tag:theconversation.com,2011:/nz/topics/nigerian-laws-31339/articlesNigerian laws – The Conversation2022-12-14T10:57:27Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1964942022-12-14T10:57:27Z2022-12-14T10:57:27ZForced mass abortions are a new and disturbing phenomenon in Nigeria<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/501153/original/file-20221214-14156-21pej1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">bmszealand/shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>Nigeria classifies abortion as illegal except under certain medical circumstances. A recent <a href="https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/nigeria-military-abortions/">investigation</a> by Reuters news agency has alleged that, since 2013, the Nigerian military has run a secret mass abortion programme in the north-east of the country, where it is at war with the militant Islamic organisation Boko Haram. Ten thousand women were allegedly affected – the report claims the women had been raped and impregnated by Boko Haram insurgents. The military has <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/12/8/nigeria-denies-mass-abortion-programme-among-victims-of-jihadists">denied</a> the allegations. Reproductive health specialist Akanni Akinyemi sheds further light on abortions in Nigeria.</em> </p>
<h2>How common is forced abortion in Nigeria?</h2>
<p>There is some <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2589537022004242">evidence</a> that the decision to terminate a pregnancy may be imposed on a woman by either her male partner or some significant others, such as parents and care givers. However, the systemic large scale forced abortions in the north-eastern part of Nigeria as <a href="https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/nigeria-military-abortions/">reported in the media</a> are a new development. I don’t think we have recorded anything like this before. </p>
<h2>What factors encourage forced abortions?</h2>
<p>At an individual level, differing views among partners on the status of the pregnancy may result in coercive or forced abortion. When there is doubt on the paternity of the pregnancy, this may create some tension between partners and lead to the enforcement of abortion. The status of pregnancy to some family, particularly when an adolescent girl or unmarried woman is pregnant, is another reason. The families may resort to forced abortion because of the cultural implication of keeping the pregnancy. However, the reason alleged by the women in the Reuters report for this new systemic large scale forced abortion is to prevent these children growing up to become Boko Haram members. The terrorists <a href="https://www.accord.org.za/conflict-trends/from-terrorism-to-banditry-mass-abductions-of-schoolchildren-in-nigeria/">often abduct</a> girls and impregnate them. This forced abortion, if confirmed, is against the law and a crime against humanity. </p>
<h2>When is abortion legal in Nigeria?</h2>
<p>The legal context of abortion in Nigeria is captured under the <a href="https://antislaverylaw.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Nigeria-Criminal-Code.pdf">Criminal Code Act, Chapter 77 of the Laws of the Federation of Nigeria</a> (Revised ed. 1990), Articles 228-230, 297, 309, 328; and the <a href="https://reproductiverights.org/maps/provision/nigerias-abortion-provisions/">Penal Code (Northern States) Federal Provisions Act, Chapter 345 of the Laws of the Federation of Nigeria</a> (Revised ed. 1990), Articles 232-236. By the provision of these two legal frameworks, induced abortion is illegal, except with evidence that it is to save the life of the woman. <a href="https://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1215&context=annlsurvey">Abortion is, however, possible</a> in any facility where and when the life of the woman is threatened by the pregnancy. </p>
<p>Given the conservative and largely religious nature of Nigerian society, Nigeria’s law is restrictive, and abortions are only permitted to save a woman’s life. There must be professional documentation of the pregnancy risk to the woman before this is possible. </p>
<p>Despite the law, abortion is common, with a rate <a href="https://www.pmadata.org/sites/default/files/data_product_results/NG-AbortionModule-Brief-v2-2020-03-18.pdf">estimated at between 41.1 and 59.4 per 1,000 women of reproductive age</a> in 2017. However, the stigma associated with abortion, the largely incorrect understanding of the laws, and lack of access to trained providers can result in unsafe abortion practices. This has led to loss of lives of women and accounts for a high percentage of maternal mortality and morbidity in Nigeria. About <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1169586/">20,000 maternal deaths per year</a> are due to unsafe abortion in Nigeria. It also has one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the world – <a href="https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/NGA/nigeria/maternal-mortality-rate">917 women per 100,000 births</a>. This is very high compared to <a href="https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/NGA/nigeria/maternal-mortality-rate">Ghana (308) and Kenya (342)</a>, both also in sub-Saharan Africa.</p>
<p>The legal status of abortion varies across sub-Saharan Africa. <a href="https://www.guttmacher.org/report/from-unsafe-to-safe-abortion-in-subsaharan-africa#2-legality-of-abortion">Evidence shows</a> that while some countries (like Nigeria) still operate restrictive abortion laws, others (including Zambia) allow abortion on any health or socioeconomic grounds. Cabo Verde, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé and Principe and South Africa <a href="https://www.guttmacher.org/report/from-unsafe-to-safe-abortion-in-subsaharan-africa#2-legality-of-abortion">have decriminalised abortion</a>. They allow it without restriction.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/abortion-pills-are-being-widely-used-in-nigeria-women-and-suppliers-talk-about-their-experiences-191431">Abortion pills are being widely used in Nigeria: women and suppliers talk about their experiences</a>
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<h2>How accessible and safe is post-abortion care?</h2>
<p>Post-abortion care is accessible, particularly for women who had a safe abortion in a suitable medical facility with qualified professional. However, <a href="https://www.pmadata.org/sites/default/files/data_product_results/Nigeria%20Unsafe%20Abortion%20Disparities.pdf">most unsafe abortions are reported in health facilities</a> after they have suffered serious complications or life threatening experiences due to unsafe abortion.</p>
<p><a href="https://projects.iq.harvard.edu/willowsimpacteval/event/women%E2%80%99s-experiences-misoprostol-use-lagos-nigeria-study-design-and">Medical abortion is available</a> through the use of misoprostol. It is an abortion drug that is safe, and self-administered, with no or mild consequences. The prescription and likely complications of misoprostol are usually on the label, and clients can visit health professionals for any warning signs. Misoprostol is usually referred to as a <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36060610/">harm reduction practice in the abortion context in Nigeria</a>. </p>
<h2>Why is post-abortion care so important?</h2>
<p>Post-abortion care is important in ensuring that the abortion episode is successful without retaining any product of the process. It offers treatment for complications induced by having an abortion. </p>
<p>It also involves provision of contraception, counselling about preventing sexually transmitted infections and unwanted pregnancy, and counselling about adverse complications from the procedure. All <a href="https://www.fphighimpactpractices.org/briefs/postabortion-family-planning/">post-abortion care models include</a> two essential services: treatment of emergency complications, and voluntary family planning counselling, including provision of contraception.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/restrictive-abortion-laws-put-nigerian-women-in-danger-183153">Restrictive abortion laws put Nigerian women in danger</a>
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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/196494/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Akanni Ibukun Akinyemi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Systemic large scale forced abortions in Nigeria’s north-east are a new development.Akanni Ibukun Akinyemi, Professor of Demography and Social Statistics., Obafemi Awolowo UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1894272022-09-14T16:38:41Z2022-09-14T16:38:41ZWhy Nigerian kidnap law banning families from paying ransoms may do more harm than good<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/484582/original/file-20220914-20-1dz5mw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=47%2C31%2C872%2C603&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Nigerian terrorists Boko Haram attracted worldwide condemnation when it kidnapped hundreds of school girls.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Jewjewbeed/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Kidnapping for ransom has become one of the most significant challenges facing Nigeria today, and the government is attempting to address this by <a href="https://www.vanguardngr.com/2022/04/senate-amends-terrorism-act-prohibits-payments-of-ransom-to-kidnappers/">punishing families</a> who pay ransoms. But many believe this has little chance of tackling the problem. </p>
<p>Since 2009, Islamic terrorist group <a href="https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/usip/0025390/f_0025390_20750.pdf">Boko Haram</a> has conducted several bombings and <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03071847.2012.714183">attacks</a> on innocent citizens and public infrastructure in the country. The group is particularly opposed to western education which they say lures people away from Islamic teaching as a way of life and has vowed to <a href="https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR308.pdf">make Nigeria an Islamic state</a>. </p>
<p>These attacks were followed up by numerous incidents of kidnapping for ransom, with Boko Haram targeting boarding schools, villages, churches and <a href="https://www.sbmintel.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/202005_Nigeria-Kidnap.pdf">government facilities</a>. Notable among these was the kidnapping in 2014 of 276 <a href="https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/chibok-girls-bargaining-chip-of-boko-haram-insurgency-1444912">Chibok schoolgirls</a>, aged between 16-18, from their boarding school in Borno state in the north-east of the country. This incident caused international outrage against Boko Haram and criticism of the Nigerian government’s handling of the security situation, resulting in the #BringBackOurGirls movement and protests in major cities across <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/may/07/twitter-hashtag-bringbackourgirls-nigeria-mass-kidnapping">the world</a>. To date, over 100 of the girls remain missing, while some are believed to <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/4/14/nigerias-chibok-schoolgirls-five-years-on-112-still-missing">have died</a>.</p>
<p>A new amendment to Nigeria’s Terrorism (Prevention) <a href="https://www.vanguardngr.com/2022/04/senate-amends-terrorism-act-prohibits-payments-of-ransom-to-kidnappers/">Act 2013</a> now means families and friends of kidnap victims face up to 15 years imprisonment for paying to free loved ones. The lawmakers believe this will discourage kidnapping and abductions for ransom. It has also made the crime of abduction punishable by death in cases where the victims die. Some of the other measures already put in place by the government include restriction of residents’ movement in some states, <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/9/1/nigerian-states-impose-curbs-bid-stop-kidnappings-violence">deployment of the military</a>, as well as closing down some <a href="https://www.csmonitor.com/World/Africa/2021/1015/Two-edged-sword-Nigeria-blocks-phone-networks-to-stop-crime">mobile telecoms networks</a> to prevent communication between terrorists.</p>
<p>But kidnapping for <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/487509-special-report-inside-nigerias-worsening-kidnap-for-ransom-scourge-1.html">ransom has</a> now spread from Boko Haram and bandits in northern Nigeria to militants across the entire country. Kidnappers collected more than US$18 million (£15.5 million) <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/desperate-nigerians-sell-homes-land-free-kidnapped-children-2021-08-24/">in ransom</a> from June 2011 to March 2020 in Nigeria, according to Reuters.</p>
<h2>Why the new law won’t work</h2>
