Governments coming to power riding a wave of youth protests can employ authoritarian tactics to silence dissent from the same movements.
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Parties to the conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region have agreed to end hostilities after two years. Here is a selection of previously published articles on its devastating consequences.
The African Union needs to launch a credible, robust mediation process with mutually accepted mediators.
Leaders at the centre of the Ethio-Tigray war don’t believe in equal partnership. In their political cultures, winners take all.
The project promises improved living condition for citizens and fosters ambition for international recognition.
Ethiopia’s direct engagement with Somalia’s regional governments will likely weaken the prospects of restoring a functioning Somali state.
Ethiopia’s largest region is pushing for self-determination - it hasn’t gone down well with Abiy Ahmed’s vision of a centralised state.
The origins of Ethiopia’s food crisis can be traced to a bitter feud between Eritrean and Tigrayan liberation fighters.
Heritage sites are sources of historical pride, indigenous knowledge and cultural identity.
Many of the artefacts Ethiopia is famous for are found in Tigray. Their continued destruction could lead to irreversible culture shock and social collapse.
The war in Tigray appears to have boosted Eritrea’s efforts at regional pre-eminence. But it could backfire.
The recent flurry of developments is just the world catching up to the reality of Somaliland.
Prevailing political attitudes, security actors, alliances and geopolitics differ starkly from the final days of the hated Ethiopian military regime.
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Where will an end to the conflict come from?
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Unless the blockade by Ethiopia is lifted, Tigray will be in a very bad famine situation.
The AU’s choice of Olusegun Obasanjo as chief mediator raises even more questions about its partiality in Ethiopian conflict.
In principle, most conflicts end with peace negotiations. In the Ethiopian situation, it is a matter of when, not if.
When humanitarian agencies are obliged to stop operations by political decision or because of huge physical insecurity, the poorest and most vulnerable succumb first through starvation and disease.
Africa needs to embrace a new approach that focuses on what countries in an embattled region – as a ‘community’ of regional states – can do to intervene.
Instead of fanning the flames, the West needs to be even-handed in bringing the warring sides to the table.
Top contributors
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Lecturer of Political Science, Georgia Gwinnett College
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Visiting Lecturer, University of Roehampton
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Senior Research Fellow, Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London
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Senior Fellow, World Peace Foundation, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts, Tufts University
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Professor of Sociology and Global and Africana Studies, University of Tennessee
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Postdoctoral researcher, University of Hamburg
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Professor, University of the Western Cape
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Professor of African History, St Cross College, University of Oxford
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Professor Emeritus in Global Health & Humanitarian Affairs, University of Manchester
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Professor of World Politics, SOAS, University of London
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Associate Professor of International Relations, Norwegian University of Life Sciences
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Professor of Democracy, University of Birmingham
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Senior Research Fellow and Lecturer at the South African Research Chair in International Law (SARCIL), University of Johannesburg
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Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand
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Senior Lecturer, Curtin University
