 Census who were usually resident in Australia.</p>
<p>After adjusting for undercount and adding back those who were overseas on census night, the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) estimates that as of December 2016, Australia’s population was around 24.4 million.</p>
<p>Our population is growing – and fast. But can we trust the numbers?</p>
<p><img src="https://media.giphy.com/media/l0IxYG0QmHvI3F7Gg/giphy.gif" width="100%"></p>
<h2>Issues with quality</h2>
<p>For the first time, the ABS asked an <a href="http://abs.gov.au/websitedbs/censushome.nsf/home/panel">independent assurance panel</a> to look into the census’ quality. While this was prompted by the <a href="https://theconversation.com/abss-night-of-disaster-as-servers-crash-and-millions-fail-to-complete-the-census-63737?sr=3">failure of the online portal</a> on census night, and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/census-2016-should-you-be-concerned-about-your-privacy-63206?sr=2">privacy concerns</a> expressed by many, the additional scrutiny is a good idea.</p>
<p>The panel reported that the 2016 Census is “of comparable quality to 2006 and 2011 and comparable collections internationally”. It reported there was a lower net undercount (that is, people who were missed from the census) in 2016 than there was for 2006 and 2011.</p>
<p>This means, for the most part, we should believe the results from the 2016 Census. All data has its limitations. But it would appear that with the information we currently have the data is robust enough, at least at the national level.</p>
<p>But, as always, the devil is in the detail. For some individual questions, there was a high level of non-response – and that needs to be taken into account.</p>
<h2>How we’re changing</h2>
<p>The data tell us quite a lot about who we are as a nation, and how our characteristics are changing. The 2016 Census reveals that Australia is becoming much more diverse – in language, country of birth, Indigenous status, and religion.</p>
<p>In the 2011 Census, 69.8% of people reported being born in Australia. This declined over the past five years to 66.7%. </p>
<p>The percentage of Australia’s current population who were born in England has also declined, from 4.2% to 3.9%. Simultaneously, there was a dramatic increase in the percentage born in China – 1.5% to 2.2% – and born in India – 1.4% to 1.9%.</p>
<p>This increase has been driven in part by the higher rate of mortality of the Australian- and European-born populations, who are much older than more recent migrant groups. More importantly, though, most of our more recent arrivals are from Asia. Combined, those born in India, China and the Philippines made up 33% of all those who now live in Australia who arrived between 2007 and 2016.</p>
<p>Australia’s Indigenous population is also growing – quite rapidly. </p>
<p><img src="https://media.giphy.com/media/3og0IQ5wsvNboijfsQ/giphy.gif" width="100%"></p>
<p>In 2016, there were 649,171 usual residents who were identified as being Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander. For those who answered the question, this represents an increase from 2.7% to 3% of the total Australian population. </p>
<p>When undercount is adjusted for, the ABS estimates that 786,689 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples should have been counted in the census. This is a growth of 18.8%, concentrated mainly in New South Wales and Queensland, and is much faster than the growth of the non-Indigenous population. </p>
<p>There was also a decline in the proportion of people who spoke English as their main language at home (76.8% in 2011 to 72.7% in 2016), an increase in those reporting no religion (21.8% to 29.6%), and a very rapid increase in the number of same-sex couples (a 39% increase to 46,800 couples).</p>
<p><img src="https://media.giphy.com/media/xUA7b2r2r894zCCGxa/giphy.gif" width="100%"></p>
<p>One result that needs to be treated with care is the high and increasing rate of non-responses recorded to some of these questions. There were 1,622,692 people recorded as “not stated” for the country-of-birth question, and 1,411,491 who were recorded as not stated for the Indigenous status question. This was an increase of 35.7% and 33.3% respectively from 2011, which was much faster than the growth of the total population. </p>
<p>That doesn’t mean that all or even most of these records are people refusing to answer the question. Rather, most are records that have been imputed due to missed households or individuals. </p>
<p><img src="https://media.giphy.com/media/l1K9EIGuYNHIOl5rG/giphy.gif" width="100%""></p>
<p>However, we do need to make sure we carefully exclude these records from our calculations. And more research is needed to uncover whether and why there are a number of people not answering individual items. </p>
<h2>Implications for policy</h2>
<p>Leaving these issues aside, there were some interesting findings that touch on ongoing policy debates.</p>
<p>The Gonski 2.0 school funding reforms <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-passage-of-gonski-2-0-is-a-victory-for-children-over-politics-79828">passed parliament last week</a>. But there was actually a decline in the proportion of infants/primary school students who were attending a non-government school since the last census, from 32.7% to 31.8% between 2011 and 2016.</p>
<p>There was a slight increase in the proportion for secondary school students (42.1% to 42.8% in non-government schools). This means the proportion across all schools was roughly stable (36.5% in 2016 compared to 36.7% in 2011). </p>
<p>There is more to the school funding debate than simply government versus non-government. But the census results show the move to the non-government sector seen over previous periods may have slowed, or even reversed.</p>
<p>Another important current policy debate relates to the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). While the census isn’t ideal for understanding changes in rates of disability, there is a very important question about whether people have a “core activity need for assistance”. </p>
<p>One particular result stands out – the rapid increase in the number of children and youth reported to have such a need. Between 2011 and 2016, the proportion of those aged 19 years or under reported as having a core activity need for assistance increased from 2.1% to 2.7%, excluding the not-stated population. </p>
<p>These proportions might not seem large. But it is an extra 38,209 individuals, or a 34.5% increase in children and youth with a core activity need for assistance.</p>
<p>Finally, even if the policy responses weren’t large, the most recent federal budget and election both had a heavy focus on housing affordability and home ownership. The census doesn’t have information on house prices, but it does show that the median mortgage payment in Australia in 2016 was A$1,755 per month. Sydney, Darwin and Canberra all have median payments of $2,000 or more. </p>
<p>Over the longer term, the proportion of the Australian population who own their home outright (that is, without a mortgage) has declined from 41.1% in 1991 to 31% in 2016. Much of that decline has been made up for by an increase in the proportion renting (either from government or a private landlord) from 26.9% to 30.9% over the same period.</p>
<p>These are just a snapshot of 2016 Census results. For the most part, we can be confident that, in the words of the Australian Statistician David Kalisch:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The 2016 Census data provides a detailed, accurate and fascinating picture of Australia and our communities. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>For individual data items, we need to be more careful and circumspect. But we now have a much better idea on our nation and how it is travelling.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79835/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nicholas Biddle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The 2016 Census reveals that Australia is becoming much more diverse – in terms of language, country of birth, Indigenous status, and religion.Nicholas Biddle, Associate Professor, ANU College of Arts and Social Sciences, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/800432017-06-24T04:00:45Z2017-06-24T04:00:45ZPolitics podcast: Gladys Berejiklian on the need to reform federal-state partnerships<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175466/original/file-20170624-12653-1sne1jz.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Dan Himbrechts/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>New South Wales Premier Gladys Berejiklian is alert to the challenge of operating in today’s difficult electorate. </p>