<p>The kidnapping law has been widely condemned as <a href="https://thenationonlineng.net/ransom-payment-jail-or-death/">insensitive and impractical</a>. Many Nigerians believe enforcing it is tantamount to a death sentence for <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-61554325">kidnap victims</a>. </p>
<p>Analysis of <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09718923.2010.11892834?_ga=2.230453852.1756469148.1663149100-1821979984.1663149100&_gl=1*1xouk4h*_ga*MTgyMTk3OTk4NC4xNjYzMTQ5MTAw*_ga_0HYE8YG0M6*MTY2MzE0OTA5OS4xLjEuMTY2MzE0OTExMS4wLjAuMA">security trends in Nigeria</a> suggests that there are two main reasons why this addition to the law is not the correct move. The reality on the ground is that most Nigerians lack trust and confidence <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ignatius-Nyam/publication/350940986_A_Critical_Analysis_of_the_Public_Perception_of_the_Nigeria_Police_Force/links/607a7ce98ea909241e054247/A-Critical-Analysis-of-the-Public-Perception-of-the-Nigeria-Police-Force.pdf">in the police</a>. In most instances, the police and state security operatives fail to respond to kidnapping incidents <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/487509-special-report-inside-nigerias-worsening-kidnap-for-ransom-scourge-1.html">rapidly</a> enough. Families of kidnapped victims pay ransoms out of desperation and helplessness, believing that the security agencies will not come to <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/desperate-nigerians-sell-homes-land-free-kidnapped-children-2021-08-24/">their aid</a>.</p>
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/whos-at-risk-of-being-kidnapped-in-nigeria-184217">Who's at risk of being kidnapped in Nigeria?</a>
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<p>There have been several instances where kidnapped victims have been killed simply because their families and friends could not raise <a href="https://www.vanguardngr.com/2022/04/terrorists-kill-3-kidnapped-victims-threaten-to-kill-more-unless-ransom-is-paid-2/">the huge amount</a> being demanded as ransom by kidnappers. In 2021, <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/26/nigeria-kidnappers-execute-two-more-captive-students">six students</a> from Greenfield University in the state of Kaduna were kidnapped and shot dead after authorities refused to pay ransoms of 800 million naira (£1.6 million) to secure <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/23/nigerian-kidnappers-kill-3-abducted-students-in-rising-violence">their release</a>. From <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/4/26/nigeria-kidnappers-execute-two-more-captive-students">December 2020 to April 2021</a>, around 730 Nigerian students were abducted.</p>
<p>Poverty, <a href="https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.1037.3901&rep=rep1&type=pdf">unemployment</a>, corruption, political violence and religious intolerance have created a fertile ground for insecurity and kidnapping in Nigeria. The high rate of youth unemployment in the country, currently around <a href="https://www.thecable.ng/nbs-nigerias-unemployment-rate-hits-33-3-highest-ever">30-35%</a>, is believed to be a <a href="https://noi-polls.com/unemployment-and-poverty-cited-as-top-reasons-for-rise-in-kidnapping/">major factor</a> responsible for the growth of kidnap cases. The <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/259531-nigerian-govt-paid-ransom-release-chibok-girls-senators.html">huge ransom paid</a> to Boko Haram by the Nigerian government for the release of some of the Chibok school girls in 2014 has created a pattern that is now peculiar to this country. Boko Haram and other criminal gangs now see kidnapping for ransom as an easy way to make money. But the rising levels of kidnappings across Nigeria cannot be divorced from the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/d8d9bf8f-0aa2-405f-b3f7-2a3e7e7b297c">declining economic fortunes of the country</a>. </p>
<p>Before the new law can be effective, the socioeconomic situation and provision of basic amenities, especially job creation, first need to be urgently addressed to reduce kidnappings.</p>
<p>Second, urgent steps need to be taken by the government to improve the working conditions and intelligence gathering capabilities of the police and other security agencies and to produce more public trust in the state. Providing the police with modern technology and training would not only ensure greater operational efficiency but will improve the confidence of Nigerians in the force. This would also enhance government efforts at tackling the escalating incidents of kidnapping.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/189427/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ayoade Onireti does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Families are worried that a new Nigerian law will stop them getting their kidnapped friends or relatives back.Ayoade Onireti, Lecturer in Law, University of SalfordLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1589672021-04-18T07:36:03Z2021-04-18T07:36:03ZNigeria has a new police chief. Here’s an agenda for him<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/395217/original/file-20210415-18-17f10ql.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Community policing must be high on the agenda of Nigeria's new police chief </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/nigerian-police-officers-take-position-outside-a-courtroom-news-photo/840869076?adppopup=true">Pius Utomi Ekpei/AFP via Getty Images </a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The <a href="https://www.thecable.ng/buhari-appoints-usman-alkali-baba-acting-igp">appointment</a> of Usman Alkali Baba as Nigeria’s acting Inspector General of Police on April 6, 2021 brought a kind of <a href="https://guardian.ng/news/buhari-names-usman-alkali-baba-as-acting-igp/">closure</a> to calls for reform of the Nigerian security architecture. It was applauded in some quarters.</p>
<p>The main demand was to replace the heads of security services to infuse new blood into the fight against various forms of <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2021/02/18/rising-insecurity-in-northwest-nigeria-terrorism-thinly-disguised-as-banditry/">insecurity</a>, including <a href="https://www.acaps.org/country/nigeria/crisis/northwest-banditry">banditry</a> and <a href="https://qz.com/africa/1624376/kidnapping-for-ransom-is-nigerias-latest-security-problem/">kidnappings</a>. </p>
<p>The demand to rejig the security architecture was not the only one. There were also cries against the way the police carry out their duties especially in the area of human rights and different forms of abuse they mete out to citizens. This culminated in demanding for the abolition of the Special Anti-Robbery Squads (SARS) set up by different police formations across the country. It became the #ENDSARS movement which resonated across the globe. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54624611">#ENDSARS</a> movement also demanded an end to police brutality, as well as justice and compensation for its victims. It asked for inquiries to investigate and prosecute reported cases of police misconduct, and for better welfare packages for police officers.</p>
<p>President Muhammadu Buhari <a href="https://apnews.com/article/africa-muhammadu-buhari-nigeria-0de79ac9ffb8a51be16d4dbf8c279d48">replaced</a> all the service chiefs – the army, navy, airforce, and the chief of defence staff – on January 26, 2021 but <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/440636-breaking-buhari-extends-tenure-of-igp-adamu.html">extended</a> the tenure of the former police chief, Mohammed Adamu, for three months. Now Baba has replaced Adamu.</p>
<p>The Inspector General is the administrative and operational head of the police and is responsible for the deployment of the personnel and resources of the force to ensure public safety.</p>
<p>Part of the new incumbent’s job will be to build a more accountable and public-friendly police force. He will need the support and cooperation of the public, among others. He must pay attention to the immediate and remote causes of the protests that have taken place, and follow up on recommendations of the judicial <a href="https://cleen.org/details-of-endsars-state-judicial-panels-of-inquiry-in-nigeria/">panels of inquiry</a> into human rights abuses by the police.</p>
<p>My research on community policing has identified some challenges and suggested some ways in which citizens can take an active part in policing. </p>
<h2>Community policing</h2>
<p>Community policing is the <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Short-History-British-Police/dp/B0010XPHJ0">recognition</a> that for the police to do their work, they need the approval of the public. It’s based on the concept that police officers and private citizens working together in creative ways can help solve community problems related to crime, fear of crime, social and physical disorder and neighbourhood decay.</p>
<p>A start was made on community policing under Adamu. For example, the police engaged volunteers from the public as <a href="https://punchng.com/insufficient-manpower-police-settle-for-part-time-special-constables/">special constables</a> to perform administrative work. </p>
<p>But my research has highlighted several barriers to this approach in Nigeria: corruption, impunity, poor funding, indiscipline and inadequate facilities, among others. </p>
<p>In one <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1350/ijps.2009.11.3.130">study </a> I noted that some members of society interfere in the course of justice. Some corrupt police officials want the status quo to be maintained. The police also have financial constraints and a poor public image. The new inspector general must tackle all these problems. He must ensure that available funds are used effectively and enforce discipline among officers. </p>
<p>My <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19361610.2014.883296">work</a> on the Nigerian police’s image crisis concluded that the police could not afford to lose the trust and confidence of the public if the fight against terrorism, extremism, and high profile criminality was to be won. </p>
<p>In the context of increasing banditry and kidnapping, policing will have to be led by intelligence. That requires a cooperating public to volunteer information to the police. The new chief will have to ensure the relationship with the public and with other security agencies is conducive to sharing information.</p>
<p>The relationship of the police with some ethnic militias has been <a href="http://saharareporters.com/2021/03/24/breaking-nigerian-army-police-kill-16-ipobs-eastern-security-network-operatives-abia">tense</a> and this will have to be managed. Militia groups are a sign that the public has lost faith in formal law enforcement and security services, as one of my <a href="https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Community-Partnership-in-Policing%3A-The-Nigerian-Ikuteyijo-Rotimi/53cbe648e6a72205308398480d0a3989e8b6c756">studies</a> has shown.</p>
<p>Although the new inspector general was part of the previous management team, he could still bring some innovations to policing in the country. For instance, there are robust provisions in the new <a href="https://placng.org/i/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/The-Clean-copy-of-Nigeria-Police-Act-Repeal-and-Re-enactment-Bill-2020-Passed-by-the-House.pdf">Police Act 2020</a> and the <a href="https://www.policinglaw.info/assets/downloads/2015_Administration_of_Criminal_Justice_Act.pdf">Administration of Criminal Justice Act</a> which could ensure that the police are accountable in protecting lives and properties. The provisions relate to what constitutes an offence by a police officer, establishment of police complaints response unit for citizens to report infractions of officers and discipline within the force. </p>
<p>Errant police officers should be exposed and disciplined. Morale among dedicated officers could be boosted through various incentives. All should be accountable and transparent in their operations.</p>
<p>Training and retraining to boost the capacity of police should equally be tackled. This would also enable them to identify and deal with their inherent biases and give them confidence in carrying out their responsibilities. They also need to develop their interpersonal skills to <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19361610.2014.883296">improve</a> police image. </p>
<h2>Modern policing techniques</h2>
<p>The police need to be re-positioned with contemporary policing techniques. They are not well equipped at present to tackle terrorism and other violent crimes. Since the <a href="https://publicofficialsfinancialdisclosure.worldbank.org/sites/fdl/files/assets/law-library-files/Nigeria_Constitution_1999_en.pdf">constitution</a> places the maintenance of internal security under the police, they should respond more decisively to the many challenges within the country.</p>
