Trump recently warned Iran that the US could target its cultural sites. Many of Iran’s cultural sites carry deep religious meaning for a global Shii community and such a threat risks alienating them.
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Even when countries have broken ties with each other, they can communicate – as the US and Iran did just a few days ago.
Although neither side apparently wants conflict, tensions remain over the presence of US troops in Iraq and Iran’s decision to walk away from part of the 2015 nuclear deal.
President Trump’s speech about Iran wasn’t just aimed at that country or the US. He also targeted NATO allies, urging members of the alliance to step up and help US efforts in the Middle East.
Iran’s missile strikes on Iraqi bases in response to the killing of Iranian general Qassem Soleimani have raised tensions between the U.S. and Iran. But war seems unlikely at this point.
An expert on Watergate says that today’s House Republicans have taken precisely the opposite position than the GOP took in 1974 on the president’s power to withhold documents from Congress.
Tehran is making threats but its options are somewhat limited.
Predictions about how a woman presidential candidate might fare in 2020 are largely speculation, writes a political scientist, because there isn’t enough experience to base those predictions on.
If the US makes good on the president’s threat, Iran’s heritage won’t be the only thing damaged. Washington’s reputation would also take a hit.
Given the perils of direct confrontation with the US, the most likely recourse for Iran may be to mobilise its proxy militias to attack American assets in Iraq.
President Trump’s Iran policy took a dramatic turn when the US killed Iran’s top military commander in a drone strike. To avoid war, one foreign policy scholar says Trump has to reverse his stance.
The Trump administration is only the latest to push the boundaries of the law to take out foreign adversaries.
‘They might be a liar but at least they’re honest.’
What Boris Johnson’s victory means for US-UK relations.
In the Trump era, one crisis – even one as grave as impeachment – is simply replaced by another. In more tranquil times such crises may spell the end of a presidency – but not so in the age of Trump.
The impeachment vote is the latest, and most extreme, example of a power struggle between the executive branch and Congress that has existed since George Washington was president.
All seven Democrats set to take the stage on Dec. 19 had vowed to boycott the debate in support of a union that represents 150 food service workers in California.
Democrats blasted Senate leader Mitch McConnell for saying the GOP would run an impeachment trial as President Trump wished. But senators are not held to a juror’s neutrality standard during a trial.
Trump will survive the impeachment process in 2020, no matter what malfeasance comes to light. The Republicans will protect their man at all costs.
The election means Britain will Leave the European Union by January 31 under Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s Brexit deal, which was blocked by the previous parliament.
Top contributors
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Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra
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Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne
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Tony Walker is a Friend of The Conversation.
Vice-Chancellor's Fellow, La Trobe University
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Professor in U.S. Politics and U.S. Foreign Relations at the United States Studies Centre and in the Discipline of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney
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Assistant lecturer, CY Cergy Paris Université
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Honorary Professor of International Relations, University of the Witwatersrand
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Associate Professor and Director of the Centre on US Politics, UCL
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Professor of International Politics, Clinton Institute, University College Dublin
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Professor of Law, Drake University
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Assistant researcher, University of Sydney
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Lecturer in International Relations, La Trobe University
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Dennis Altman is a Friend of The Conversation.
VC Fellow, La Trobe University
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Professor of American Studies, University College Dublin
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Professor in The Division of Global Affairs and The Department of Political Science, Rutgers University - Newark
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Associate Professor in American Politics and Foreign Policy, US Studies Centre, University of Sydney