<p>“The digital age has brought a sense of empowerment. It’s brought a sense of greater appreciation of democracy and the political process. And we need to not only respond to it, but adapt to that and make sure that we are listening during our term in office – not just at election time,” she says.</p>
<p>With her government having just handed down a budget with an enviable surplus, she says the federal government’s Gonski legislation will leave NSW better off “in terms of dollars”.</p>
<p>But she is very concerned about what she sees as an urgent need to review the numerous and “clumsy” federal-state partnerships. She’d prefer a more fundamental overhaul, but that’s not on the horizon. </p>
<p>“I don’t want piecemeal reform; I would prefer to have wholesale reform. But I can’t see that happening in the near future, and for that reason I think as a state leader I have to deliver as much as I can under the existing circumstances.”</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/80043/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>With her government having just handed down a budget with an enviable surplus, Gladys Berejiklian says the Gonski legislation will leave NSW better off 'in terms of dollars'.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/800052017-06-23T04:35:36Z2017-06-23T04:35:36ZVIDEO: Michelle Grattan on the government’s Gonski 2.0 win and citizenship changes<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175335/original/file-20170623-29738-5mcl8o.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Joel Carrett/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/iv9VBRfBzGA?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>Michelle Grattan discusses the week in politics with the University of Canberra’s vice-chancellor, Deep Saini. Topics on the agenda include:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>the Gonski proposal passing through the parliament;</p></li>
<li><p>the controversial changes to citizenship legislation;</p></li>
<li><p>the difficult dance of creating policy from the Finkel review; and</p></li>
<li><p>the winter of discontent government backbenchers face as they return to their electorates.</p></li>
</ul><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/80005/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>While Malcolm Turnbull celebrates the parliament passing the school funding package, the government is still trying to deal with an energy crisis.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraPaddy Nixon, Vice-Chancellor and President, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/798282017-06-23T00:13:29Z2017-06-23T00:13:29ZThe passage of Gonski 2.0 is a victory for children over politics<p>In the early hours of this morning, the Senate did something profound. It voted to improve the way we fund our schools. This is a victory for the children of Australia.</p>
<p>A Senate packed with cross-benchers and minor parties was supposed to make political compromise harder, and good policy all but impossible. </p>
<p>But the cross-benchers have proved the naysayers wrong. Not only did they pass Education Minister <a href="https://theconversation.com/turnbull-announces-schools-funding-and-a-new-gonski-review-77011?sa=pg1&sq=gonski&sr=13">Simon Birmingham’s needs-based funding plan</a> – an olive branch <a href="https://theconversation.com/giving-a-gonski-will-be-torrid-test-for-the-greens-77593">summarily dismissed by Labor</a> – but they negotiated amendments to improve the plan.</p>
<h2>What will change with the passage of Gonski 2.0?</h2>
<p>Birmingham’s original package, the so-called Gonski 2.0, makes key improvements to the national school funding framework established by the Gillard government in the 2013 Education Act (explained further in our <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Grattan-Institute-Submission-to-the-Senate-Inquiry-into-the-Australian-Education-Bill-2017.pdf">Senate Inquiry submission</a>).</p>
<p>First, Commonwealth funding of schools increases and is also more consistent across all states and sectors. </p>
<p>Commonwealth funding to government schools will rise from an average of 17% of their needs in 2017 to 20% by 2023. Funding to non-government schools will rise from an average of 77% to 80%. </p>
<p>Second, Gonski 2.0 removes some of the special deals so that underfunded schools will get the Commonwealth share of their target funding within six years – much sooner than under the 2013 Act. Many overfunded schools will have their funding growth rates slowed, and a small number of the most overfunded schools will have their funding cut over the next ten years. This is an important break from the former Labor government’s promise, embedded in the 2013 Act, that “no school will lose a dollar”. </p>
<p>Third, it makes several changes to the funding formula. One big change is a revised parental “capacity to contribute” measure, which removes the “system weighted average” approach for non-government systemic schools. The Catholic schools hate this change, because it overturns a generous funding arrangement that enabled them to keep primary school fees low regardless of how wealthy the parents are. </p>
<p>Fourth, Gonski 2.0 reduces the indexation rate for school funding in line with low wages growth. It will remain at 3.56% a year until 2020, but from 2021 a new and lower floating indexation rate will apply, based on the wage price index and CPI. (A minimum floor of 3%, added at the urging of stakeholders, is problematic but far from a deal-breaker.) </p>
<p>Lastly, Gonski 2.0 creates a stronger link between Commonwealth funding and agreed national initiatives to improve student performance.</p>
<h2>What tweaks were made at the 11th hour?</h2>
<p>A number of <a href="http://wbfinancial.feedsynews.com/govt-reaches-deal-on-schools-funding/?utm_content=buffer3b596&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer">last-minute “tweaks”</a> were made to secure the required Senate votes.</p>
<ul>
<li><p>Underfunded schools will get much-needed extra money more quickly – over six years rather than ten. This change means an extra $4.9 billion will be provided on top of the $18.6 billion in the May budget. </p></li>
<li><p>A 12-month “transition package” of $50 million will be provided to systemic schools, whether Catholic or independent, and there will be an (overdue) review of the parental “capacity to contribute” measure. </p></li>
<li><p>State government funding appears to be subject to a “clawback” mechanism, similar to what we proposed in our <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Grattan-Institute-Submission-to-the-Senate-Inquiry-into-the-Australian-Education-Bill-2017.pdf">Senate inquiry submission</a>. This is designed to ensure state governments step up. It is not clear exactly how it will work, but if a state fails to provide at least 75% of the target funding to government schools, or 15% of the target for non-government schools, the federal government will withhold some funding to that state.</p></li>
<li><p>A body will be established to conduct independent reviews of the school funding formula and ensure transparency on the distribution of funds.</p></li>
</ul>
<h2>What this means for schools</h2>
<p>Schools will now have more certainty on how they will be funded – at least from the Commonwealth. </p>
<p>The concept of needs-based funding now has across-the-board support, even if there are differences on the details and how much money each party is promising. Importantly, Commonwealth funding to disadvantaged schools will be delivered a lot faster. </p>
<p>Attention will now turn to the states, given that they provide most of the funding for government schools, which educate the bulk of Australia’s disadvantaged students. Further questions will continue to be raised about the impact on students with disabilities.</p>
<h2>Winners and losers</h2>
<p>The only way to determine which schools are “winners” and which are “losers” is by looking at what would have happened if the Senate had voted down Gonski 2.0. So,
here’s the “scoreboard” under Gonski 2.0 compared to the 2013 Education Act.</p>
<p><strong>Government schools are (mostly) winners</strong></p>
<p>Government schools in all states, and in the ACT, will get more Commonwealth funding. </p>