<p>They need up to date weapons and technology. Body cameras, for example, can improve accountability, reduce abuses, enhance evidence collection and document events. Automated licence plate readers, drones for aerial surveillance and apps to allow citizens to report crimes would also contribute to building the public’s confidence in the police.</p>
<h2>Improved welfare</h2>
<p>Better housing, robust insurance policies, and regular payment of pensions are some of the ways that the welfare of police can be improved. These will give them less incentive to turn to corruption for survival.</p>
<p>The change of guard in the leadership of the Nigerian police is an opportunity to advance policing in the country. The new inspector general is in a position to do things differently and get better results.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/158967/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Lanre Ikuteyijo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Apart from tackling terrorism, banditry and kidnappings, Nigeria’s new Inspector General of Police must embrace community policing.Lanre Ikuteyijo, Senior lecturer, Obafemi Awolowo UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1572542021-04-13T14:43:15Z2021-04-13T14:43:15ZFifty years, five problems - and how Nigeria can work with China in future<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/392810/original/file-20210331-13-1oqs43e.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Vendors in front of their shop in China Town, Ojota, Lagos</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/vendors-sit-in-front-of-their-shop-in-the-deserted-china-news-photo/1203737316?adppopup=true">Pius Utomi Ekpei/AFP via Getty Images </a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Since establishing diplomatic relations on <a href="http://ng.china-embassy.org/eng/zngx/cne/t142490.htm">10 February 1971</a>, Nigeria’s relationship with China has developed into one of the most important bilateral relationships maintained by either country. </p>
<p>Apart from the exchange of high level visits, Chinese companies and money have found their way into Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy. They are involved in <a href="https://www.readcube.com/articles/10.1007%2Fs11366-016-9453-8?author_access_token=WPKvbExnHCczCqgM0LI_Hve4RwlQNchNByi7wbcMAY7OLvXN-XgPiWgO5WDqKEtaTSOh-plEmXHRWQp1VgNkOrh4kU-Bs4v4HZ-lddROqoFazhV8tFcaZvfUEQCEf6kV1IHlJiRJsOMU13MAf4YvUQ==">a variety of major projects</a> in Nigeria. </p>
<p>As at 31 March 2020, Chinese loans to Nigeria stood at <a href="https://www.dmo.gov.ng/facts-about-chinese-loans-to-nigeria">US$3.121 billion</a>, which is 11.28% of the country’s external debt of US$27.67 billion. The growing trade and presence of Chinese finance in Nigeria has also led to changing narratives about <a href="https://za.boell.org/en/2018/10/09/nigerian-migrants-china-changing-narrative">increased</a> migration on both sides.</p>
<p>Over the years, Nigeria’s relationship with China has broadened and deepened with China’s growing power and interest in securing its regional interests (particularly within the South China Sea), and taking its place as a major global actor. Although Nigeria has largely stayed away from China’s fairly assertive regional posture, it’s affirmation of a commitment to the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-38285354">‘One-China Policy’</a> has been important to China. Nigeria demonstrated this by the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-taiwan-nigeria/taiwan-says-nigeria-wants-it-to-move-its-trade-office-from-abuja-idUSKBN14W0IX">forced relocation</a> of Taiwan trade office from Abuja to Lagos in 2017.</p>
<p>The governments of both Nigeria and China often describe their relationship as a <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-11/06/c_137585555.htm">“win win”</a> partnership – a term China often <a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-06-28/President-Xi-China-Africa-cooperation-always-produces-win-win-results-HTaBDoIaDC/index.html">uses</a> to describe its relationships with other African countries.</p>
<p>During former Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to Nigeria in 2006, his host and then Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo, <a href="https://www.readcube.com/articles/10.1007%2Fs11366-016-9453-8?author_access_token=WPKvbExnHCczCqgM0LI_Hve4RwlQNchNByi7wbcMAY7OLvXN-XgPiWgO5WDqKEtaTSOh-plEmXHRWQp1VgNkOrh4kU-Bs4v4HZ-lddROqoFazhV8tFcaZvfUEQCEf6kV1IHlJiRJsOMU13MAf4YvUQ==">remarked</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>From our assessment, this twenty-first century is the century for China to lead the world. And when you are leading the world, we want to be close behind you. When you are going to the moon, we don’t want to be left behind.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Bitter sweet mixture</h2>
<p>But 50 years of Nigeria-China relations has been a bitter-sweet mixture. At independence, Nigeria’s pro-British and pro-West foreign policy <a href="https://www.ijrhss.org/papers/v6-i11/1.pdf">had no dedicated space or support</a> for communist China.</p>
<p>During the <a href="https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/nigerian-civil-war-1967-1970/">Nigeria-Biafra war</a>, the Nigerian government received arms support the <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/319766091_Strange_Bedfellows_An_Unlikely_Alliance_between_the_Soviet_Union_and_Nigeria_during_the_Biafran_War">from USSR</a> - but not China. It has been <a href="https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article-abstract/75/298/14/102588?redirectedFrom=PDF">reported</a> that China supported Biafra in terms of small arms and ammunition via Tanzania.</p>
<p>After the war, the Nigerian government <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338739945_Gowon's_Three_R's_and_Yar'Adua's_General_Amnesty_an_Analysis_of_Policy_Failures_Security_Challenges_and_Consequences_in_the_West_African_Atlantic_Seaboard">implemented</a> the 3Rs - reconciliation, reconstruction and rehabilitation. It also visited countries in the West and East. It was within this context that Nigeria, along with other African countries, supported the <a href="https://china.usc.edu/united-nations-admits-peoples-republic-china-october-25-1971">1971 resolution</a> to accept China as a full-fledged member of the UN.</p>
<p>An economic exhibition followed in <a href="http://ng.china-embassy.org/eng/zngx/cne/t792194.htm">1972</a> and <a href="https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803095902167">Yakubu Gowon</a>, Nigeria’s leader, visited Beijing <a href="https://www.wathi.org/two-distant-giants-china-and-nigeria-perceive-each-other/">in 1974</a>. But it was not until the early 1990s that China assumed an <a href="https://www.readcube.com/articles/10.1007%2Fs11366-016-9453-8?author_access_token=WPKvbExnHCczCqgM0LI_Hve4RwlQNchNByi7wbcMAY7OLvXN-XgPiWgO5WDqKEtaTSOh-plEmXHRWQp1VgNkOrh4kU-Bs4v4HZ-lddROqoFazhV8tFcaZvfUEQCEf6kV1IHlJiRJsOMU13MAf4YvUQ==">important role</a> in Nigeria.</p>
<p>The backlash from the West over the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/24/world/nigerian-military-rulers-annul-election.html">annulment</a> of the June 1993 presidential election forced Nigeria to look more towards China.</p>
<p>Thus, China became an important element for Nigeria’s response to Western sanctions and other forms of pressures, and strategies to force a preferred political outcome. China’s <a href="https://www.stimson.org/2019/conflict-mediation-chinese-characteristics-how-china-justifies-its-non-interference-policy/">non-interference policy</a> in the domestic affairs of other countries fitted well into <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54929254">Sani Abacha</a>’s ultimate goal of becoming a civilian president. The period also coincided with the early beginnings of Beijing’s own “going global” policy that saw it unleash abroad its economic influence and multinational companies.</p>
<p>Under Abacha, an agreement was signed in 1995 with the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation to take up projects -although some reports trace the company’s entrance into the Nigerian market to 1981. What is clear is that Nigeria is the company’s <a href="https://dailytrust.com/we-built-businesses-in-29-states-in-40yrs-ccecc">first overseas market </a>; and currently CCECC works in 29 of Nigeria’s 36 states.</p>
<p>Over the last 50 years, the Sino-Nigerian relationship has developed clear patterns. Roughly, the first 20 years may be described as a political phase. The ensuing decade was a mixed era of political and economic features while the last 20 years or so show an intensification of China’s economic presence in Nigeria. Clearly, the relationship has become more economic as China evolved from a political power to a global economic giant.</p>
<p>However, after a half century of official relationship, the time has become ripe for a review of the balance sheet. </p>
<h2>The “win-win” smiles</h2>
<p>China is one of the most important <a href="https://www.dmo.gov.ng/facts-about-chinese-loans-to-nigeria">lenders of development finance to Nigeria</a>. Chinese firms and finance play a prominent role in Nigeria’s infrastructure development. This is <a href="https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/2018-04/sr_423_chen_final.pdf">notably in the construction</a> of railway lines and road (re)construction across the country. Some <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-maltreatment-of-nigerians-in-china-may-not-end-soon-137828">examples</a> are the $874 million, 187km Abuja-Kaduna rail; the $1.2 billion, 312km Lagos-Ibadan expressway; the $1.1 billion Kano-Kaduna railway lines and the $600 million airport terminals in Abuja, Lagos, Port Harcourt and Kano. </p>
<p>Nigeria is also <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5652847de4b033f56d2bdc29/t/5ea7317f6ed4781cebc9c0ce/1588015487828/WP+36+-+Chen+-+Manufacturing+Nigeria.pdf">one</a> of Africa’s top destinations for Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI). Although accurate figures are <a href="https://www.chinausfocus.com/finance-economy/deciphering-chinese-investment-in-nigeria">difficult</a> to ascertain, it is estimated that about 5% of Chinese FDI stocks in Africa and 4.6% of FDI inflow in 2019 <a href="http://www.sais-cari.org/chinese-investment-in-africa">goes to Nigeria</a>.</p>
<p>Data on trade between the two nations for the first 30 years of their relationship is not available. Nevertheless, more reliable data has been available since 2003. Since then trade between the two nations has increased from <a href="http://ng.china-embassy.org/eng/zngx/cne/t142490.htm">US$1.86 billion</a> to an estimated <a href="https://punchng.com/chinese-companies-investments-in-nigeria-hit-20bn-cccn/">US$20 billion</a> in 2019. Trade flows are in China’s favour, with China running a trade surplus of about US$17.5 billion for the years 2015 to 2018. Nigeria sells crude oil to China and, in turn, buys manufactured goods.</p>
<p>China also contributes to the development of Nigeria’s human capital. Many Nigerian students now <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/09/c_138296964.htm">study</a> in Chinese schools – with a few on scholarship. Chinese companies are also building <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-12/03/c_138602919.htm">education</a> and <a href="https://www.huawei.com/en/news/2016/10/huawei-innovation-experience-center-nigeria">training</a> facilities in Nigeria.</p>
<h2>The underbellies of win-win</h2>
<p>The relationship is not without its problems. Aside from <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-maltreatment-of-nigerians-in-china-may-not-end-soon-137828">racism</a> against Nigerians and other black people in China, there are four other problems.</p>
<p>First is the negative impact of Chinese imports on Nigerian industries, of which the biggest casualty has been <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/nigeria-china-arrests/nigeria-arrests-45-illegal-chinese-textile-traders-idUKL5E8GNDBM20120523?edition-redirect=uk">textiles</a>.</p>
<p>For example, in Kano - which is considered to be one of the main textiles cities in <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/4006534?seq=1">northern Nigeria</a>, an estimated <a href="https://www.pmnewsnigeria.com/2015/09/02/chinese-textile-materials-send-28000-kano-dyers-out-of-business/">28,000 Nigerians</a> lost their jobs to Chinese imports as at 2015. </p>
<p>Nigeria’s shoe industry has also taken <a href="https://dailytrust.com/how-chinese-products-are-killing-made-in-aba-shoes">a big hit</a>. </p>
<p>The second problem relates to the bad treatment of Nigerian workers by their Chinese employers. There have been many <a href="https://books.google.com.ng/books?id=A3XhCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA191&lpg=PA191&dq=between+the+dragon%27s+gift+and+its+claws&source=bl&ots=Bg8CxNqchq&sig=ACfU3U0RQwuwsBqTK7oqr8dUQV6zpZcsvQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj9-9C-7KzvAhV04uAKHf3lARwQ6AEwEHoECBEQAw#v=onepage&q=between%20the%20dragon's%20gift%20and%20its%20claws&f=false">instances of maltreatment</a> of these workers. This raises questions about the ability of Nigerian government to develop – or enforce – appropriate labour laws and conduct regular inspection of work places.</p>