<p>Based on the new six-year timeframe for underfunded schools, our latest modelling suggests government schools in NSW will get between $200 million and $300 million more federal funding over the next four years. For Victoria, the boost is between $300 million and $400 million. Both Queensland and South Australia appear to get between $100 and $200 million extra. The boosts for government schools in Tasmania and the ACT are smaller in dollar terms, but still substantial per student. </p>
<p>The biggest winners are state schools in Western Australia, which will get about $500 million more over four years, and at least $2 billion more over a decade.</p>
<p>Government schools in the Northern Territory will lose compared to their current level of Commonwealth funding, which is higher than other jurisdictions – but a transition package has been provided.</p>
<p><strong>Catholic schools will lose</strong> </p>
<p>Catholic schools are right to say they will be worse off than under the 2013 Act. Their federal funding is projected to be $3.1 billion less over the next ten years. </p>
<p>This loss arises mainly from the interaction of two changes to the capacity-to-pay measure. The first is the removal of the generous “system weighted average” in the capacity-to-pay measure, which treated all Catholic schools as average rather than basing their funding on each school’s parent body. The second change is to the curve used to calculate parents’ capacity to contribute in primary schools. The previous curve had limited how much parents were expected to contribute in even quite advantaged primary schools.</p>
<p>The loss is biggest for ACT Catholic schools, which will see virtually no funding growth for a decade. </p>
<p>A core complaint from the Catholic leadership is that the socioeconomic status (SES) score disadvantages Catholic schools. Accordingly, one of the first jobs of the new National Schools Resourcing Board will be to review the SES scores. The final impact on Catholic schools will depend on the findings of that review.</p>
<p>In the meantime, a one-off transition package of around $50 million over the next year will be delivered to help “vulnerable” Catholic and independent schools adjust to the new arrangements.</p>
<p><strong>Independent schools have mixed outcomes</strong></p>
<p>The impact on independent schools is mixed. Those serving low socioeconomic communities are winners. A handful of (mostly wealthy) private schools will have their overly generous funding arrangements whittled back.</p>
<h2>The Senate has done its job today</h2>
<p>It is worth celebrating a day when the Australian system of democracy did its job well. </p>
<p>With a better model of school funding approved, policymakers can shift their focus to the harder job of finding ways to lift the performance of Australian students.</p>
<p>Federal Education Minister Simon Birmingham deserves credit for Gonski 2.0: he originated the plan and stared down the scaremongers. The 11th-hour amendments improve the package, and there are no special deals of the type that infected every previous funding settlement for decades.</p>
<p>In light of the opposition from Labor, the fate of Gonski 2.0 came down to the supportive cross-benchers: The Nick Xenophon Team, Pauline Hanson’s One Nation, Derryn Hinch, Lucy Gichuhi and Jacqui Lambie. The Greens, having done good work to secure the key amendments, succumbed at the last to the pressure of the Australian Education Union. </p>
<p>Paul Keating once memorably dismissed the Senate as unrepresentative swill. If that epithet was ever fair, it is not fair today. Because early today, the Senate cross-benchers stood up for Australia’s children and passed a package that, while it may not be perfect, might just help us move on from Australia’s <a href="http://insidestory.org.au/the-educational-consequences-of-the-peace">oldest, deepest and most poisonous debate</a> – how to fund our schools.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79828/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and Grattan uses the income to pursue its activities.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julie Sonnemann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The passage of the new schools funding program is a big win for Australian children.Peter Goss, School Education Program Director, Grattan InstituteJulie Sonnemann, Research Fellow, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/799562017-06-22T15:12:00Z2017-06-22T15:12:00ZGrattan on Friday: Plenty of ‘rising damp’ in Turnbull government’s approach<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/175226/original/file-20170622-11976-1pypuy3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">On energy security, there is a distinctly 'big government' approach by Malcolm Turnbull.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Lukas Coch/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The Liberals have a new duumvirate at the top of their organisation. Nick Greiner, one-time New South Wales premier, will be installed – in absentia, because he’s in Europe – as president at the party’s federal council on Friday night. Greiner is Malcolm Turnbull’s personal choice.</p>
<p>Andrew Hirst will be given the tick by the party’s executive as federal director. Hirst, who is working with Crosby Textor (the firm that does the party’s polling), is a man of excellent survival skills, having served opposition leaders Brendan Nelson, Turnbull and Tony Abbott, and then Abbott in government.</p>
<p>The two face character-forming challenges.</p>
<p>Greiner, whose credentials include his strong business connections, has to rake in money for a party seriously strapped. Once, the conservatives were usually flush with cash, while Labor cried poor. These days many companies don’t make political donations. Apart from that, a government on the nose doesn’t attract dollars.</p>
<p>Hirst must revitalise a campaign structure that’s much weaker than Labor’s, in an era when the dark arts of political persuasion approach the complexity of neurosurgery, voters are cynical or not listening, and many in the “base” are unimpressed with Turnbullism.</p>
<p>How much easier it would be to ask for money and activate the grassroots if, instead of the Coalition trailing in 14 consecutive Newspolls (the latest this week), it had had a string of commanding leads.</p>
<p>Polls drive today’s politics to an alarming degree, affecting the mood of a party, inside and outside parliament. If the Coalition were doing well, the critics in Turnbull’s ranks would have to be much more accepting of him. Popularity is a warm protective blanket for a leader.</p>
<p>Liberals point to Turnbull’s ascendancy over Bill Shorten as preferred prime minister, but that’s of limited comfort, because they know many voters are disillusioned with the leader they’d hoped would represent a new brand of politics.</p>
<p>As it attempts to limit vulnerabilities and confront pressing issues, the government is sending some confusing signals to the electorate.</p>
<p>There is the whole “Labor-lite” message.</p>
<p>Getting the needs-based Gonski 2.0 through parliament is a substantial achievement. It’s good policy and should limit, albeit not wipe out, Labor’s advantage on schools.</p>
<p>But the policy spends a lot, in tight times, after years of the Liberal schools story saying it wasn’t about more money. The government’s desperation to pass the bill was evidenced by its adding in this week’s negotiations $A4.9 billion to its initial extra $18.6 billion ten-year plan.</p>
<p>The exercise has also seen the Liberals shun their usual cultivation of the Catholic lobby, which has reacted aggressively.</p>
<p>In business and economic areas, the Turnbull government is also saying loud and clear that it is not in the usual Liberal mould.</p>
<p>Remember the old talk of “wets” and “dries” in the Liberal party? The “dries” – economic rationalists – gained dominance many years ago. Both sides of politics dried out, and selling government-owned enterprises became the order of the day.</p>
<p>Now we’re seeing plenty of rising damp, not so surprising with Labor but more so from the Liberals.</p>
<p>The budget’s bank tax was driven by fiscal necessity. But the new rigorous governance regime for the banks – responding to some appalling behaviour – is notably intrusive and a change of tack. The Abbott government tried to unwind protections in the financial advice area.</p>
<p>On energy security, there is a distinctly “big government” approach.</p>
<p>Galvanised by a worsening power crisis and people’s deep concern about rising prices, the government is to use export controls to boost the availability of gas.</p>
<p>In the budget, it announced it wanted to buy out the New South Wales and Victorian shares in the Snowy Hydro, boosting the Commonwealth’s ownership from 13% to 100%.</p>
<p>It is also leaving open the prospect of helping to finance new clean coal generators.</p>
<p>Business is desperately looking for a coherent energy policy to provide certainty for investment. The Business Council of Australia has welcomed the Finkel report’s advocacy of a clean energy target, hoping this could be a path to a settled policy.</p>
<p>But the BCA this week warned: “Companies will only invest in new energy infrastructure if there is a stable policy framework, with minimal government intervention, that will outlast the government of the day … We strongly caution against using taxpayer funds to finance new electricity generation”.</p>
<p>The possibility of financing power plants goes to the Coalition’s commitment to coal. But it’s the outlook for coal that speaks strongly against such financing.</p>
<p>If so-called clean coal can’t attract adequate private investment, it will be because the long-term viability of such projects is considered poor. So it would be rash for a government to jump in with public funds or guarantees that could be rued as the years pass.</p>
<p>Despite the signals, that initiative is unlikely to come to pass. One Liberal says that if the government ever tried to invest in coal-fired power stations Turnbull would have “a riot on his hands”.</p>
<p>On Thursday the government received a fresh blast from the big end of town, after the South Australian budget followed the federal lead of garnering revenue from unpopular institutions by imposing its own bank tax.</p>
<p>The BCA blamed the Turnbull government for “letting the genie out of the bottle”, and declared that: “All of these ‘one-off’ government decisions, when taken together, have a chilling effect on business investment which is at its lowest level as a share of GDP since June 1994”. </p>
<p>The BCA claimed that: “Australia is becoming a laughing stock of global investment circles as erratic governments – state, territory and federal – carelessly undermine and chop and change the rules of doing business”.</p>
<p>Of course a discount must be applied to the BCA comments – there is a lot of self-interest involved. It represents the country’s biggest companies, including in the banking and resources sectors.</p>
<p>Nevertheless it is business, particularly big business, that drives job creation and the angst does little for the positive mood the government is trying to encourage.</p>
<p>Greiner is likely to get some tough feedback as he moves round his business network, wearing his new Liberal president tag.</p>
<iframe src="https://www.podbean.com/media/player/ivb89-6c3c98?from=yiiadmin&skin=1&btn-skin=107&share=1&fonts=Helvetica&auto=0&download=0&rtl=0" height="100" width="100%" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" data-name="pb-iframe-player"></iframe><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79956/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michelle Grattan owns bank shares.</span></em></p>As it attempts to limit vulnerabilities and confront pressing issues, the government is sending some confusing signals to the electorate.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/798712017-06-21T14:04:29Z2017-06-21T14:04:29ZA Labor government would boost schools’ money but how much would it unpick Gonski 2.0?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/174995/original/file-20170621-4662-87f132.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Labor has been steadfast in its opposition to the government's school funding plan.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tsikas/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Malcolm Turnbull is on the brink of a major policy victory after the government mustered 10 of the 12 non-Green crossbenchers behind its Gonski 2.0 policy.</p>
<p>The outcome of a week of intense negotiation by Education minister Simon Birmingham means, barring mishap, the government is set to end this parliamentary sitting on a strong note, at least in policy terms. The Coalition remains in a bad place in the polls.</p>
<p>The new model for schools funding will be much closer to the original needs-based one recommended by the Gonski review, the implementation of which was compromised by a plethora of special deals.</p>
<p>In electoral terms, Turnbull hopes the schools policy will at least partly offset Labor’s usual strong advantage in education but the fight over schools will still be on because Labor will be promising a big extra boost to funding.</p>
<p>To get its legislation through, the government has shortened the time frame for delivering funding targets from 10 to six years; boosted by $A4.9 billion to $23.5 billion the amount of money that will be spent over a decade (including $1.4 billion over the next four years); agreed to establish an independent body to oversee the funding; and endorsed a tight arrangement to prevent states lowering their share of school funding.</p>
<p>In a gesture to a deeply-agitated Catholic sector, the government will provide transitional money for it next year, while a review is undertaken of the basis for calculating how much parents should be expected to contribute. Some money will also be available for schools that are part of systems in the independent sector.</p>
<p>This is being couched as transition money so that all systems will come under the new model from the 2018 start. The transition money will amount to $46 million, $38 million for the Catholics.</p>
<p>But the Catholics, who benefited from the previous special arrangements, remain angry. The future political implications of this is yet to be seen.</p>
<p>On Wednesday night National Catholic Education Commission executive director Christian Zahra said that commission representatives had just met with Birmingham who “set out the minor changes” he proposed in response to the Catholics’ “very serious concerns”. But the commission’s position hadn’t changed: the bill “still poses an unacceptable risk to the 1737 Catholic schools across the country” and should be defeated.</p>
<p>The outcome has left the Greens caught badly short, exposed as under the thumb of the powerful teachers union, the Australian Education Union (AEU).</p>
<p>The government negotiated simultaneously with the Greens and the other crossbenchers. But the Greens were split, unable to finalise a deal even though they did most of the heavy lifting in extracting some major changes and additions.</p>
<p>The result is they’re in the worst of positions. They are unable to claim victory in delivering the more needs-based system. But they have raised the ire of some of their supporters for attempting to reach agreement with the government.</p>
<p>As soon as it knew it had the numbers with the other crossbenchers, the government – unsurprisingly - brought on the second reading vote on the legislation in the Senate.</p>
<p>Greens leader Richard Di Natale said he was disappointed the government had stitched up the deal with the other crossbenchers. The Greens had still been negotiating when the second reading vote was called. “We thought those talks were progressing really well when out of the blue, the bells rang,” he told reporters.</p>
<p>He said the Greens were proud that what they did through their negotiations “was to raise the bar”. But they could not support the “special deal” for the Catholic sector, and had wanted more money for disabled children.</p>
<p>The government is relying on getting the votes of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation, the Nick Xenophon Team, Jacqui Lambie, Derryn Hinch and Lucy Gichuhi.</p>
<p>Labor has trenchantly opposed the government’s package, saying the $18.6 billion is $22 billion short of what schools would have received under the ALP’s policy.</p>
<p>The opposition’s schools spokeswoman, Tanya Plibersek, says a Labor government would keep the parts of the package that “are practical, like an independent schooling resource body”. It would also retain the cuts to elite private schools.</p>
<p>But Labor has not spelled out how a Shorten government would alter the new model it would inherit and fund more generously.</p>