<p>Third is the issue of <a href="https://www.pmnewsnigeria.com/2011/06/17/chinese-prisoners-invade-nigeria/">unsubstantiated claims </a> about Chinese companies in Nigeria. A good example is the claim that <a href="https://guardian.ng/news/rep-raises-concern-over-import-of-chinese-prisoners-to-work-in-nigeria/">China uses its prisoners</a> in construction projects in Nigeria.</p>
<p>The fourth problem relates to Chinese loans to Nigeria, which often generate concerns among citizens. These range from those that believe they are unsustainable to those that claim that the agreements <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/more-news/406420-amaechi-explains-sovereignty-clause-in-500m-chinese-railway-loan.html">allow China to take over</a> Nigerian assets. These persist because of the secrecy surrounding the loans.</p>
<h2>Preparing for the next 25-50 years</h2>
<p>Nigeria now needs to prepare for the next 25 to 50 years.</p>
<p>China can continue to play an important role in Nigeria’s development. However, Nigeria must urgently address the negative side of the relationship. </p>
<p>First, Nigeria’s regulatory institutions, including the courts, standards setting bodies, ministries and agencies, must apply the laws of the country without fear or favour.</p>
<p>China has <a href="https://www.today.ng/news/nigeria/chinese-companies-obey-nigerian-labour-laws-foreign-minister-338004">said</a> it will not tolerate Chinese companies disregarding Nigeria’s labour laws. But, it is up to the local regulatory institutions to assert the supremacy of the Nigerian law.</p>
<p>Secondly, Chinese textile firms must be <a href="https://shipsandports.com.ng/between-nigerias-1-2bn-smuggled-textiles-and-chinas-2bn-investment/">encouraged</a> to create employment.</p>
<p>Lastly, people-to-people relationship must also be encouraged and strengthened.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/157254/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Abdul-Gafar Tobi Oshodi has previously received research funding or travel support from organisations like the KU Leuven, Research Foundation Flanders (FWO), Social Science Research Council (SSRC), University of Edinburgh, Lagos State University, Lagos State Government, Chatham House (i.e. Robert Bosch Stiftung), Centre for Population and Environmental Development (CPED), Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETfund), Population Media Center (PMC), Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS), Think Tank Initiative, and the Carnegie Corporation of New York. He is currently an American Council of Learned Societies’ African Humanities Program (ACLS-AHP) postdoctoral fellow, conducting research for a book entitled ‘Imageries of Mao Zedong's China in Ghanaian newspapers, 1957-1976.’ </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ufo Okeke Uzodike is affiliated with African Heritage Institution (AfriHeritage). The institute is a not-for-profit, non-partisan and independent think tank devoted to economic, social and peace research, capacity building, and networking. AfriHeritage’s history dates back to 2001 when operations commenced (nationally and across Africa) under the name “African Institute for Applied Economics'' (AIAE). Its name was changed in 2012 to African Heritage Institution in order to broaden its focus beyond economic issues. Its vision is for a renascent Africa that is democratic, prosperous and a frontline player in the global economy; and its Mission committed its management to work for positive social change through sustained advocacy to promote transparent and effective management and governance of the Nigerian and African economies. </span></em></p>Nigeria and China should work more on the relationship between their citizens so that the two countries can continue to have good bilateral relations.Abdul-Gafar Tobi Oshodi, Faculty member, Department of Political Science, Lagos State UniversityUfo Okeke Uzodike, Honorary Research Professor, Durban University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1492832020-11-08T09:14:45Z2020-11-08T09:14:45ZThe use of Nigerian soldiers in civil unrest: what’s in place and what’s missing<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/367447/original/file-20201104-15-6h67y0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Protesters at Alausa, Ikeja, Lagos State during a peaceful demonstration against police brutality in Nigeria</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/protesters-reacts-as-protesters-march-at-alausa-secretariat-news-photo/1229188958?adppopup=true">Olukayode Jaiyeola/Nur Photo via Getty Images </a></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>The <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/21/world/africa/nigeria-shooting-protesters-SARS-Lekki.html">shooting</a> of #EndSARS protesters by Nigerian soldiers has brought to the fore again the controversial issue of soldiers being used to quell civil protests. Wale Fatade, from The Conversation Africa, asked Kester Onor how Nigeria could resolve this conundrum.</em> </p>
<p><strong>What do you make of the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/21/world/africa/nigeria-shooting-protesters-SARS-Lekki.html">recent shooting</a> of protesters by Nigerian soldiers?</strong></p>
<p>Peaceful protesters were shot by men in military uniform. Initially the military high command denied its involvement. It then went on to admit that <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/10/28/nigerias-military-admits-to-be-at-shooting-but-denies-shooting">soldiers were deployed</a> at the invitation of Lagos State government. For his part, the Lagos state governor made it clear that the order came from <a href="https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2020/10/21/sanwo-olu-blames-lekki-killings-on-forces-beyond-our-direct-control/">an authority beyond his control</a>. </p>
<p>Regardless of where the order came from, it is legally and morally wrong to open fire on peaceful protesters exercising their fundamental human rights. These rights are enshrined in the United Nations <a href="https://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/">Universal Declaration of Human Rights</a> and in the <a href="https://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/ng/ng014en.pdf">Nigerian constitution</a>. </p>
<p>The complicity of the Lagos State government and the military is unquestionable. Their explanations and blame games point to the fact that they were deeply involved.</p>
<p><strong>Given Nigeria’s history of military coups, should soldiers be used to deal with civil protests?</strong></p>
<p>Soldiers are very important in sustaining societal peace and maintaining security. I can attest to the fact that the Nigerian Army is adequately trained and equipped for internal security operations. During my service years in the military, I was involved in several successful <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334640455_The_Nigerian_Army_and_Internal_Security_Operations_in_the_Fourth_Republic">internal security operations</a>. These operations require minimum use of force, which means that soldiers can be used to deal with civil protests. </p>
<p>We should also remember that apart from the Lekki toll gate shootings, detachments of soldiers were deployed <a href="https://punchng.com/breaking-endsars-fg-deploys-soldiers-in-abuja/">within Abuja metropolis</a> and there were no casualties. Though in <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54633337">Alausa, Lagos</a> some protesters were shot too. </p>
<p><strong>Has Nigeria taken any steps to demilitarise its society?</strong></p>
<p>Nigeria has not taken steps to demilitarise its society. From the executives in various quarters down to the legislators, dictatorial tendencies abound. Our democracy is only in name. At best, Nigeria is practising pseudo-democracy. </p>
<p><strong>Is there a clear understanding of the role of the police and the role of the military?</strong></p>
<p>Absolutely. There is clear understanding of the role of the police and the military in Nigeria. The Nigerian police maintain law and order while the Nigerian Army protects the national borders from external invasion, quells insurrections, and carries out internal security operations. </p>
<p>However, the inability of the Nigerian police to contain violent conflicts and discharge their constitutionally mandated responsibilities effectively – coupled with monumental corruption – have created a serious lacuna which the army has come to fill. </p>
<p>We should also note that Nigeria is at a crisis stage. It faces challenges on a number of fronts. These include <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2019/01/1030132">the insurgency from the North East</a>, <a href="https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2020/06/07/report-fulani-herdsmen-killed-2539-nigerians-in-654-attacks/">herdsmen</a> who have infiltrated the entire country, the <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/202010210278.html">Niger Delta militants</a> threatening to bomb oil installations in the South and the Indigenous People of Biafra <a href="https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1267611/download">threatening to secede</a>. In addition, the country has a large army of <a href="https://nairametrics.com/2020/08/14/13-9-million-nigerian-youth-are-unemployed-as-at-q2-2020-nbs/">unemployed young people</a>.</p>
<p>In my view, these challenges, among others, necessitate the involvement of the Nigerian Army in the maintenance of peace and order in the country.</p>
<p>In addition, <a href="https://punchng.com/insufficient-manpower-police-settle-for-part-time-special-constables/">inadequate manpower in the Nigerian police</a>, lack of discipline and motivation have made it inevitable for the government to mobilise the military in crisis situations. </p>
<p>That’s not to say that the military has always acted professionally. On many occasions it has acted unprofessionally. This was exemplified by the Odi and Zaki-Biam debacles. <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2001/10/25/nigeria-soldiers-massacre-civilians-revenge-attack-benue-state">More than 100 civilians</a> were killed in Zaki-Biam, Benue State between October 22 and 25, 2001 as revenge for the killing of 19 soldiers earlier. <a href="https://www.hrw.org/legacy/press/1999/dec/nibg1299.htm">On November 20, 1999</a>, soldiers invaded Odi, Bayelsa State after criminal gangs killed 12 policemen in three separate incidents in and around the town. By December 1 when the soldiers left, every single building in the town except the bank, the Anglican church and the health centre had been destroyed.</p>
<p><strong>Does Nigeria have a legal framework in terms of which soldiers can be deployed on the country’s streets?</strong></p>
<p>Soldiers are expected to apply minimum force or limited force when deployed in civilian settings. However, some act unprofessionally in crisis situations. </p>
<p>We should also bear in mind that the conglomeration of various ethnic groups that make up the army has not helped. Some soldiers have not disentangled themselves from their ethnic affiliations and in some cases, they sympathise with their ethic groups and work at cross purposes to the Nigerian army objectives.</p>
<p>Nigeria isn’t the only country that envisages the use of the military in civilian settings. For example, in the US <a href="https://www.nationalguard.mil/">the National Guard</a> is called upon when the police are unable to contain protests or riots. </p>
<p>An attempt <a href="https://www.vanguardngr.com/2010/11/no-to-national-guard/">was made in Nigeria</a> to create a similar system that would have set down the parameters of when the military could be called on. This was under the Ibrahim Babangida regime in 1989. But this attempt failed. </p>
<p>This means that soldiers are now called whenever it is expected that the police will underperform.</p>
<p><strong>What should a framework for the military’s engagement look like?</strong></p>
<p>The best thing to do would be to create a special unit in the army that would be professionally trained in civil-military relations. This unit would be like the National Guard in the US. Its sole aim would be internal security operations. </p>
<p>Serious emphasis would need to be laid on limited use of force in dealing with the civilian populace.</p>
<p>But other steps should be taken at the same time. First and foremost, the government must do something about the insecurity quagmire that bedevils the country. Nigerian leaders cum politicians should desist from looting national treasuries and pursue a development agenda that will benefit young Nigerians. </p>