<p>It says Gonski 2.0 is flawed because it entrenches a skew in federal funding towards non-government schools (traditionally funded by the federal government, which is only the minor funder, compared to the states, of government schools). But that doesn’t deal with the issue of how a Labor government would handle the Catholics.</p>
<p>Labor has taken advantage of the Catholic rebellion. The Catholic sector, having lost the old special deals, would be anxious to extract some new ones from an ALP government that had extra dollars to put around.</p>
<p>So will Labor give the Catholics any undertakings that in power it would rectify the wrongs it alleges the government will do to the Catholic system? If it won’t, what will be the response of the Catholics?</p>
<p>If, after the dust settles from the Turnbull government making the tough changes, Labor broadly accepts the new model as a basis for its own planned funding, it will have a sound policy position but questions to answer about disingenuous claims we have heard from it in this debate.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/79871/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
The Catholic sector, having lost the old special deals, would be anxious to extract some new ones from an ALP government that had extra dollars to put around.Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/796452017-06-18T11:58:29Z2017-06-18T11:58:29ZWill the Greens let the teachers’ union bully them over schools funding?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/174293/original/file-20170618-10505-i1ooyb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Sarah Hanson-Young has come up against the pressure of the Australian Education Union.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tsikas/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Some Liberals love to deride Greens senator Sarah Hanson-Young. In the past, the government’s immigration minister and attack dog, Peter Dutton, was particularly insulting when she was spokeswoman in his area.</p>
<p>Now it’s Hanson-Young, handling the education area for the Greens, who is battling to get her party to pass the schools package that, in political terms, Malcolm Turnbull desperately needs.</p>
<p>The package is a truer version of the original Gonski needs-based system, and so would benefit deserving government schools, which are Hanson-Young’s priority. She’s gone out on a limb within her own ranks to attempt to promote a deal.</p>
<p>The government hopes to have the legislation through this last week before the winter break. “We’ll make sure we land this,” Deputy Prime Minister Barnaby Joyce said on Sunday. The question is: who can it get to be its dancing partners? The Greens, or other crossbenchers?</p>
<p>Negotiations between Hanson-Young and Education Minister Simon Birmingham – one of the better ministers, with an admirably low-key style – have seen the government showing a good deal of flexibility.</p>
<p>Hanson-Young says what the government has put on the table moves the package closer to what the Greens have been advocating.</p>
<p>It involves setting up the independent body to oversee funding that was recommended originally by Gonski, and legislation to tie the states into pulling their weight on money. The negotiations have also canvassed shortening the timeframe of the government’s A$18.6 billion plan from ten years to possibly six years, which could cost the government an extra $4.5 billion-$5 billion over a decade.</p>
<p>The government is coy about the details of concessions it would make to the Greens. But if a deal with those sorts of changes could be done, you’d think the Greens would be trying to clinch it as quickly as possible. It would represent a major win for them.</p>
<p>There is, however, an internal battle – the party is divided. </p>
<p>This is an issue on which one would think Greens leader Richard Di Natale could adopt the more pragmatic style he seemed to promise when he became leader.</p>
<p>Yet on Sunday he showed he was conflicted when he appeared on Sky. Rather than displaying leadership and saying he will urge his party room to accept a deal if it is favourable – which would allow him to claim credit for delivering a better system – he stressed not being hurried and speaking to “all the key stakeholders”, who have in fact already been consulted.</p>
<p>So what’s going on here?</p>
<p>This is going on: the Australian Education Union (AEU) is standing on the Greens’ neck. The AEU wants this as an issue at the election. And the Greens are frightened of the union, especially what it could do to the party’s aspirations in inner city seats. </p>
<p>The teachers’ union has a lot of political clout and there is extensive overlap between its membership and the support base of the Greens. The New South Wales branch of the Greens is strongly identified with the union line.</p>
<p>On Sunday the union position was simply that the Greens must block the legislation this week. It will be lobbying them hard in Canberra over the next few days.</p>
<p>It’s a sordid tale of the power of politics over policy – and it leaves the Greens exposed in their periodic bids to present themselves as the party of principle.</p>
<p>Just as they are responsible for Australia not having a better climate change policy, because they refused to accept the Rudd government’s efforts to put one in place, so too if they don’t cut a schools deal, they will be open to the criticism of trying to stymie the introduction of a more needs-based schools policy.</p>
<p>But if they opt for staying pure – or indeed even if they don’t – the government might get its way via the rest of the crossbench.</p>
<p>These players have demands of their own. But it’s possible a deal with the non-Green crossbench could come at a cheaper price than one with the Greens. If that was the case, the Greens would likely find themselves sidelined.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, Labor’s performance has been hypocritical. It has said all along that because the government’s schools plan fell $22 billion short of the ALP’s original proposals, it wouldn’t even bother negotiating.</p>
<p>As far as one can see, Labor has three motives. </p>
<p>First, it wants to reap the advantage of the discontent in the Catholic system, which loses out in relative terms when there’s a more needs-based system, because it has been feather-bedded with special arrangements by successive governments.</p>
<p>Second, it doesn’t want to allow the Coalition any win on schools policy.</p>
<p>Third, like the Greens it is unwilling to get the teachers’ union offside.</p>
<p>If the ALP really cared as much as it claims about state schools, it would not oppose the government’s policy but promise at the election that a Labor government would top up the money.</p>
<p>But that would be putting policy ahead of politics.</p>
<p><strong>POSTSCRIPT</strong></p>
<p>The Coalition trails Labor 47-53% on the two-party vote for the third consecutive <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/newspoll/newspoll-turnbull-fails-to-turn-corner-with-power-battle/news-story/79ce414773ab471673e3cf1e1935f1f6">Newspoll</a> – the 14th consecutive one in which it has been behind.</p>
<p>Malcolm Turnbull and Bill Shorten both lost ground on net satisfaction – they are tied in deeply negative territory on minus 23. Turnbull’s satisfaction rating fell from 35% three weeks ago to 32%.</p>
<p>Turnbull has a 13-point margin over Shorten as better prime minister, 44-31%, compared with a 12-point lead in the last Newspoll.</p>
<p>The ALP primary vote is up one point to 37%. The Coalition vote is steady on 36%, for the fifth consecutive time. Pauline Hanson’s One Nation is up from 9% to 11%; the Greens are down from 10% to 9%. </p>
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Some Liberals love to deride Greens senator Sarah Hanson-Young. In the past, the government’s immigration minister and attack dog, Peter Dutton, was particularly insulting when she was spokeswoman in his…Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/786692017-06-02T02:01:43Z2017-06-02T02:01:43ZEven for those who believe in ‘the full Gonski’, Labor’s $22 billion figure makes no sense<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171936/original/file-20170602-25700-mizves.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Labor must explain how its additional funding will benefit students.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mick Tsikas/AAP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>School education funding is once again <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/school-funding-557">front and centre</a> of Australian politics. Despite historic bipartisan agreement on the concept of needs-based funding, <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/breakfast/gonski-2.0-a-$22-billion-cut-to-labors-plan-plibersek/8491960">Labor is throwing</a> Gonski 2.0 back in the Coalition’s face.</p>
<p>Labor, backed up by the Australian Education Union, insists that nothing less than “the full Gonski” is worth contemplating. Further, they claim that this requires an extra A$22 billion over the next decade. </p>
<p>Surely more money is a good thing? </p>
<p>Not so fast. Money can’t be spent twice, so funds must be directed where they will have the most impact. Thus, we must analyse why Labor’s plan is so much more expensive than the Coalition’s. Each component can then be considered on its merits.</p>
<p>To save you the trouble, I crunched the numbers. My estimates are necessarily rough, given that the different components cannot always be cleanly separated. But the overall picture is clear. Most of Labor’s extra $22 billion is not directed according to student need, and would have little impact on outcomes.</p>
<h2>Over-funded schools – $2 billion wasted</h2>
<p>Every school has a target level of government funding, called its Schooling Resource Standard (SRS). Under Labor’s plan, the combined Commonwealth and state funding for nearly all schools would reach at least 95% of target by 2019. (A side deal means that Victorian government schools would get there in 2021). </p>
<p>But about 1% of schools already receive well more than their target, costing about $200 million each year. Under Labor’s model, these schools would get funding increases of 3%, per student, per year. </p>
<p>Separately, Australian Capital Territory (ACT) Catholic schools are over-funded to the tune of about $45 million a year, courtesy of a special deal that treats them as comparable to Catholic schools across the nation, despite the fact that they are considerably more advantaged. </p>
<p>Added together, over-funding schools wastes roughly $2-2.5 billion over a decade.</p>
<h2>Indexation is too high – another $2 billion</h2>
<p>Every year, per-student costs go up, largely driven by teacher wages. To account for this, both Labor’s plan and Gonski 2.0 include annual indexation of the SRS target. </p>
<p>The problem with Labor’s plan is that the indexation rate was fixed at 3.6% in the 2013 Education Act. As Grattan Institute’s <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/report/circuit-breaker/">Circuit Breaker</a> report shows, this rate is now too high given historically low wages growth. </p>
<p>Gonski 2.0 removes the fixed indexation rate in 2021, replacing it with a floating indexation rate that is more in line with school costs.</p>
<p>Compared to this, Labor’s plan costs $2-2.5 billion more over a decade. This is enough to hurt government budgets, but the extra money is spread so thinly that it would have minimal impact on student outcomes. </p>
<p>Better than both parties’ approaches is to apply the floating indexation rate from 2018 or 2019. This would save billions, which could be used to fully fund schools more quickly.</p>
<h2>Sweetheart deals waste at least $2 billion</h2>
<p>Parents who send their kids to non-government schools are expected to pay school fees. Parental capacity to contribute is estimated based on where they live. </p>
<p>Under the current legislation, however, all schools within an education system (for example, Catholic, Anglican or Lutheran schools) are rated as having the same capacity to contribute. This means - for the purposes of calculation - that the parents are treated equally, whether they live in Toorak or Toowoomba.</p>
<p>This “system-weighted average” costs the Commonwealth about $300 million per year. A related quirk in the calculation of capacity to contribute for primary schools adds another $200 million per year. </p>
<p>The main beneficiaries are Catholic primary schools in affluent neighbourhoods, which use the funds to keep their fees artificially low. </p>
<p>Gonski 2.0 removes these sweetheart deals; Labor, <a href="https://theconversation.com/gonski-model-was-corrupted-but-labor-and-coalition-are-both-to-blame-65875">which put them in there in the first place</a>, would keep them. </p>
<p>Catholic school leaders say these features are needed to compensate for flaws in the SES score, and the formula does need to be reviewed. But even if they are half right, Labor is wasting about $2 billion over a decade. </p>
<h2>Labor’s cash splash puts about $2 billion at risk</h2>
<p>Labor back-ended its Gonski funding so heavily that some disadvantaged schools would get huge funding increases in 2018 and 2019. </p>
<p>But much of this money will be wasted if schools chase the same limited pool of resources - speech therapists, instructional leaders etc - without the market having time to adjust. </p>
<p>Delaying by just two years, to 2021, would save about $2 billion, and give schools time to plan how to get the most out of the extra cash. </p>
<p>By contrast, however, the Coalition’s 2027 target is too far away. If Labor wants to invest the extra $7 billion needed to deliver Gonski 2.0 in four years rather than ten, that would be a solid policy argument. Even then, nearly half of this amount could be funded by moving to a floating indexation rate two years sooner. </p>
<h2>Commonwealth generosity is a two-edged sword</h2>
<p>The last component of Labor’s high-cost model is more subtle. Back in 2013, federal Labor offered to pick up the lion’s share of whatever money was needed to get schools to their target. </p>
<p>This generous approach has perverse impacts. Western Australia, which funds its government schools well, gets nothing extra from the Commonwealth. Victoria, which does not, gets rewarded. </p>
<p>By 2027, these differences are stark. Victoria would get a two-thirds boost in its Commonwealth funding (on top of enrolments and indexation), such that its students get 28% of their SRS target from Canberra. WA students are left languishing at a paltry 13%. These huge differences are not driven by student need, but by discrepancies in state funding.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171930/original/file-20170602-25673-4ks5to.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171930/original/file-20170602-25673-4ks5to.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=351&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171930/original/file-20170602-25673-4ks5to.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=351&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171930/original/file-20170602-25673-4ks5to.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=351&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171930/original/file-20170602-25673-4ks5to.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=441&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171930/original/file-20170602-25673-4ks5to.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=441&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171930/original/file-20170602-25673-4ks5to.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=441&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Commonwealth government funding as a proportion of SRS, by state, government schools, if Commonwealth picks up 65% of the needs-based funding gap in each state.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Source: Grattan school funding model, based on analysis of data from the Commonwealth Department of Education and Training</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Removing this inequity is a central element of Gonski 2.0: once fully implemented, all government schools will get 20% of their target from the Commonwealth, and all non-government schools 80%.</p>
<p>Labor’s model adds about $8 billion to the Commonwealth’s tab over a decade, money that should be stumped up by states.</p>
<h2>Where to from here?</h2>
<p>If Labor believes Australian schools need $22 billion more than the Coalition is offering, ambit claims won’t cut it. It must explain how its additional funding will benefit students. And soon.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/78669/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Grattan Institute began with contributions to its endowment of $15 million from each of the Federal and Victorian Governments. In order to safeguard its independence, Grattan Institute’s board controls this endowment. The funds are invested and Grattan uses the income to pursue its activities.