<p>The #EndSARS protest was a wake-up call that the country can’t go ahead on the basis of business as usual. The proliferation of information through the social media has taken Nigeria to the world, and brought the world to our door step.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/149283/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Kester Onor received funding from Social Science Research Council for the completion of his doctoral dissertation</span></em></p>There is a need for a special unit for civil-military relations as the police cannot deal effectively with protests.Kester Onor, Lecturer, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Covenant UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1466142020-10-12T14:35:22Z2020-10-12T14:35:22ZHow young, queer Nigerians use Twitter to shape identity and fight homophobia<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/362961/original/file-20201012-15-111yxf.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Nigeria continues to be <a href="https://africanarguments.org/2019/08/14/nigeria-survey-shows-decrease-in-homophobic-attitudes-kind-of/">largely homophobic</a>, mainly as a result of cultural and religious conventions. Negative perceptions of homosexuality led to the <a href="https://www.refworld.org/pdfid/52f4d9cc4.pdf">criminalisation</a> of same-sex relations in 2014. The Nigerian environment is therefore toxic for LGBTI people. They become <a href="https://www.hrw.org/report/2016/10/20/tell-me-where-i-can-be-safe/impact-nigerias-same-sex-marriage-prohibition-act">easy prey</a> to oppressive and exploitative state security apparatus. They are also vulnerable to public “moral police” who seek to make homosexual performance invisible and closeted. </p>
<p>One may assume that the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-do-nigerian-gay-and-bisexual-men-cope-this-is-what-they-told-us-117121">marginalised</a> Nigerian same-sex community and its allies have conceded to the widespread societal ostracisation. But that would be to ignore the vigorous advocacies that have been going on in the country’s cultural production and on social media.</p>
<p>Films and literary texts have been the more <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/622200/pdf">studied</a> genres where same-sex agency has been iterated and reinforced. In <a href="https://theconversation.com/from-nollywood-to-new-nollywood-the-story-of-nigerias-runaway-success-47959">Nollywood</a> – the country’s film industry – early <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/465728/pdf">depictions</a> were <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/10509208.2020.1714324">constructed</a> by non-LGBTI people who seemed to latch on public inquisitiveness for financial gains. </p>
<p>More recently, however, members of the Nigerian queer community have taken over the task of shaping their public image and identity, to reasonable success, in these creative ventures. They have done so through movies as well as a growing body of <a href="https://theconversation.com/nigerias-queer-literature-offers-a-new-way-of-looking-at-blackness-133649">literary</a> writings.</p>
<p>Social media, however, can be considered more potent as a medium which, to the authors of <em><a href="https://books.google.co.za/books/about/The_Alternative_Media_Handbook.html?id=AFCzBqqaw-QC&redir_esc=y">The Alternative Media Handbook</a></em>, gives voice to “the socially, culturally and politically excluded”. </p>
<p>By unpacking “live” data from members of the queer community, one can identify the challenges as well as advocacies in Nigerian digital queer discourse. That’s what I did in a <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13696815.2020.1806799">study</a> of queer Nigerian Twitter. To explore the diversity of queer agency, I analysed selected tweets by Nigerian queer men. As a linguist, my focus was on identifying and discussing how the performative use of language can achieve the functions of coming out as well as confronting homophobic cyberbullying.</p>
<h2>Twitter as a safer space</h2>
<p>Twitter has <a href="https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2019-nigeria?rq=Nigeria">grown</a> to become a very popular microblogging platform in Nigeria, accounting for about 1.75 million users, with an annual growth rate of 4.4%. Communities with shared interests are built online. The queer community in Nigeria is no doubt on the margins, but it has found <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00918369.2018.1511131">digital platforms</a> safe havens for collective queer voices. </p>
<p>The digital space, I found, has become a location for the representation and assertion of queer agency. What I found interesting in these narratives was that these commenters were not only ready to come out on a “public” digital space, they were also expressive in revealing their offline identities. This despite the possibilities of homophobic violence. </p>
<p>In expressing and owning their sexuality online, Nigerian queers, for instance through their Twitter names, spell out their sexuality as they incorporate vocabulary like “gay”, “homo” and “queer”. And they use the <a href="https://www.genderopen.de/bitstream/handle/25595/1489/cu16v8a14.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y">rainbow</a> – a global symbol of LGBTI advocacy – in their Twitter handles and names.</p>
<p>They also own their profiles by either using their personal images or other suggestive queer-positive ones to indicate their sexual orientation. These realisations are central to queer agency, especially as the users I analysed live in Nigeria and are willing to challenge the existing normative sexuality structures. For example:</p>
<p>“This year I accepted the entirety of my sexuality and it’s one thing I’m very grateful about. I remember those days when I use to beat myself, cut myself, cry, pray and do all shits for being gay. Those days that I had to go to various priests for deliverance and guidance.”</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1208705795011096576"}"></div></p>
<p>This Twitter user reveals their sexual orientation within a narrative which expresses the difficulties of their lived reality. What is striking is the conviction of self-acceptance and the roles played by the online queer community in the affirmation of this. </p>
<h2>Anti-homophobic advocacy</h2>
<p>Even more exciting is how these Twitter users engage in anti-homophobic advocacy. They turn the narrative around by exploiting online platforms towards positive self-presentation. They also respond to and challenge their cyber-aggressors and other homophobic commentators. They further acknowledge the necessity of support, like this tweet:</p>
<p>“Nigerian parents need peer support groups; especially parents with LGBTQ kids. I think one of the reasons they suffer so much is that they don’t know/talk to each other and they think they are alone. But there are lots of parents going through the same struggles across Nigeria.”</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1215894096495153152"}"></div></p>
<p>This acknowledges the role of the family as a domain of socialisation in normalising same-sex relations. Or this: “I think that social media really helps our generation with this. I wonder if they’re too far gone to also take advantage.”</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1215921816226729985"}"></div></p>
<p>This extends the discussion to the advantages of social media in queer outreaches. The tweets I analysed draw attention to, among others, the role of family relationships, homosexual allies and larger non-queer communities in helping Nigerian LGBTI people express and accept themselves. The advocacies are geared towards providing information concerning the naturalness of their sexual orientation.</p>
<h2>Rewriting the narrative</h2>
<p>The tweets have sociological implications as ways of creating meaning. They humanise the commenters as legitimate members of Nigerian society and attest to the naturalness of queer identities. The online discussions provide visibility for a marginalised community. </p>
<p>Since the tweets contest the normative portrayals of same-sex relations, they also constitute activist representations. These queer Nigerian males use digital platforms for the purpose of identity formation. In this self-assertion, they contest the monochromic representations perpetuated in popular culture. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/nigerias-queer-literature-offers-a-new-way-of-looking-at-blackness-133649">Nigeria's queer literature offers a new way of looking at blackness</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
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<p>The tweets I studied speak out against the bigotry and hate messages which are directed at them. They accentuate the human rights concern that a person’s sexuality is their personal decision. And they correct the perspective that problematises homosexuality as being the same as other social ills. </p>
<p>More crucially, I conclude, in view of the stifling and homophobic lived realities in Nigeria, these narratives engender conversations around the issue of queer visibility and acceptance within Nigerian society.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/146614/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Paul Onanuga receives funding from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation of Germany. </span></em></p>Despite same-sex relations being criminal, social media is a space to come out and speak back to homophobia for the Nigerian tweeters in the study.Paul Onanuga, Lecturer, Federal University, Oye EkitiLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1185272019-06-19T13:39:31Z2019-06-19T13:39:31ZStudy shines light on how vulnerable children are trafficked in Nigeria<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/279542/original/file-20190614-158967-1iwya16.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Trafficking is a very real threat for kids in Nigeria.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Paschal Okwara/Shutterstock/Editorial use only</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The international trafficking of children has received much attention in recent times. But, little attention has been paid to how it plays out and its unique dynamics in Nigeria.</p>
<p>Child trafficking is one of the most flourishing organised criminal enterprises in Nigeria. <a href="https://punchng.com/oyo-becoming-hot-spot-of-girls-trafficking-nis/">In Oyo State alone</a> (Nigeria has 36 states and a federal capital), the Nigerian Immigration Service rescued 464 trafficked children and arrested 101 traffickers and 120 end-users between 2016 and this year.</p>
<p>Nigeria is a source, transit spot and destination for human trafficking. Close to 1.4 million Nigerians live in <a href="https://www.globalslaveryindex.org/2018/data/country-data/nigeria/">slave-like conditions</a>.</p>
<p>An investigation into the recruiting strategies of traffickers and their networks could be helpful in arresting this menace.</p>
<p>With this in mind, I conducted <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10246029.2014.922107">research</a> in which I examined the recruitment strategies of trafficking networks. I interviewed drivers, domestic servants, those who employed domestic servants, and trafficking agents in two communities in Ibadan, Oyo State where the crime is endemic. </p>
<h2>Research findings</h2>
<p>My research found that traffickers have established markets where they supply trafficked children who are younger than 18. Their clients include plantation agriculturists, brothel house owners, and middle-class urban households. Based on their needs, the farmers, brothel owners and urban households contact traffickers to obtain children to work for them. </p>
<p>The brothel managers demand children for sexual exploitation. Farmers, meanwhile, use the trafficked children for cheap labour on plantations.</p>
<p>Households demand child domestic servants to lessen the burden of executing domestic chores while at the same time engaging in paid work. In deciding whether to hire domestic servants, households adopt the so-called “make or buy strategy”. Under the “make strategy”, households devise a plan to split housework and home management between family members. The “buy strategy” is adopted only when the activities go beyond what households believe they can manage – then, they “outsource” to a domestic servant.</p>
<p>If they decide to go this route, the household specifies the age and sex of the preferred domestic servant. For most employers, sex is considered alongside age. </p>
<p>Other required qualities include the ability to communicate in the employer’s language or <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-west-africas-pidgins-deserve-full-recognition-as-official-languages-101844">pidgin English</a>, good character, history or place of origin, and the ability to work under stress.</p>
<h2>Recruitment strategies</h2>
<p>Traffickers can recruit from child trafficking endemic communities in Oyo State or other states. Our respondents adopted two major strategies in recruiting children as domestic servants and child prostitutes. The first involves the use of relatives, coworkers, religious associates, club members and neighbours to lure children away.</p>
<p>The second strategy relies on recruiting agents or traffickers. The traffickers use field agents. Here, trust is vital. Without trust, it’s difficult for prospective employers to get to the traffickers. The agents ensure that prospective employers are genuine and not part of the security apparatus.</p>
<p>For traffickers who are indigene (that is, from the communities where the children are recruited from), the method is usually deception. They trick parents into releasing their children for supposed training in the city. A 16-year-old domestic servant affirmed:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>It was my uncle who came to Igede to tell my people that he wanted me to assist him with his business that was booming. He took me from Benue to Benin and dropped me with a woman at a brothel house. I was expected to sleep with men and pay money for the house I slept in every morning. I cried throughout the three days I stayed there … I ran away … I went back to Igede. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>Another strategy is to use people from the recruiting community to get children to work in town. A trafficker stated:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I have one Alhaji (meaning a Muslim who has completed the holy pilgrimage to Mecca) in Benue State. We got to know each other through wheat trading. Any time I need people to work here (in Ibadan) … I will just call on him and since we have been able to establish trust and confidence, it is not difficult for him to get some of these children for me. </p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Trafficking season</h2>
<p>My research participants who recruit from Igede community in Benue state told me they are more likely to get more children during the <a href="https://www.nigeriagalleria.com/Nigeria/States_Nigeria/Benue/Igede-Agba-Festival-Benue.html">New Yam Festival</a> when people of Igede extraction return home to thank their communal deity for a bumper harvest before officially eating the new yam. </p>
<p>The traffickers and agents use this period to entrap new children. They come to Igede with lots of money to attract attention. I found that traffickers set out on the recruitment journey towards the end of the year and returned early in the year with newly trafficked children. A female domestic servant said all Igede indigene who live or work elsewhere were expected to return home to join in the Christmas festivities. Most of the traffickers can be seen in the community at this time, as often they bring the children home and then return with them to the city.</p>
<p>The traffickers or agents engage in house-to-house canvassing, asking and persuading people to release their children to them, usually on agreed terms. Once this is settled, the local community agent either transports the children on his or her own, or awaits a vehicle sent by an associate in Ibadan to transport the new recruits. </p>
<p>A private vehicle is usually hired from Ibadan, which is more than 500kms away, to avoid suspicion.</p>
<h2>Combating the scourge</h2>
<p>To combat trafficking, it’s important for the Nigerian government to understand and deal with the factors that predispose children to being trafficked. These include rural underdevelopment and poverty, for instance. The <a href="https://www.naptip.gov.ng/?page_id=112">National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons</a> needs to strengthen its campaign aimed at fighting the trafficking of people within Nigeria. </p>
<p>A good place to start would be to target festival periods to educate the communities from which children are sourced about the scourge of child trafficking. Such education needs to expose the gimmicks traffickers use to lure vulnerable children. The National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons may also need to revisit its current strategy and leverage more on inter-agency collaboration.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/118527/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Oludayo Tade does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>An investigation into the recruiting strategies of traffickers and their networks could be helpful in arresting this menace.Oludayo Tade, Researcher in criminology, victimology, electronic frauds and cybercrime, University of IbadanLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1007432018-08-20T14:13:30Z2018-08-20T14:13:30ZGovernor’s race in Ekiti points to problems in national Nigerian poll<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/232720/original/file-20180820-30596-1gxjh4e.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">There are widespread concerns in Nigeria about vote buying and intimidation.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">IIP Photo Archive</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>With less than 200 days to Nigeria’s next general election - scheduled for February 16, 2019 - there are apprehensions about how vote buying, violence and the deployment of security agents could affect the 2019 polls. Concerns about the fairness of the national poll have been heightened by events surrounding the <a href="http://dailypost.ng/2018/07/16/ekiti-election-pdp-apc-bought-votes-tmg-releases-full-report/">election of the governor in Ekiti State</a> in southwestern Nigeria. </p>
<p>The <a href="https://punchng.com/by-elections-kogi-katsina-pdp-reject-results-as-apc-wins-in-three-states/">by-elections</a> in Bauchi, Katsina and Kogi states have raised similar concerns with the opposition People’s Democratic Party alleging that the elections were neither free nor fair, and insisting that they were marred by violence, snatching of ballot boxes, and vote-buying. </p>
<p>These elections raised <a href="https://cleen.org/2018/08/06/ekitidecides2018-improved-security-49997-deployed-security-personnel-unjustifiable/">two central problems</a> within Nigerian electoral politics - vote buying, and the deployment of the police and military to intimidate opponents and their supporters. </p>
<p>These two factors featured prominently in the Ekiti state poll. The election was won by the ruling party candidate Kayode Fayemi who ran against the incumbent deputy governor Olusola Kolapo Olubunmi.</p>
<p>That election was significant because it was said to prove that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is still popular among Nigerians in the southwest of the country. Of the six states in the southwest, only Ekiti was controlled by the People’s Democratic Party. As things stand, the entire southwest is now an All Progressives Congress zone. </p>
<p>The Ekiti state election victory was therefore a big win for the ruling party. This is particularly true because of President Muhammadu Buhari’s <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/270010-buharimeter-nigerians-rate-buhari-low-on-corruption-security-economy-poll.html">dwindling popularity</a>. The president’s approval rating is at 40%, which marks a 17 percentage point decline from the 57% rating recorded in the 2017. This is part of the reason why the party <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=733z2P591Q0">went all out</a> to ensure a win in Ekiti. </p>
<p>The final outcome of the gubernatorial election, however, still hangs in the balance - the opposition party <a href="https://guardian.ng/news/ekiti-governorship-poll-pdp-candidate-eleka-files-700-page-petition/">has rejected the result</a> and challenged it at the <a href="https://punchng.com/ekiti-poll-olusola-asks-tribunal-to-declare-him-winner/">election tribunal</a>. </p>
<p>Even election observers say that the election <a href="https://www.vanguardngr.com/2018/07/ekiti-poll-short-of-global-best-practices-electoral-standards-observers/">fell short of global best practices</a>. Nonetheless, the ruling party’s win in Ekiti has been seen as a <a href="http://dailypost.ng/2018/07/15/ekiti-election-breeze-fayemis-victory-will-sweep-south-east-2019-bso/">harbinger of what’s to come</a> in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. </p>
<h2>Intimidation by security agents</h2>
<p>The Ekiti election showed the government pulling out all the stops when it comes to the deployment of the country’s police force.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://punchng.com/ekiti-election-police-deploy-30000-personnel-two-choppers-others/">police headquarters deployed</a> 30,000 policemen – out of total of 370 000 in the whole country – two helicopters, 250 patrol vehicles, and 10 armoured personnel carriers, to man the election in Ekiti, which has a population of just 2.3 million. </p>
<p>The police were used to harass opposition with Ayodele Fayose – who is the outgoing incumbent governor – allegedly being <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x2G8KXFJI8c">slapped and teargassed</a>. <a href="http://www.aitonline.tv/post-election_observers_condemn_ekiti_violence">Election observers</a> condemned the absence of campaign security, which the government should have provided, and the violence which injured opposition party supporters. </p>
<p>The events in Ekiti showed that Nigeria’s security organs are more loyal to the government in power than they are to the country and its citizens. </p>
<p>The levels of police presence – and the use of violence – are not unprecedented even by Nigerian standards. What it points to is the possibility that a similar pattern will be repeated in the national poll. Although it may be difficult for the government to muster the same levels of police presence across the whole of Nigeria. </p>
<p>But there’s a strong possibility that security agents will be deployed in states where president Buhari’s chances are slim. This would affect voter turnout as people may fear violence.</p>
<h2>Cash for votes</h2>
<p>Another trend that was in evidence in the Ekiti election was vote buying.</p>
<p>This isn’t unique to Nigeria and has <a href="https://www.enca.com/south-africa/mbalula-mthembu-accusing-each-other-of-buying-votes">been reported</a> in country’s across Africa including Kenya and South Africa. The practice has diluted Africa’s fledgling democracies for years. </p>
<p>The prepaid vote buying strategy was adopted by both the ruling party and the opposition. For this strategy, state <a href="https://www.vanguardngr.com/2018/07/money-rain-in-ekiti-as-pdp-apc-entice-voters-with-cash/">residents were paid</a> to vote for either the ruling party or the opposition. The outgoing governor was reported to have <a href="https://punchng.com/i-received-n3000-alert-from-govt-to-vote-pdp-candidate-ap-candidate/">wired N3,000 naira</a> (USD$8) into civil servants and pensioners’ accounts days before the election to buy their allegiance. </p>
<p>This appears to be a very small amount of money. But <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2018/06/26/africa/nigeria-overtakes-india-extreme-poverty-intl/index.html">more than half</a> of the Nigerian population lives below the poverty line. On top of this, government workers in the state <a href="https://www.dailytrust.com.ng/workers-demand-payment-of-outstanding-salaries-as-fayose-promotes-40-100-workers.html">haven’t been paid for 10 months</a>. Pensioners are also <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/regional/ssouth-west/234788-pay-n19-7billion-benefits-ekiti-pensioners-tell-fayose.html">owed money</a>. </p>
<p>The result is that many are struggling to survive on meagre resources, so much so that come election time, voters cards become a commodity which are <a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/gram-matenga/cash-for-votes-political-legitimacy-in-nigeria">sold for as little as 500 naira (USD$1)</a>. </p>
<p>In some cases, political operatives employed a postpaid strategy. For this strategy voters would take photographs of their ballot papers using their mobile phones, and then show them to their party agents who would then give them cash for their “yes” vote. </p>
<h2>Poverty curse</h2>
<p>Despite the vote-buying and the massive security presence in Ekiti the federal government described the victory as an endorsement of Buhari’s performance. </p>