</span></em></p>Here’s why Labor’s figure for school funding is too high.Peter Goss, School Education Program Director, Grattan InstituteLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/784692017-06-01T20:08:11Z2017-06-01T20:08:11ZExplainer: how does funding work in the Catholic school system?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171371/original/file-20170529-25201-12jbkv7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Catholic schools haven't always received government funding.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">from shutterstock.com </span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Gonski 2.0 has provoked substantial debate about how much money schools get, who gets too much, and how the money will be distributed. </p>
<p>Catholic schools in particular have <a href="http://www.skynews.com.au/news/politics/federal/2017/05/20/catholic-schools-to-challenge-gonski-2-0.html">expressed concern</a> about the impact of Gonski 2.0, with many Catholic schools <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2017/may/03/gonski-20-catholic-schools-not-singled-out-for-funding-cuts-minister-says">facing potential funding cuts</a>. </p>
<p>In response, the Catholic Education Commission Victoria (CECV) <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/education/catholics-declare-war-on-liberals-over-school-funding/news-story/71cd8ec9c08646d856e09172c3097580">claims</a> some schools may have to increase their fees by as much as A$5,000 per year. </p>
<p>The federal Education Minister <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-05-03/minister-hits-back-at-catholic-sector-school-funding-outcry/8492890">Simon Birmingham has hit back</a>, accusing the Catholic sector of “exaggerating” claims of potential cuts and their impact. He has defended Gonski 2.0 stating that it will treat all schools - government and non-government - consistently. </p>
<p>Amid all of these debates is a lot of confusion about how and why the federal government funds Catholic schools. Catholic schools, like all non-government schools, receive their primary government funding from the federal government. However, there is not necessarily a direct funding flow from the government to schools. </p>
<p>Most Catholic schools are systemic schools, situated within the Catholic system across the states and territories, and these systems make their own decisions about school funding. </p>
<p>So how does government funding of Catholic schools actually work? </p>
<h2>Government hasn’t always funded Catholic schools</h2>
<p>In the current context, it’s perhaps easy to take for granted that Catholic and other non-government schools receive government funds. However, this was not always the case. The market-based system we have today has been encouraged by a number of key policy decisions. </p>
<p>This all began in the late 1960s and 1970s when, in response to a struggling Catholic sector, the federal government decided to provide school funding. </p>
<p>Up until then, the federal government had little involvement in the funding of Australian schooling (with the exception of the Australian Capital Territory and Northern Territory). </p>
<p><a href="https://www.education.gov.au/funding-schools">Constitutionally</a>, it is the states and territories – not the Australian government – that have legislative authority to regulate, register, and deliver schooling. Therefore, it was really the states that funded schools. Indeed, it is still the state and territory governments that primarily fund government schools. </p>
<p>It started in earnest with capital funding for schools <a href="https://www.aph.gov.au/binaries/library/pubs/bn/sp/schoolsfunding.pdf">introduced in the 1960s</a>. The <em>States Grants (Science Laboratories and Technical Training) Act 1964</em> funded science laboratories in both government and non-government schools. </p>
<p>Federal funding for non-government schools was then cemented in 1970 with the <em>States Grants (Independent Schools) Act 1969</em>. This provided non-government schools with a flat rate of federal government money per student. </p>
<p>Yet, it wasn’t until 1973 that an ongoing and systematic approach to federal funding of schools was enshrined. Then, the Whitlam-appointed <a href="http://dehanz.net.au/entries/karmel-report-schools-australia/">Karmel Report</a> introduced a “needs-based” school funding approach from the federal government. </p>
<p>The significance of the Karmel Report cannot be understated. Based on a “needs-based” formula, it provided <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/rearvision/education-religion-and-the-state-in-australia/5546816">much needed funding for the struggling Catholic system</a>, and in many ways cemented reliance on - and expectation of - federal funding across the non-government sector. </p>
<p>Since the Karmel Report, successive governments have retained federal funding, albeit with a range of policy changes to the funding formula over the years. </p>
<p>School funding has also become a lever for the federal government to intervene into schooling policy (while constitutional authority is retained with the states and territories). This includes, for instance, the buttressing of a market-based system premised on the existence of the three sectors – government, Catholic and independent. </p>
<p>For instance, non-government schools <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/children-of-the-whitlam-education-revolution/news-story/0e11f930d82c700dcd706c847d0d6e51">fared particularly well under</a> the Howard government’s SES model. At this time, federal education policy became pinned to the notions of marketisation and the rhetoric of “<a href="https://www.allenandunwin.com/browse/books/academic-professional/education/School-Choice-Craig-Campbell-Helen-Proctor-Geoffrey-Sherington-9781741756562">school choice</a>”. </p>
<p>Importantly, over the years the trend has been for a <a href="http://research.acer.edu.au/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1024&context=aer">higher increase</a> in federal funds for the non-government sector than the government sector. </p>