<p>But the evidence suggests otherwise. Unless poor Nigerians understand the power of the ballot this mockery of voters by political merchants will be front and centre during the 2019 election.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/100743/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Oludayo Tade does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Nigerians go to the polls in 2019 in an election that the incumbent Muhammadu Buhari wants to win by any means necessary.Oludayo Tade, Lecturer of Criminology, Victimology, Deviance and Social Problems, University of IbadanLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/804872017-07-12T14:18:13Z2017-07-12T14:18:13ZNigeria won’t end kidnapping without making risks outweigh rewards<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/176924/original/file-20170705-5202-1aw1yny.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Nigerian militants patrol the oil rich Niger delta region, the birth place of commercial kidnapping in the country.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA/Stringer</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Kidnapping is an ancient crime dating back to 17th century Britain when infant children of rich families would be <a href="http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Kidnapping">“napped” (caught in their sleep)</a> and taken away for ransom. The first major case of kidnapping reported in the US was that of four-year old <a href="http://origins.osu.edu/article/child-kidnapping-america">Charley Brewster</a> who was lured away in Pennsylvania in 1874 by two strange men with the promise of candy and fireworks. The men later sent ransom notes to the boy’s father through the post office. His father didn’t pay, the boy was never found.</p>
<p>Kidnapping has since evolved. Today it’s a well organised and highly sophisticated crime which occurs in many parts of the world. </p>
<p>In Nigeria it has <a href="http://iiste.org/Journals/index.php/RHSS/article/viewFile/11987/12311">become quite common</a>, competing with crimes such as armed robbery, piracy and cattle rustling in frequency and in violence. It has <a href="https://www.voanews.com/a/for-nigeria-criminals-kidnapping-remains-lucrative-trade/2846383.html">grown rapidly</a> over the years and is now entrenched as a dominant form of organised crime in the country. </p>
<p>The benefits of kidnapping far outweigh its costs in the country. The legal frameworks of criminal justice aren’t efficient enough to sanction crime and ensure proper deterrence. Opportunistic Nigerians rationalise that the benefits outweigh the risks. This probably explains the high incidence and apparent intractability of kidnapping in the country. </p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/06/arrested-kidnapper-evans-buys-170k-wristwatch/">recent arrest</a> of Chukwudumeme Onwuamadike (a.k.a Evans), who has become the poster boy for kidnapping in Nigeria, has once again raised questions about what lies behind the rise in cases in the country. And what can be done about it.</p>
<h2>History of kidnapping</h2>
<p><a href="http://www.academia.edu/32278765/AN_ANALYSIS_OF_THE_CAUSES_AND_CONSEQUENCES_OF_KIDNAPPING_IN_NIGERI">Early cases of kidnappings</a> in Nigeria were abductions mainly for ritual killing, slavery and forced marriage. There were also cases where individuals were abducted during communal wars and held as bait for strategic trade-offs. These types of kidnapping have been ongoing in various places in the country for years. </p>
<p>The rise of mercantilist kidnapping – or kidnap for ransom in Nigeria – is a recent development. It began in the 1990s with the activities of Niger Delta militants who engaged in hostage taking to press their demands for fiscal federalism, resource control and environmental rights for their communities polluted by decades of oil exploration. </p>
<p>The militants, who assumed the status of activists and agitators for their region, wanted to attract attention to the plight of the region and to compel the government and oil multinationals to clean up their environment, pay compensation for years of exploitation and bring investment and development. They targeted expatriate workers of the oil firms as well as principal government functionaries for hostage taking.</p>
<p>There was a significant drop in the incidence of kidnapping in the region following the deescalation of the Niger Delta crisis at the turn of the century. By this time though, the crime was already becoming a booming franchise in nearby South-eastern Nigeria, with Abia and Anambra States as critical flash points. These states, and others in the region, became hotbeds for kidnappers who often targeted the rich and the influential for criminal economic benefit. </p>
<p>In the years that followed, kidnapping for ransom quickly spread to different parts of the country, including states like Edo, Lagos, Ogun, and some northern states of Nigeria.</p>
<p>So why is kidnapping thriving in Nigeria? There seem to be three factors driving the crime today. </p>
<p>The first is the quest for material accumulation. The <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0038038506067516">second is tough socio-economic conditions</a>. And the third is a sense of fearlessness and impunity on the part of perpetrators who feel that they will get away with the crime. </p>
<p>Kidnapping typifies a tendency towards criminal economic accumulation and social advancement which thrives in societies that have the following characteristics:</p>
<ul>
<li><p>People struggle to survive because of high levels of poverty, </p></li>
<li><p>Growing social inequality and deprivation</p></li>
<li><p>The prevalence of impunity</p></li>
<li><p>A lax and inefficient criminal code</p></li>
<li><p>Weak law enforcement procedures and capabilities, and </p></li>
<li><p>An ineffective criminal justice system. </p></li>
</ul>
<h2>The fall of a kidnap kingpin</h2>
<p>The media and law enforcement agencies in Nigeria refer to Chukwudumeme Onwuamadike (a.k.a Evans) as the <a href="http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/233708-how-arrested-kidnap-kingpin-evans-made-millions-of-dollars-from-ransom-police.html">kidnap kingpin</a>. </p>
<p>His capture has some critical implications. First, it has exposed the level of sophistication that kidnapping has reached in the country. Second, it has revealed that kidnapping syndicates, no matter how sophisticated, are not invincible. Third, it has buttressed the argument that, armed with an effective strategy, the police can control the incidence of kidnapping in the country. </p>
<p>And lastly, it’s shown that a lot needs to be done to control crime in Nigeria. </p>
<p>The arrest of Evans doesn’t signify the end of the crime. Far from it. Rather it marks the dawn of a new era in Nigeria’s anti-kidnapping crusade. This is an opportunity – which if properly exploited – can reduce the attraction of kidnapping, and help the country move towards making the crime history. </p>
<h2>The way forward</h2>
<p>Nigeria must strengthen its laws for combating crime if it truly wants to fight and reduce kidnapping. Efforts must be made to ensure greater efficiency in the operations of the law to achieve greater impact. </p>
<p>I believe, like the American Economist Bryan Douglas Caplan <a href="http://econlog.econlib.org/archives/2010/06/the_strange_pol.html">that</a> “the kidnapping problem is not hard to solve” and that </p>
<blockquote>
<p>kidnappers kidnap because the benefits exceed costs. The obvious solution is to raise the costs by imposing harsher, surer punishments. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>To arrest the rising spate of kidnapping, Nigeria must entrench stiffer penalties. Some states have instituted the <a href="http://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/06/evans-may-get-death-penalty-life-imprisonment-ambode-signs-bill-law/">death penalty</a> as a punishment for the crime. I believe that the death penalty can serve as a great deterrence. </p>
<p>But first efforts must be made to tackle socio-economic conditions that make kidnapping attractive such as poverty, unemployment, deprivation, inequality. After all, sustainable criminal deterrence is scarcely possible under the atmosphere of material insecurity.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/80487/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Chukwuma Al Okoli receives funding from Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETfund) in Nigeria.</span></em></p>Tough socio-economic conditions, among others, make kidnapping a thriving business in Nigeria. A strong justice system along with stiff punishment for the crime are needed.Al Chukwuma Okoli, Lecturer/Resident Researcher Department of Political Science, Federal University LafiaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/768772017-05-09T18:36:11Z2017-05-09T18:36:11ZBehind Buhari’s standoff with the Senate over Nigeria’s anti-corruption czar<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/167850/original/file-20170504-4929-rebuka.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Combating corruption is a key priority for Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari's administration. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Afolabi Sotunde</span></span></figcaption></figure><p><em>Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari is locked in a standoff with the country’s Senate after it twice refused to confirm his choice for the country’s corruption buster. The Senate’s rejection of Ibrahim Magu, the acting chairman of the Nigerian Economic and Financial Commission, for a permanent appointment came after he failed screening amid allegations he is himself corrupt and high-handed. But his supporters claim the allegations are trumped up because he’s the greatest threat to the country’s corrupt elites. Politics and Society Editor Thabo Leshilo spoke to Professor Gbenga Oduntan about the impasse.</em></p>
<p><strong>What is the latest on the impasse regarding the appointment of Nigeria’s corruption buster?</strong></p>
<p>The deadlock continues and there’s little chance that it will end soon. The Senate has drastically limited the scope for negotiation by declaring that Ibrahim Magu, the acting chairman of the <a href="https://efccnigeria.org/efcc/">Economic and Financial Crimes Agency (EFCC)</a>, cannot be further presented to it for confirmation.</p>
<p>On the other hand, President Buhari and his administration insist he is the right man for the job. It has dug in its heels, portraying the Senate as uncooperative in the fight against corruption. It has now turned to legalism, rather than bargaining. </p>
<p>The government’s legal position is quite strong. New legal advice by the heavy guns of the Nigerian bar, including the legendary Femi Falana, backs the executive’s position.</p>
<p>Firstly, the 1999 Nigerian constitution has vested the president with the power to appoint any person “to hold or to act” in public office. Also, the legal view is that appointments to the Economic and Financial Crimes Agency are not specifically listed among those required to be referred for Senate confirmation.</p>
<p>Secondly, the refusal to confirm Magu doesn’t annul his earlier appointment to the acting capacity. Both the constitution and the <a href="http://www.scuml.org/scuml/index.php/downloads/laws-and-regulations/item/8-economic-and-financial-crimes-commission-establishment-act-2004">EFCC Act</a> don’t stipulate how long one can remain in an acting position. </p>
<p>In this instance, Buhari is behaving like a typical strong leader in presidential democracies. Executive presidents, while maintaining the necessary constitutional dance with parliaments, don’t allow their key domestic agenda to become easily frustrated by uncooperative parliaments. </p>
<p>A corollary argument is that Buhari can indeed present Magu to the Nigerian Senate for confirmation for a third time, contrary to the Senate’s dictat. There’s ample precedence of this in Nigeria.</p>
<p>For example, former President Olusegun Obasanjo proposed <a href="http://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/04/senators-go-strike/">Onyema Ogochukwu</a> to head the Niger Delta Development Commission four times. He also presented <a href="http://nigeriaworld.com/columnist/ajayi/072103.html">Professor Babalola Aborishade</a> three times for a ministerial position. Both candidates were eventually confirmed.</p>
<p>The country’s anti-corruption movement largely supports the view that the opposition to Magu is motivated by fears of his uncompromising stance against Nigeria’s corrupt upper classes. </p>
<p>They point to the fact that 15 of 109 senators are under investigation for serious corruption charges. Thus, their rejection of Magu flouts a cardinal principle of Nigeria’s <a href="http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/aapam/unpan038432.pdf">Code of Conduct for Public Officers</a>. The code states that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>a public officer shall not put himself in a position where his personal interest conflicts with his duties and responsibilities. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The 15 senators, including the Senate President Bukola Saraki, ought to have recused themselves from the deliberations that led to the rejection of Magu’s appointment. Some of the senators facing corruption charges are former governors of resource rich states and have a lot to lose in forfeiture following a successful Magu confirmation.</p>
<p><strong>What are the underlying issues in the delay?</strong></p>
<p>It’s important not to underestimate the relevance of the background of the current president of the Senate, Bukola Saraki who has a long trail of high profile corruption charges behind him. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/167851/original/file-20170504-21635-1yden37.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/167851/original/file-20170504-21635-1yden37.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/167851/original/file-20170504-21635-1yden37.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/167851/original/file-20170504-21635-1yden37.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/167851/original/file-20170504-21635-1yden37.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/167851/original/file-20170504-21635-1yden37.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/167851/original/file-20170504-21635-1yden37.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A woman holds a placard during a rally to show support for Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari in Abuja.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Afolabi Sotunde</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>He has seen off three previous EFCC chairmen who have led inconvenient investigations against him. Former chairman of the commission, Mallam Nuru Ribadu investigated him in the early 2000s over the infamous reckless Boardroom manipulations that crippled the once eminent <a href="http://saharareporters.com/2008/07/06/how-saraki-others-looted-societe-generale-bank-nigeria-%E2%80%A2-over-n1b-looted">Societe Generale Bank of Nigeria (SGBN)</a>. The bank collapsed with 1 billion Naira (US$ 318 million) disappearing into private pockets traced to him. Ribadu ended up in exile.</p>
<p>Ibrahim Lamorde, the immediate past chairman of the EFCC, reputedly met his waterloo when he investigated <a href="http://saharareporters.com/2015/07/22/alleged-corruption-efcc-moves-against-saraki%E2%80%99s-wife-yar%E2%80%99adua%E2%80%99s-daughter">Saraki’s wife</a> over another massive money laundering allegation. </p>
<p>Magu’s current woes can possibly be traced to his insistence on investigating allegations that 3.5 Billion Naira from <a href="http://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/03/n19bn-london-paris-club-refunds-efcc-probes-saraki-bankers-others-cash-diversion/">the Paris-London Refund scandal</a> has been traced to Ribadu’s bank account. </p>
<p><strong>Why does Buhari insist on Magu even though he’s been rejected twice by the Senate?</strong></p>
<p>The more Magu’s detractors oppose him, the more Buhari appears to be certain he is the right man for the job. Magu’s uncompromising, spartan and hard-nosed attitude to his job mirrors a younger Buhari’s style when he led Nigeria in the mid-1980s. </p>
<p>In many ways Buhari is suspicious of political bargainers. Compromise of any sort is anathema when it touches on his one area of competence – anti-corruption. </p>
<p>This is the one area in which Buhari has a chance of leaving a legacy for himself. The present impasse with the Senate doesn’t seem to worry him in the least as long as Magu is delivering the goods. His approach is working. </p>
<p>Magu has thrown himself unreservedly into his work at the commission. Unprecedented results are coming in, especially with his whistleblowing campaign which has led to discoveries of millions of hard currency stashes in Aladin’s caves across the country, even in <a href="https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2017/04/17/fg-looters-burying-stolen-funds-in-forests-cemeteries/">forests and grave yards</a>.</p>
<p><strong>What is the most sensible way to resolve the problem in the best interests of Nigeria and Buhari’s presidency?</strong></p>
<p>The president should stick to his guns. There’s no better time to be uncompromising on corruption issues. I believe that the fear that Magu will be corrupt is baseless given his history. Now that the entire Senate and press are watching him and there’s an unfavourable security report on him, it’s unlikely he would want to prove his detractors right. </p>
<p>This may indeed be Buhari’s masterstroke, the use of an unorthodox law of power – put a man with a point to prove, on the job and watch him excel.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/76877/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gbenga Oduntan is the Coordinating Attorney of the World Anticorruption Research Network -WARN; based at the Centre for Critical International Law at the University of Kent. </span></em></p>There appears to be no resolution in sight over the impasse between Nigeria’s president and the Senate over Muhammadu Buhari’s choice of chief crime buster. Who will blink first?Gbenga Oduntan, Reader (Associate Professor) in International Commercial Law, University of KentLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/653612016-09-19T19:27:29Z2016-09-19T19:27:29ZNigeria should tackle poverty rather than hound hawkers off the streets<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138095/original/image-20160916-17023-1r4oau2.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The Lagos State Government has banned street hawkers from plying their trade. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Akintunde Akinleye</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Street hawking is a <a href="http://www.interesjournals.org/full-articles/the-menace-of-street-hawking-in-aba-metropolis-south-east-nigeria.pdf?view=inline">growing problem</a> in developing countries like Nigeria due to its <a href="http://www.iiste.org/Journals/index.php/JEP/article/download/6832/6943">associated risks</a>.</p>
<p>In Nigeria, the increasing scourge of poverty and worsening economic conditions means there has been a <a href="http://www.aessweb.com/pdf-files/114-137.pdf">drastic rise</a> in street hawking in the country’s major cities such as Lagos, Port-Harcourt, Abuja and Onitsha. This is a clear manifestation of socioeconomic realities on the ground. Families and young people migrate to cities in search of livelihoods and end up street hawking. </p>
<p>The Lagos State Government has recently started enforcing a law that <a href="http://www.lagosstate.gov.ng/2016/07/01/lagos-goes-tough-on-street-trading-hawking/">bans street hawking</a> in the state. As part of the city’s urban renewal policy, <a href="https://www.informationng.com/2016/07/kai-officials-arrest-hundreds-for-flouting-ban-on-street-hawking-in-lagos.html">Kick Against Indiscipline</a> – the state’s law enforcement unit – started to remove hawkers. </p>
<p>Over 80% of Nigerians live <a href="http://www.ruralpovertyportal.org/country/home/tags/nigeria">below the poverty line</a> and street hawking has become the easiest route to survival. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/aug/03/hawkers-criminals-lagos-ban-street-selling">Thousands</a> rely on street hawking for survival, conspicuously standing at traffic interchanges, weaving between cars and setting up on pavements. The ban was originally part of the government’s drive to modernise and improve infrastructure in the state.</p>
<p>But the way that the unit has chased street hawkers, pursuing them like animals, confiscating their goods and demanding money for bail will cause more harm than good. In July 49 bus <a href="https://www.informationng.com/2016/07/kai-officials-arrest-hundreds-for-flouting-ban-on-street-hawking-in-lagos.html">rapid transport vehicles were vandalised</a> after a hawker evading the unit was knocked and killed by a BRT bus. </p>
<p>There is no justification for such a policy in Lagos. Policies should be founded on research and evidence based practices. Nigeria should learn from countries like Bangladesh, <a href="http://wiego.org/sites/wiego.org/files/publications/files/Steel-Ujoranyi-Owusu-Eviction-Street-Traders-Ghana-Soc-Sci-Jrnl-Dec-2014.pdf">Ghana</a>, Uganda and <a href="http://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/07/lagos-ban-street-trading-ambode-tempts-fate/">Tunisia</a>. All have failed to forcibly evict street hawkers.</p>
<p>Street hawkers are transient, resilient and adaptive. Threatened with eviction, they will change their strategies, location and mode of operation. They could also resort to crime when forcefully evicted.</p>
<p>The question is how can government effectively respond to issues of street hawking in Lagos? </p>
<h2>Street connected children are vulnerable</h2>
<p>There is no consensus on an effective intervention. The state argues that street hawking promotes child trafficking, misuse of public space, environmental degradation, lawlessness and violation of human rights. </p>
<p>As part of the clean up, the government has promised to offer small loans to street hawkers through the Employment Trust Fund to use as a means to start businesses. But it’s not known how accessible the fund is. </p>
<p>Nigeria is in its worst economic shape in history. The poor bear the brunt. And there is no social welfare system in the Lagos state to cater for poor families.</p>
<p>There is a pressing need to protect children and other young people from being exploited. Evidence shows about <a href="https://www.unodc.org/documents/congress/workshops/workshop2/Presentation_P_Adepelumi_African_Center_.pdf">40% of children that hawk on streets</a> are victims of adult exploitation. This amounts to child abuse, according to <a href="http://www.unicef.org/crc/files/Rights_overview.pdf">United Nation Convention on the Rights of the Child</a>. Although Nigeria promulgated the <a href="http://www.unicef.org/nigeria/ng_publications_Childs_Right_Act_2003.pdf">Childs Right Act</a> in 2003, it has not been implemented effectively.</p>
<p>Children are sometimes sent to the streets by their parents to <a href="http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jas/article/viewFile/8413/6234">supplement the family income</a>. Others are children trafficked from neighbouring states or <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3653737.stm">West African countries</a>. These children were given away by their parents on the premise that they would receive food, shelter, good education and care. But they end up being exploited.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138094/original/image-20160916-17018-9wone1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/138094/original/image-20160916-17018-9wone1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=407&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138094/original/image-20160916-17018-9wone1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=407&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138094/original/image-20160916-17018-9wone1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=407&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138094/original/image-20160916-17018-9wone1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=511&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138094/original/image-20160916-17018-9wone1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=511&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/138094/original/image-20160916-17018-9wone1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=511&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A young girl sells peanuts on the side of the street in Lagos, Nigeria.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Akintunde Akinleye</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The impact of street hawking is enormous – especially for vulnerable children. They are at risk of being hit by a car, subjected to sexual abuse and of suffering physical exhaustion. For those that attend school, street hawking also affects their academic performance. </p>
<h2>Taking responsibility</h2>
<p>State social protection services have a responsibility to protect children and young people from the negative impacts of street hawking.</p>
<p>And the Lagos state government has the responsibility to protect vulnerable people. Responding effectively to street hawking requires both a structural approach and one that focuses on individuals. Parents who use children to hawk for income should be given jobs to help them provide for their families and meet their economic needs. And children should be provided with training to make up for any deficiencies in knowledge and skills to help them lead a successful life.</p>
<p>The anti-street hawker policy will not be fruitful if it’s enforced without addressing the root cause of street hawking.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/65361/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nzubechukwu Okeke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Street hawkers are transient, resilient and adaptive. Any attempt to evict them, they will keep changing their strategies, location and mode of operation as it is economically motivated.Nzubechukwu Okeke, PhD scholar in Health Psychology, Cardiff Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.