<p>Now, after over 40 years, it is taken for granted that in addition to state and territory funding (which is primarily targeted at government schools), the federal government funds schools and that it does so inequitably, funding non-government schools at a higher rate than government schools. This is despite the fact that it is government schools, far more than non-government schools, that cater for disadvantaged students (as noted in <a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/review-of-funding-for-schooling-final-report-dec-2011.pdf">Gonski 1.0</a>).</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171740/original/file-20170601-25684-5diu00.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/171740/original/file-20170601-25684-5diu00.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171740/original/file-20170601-25684-5diu00.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171740/original/file-20170601-25684-5diu00.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171740/original/file-20170601-25684-5diu00.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171740/original/file-20170601-25684-5diu00.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/171740/original/file-20170601-25684-5diu00.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Catholic schools receive most of their government funding from the federal government.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">from www.shutterstock.com</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>How does government funding for Catholic schools work now?</h2>
<p>Catholic and other non-government schools receive the bulk of their government funding from the federal government. </p>
<p>Yet, they also receive funding from the state governments. This is because of the legislative authority that states and territories have in relation to schooling. Thus, each state and territory has its own arrangements for funding non-government (and government) schools. </p>
<p>In Victoria, for example, the state government in 2016 provided over <a href="http://www.cecv.catholic.edu.au/getmedia/12cc6732-290d-47cd-8d79-d3c1d6eabf3f/CECV-Annual-Report-2015.aspx">A$440 million funding</a> to Catholic schools. </p>
<p>This recurrent funding was calculated as a part of the <a href="http://www.legislation.vic.gov.au/Domino/Web_Notes/LDMS/PubStatbook.nsf/f932b66241ecf1b7ca256e92000e23be/938886C085A1A9A5CA257E0400099911/$FILE/15-001aa%20authorised.pdf">Education and Training Reform Amendment (Funding of Non-Government Schools) Act 2015</a>, which sets out the arrangements for the Victorian state government to fund non-government schools at 25% the rate of government school funding per student. </p>
<p>State funding of non-government schools can also include targeted special grants, such as the Victorian government’s <a href="http://www.premier.vic.gov.au/funding-boost-for-victorian-independent-schools/">$32.8 million facilities funding announced in December 2016</a>.</p>
<p>Gonski 2.0 represents another iteration of federal funding policies in schooling. In this model, the <a href="http://www.budget.gov.au/2013-14/content/glossy/gonski_policy/html/gonski_overview_06.htm">Schooling Resource Standard</a>, as set out in Gonski 1.0, is retained. This formula produces a base rate for the cost of schooling. </p>
<p><a href="https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/new_fairer_school_funding_from_2018.pdf">Gonski 2.0</a> sets out that by 2027 the federal government will fund non-government schools 80% of the SRS, with government schools receiving 20%. </p>
<p>The bulk of funding for the Catholic system comes from the government. For example, the CECV <a href="http://www.cecv.catholic.edu.au/getmedia/12cc6732-290d-47cd-8d79-d3c1d6eabf3f/CECV-Annual-Report-2015.aspx">reported</a> that in 2015 it received: </p>
<ul>
<li><p>$440 million recurrent and $9.2 million targeted state government funding</p></li>
<li><p>$1.6 billion recurrent and $7.5 million targeted federal government funding</p></li>
<li><p>$96 million in school levies and almost $11 million from bank deposit interest and other income streams. </p></li>
</ul>
<h2>How does the Catholic system fund its schools?</h2>
<p>When funding flows from the federal and state governments to the Catholic and independent sector it does not necessarily flow straight to the school. </p>
<p>For schools that exist within a system (such as most Catholic schools) government funding is managed and allocated by the system. This is different to the many schools within the independent sector that are not organised within a system. </p>
<p>Importantly, a <a href="http://www.audit.vic.gov.au/publications/20160309-Grants-to-NG-schools/20160309-Grants-to-NG-schools.pdf">recent report</a> from the Victorian Auditor-General suggested there was a lack of transparency and accountability within the Catholic (and other non-goverment) system’s allocation of government funds. </p>
<p>To continue with the Victorian example, Catholic schools in Victoria are managed through the CECV. Similar systems exist for Lutheran, Ecumenical and Seventh-Day Adventist schools. Independent non-government schools that do not belong to a system receive government funds directly. </p>
<p>The CECV manages all but two of the 493 Catholic schools in Victoria and the <a href="http://www.cecv.catholic.edu.au/getmedia/71d7f374-228e-44ab-839c-d0f69cd8e4ca/Allocating-govt-grants.aspx?ext=.pdf">combined $2.1 billion in funds from both the federal and state government</a>. </p>
<p><a href="http://www.cecv.catholic.edu.au/getmedia/71d7f374-228e-44ab-839c-d0f69cd8e4ca/Allocating-govt-grants.aspx?ext=.pdf">According to the CECV,</a> funding allocation is decided through a number of committees. </p>
<p>For primary schools, the CECV decides on the share of funding that each of the four Victorian diocese will receive (the Archdiocese of Melbourne, the Diocese of Ballarat, the Diocese of Sandhurst and the Diocese of Sale). </p>
<p>The CECV uses its own <a href="http://www.cecv.catholic.edu.au/getmedia/71d7f374-228e-44ab-839c-d0f69cd8e4ca/Allocating-govt-grants.aspx?ext=.pdf">funding model,</a> which - among other things - takes into account each schools “capacity to contribute” based on the school’s SES scores. </p>
<p>According to the CECV, once the funding flows to the diocese each diocese has their own funding model they use to decide funding allocation. For secondary and combined schools, funding decisions of the CECV flow straight to the school. </p>
<p>The question, therefore, of how particular Catholic schools will fare under Gonski 2.0 is a complex one. There are layers of decision making, within multiple funding models, which occur before funding reaches each school. </p>
<p>Nevertheless, as with the first Gonski report, Gonski 2.0 is supportive of our current market-based model. </p>
<p>Despite particular “winners” and “losers”, <a href="https://thewest.com.au/news/education/funding-surge-for-high-fee-schools-ng-b88491810z">government funding of highly resourced and elite schools</a> remains intact. Arguably, then, it will also do little to address the rising inequalities that are entrenched within our market-based education system.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/78469/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Jessica Gerrard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Federal and state government funding to the Catholic sector does not necessarily then flow straight to the school.Jessica Gerrard, Senior Lecturer in Education, Equity and Politics, The University of MelbourneLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.